A Revision Guide 1450-1750: Medieval
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DATES of TRIALS Until October 1775, and Again from December 1816
DATES OF TRIALS Until October 1775, and again from December 1816, the printed Proceedings provide both the start and the end dates of each sessions. Until the 1750s, both the Gentleman’s and (especially) the London Magazine scrupulously noted the end dates of sessions, dates of subsequent Recorder’s Reports, and days of execution. From December 1775 to October 1816, I have derived the end dates of each sessions from newspaper accounts of the trials. Trials at the Old Bailey usually began on a Wednesday. And, of course, no trials were held on Sundays. ***** NAMES & ALIASES I have silently corrected obvious misspellings in the Proceedings (as will be apparent to users who hyper-link through to the trial account at the OBPO), particularly where those misspellings are confirmed in supporting documents. I have also regularized spellings where there may be inconsistencies at different appearances points in the OBPO. In instances where I have made a more radical change in the convict’s name, I have provided a documentary reference to justify the more marked discrepancy between the name used here and that which appears in the Proceedings. ***** AGE The printed Proceedings almost invariably provide the age of each Old Bailey convict from December 1790 onwards. From 1791 onwards, the Home Office’s “Criminal Registers” for London and Middlesex (HO 26) do so as well. However, no volumes in this series exist for 1799 and 1800, and those for 1828-33 inclusive (HO 26/35-39) omit the ages of the convicts. I have not comprehensively compared the ages reported in HO 26 with those given in the Proceedings, and it is not impossible that there are discrepancies between the two. -
Integrating Reason Into British Penal Code 1730-1823
International ResearchScape Journal Volume 6 Article 6 December 2019 The Unwavering Movement: Integrating Reason into British Penal Code 1730-1823 Rebecca M. Good Bowling Green State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/irj Part of the Christianity Commons, Common Law Commons, Courts Commons, Criminal Procedure Commons, European History Commons, European Languages and Societies Commons, European Law Commons, History of Philosophy Commons, International and Area Studies Commons, and the Other Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Good, Rebecca M. (2019) "The Unwavering Movement: Integrating Reason into British Penal Code 1730-1823," International ResearchScape Journal: Vol. 6 , Article 6. DOI: https://doi.org/10.25035/irj.06.01.06 Available at: https://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/irj/vol6/iss1/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at ScholarWorks@BGSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in International ResearchScape Journal by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@BGSU. Good: Integrating Reason into British Penal Code The Unwavering Movement: Integrating Reason into British Penal Code 1730-1823 At approximately 7 o’clock in the morning on July 9, 1709, Chris Slaughterford of Westbury Green was loaded into an open cart and led along a slow and solemn journey from Newgate Prison to his final destination at the Tyburn gallows. The excruciating three-mile journey would have been accompanied by common people who lined the streets, anticipating the coming execution. Slaughterford was a convicted murderer, said to have taken the life of his betrothed, Jane Young on the 5th of October 1708. Young’s body was found floating in a pond, a month after her disappearance in October appearing to have, “many marks of violence.” After public suspicion became heavily fixated on Slaughterford, he voluntarily surrendered himself to two local officers. -
COUNTING EXECUTIONS and PARDONS at the OLD BAILEY, 1730-1837 Simon Devereaux1
Law, Crime and History (2016) 1 THE BLOODIEST CODE: COUNTING EXECUTIONS AND PARDONS AT THE OLD BAILEY, 1730-1837 Simon Devereaux1 Abstract This article presents the most detailed and accurate accounting to date of capital convicts at the Old Bailey during the era of England’s ‘Bloody Code’ (1730-1837), at which time that court produced more capital convictions and executions than any other jurisdiction in the western world. It notes and explains some limitations of the two most authoritative sources for the statistics of capital punishment at the Old Bailey currently available: the published trial Proceedings of the court; and the statistical returns presented to Parliament from 1818 onwards. And it reviews the sorts of criteria that need to be considered in determining how a more complete accounting of all those condemned and executed might be achieved. Keywords: Capital punishment; Old Bailey; ‘Bloody Code’ Introduction This article introduces and explains the most extensive and accurate accounting of execution and pardon at the Old Bailey that has yet been attempted. It is derived from a new web-based dataset whose aim is to provide – and to make searchable – all of the relevant and recoverable details (with documentary references) pertaining to the 9,474 men, women and (sometimes) children who were capitally convicted at London’s Old Bailey courthouse from 1730 to 1837.2 The Old Bailey (more properly known to contemporaries as the ‘Sessions House’) was the largest single criminal jurisdiction in eighteenth century Europe, the population of London having surpassed that of its principal continental rival Paris no later than 1700.3 Even so, until the last three years examined here, the Old Bailey did not embrace the entire metropolitan conurbation. -
Whigs, Tories and Scottish Legal Reform, C.1785-1832
Crime, Histoire & Sociétés / Crime, History & Societies Vol. 15, n°1 | 2011 Varia Whigs, Tories and Scottish Legal Reform, c.1785-1832 Jim Smyth and Alan McKinlay Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chs/1246 DOI: 10.4000/chs.1246 ISSN: 1663-4837 Publisher Librairie Droz Printed version Date of publication: 1 May 2011 Number of pages: 111-132 ISBN: 978-2-600-01515-8 ISSN: 1422-0857 Electronic reference Jim Smyth and Alan McKinlay, « Whigs, Tories and Scottish Legal Reform, c.1785-1832 », Crime, Histoire & Sociétés / Crime, History & Societies [Online], Vol. 15, n°1 | 2011, Online since 01 May 2014, connection on 06 May 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chs/1246 ; DOI : 10.4000/chs.1246 © Droz Whigs, Tories and Scottish Legal Reform c.1785-1832 Jim Smyth1 & Alan McKinlay2 Au début du XIXe siècle en Écosse, un débat sur la réforme du système légal se déroula dans l’ombre du débat sur la réforme du système politique. D’un côté, les jeunes Whigs de la Edinburgh Review plaidaient pour l’adop- tion du système légal britannique, en particulier en droit civil, qu’ils perce- vaient comme un moyen de moderniser et de civiliser l’Écosse. De l’autre, on trouvait les juristes Tory, qui répliquaient en défendant le droit pénal écossais jugé plus humain. À la différence de l’Angleterre, il n’était pas nécessaire d’abolir les nombreuses lois relatives à la peine capitale, car en Écosse, les juges jouissaient depuis longtemps d’un large pouvoir discrétionnaire. Ces débats mettaient en cause non seulement des conceptions procédurales rivales, mais également l’identité écossaise. -
Serving the Church Worldwide Serving the Church Worldwide
Serving the Church Worldwide Medicare as Secondary Payer and Diocesan Priests 2008 Whitepaper Mark E. Chopko, Esq., Partner Nonprofit & Religious Practice Stradley Ronon Stevens & Young [email protected] James Podheiser, Esq., Partner Stradley Ronon Stevens & Young [email protected] Philip Bushnell, Area Executive Vice President Managing Director, Religious/Nonprofit Practice Group Gallagher Benefit Services, Inc. [email protected] For further information, contact: [email protected] or Toll-Free (888) 285-5106, ext. 3898 ARTHUR J. GA LL ag HER & CO. FOUNDED IN 1927 Q\BSD\NP\WhitePaper\MSP and Priests.WhitePaper.indd ABSTRACT A concern of Catholic dioceses is the provision of medical benefits may not offer incentives to Medicare – eligible employees to for those clerics, age 65 and older, still in active ministry. Under terminate enrollment in a plan or not to enroll in a plan that is the Code of Canon Law, a bishop has what has been termed by considered primary to Medicare. A series of specific regulations commentators a fiduciary obligation to care for his priests, lay out additional considerations. There is no exception to these including assurances of a pension and medical insurance. How rules for religious institutions. that obligation is discharged is not specified, and both the There are, however, some alternatives. Where persons are Commentary on the Code and US canonical Norms contemplate “employed” by entities that are not owned in common (as use of government programs to fulfill this obligation. If priests defined under the law), a group plan may seek an exception from age 65 and older are under a group health plan of an employer the Medicare rules from the government for all entities that fall (parish or diocese) that has 20 or more employees, the primary below the 20 employee threshold. -
Rethinking the Bloody Code in Eighteenth-Century Britain: Capital Punishmentat the Centre and Onthe Periphery
This is a repository copy of Rethinking the bloody code in eighteenth-century Britain: Capital punishmentat the centre and onthe periphery. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/90903/ Version: Accepted Version Article: King, P. and Ward, R. (2015) Rethinking the bloody code in eighteenth-century Britain: Capital punishmentat the centre and onthe periphery. Past and Present, 228 (1). 159 - 205. ISSN 0031-2746 https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtv026 Reuse Unless indicated otherwise, fulltext items are protected by copyright with all rights reserved. The copyright exception in section 29 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 allows the making of a single copy solely for the purpose of non-commercial research or private study within the limits of fair dealing. The publisher or other rights-holder may allow further reproduction and re-use of this version - refer to the White Rose Research Online record for this item. Where records identify the publisher as the copyright holder, users can verify any specific terms of use on the publisher’s website. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ [Title Page] Rethinking the Bloody Code in Eighteenth-Century Britain: Capital Punishment at the Centre and on the Periphery Peter King (University of Leicester) and Richard Ward (University of Sheffield) July 2014 [Abstract and Thanks] During the long eighteenth century the capital code, and more specifically the so-called ‘Bloody Code’ which subjected a vast and increasing range of property crimes to the death penalty, was the centre of much popular attention and of extensive debate. -
Benefit of Clergy
Kentucky Law Journal Volume 15 | Issue 2 Article 1 1927 Benefit of leC rgy--A Legal Anomaly Newman F. Baker Follow this and additional works at: https://uknowledge.uky.edu/klj Part of the Legal History Commons, and the Religion Law Commons Right click to open a feedback form in a new tab to let us know how this document benefits you. Recommended Citation Baker, Newman F. (1927) "Benefit of leC rgy--A Legal Anomaly," Kentucky Law Journal: Vol. 15 : Iss. 2 , Article 1. Available at: https://uknowledge.uky.edu/klj/vol15/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UKnowledge. It has been accepted for inclusion in Kentucky Law Journal by an authorized editor of UKnowledge. For more information, please contact [email protected]. KENTUCKY LAW JOURNAL Volume XV. JANUARY, 1927. Number 2. BENE FIT OF CLERGY-A LEGAL ANOMALY. I. DEVOP NT oF B NE IT OF CLERGY. Among the most prized privileges of the Medieval Church was benefit of clergy. This may be defined as an immunity by which clergymen accused of felony, could be tried only in their own courts. Not only did the ecclesiastical courts have ex- clusive jurisdiction in cases of offenses by clerks against criminal law, but also in all cases of offences by laymen against clerks. By this privilege the clergy acquired a peculiar sanctity which set them apart from the laity. The personal inviolability sur- rounding them gave them a great advantage in contests with civil authority and since the Church was held responsible only to divine law, it became almost independent of the civil power and in all differences with temporal rulers this privilege was of great value. -
Jefferson's Bill for Proportioning Crimes and Punishments
TSpace Research Repository tspace.library.utoronto.ca ‘An Extraordinarily Beautiful Document’: Jefferson’s Bill for Proportioning Crimes and Punishments and the Challenge of Republican Punishment Jutta Brunnée and Stephen J. Toope Version Post-print/accepted manuscript Citation Markus Dubber, "‘An Extraordinarily Beautiful Document’: Jefferson’s (published version) Bill for Proportioning Crimes and Punishments and the Challenge of Republican Punishment" in Markus D. Dubber & Lindsay Farmer eds, Modern Histories of Crime and Punishment (Stanford University Press, 2007) 115. Publisher’s Statement Markus Dubber, "‘An Extraordinarily Beautiful Document’: Jefferson’s Bill for Proportioning Crimes and Punishments and the Challenge of Republican Punishment" in Markus D. Dubber & Lindsay Farmer eds, Modern Histories of Crime and Punishment (Stanford University Press, 2007) 115.Copyright © [2007]. Reprinted by permission of Stanford University Press. How to cite TSpace items Always cite the published version, so the author(s) will receive recognition through services that track citation counts, e.g. Scopus. If you need to cite the page number of the author manuscript from TSpace This article was made openly accessible by U of T Faculty. Please tell us how this access benefits you. Your story matters. “An Extraordinarily Beautiful Document”: Jefferson’s Bill for Proportioning Crimes and Punishments and the Challenge of Republican Punishment Markus Dirk Dubber* Introduction It is generally supposed that the American Revolution spawned a wave of humanitarian reforms of the criminal law in light of the animating principles of the Revolution, notably a deep respect for the rights of individuals, including those convicted of crime, and a republican commitment to the ideal of self-government. -
The Bloody Code Harriet Evans
The Bloody Code Harriet Evans Abstract This Article focuses on the bloody code in England during the second half of the eighteenth century and assesses the extent to which its effectiveness depended upon the discretion of judges, jurors and prosecutors to mitigate and to nullify the law. Discretion was far reaching in 1750, playing a role in pre- trial proceedings, the trial itself and post trial procedure. This Article will also discuss other discretionary bodies such as the Justices of the Peace and the Grand Jury as well as the impact of transportation and the introduction of defence counsel. Discretion was so prominent that this paper questions whether the bloody code could have been effective at all in its absence. It will be argued that whilst discretion is undoubtedly the most prominent factor in the effectiveness of the system other factors did contribute. Namely, its strength as an ideology, the position of society at the time and how a strict application of the statutes saw the law mitigate itself. It concludes that whilst there is evidence to suggest that the system could have been effective in the absence of discretion it is doubtful that it would have remained for so long had discretion not played such a large role. I. Introduction John Beattie has described the 18th century criminal justice system in England as one which ‘was shot through with discretionary powers. Indeed it could hardly have worked had it not been.’1 The aim of this essay is to discuss the Bloody Code in the second half of the 18th century and assess the extent to which its effectiveness depended upon the discretion of judges, jurors and prosecutors to mitigate and to nullify the law. -
Theft, Law and Society (Book Review)
St. John's Law Review Volume 10 Number 1 Volume 10, December 1935, Number Article 33 1 Theft, Law and Society (Book Review) Nathan Probst Jr. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.stjohns.edu/lawreview This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at St. John's Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in St. John's Law Review by an authorized editor of St. John's Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 178 ST. JOHN'S LAW REVIEW [VOL. 10 BOOK REVIEWS THEFT, LAW AND SocIETY. By Jerome Hall. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1935, pp. xxxv, 360. Times and statutory laws change, but man and his problems in the admin- istration of the criminal law remain the same. We have the author's report of a celebrated case at Pevensey: "A man was charged with stealing a pair of breeches, and the evidence being clear, the jury brought in a verdict of guilty. Just before he magistrate was about to pronounce sentence of death, the clerk informed the jurors that the offense was capital. The jurors were dismayed, and sought immediately to modify their verdict. One suggested that the word NOT be inserted before GUILTY; another desired the discharge of the prisoner without any formality. This being impossible, it was decided to adjourn court and consult Mr. Willard, a local coun- sellor of eminence. It happened that the chief baron and another judge were dining with Mr. Willard when the deputation recommended that the best way out was to insert after the word GUILTY, the words OF MANSLAUGHTER. -
The Nature of Crime and Punishment 1450 to the Present Day
Year 10 HISTORY REVISION OPTION 1B – THE NATURE OF CRIME AND PUNISHMENT 1450 TO THE PRESENT DAY Revision Booklet THE LATER MIDDLE AGES 1100-1500 LAW AFTER THE NORMAN CONQUEST How much continuity was there? Norman law was based on the idea of the mund – this was an area of land around every man’s home in which peace and order should be allowed to exist. After 1066, because the king owned the whole country again, his mund covered everybody. William I was responsible for law and order throughout his kingdom. Law and order under the Normans was similar to that which had become established in Anglo-Saxon England. What changes did Norman law bring? Forest Laws As well as covering large areas of woodlands, the Forest Laws also included farms and villages and many of the more remote places of England. Trees could not be cut down for fuel or building. People were not allowed to own dogs or bows and arrows. Even if deer ate their crops, people could not do anything because the punishment for killing a deer was to be blinded. Royal Law and Church Law In 1154 – Henry II became king and decided to restore peace by updating and codifying the laws of England. Henry II laid the basis of what became English Common Law. In 1164 – Henry issued the Constitutions of Clarendon, which summarised the existing law and legal procedures. By the time of Henry II there were several systems of law operating in England. Anglo-Saxon law operated at the local level. Norman law as exercised by barons in their manor courts. -
Questions and Answers
Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Volume 35 | Issue 4 Article 8 1945 Questions and Answers Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminology Commons, and the Criminology and Criminal Justice Commons Recommended Citation Questions and Answers, 35 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 264 (1944-1945) This Correspondence is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology by an authorized editor of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. QUESTIONS & ANSWERS' Rollin M. Perkins and Charles L 7. Meyer (Guest Editors) Question 1: What is the difference between an accessory and an accomplice? Answer: Each word has reference to one of the guilty parties to a crime involving two or more offenders. But whereas each of such parties is an accomplice, many of them are not accessories. As already pointed out the term accessory is applied only in cases of felony, and does not apply even in a felony case to one who was actually or constructively present at the moment of its perpetration. The word accomplice, on the other hand is used whether the crime involved is treason, felony, or misdemeanor, and without reference to presence or absence at the moment of perpetration. An "accomplice" is an associate or companion in crime. Some authori- ties have used the word in a sense so broad as to include all guilty parties to the same offense. The more sound usage limits it to those whose guilt has been connected with the commission of the crime.