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Tin' political radicnliznt ion of Cuhnu youth in exile: A study of identity change in hicnltnral context
Quint an ales. Mirth a Natacha, Ph.D.
The
’opycifdit r 11)87 bv Cp i i 111 a nates, M irtha Nataolm. All rights reserved
UMI *00 N. /coll Rd. Ana A itw , M I 4K106 THE POLITICAL RADICALIZATICN OF CUBAN YOUTH IN EXILE: A STUDY OF IDENTITY CHANGE IN BICULTURAL CONTEXT
DISSERTATION
Presented in Partial Fulfillm ent of the Requirements for the Degree
Doctor of Philosophy In the Graduate School of The
Ohio State University
By
Mirtha Natacha Quintanales, B A , M A.
The Ohio State University
1987
Reading Committee Approved By
Dr Erika Bourguignon
Dr Vert a Taylor
Dr. John Messenger, Jr ______Adviser Department of Anthropology Copyright by Mirtha Natacha Quintanales 1987 To my adviser, Erika Bourguignon, my father, Cecil Quintanales, and my mother, Mirth* L*;ia Font de Quintanales
ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
i would like to express my deep appreciation to my adviser. Dr Erika
Bourguignon for her guidance, encouragement and support. My thanks also go
to the other members of my dissertation committee, Drs. Vert a Taylor and
John Messenger J r, for their comments, suggestions and encouragement
The Picayo and Rivera fam ilies of New York City, New York; San Juan, Puerto
Rico, and St. Thomas, U.S. Virgin Islands, made it possible for me to conduct
certain aspects of the research which required travel and to take several
much needed vacations. To them I would like to express my sincere
gratitude Stephanie Spears is thanked for her hospitality
No words could express my gratitude to my friends and colleagues, Sonia
Rivera-Valdes and Lisa L. Ransdell, for their help with all aspects of this
research and for their unshakable faith in me.
Preliminary research for this dissertation was supported by a grant from
the Center for Womens Studies at The Ohio State University and by The
Graduate Scholarship in Women's Studies of the Pergamon Press-National
Women s Studies Association.
ill VITA
November 28, 1 9 4...... 8 Bom - Havana, Cuba Naturalized US Citizen - 1969
1972-1976 ...... Coordinator, Family Health Clinic, Augustana Hospital, Chicago, Illinois
1975 ...... B A , Anthropology, University of Illinois at Chicago Circle
1978 ...... M A , Anthropology, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
1979-196 0 ...... Graduate Research Associate, Center for Women s Studies, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
19 80-198 1...... Instructor, Women's Studies Program, Sen Francisco State University, San Francisco, California
1981-198 7 ...... Translator, bilingual editor and consultant (English/ Spanish), free lance 1982-198 3...... Instructor, Women s Studies Program; Program Coordinator, The Women s Center, Consultant, 1984 New Yort: State women s Studies Conference, Brooklyn College, Brooklyn, New York
19 8 3 -198 4 ...... Co-coordinator, The Autonomous Institute of the 1984 National Women s Studies Association Conference, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, New Jersey
FIELDS OF STUDY
The Caribbean. Dr Erika Bourguignon
Social Movements Dr. Verta Taylor
Political Anthropology Dr Daniel Hughes
AWARDS
The Ohio State University Women s Studies Research Grant, 1982
Pergamon Press-National Women's Studies Association Graduate Scholarship
In Women's Studies, 1983
v TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
DEDICATION...... ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii
VITA...... iv
Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION...... 1
Background ...... 2
II. THE PROBLEM OF CUBAN RADICALIZED YOUTH...... 7
Research Questions...... 17
III. METHODS...... 20
Description of the Study...... 20
Interviews...... 2 4
The Activists...... 24
Non-Activists ...... 26
Interviews in Cuba...... 27
Participant Observation ...... 21
vl On Being a Native and the Question of Bias ...... 29
Movement Documents...... 32
IV THEORETICAL BACKGROUND/REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 33
immigrant Children...... 33 Infants ...... 39 School-Age Children...... 40 Adolescents...... 45
The Political Socialization of Vouth and the Question of Political Generations...... 50
Identity, Behavior and Socio-Cultural Change 56
The Identity-Health Model...... 58 The Identity-lnteraction Model...... 59 The Identity W orld-View Model...... 60 Identity Constituents...... £1 Identity Dimensions...... B3 Identity Processes In Culture...... 66
V CUBAN MIGRATION AND ADJUSTMENT TO THE HOST COUNTRY .73
Cuban Migration Before 1959 ...... 91
Post-1959 Migration ...... 94
The Refugees...... 101
The Politics of Exile...... 102
The Cuban Americans: Demographic Characteristics 107 Geographic Distribution and Residence...... 108 Age and Sex Composition...... 109 F e rtility...... 110
vil Family Structure and Marital Status ...... 111 Education ...... 112 Labor Force Participation and Employment ...... 113 Acculturation and Assimilation ...... 118 The General Population...... 118 Cuban Immigrant Youth ...... 125
VI THE PROCESS OF POLITICAL RADICALIZATION...... 141
On Commitment and the Process of Radicalization 141
Radicals and Non-Radicals ...... 156
The Process of Political Radicalization: Major Themes and P attern s 167
The New Men and Women...... 178 The New Cuban Woman in E x ile...... 182 The New Cuban Man in E x ile...... 224 The New Man and Woman in Cuba ...... J252
The Stages, Tasks and Paths of Change ...... 257 Tasks and Paths ...... 257 The Dynamic of Loss and the Stages of Change .262 Other Differences ...... 285 Date of Migration ...... 286 Resettlement...... 290 Socio-economic Background ...... 303 The Puerto Rican Experience...... 305
VII CONCLUSIONS...... 313
APPENDIX
A. INTERVIEWS. TOPIC AREAS ...... 321
B INTERVIEWS; OTHER DATA...... 324
BIBLIOGRAPHY 326
v iii CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
The present study examines the process of political radicalization among a group of young Cuban refugees who participate In a pro-Cuba, progressive youth movement in the United States and Puerto Rico. Through the description and analysis of these Individuals' personal ano political histories, this research attempts to identify previously unexamined factors which may help to provide a complete and adequate explanation of this little studied phenomenon.
Focusing on the identity change and other aspects of personal transformation these young Immigrants experience In me course of, and subsequent to, adopting pro-Cuba, radical political perspectives and becoming movement activists In the context of exile, this study's primary aim Is to expand the documentation on, and odd a new dimension to, the study of Cuben refugee youth. Ata more theoretical level, the present research also attempts to address an issue concerning identity and socio cultural change which has not yet been fully investigated In this field of anthropological inquiry: the politicization of identity among an acculturatlng young immigrant group. It Is hoped that by exploring how a radical political identity emerges omong these individuals and how it
1 2 affects their beliefs, self-concepts, attitudes and behavior in their new society, it will be possible to generate theoretically relevant questions which will serve as a foundation for the future formulation and testing of hypotheses in this areo of research.
It is further hoped that by examining the outlooks, attitudes and political activities of a young, socio-culturally marginal. Third World immigrant population, this study w ill also raise new questions in, and thereby broaden, other fields of inquiry dealing with the problems of identity and change, the adaptation and integration of immigrants (particularly children); political socialization; generational politics; end social movement dynamics, especially concerning the politicization, commitment and careers of participants.
Sftflsgrguna
During the late 1960‘s a politically progressive Cuban exile youth movement began to emerge in the United States and Puerto Rico. A number of its participants were involved in U.S. national minority civil-rlghts struggles
and/or actively supported the anti-war effort and a variety of other liberal and "left* political causes in this country. Others were also engaged in
solidarity work with the Puerto Rican Independence movement and with other liberation movements particularly in Latin America and the Caribbean
By the mid to late 1970’s these young people hod turned their attention to
revolutionary Cuba, visited the island, and mode it the focus of their 3
political work While not abandoning other national and international
progressive causes, lending support to the Cuban revolution, actively
challenging the U S blockade against Cuba, and promoting the normalization
of diplomatic relotions between the two countries become their principal
political concerns end activities (Gmpo Arefto 1978; Azicri 1981-1982)
The Cuban progressive youth movement never became o moss exile
movement Nevertheless, while initially composed of various small and
scattered groups, it eventually grew and coalesced into a social force which
helped break the myth of a politically monolithic Cuban exile community and
excerted considerable influence on relations between the Cuban
revolutionary government and the Cuban community in exile (Gmpo Arefto
1978; Azicri 1981-1982). While at present past Its period of greatest
membership and activity, this progressive Cuban-American movement Is
still tn existence. Now older ond more experienced In political matters, the
most committed among Its adherents continue to be engaged, If to a lesser
extent than In the past, in pro-Cuba and other kinds of progressive political
activism.
Largely but not exclusively the offspring of white, middle ond upper-middle
class Cuban families who left the Island after the triumph of the Cuban
Revolution In 1959 ond throughout the !9 6 0 ‘s and early 1970‘s, this group of
refugees immigrated to the United States ond Puerto Riuu os children,
adolescents ond young adults, tn terms of their socio-economic backgrounds,
geographical resettlement, educetionol, occupational and other demographic
factors, these politically radical Cuban refugees do not appear to differ 4 significantly from other exiled Cuban youth of their generation However, their political beliefs, attitudes, behaviors and careers seem to set them apart from their Cuban peers as well as from the larger community of Cuban emigres. As participants in a pro-Cuba, progressive youth movement, they form part of a political minority within the Cuban community in exile.
Indeed the most vocal elements In the Cuban em1gr6 community regard these politically radical movement activists as a distinct, unrepresentative and marginal group Merited by a deviant status derived from their politics, group members hove been systematically ond publicly discredited; they have also been the victims of threats ond of acts of physical violence perpetrated by certain sectors of the Cuban exile community (Grupo de Investlgactdn de
Arefto 1979). Forming networks of communication and support among themselves ond with revolutionary Cubans In the Island, movement activists have developed a sub-culture and built small, separate communities of their own both within and across various geographical localities However, they have also attempted to maintain family ties ond other relationships within the broader Cuban community In exile ond to do their political work In this environment, sometimes at great risk to their lives.
For most if not for oil Cuban refugee youngsters, the most immediate and salient points of political reference es they were adjusting to their new lives were the counterrevolutionary ond anticommunist outlooks, sentiments and activism expressed by the most visible sectors of the Cuban community in exile and often by their own fam ilies, friends and neighbors
Strong negative U.S. public reaction to the Cuban revolution and Fidel Castro, and the open-arms reception and support Cuban exiles received 1n this country, lent further weight to the conservative and reactionary political world views that were presented to the young Cuban Immigrants in their new social context.
The widespread social unrest, political protest and activism prevalent through the 1960‘s and early 1970's, and the series of dramatic events which the young refugees encountered shortly after their arrival in this country and Puerto Rico (e.g., the civil rights ‘March on Washington/ the assassination of President Kennedy and of Martin Luther King Jr., the Kent
State murders, the murder of a female student and the riots that ensued at the University of Puerto Rico, etc.) undoubtedly exerted a compelling and competing influence on their political perspectives and activities, particularly as they entered North American universities and the University of Puerto Rico, major centers of radical political activism during that period. Also, direct and indirect confrontations with prejudice and discrimination against racial and ethnic minorities seem to have led these young people to examine their position In North American and Puerto Rican societies and to question mainstream and parental political world views
(Gnipo Arefto 1978) Nevertheless, as a group of movement participants point out.
The phenomenon of Cubon youth radicalized in exile is obviously paradoxical and to a certain extent, unprecedent ed. A number of Russian immigrants and/or their children attempted to return to the Soviet Union after the Second World War, but these were Isolated cases; groups of young Chinese emerged as a radical force within Chinese 6 communities throughout the U S ...but these hove directed their activism primarily towards community struggles In this country. The peculiarities of young Cuban radicals Include: how quickly the phenomenon is produced (barely a few years after the exodus)...the magnitude and the brood geographical extension of ft (not just individuals here and there but groups of people emerging spontaneously In several areas of the United States and in Puerto Rico), the wide character of their radicalization... (these young people hove not only been propelted by nostalgia or patriotic fervor, but represent a political movement of broad spectrum ond projection ) (Grupo Arefto 1978:10 Translated by Quintanales) CHAPTER II
THE PROBLEM OF CUBAN RADICALIZED YOUTH
The present study examines the process of political radicalization and the political careers of a group of participants In the Cuban exile youth movement In an attempt to explain this phenomenon. It has been proposed that as these young people became culturally and structurally assimilated to their host society, they internalized modem Amencan values which
' removed them from the Cuban emigres' parochialism and narrow political outlook" (Azicri 1981-1982 63). This process of acculturation is believed to have involved intergenerational conflicts and other adjustment problems which resulted in their search for roots, 1r a reevaluation of cultural traditions and in a self-acknowledged identity crisis According to Azicri
(1981-1982), this crisis led young Cuban radicals to regard themselves as an ethnic minority group, to identify with other minority groups in the
United States and to adopt pro-Cuba positions Radical politics and a tolerant or sympathetic stance toward the Cuban revolution than have been associated w ith the supposedly greater, if not entirely problem-free, assimilation of these young exiles to their new society
Research on the process and problems of adaptation of young Cuban immigrants in North American society and elsewhere has been very limited
7 (Cosol ond Hemande? 1975). Nevertheless, the existing literature on Cuban-
American youth suggests thot, on the whole, Cubon refugee children hove
mode o foirly smooth transition to their new lives in the United States and
hove become considerably well integrated to North American society While
no direct references to Cuban exile youth in Puerto Rico were identified in
the literature, data on the general population of Cubans in Puerto Rico do not
contradict these findings ( Esteve 1904 )
To the investigator's knowledge, no specific research concerning the
political attitudes and behavior of the general population of exiled Cuban
youth during the pest three decades has been conducted to date. And,
without such data it is impossible to determine the extent to which this
larger Cuban youth population may hold political concerns and perspectives
that approximate those of young radical activists or, for thot matter, of
anti-communist and/or counterrevolutionary young Cuban exile groups (e g.
Asociacldn Estudlantll Abdala). Nevertheless, the young radicals' public
expression of political views supportive of the Cuban revolution, and their
active participation In progressive social movements, distinguish them
from both the politically 'silent' Cuban youth majority and their anti
communist or counterrevolutionary politically active peers. Indeed as pro-
Cubo, radical movement activists, they constitute, as has been previously
stated,a unique group.
The bulk of the traditional literature dealing with the acculturation and
assimilotion of immigrant groups in the United States indicates that 9 preocupation with ethnic Identity, cultural background and minority group rights (often referred to as the rise of ethnicity; see Portes 1984 ) tend to be characteristic of the third generation end beyond, not of immigrant populations. Recent Immigrant groups from Third World countries, particularly from Latin America, seem to be presenting a different pattern of adjustment to U.S. society that some claim challenge or even contradict these traditional immigrant adaptation theories (Portes ond Bach 1985).
Nevertheless, tn a 1978 study concerning the integration of various generations of Chtcano children into the United States political system,
Lamare (1982) still identified a pattern of increased identification and immersion in American political orientations until the third generation.
According to Lamare, among the third generation political acculturation and assimilation recedes; doubt, dissatisfaction and dissent become evident, and a movement towards a deeper sense of alienation in subsequent generations is suggested. His findings seem to be consistent with traditional Interpretations regarding the relationship between the third generation and beyond, and the rise of ethnicity and the politicization of ethnic minority groups In this country.
Lamare's study of immmigrant children ond children of Immigrants suifers from certain methodological problems endemic to many sim ilar studies He does not control for the age at time of migration or length of time in the host society of either immigrant children or immigrant parents. Neither does he take into account the time period In which immigration for either and/or both, occurs. Consequently, the potentially variable impact of factors 10 such os the socio-economic ond politico! climates (both tn the country of origin ond In the United States) on the political perspectives of individuals migrating at different ages snd/or subject to different Immigration policies ond conditions, for instonce, cannot be ascertained. This 1s perticulory problemotic when one attempts to moke comparisons with the politico) acculturation of other immigrant groups. Yet, while Lamare's conclu^uns cannot be opplled without a great deal of caution, they do prov.de onother frame of reference within which the phenomenon of Cuban immigrant youth radicalized In exile stands out os aberrant.
Studies concerning the politics of the general population of Cuban exiles, particularly In the United States, have tended to emphasize the relationship between their political perspectives and behavior, and their immigration experience ond process of adaptation to North American society This approach is understandable given the soilency and the extraordinary Impact of migration and resettlement on other areas of Cuban refugees's lives.
Explicitly or Implicitly however, most researchers have viewed the political attitudes and activities of Cuban refugees largely or almost exclusively as products of their process of acculturation ond assimilation and/or as indicators of their levels of acculturation, assimilation and integration
For example, considerable preocupation with Cuban offoirs and/or with reversing the political situation in revolutionary Cuba and returning to the island; non-naturalization and/or limited participation In electoral politics, a relative lock of concern about ethnic minority issues; membership In counterrevolutionary exile organlzotlons and/or counterrevolutionary 11 political activism, are considered by most authors to reflect a low level of
Integration Into North American society (Azicri 1981-1962; Portes 1964).
U.S. naturalization, participation in electoral politics; activism in mainstream civil and other organizations and movements in this country; on interest In ethnic group concerns ond other domestic issues, and a more tolerant attitude toward Cuba or an acceptance of the permanency of the
Cuban revolutionary regime, are throught to reflect a high or higher level of integration into North American society (Azicri 1981-1982; Portes 1984).
It has even been proposed that some of the political cleavages evident within the Cuban exile community can be explained 1n terms of an uneveness of the assimilation process among Cuban refugees. Azlcii claims, for example, that ~(w)hlle some Cuban-Americans hove transcended the community's traditional values and associations] milieu, others have remained within them, thus providing for a political gap" (1981-1982:55).
Undoubtedly, the Impact of migration and the process of Immigrant adaptation have greatly contributed to the development of certain political attitudes and behavior w1th1r> the Cuban emigr# population. And, there Is considerable evidence to support the proposed relationship between greater levels of acculturation ond assimilation, and increased partipatlon in the host society’s political life . Indeed through the yeers, particularly since
1980 in the aftermath of the Istest migration wave, Cuban exiles have become Increasingly active tn U.S. political affairs (Portes 1984). However, neither levels of soclo-cultural adjustment osr afl, nor varying degrees of political participation In the host society seem to constitute reliable 12
Indicators of the nature and orientation of Cuban refugees' political perspectives and activities In exile, particularly with regards to revolutionary Cuba. Furthermore, there are a number of considerations that pose a challenge to and even contradict some of the formulations that have so far been proposed concerning Cuban politics In exile.
For instance, as has been Indicated, politically progressive or radical young
Cuban emigres hold political positions towards Cuba that ere supportive of the revolution rather than counterrevolutionary However, this does not diminish the significance of the fact thot revolutionary Cuba is indeed a focal point In the articulation of their political Ideology and praxis (Grupo
Arefto 1978). This major concern or as some would claim "obsession" with
Cuba 1s one that they obviously share with the "older generation" and bastions of the Cuban exile counterrevolution. If one were to push the limits of the current propositions linking a major political Interest
In/preocupatlon with revolutionary Cuban affairs with low levels of integration Into North American society, one would have to at least question the claim that these young political radical exiles represent a highly acculturated/asslmtiated group.
If the emphasis Is on the link between pro-Cuba, liberal or radical political activism, and high degrees of acculturation/integration, then one would have to at least tentatively conclude that the m ajority of the Cuban youth population in exile has not been as successfully Integrated to North
American society as their politically radical peers. As has been noted, the available data indicates that neither seems to be the case. 13
Further, the socio-economic heterogeneity of the Cuban emigre population prior to immigration, as well as a host of other variable and politically significant factors related to their exodus (eg the nature and degree of political participation in the island prior and subsequent to the triumph of the revolution) suggest that the Cuban exile community has never constituted a politically homogeneous unit (Fagen, Brody and O'Leary 1968).
Indeed it is by now common knowledge that among the refugees were a substantial number of early supporters of and even participants m the revolutionary movement end the new Castro regime, as well as members of the ousted Batista regime and others with no history of political participation in the island. It has also been argued and relatively well substantiated, that among more recent immigrants, economic concerns overrode explicitly political ones (e.g. disatisfaction with the ideological tenets of the revolution) as primary motives for immigration ( Portes and
Bach 1985 ). Certainly the available evidence strongly suggests that the political cleavages to which Azicri (1981-1982) refers, hove more complex origins than the unevenness of the assimilation process within the Cuban emigre population.
Another problem with the current perspectives is that Cuban refugees' political participation in North American society has been defined almost exclusively In terms of their involvement in U S domestic political affairs
And, as has been discussed, Cuban exiles' political preoccupation with revolutionary Cuba and/or their counterrevolutionary activism In exile, have been located completely outside or on the periphery of U.S. politics 14
However, revolutionary Cube s foreign politics, particularly with regards to
Latin America and the Caribbean, have been in the past end still remain a source of major concern to U S political and economic interests in the area
Indeed more than it did nearly thirty years ago, Cuba today represents an increasingly serious threat to U S hegemony in the region. As it has been the cose since the late 19th century. United Statess economic, military and related activities "south of the border" are extensive It could be argued then, thot U.S. foreign politics concerning Latin America and the Caribbean, are on integral pert of this country's political life
Cuban exiles hove played a significant role as supporters (often as actual mercenaries) of U.S. military and related activities in the area. The various
C.I.A. sponsored missions to assassinate Fidel Castro and topple the revolutionary regime—the Boy of Pigs Invasion being the most notable; the
U.S. sponsored "contra" war in Nicaragua; the Invasion of Grenada, have all involved a significant number of Cuban exiles (Pearce 1982). In this context, one is hard pressed to accept the view thot the political attitudes and activities of antf-communlst, right-wing Cuban exiles represent the provincial, narrow political perspectives of unacculturated/unasstmilated emigrts in this country. Even if their political interests were focused largely or exclusively on Cuba's domestic rather than interamerican politics
(ond they are not), perhaps suggesting a degree of provincial, nostalgic attachment to the homeland, Cuban emigres actual cooperation with/involvement In U.S. sponsored activity in the region should at least in 15 some ways be considered a form of political participation in the host society
It has been occasionally proposed that Cuban exiles have been manipulated by the U.S. political apparatus as a result of their immigrant ignorance
However, while there might be some truth to this notion, it should be pointed out that like their compatriots in the island, Cubans in exile have been consistently vocal and assertive about presenting their positions, demanding their rights, defending their interests and redressing, through the use of force If necessary, the wrongs they have perceived have been done to them (Portes 1984). Clearly, other explanations need to be formulated that can better account for the interest and Involvement of Cuban exiles In
North American foreign politics in Latin America and the Caribbean.
Importantly, the radical young Cuban exiles' disatisfection with and rejection of their parents' and of the U.S. national political "status quo", their search for roots, their revision and reconstruction of social and cultural history, and their creation of new social identities in a political context, are concerns and activities characteristic of many young white, middle-class North Americans, as well as of marginalized, but non immigrant, politicized groups of the 1960's and 1970*3 Indeed one can hardly discuss many of the social movements of that period without making reference to their concern for the “personal os political', for "consciousness raising" and the politicization of identity (Evans 1979). 16
During this tim e Negroes began to refer to themselves as Black, Mexican
Americans started to call themselves Chicano, homosexuals "gay" and
"lesbian"; "girl" and other infantilized terms often applied to females, became unacceptable to women who became feminists, and so on. Socially devalued racial, ethnic and sexual identities were transformed into new and positive ones, often by reaching back to a distant and/or mythical past (e.g.
Aztlan, matrierchial society) and finding there valued role models and a source of pride Visions, often utopian, of a new end different future were created and communicated through political subcultures and movement social networks.
The political ideologies, goals, strategies and tactics of these movements varied. So did the resources, both material and human, that each could or could not, did or did not mobilize and exploit Nevertheless, the theme of personal alienation as a product of on unjust and destructive social order, and the critical necessity to overcome and transcend It through political means, were central concerns of all these movements (Turner 1973) indeed the political transformation or politicization of Identity or "self" was pivotal not only to the process of individual commitment to all these movements but also to the development and growth of these movements' political sub-cultures, communities and other supportive structures
(Cassell 1977, Cohen 1905 ).
Given the widespread nature of the phenomenon discussed above, Azicri's claim that these concerns and activities among radical Cuban exile youth stemmed largely from intergenerational conflicts and other adjustment 17 problems principly associated with the acculturation process, appears to be unfounded. Nevertheless, it seems evident that the political radicalization of Cuban youth in exile cannot be adequately examined or explained without reference to these young peoples immigrant experience and process of adjustment to their host society, including those intergenerational conflicts and adjustment difficulties. And, as Azicrt (1981-1902) himself suggests, their adoption or internalization of certain social views and political values salient among various sectors of the population in North
American society during the period, cannot be underestimated as important elements in these young people's process of political radicalization
However, seemingly obvious but seldom considered factors in the analysis of the political views and behavior of young Cuban radicals in exile also need to be taken into account: 1) the broad Impact of Cuban culture and society prior to immigration; 2) the degree of socialization into the culture of origin at the point of entry into the new social system, and 3) the continuing influence of the family and the immigrant community as socio cultural subsystems operating in the host society. Further, the effects of age and stage in the human developmental cycle at the time of immigration and during their period of adjustment to the host society on these young people's political views and behavior appear to be particularly Important considerations
Finally, the Cuban revolutionary process as an ongoing source of influence for the young exiles needs also to be taken into account Indeed the letter's concern w ith the radical transformation of individuals into "new and "new 16 women", in the language of the revolution, for instance, suggests that their political radicalization cannot be analyzed completely within the framework of the immigrant experience, the general political climate in the
United States, or the dynamics of specific U.S. social movements during the
1960‘s and 1970‘s
As this brief discussion Illustrates, the policial attitudes and behavior of
Cuban exiles in general, and of radical youth In particular, especially with regard to revolutionary Cuba, constitute a very complex phenomenon Even if we accept as a given that the Immigration experience and process of acculturation and assimilation have greatly Influenced the politics of Cuban exiles, the nature of this relationship has yet to be fully elucidated
Research Questions
The present research raises the following questions: l) What factors associated with Cuban culture and society, both In the Island prior to migration and In exile, are particularly significant In terms of the political radicalization of young Cuban exiles? 2) How do age, socio-economic background and other demographic factors, as well as the time and circumstances surrounding migration and resettlement, affect this process?
3) What features of the process of adaptation and integration to the host society during the relevant historical period contribute to these young people s political radicalization, and In which ways? 4) What is the nature of the influence of revolutionary Cuba on these young peoples political radicalization? 5) How do radical political views and movement activism 19 affect their process of adaptation and integration to the host society and their relations to Cubans in the island? 6) Whot consequences does this group's rodicol politics hove (in the short and the long run) in terms of inter and intro-ethnic relationships (especially family ties), personal development and adjustment in their immediate socio-culturn! milieu? 7)
What are the implications of the rise and development of the progressive
Cuban youth movement vis-a-vis the Cuban community in exile and relations of the lotter w ith the island?
Atiswc s to these questions are sought primarily within the framework of anthropological theory dealing with issues of Identity, behavior and socio cultural change and, In reference to studies dealing with: 1) the adaptation and integration of immigrant children; 2) the political socialization of youth; 3) generational politics; and 4) the dynamics of social movements, specifically, the commitment process and the careers of participants. The history and dynamics of the Cuban exodus and exile experience, selected features of the social movements ( in the U.S. and Puerto Rico) of the pest couple of decades, and certain developments In Cuban society before and after the triumph of the revolution, are presented as a contextual background to the study CHAPTER tit
METHODS
Data were collected through participant observation, formal and informal interviewing and the examination of written personal testimonies and other published and unpublished materials Analysis of these date is based on the identification of patterns or regularities in certain kinds of experiences reported and/or observed to be associated with changes in these young people's political perspectives, particularly with regard to Cuba
Description of the Studu:
For the purposes of this study, a progressive Cuban is defined as on individual who t) is pro-Cuba/supportive of the Cuban revolution or at least of Cuba's right to have the kind of government it has at present; 2) favors the normalization of relations between the U.S. and Cuba; and 3) engages in or in other ways supports various types of activities (individually or with a group) organized for the purpose of breaking the social, economic and cultural blockade against Cuba, encouraging a position of solidarity with
Cuba among the widest possible circle of people, and facilitating the re- estabtishment of diplomatic relations between the U.S. and Cuba.
20 21
This definition provides the minimal criteria for differentiating the study population from other Cubans in this country (e.g. apolitical, conservative or reactionary exiles whose positions with regards to Cuba range from not recognizing the present revolutionary government os legitimate to calling for its dismantlement through armed struggle). This definition is purposely minimal because there actually exists a fair amount of political pluralism among progressive Cubons in the United States and elsewhere outside of
Cuba However, for the most pert, those vrho refer to themselves (or who ore referred to by others) os progressive Cubons (in person and/or in print), hold the positions and engoge in the kind of activities described above
Until fa irly recently, when certain changes in Cuba's policy regarding the
Cuban community in exile resulted In significant alterations In the structure and function of some progressive Cuban groups, there were hundreds of individuals in the membership rosters and/or mailing lists of each of the most important organizations associated with the movement.
And, these individuals subscribed to movement publications and participated in activities and events sponsored by these organizations (e.g. conferences, panels and readings, film and theater festivals, pickets and demonstrations and a variety of other social and political events). They often traveled to
Cuba on special visas (not the visas given to the "comunidad"— i e the majority of Cubans who travel to the island to visit relatives), most often as members of the Antonio Maceo Brigade, professional groups and research teams, but also individually 22
However, the major 'force' behind this movement has been largely supplied by a core group or ‘ inner circle" composed of perhaps several dozen individuals, spread out geographically throughout the United States and
Puerto Rico, with a tendency to concentrate in or near areas where large
Cuban settlements are also found. This group of people has been responsible for producing movement ideologies, founding and running movement organizations, publishing and distributing movement documents and studies, establishing communication networks, organizing movement events, and participating in negotiations of national and international importance such os the U.S.-Cuba Dialogue in 1978 which lead to the release of Cuban political prisoners and to the lifting of the travel ban that Cuba had imposed on Cuban exiles since the early 1960 s.
These "prime movers* or members of the inner circle constitute the principal study population. They were selected because the investigator expected that they would be in an ideal position to provide an "insiders view' of this movement's history and dynamics, and to shed light on the more personal aspects associated w ith movement participation. This kind of
Information was considered critical for an understanding of the relationship between Individual and soclo-cuttural change
Members of the core group were fairly easily identified Their names were linked to major movement organizations, "progressive enclaves' within academic end other institutions, editorial boards of movement publications, etc. Some of these organizations or institutions exhibited buree-/Tatic features which facilitated such identifications via formal titles and roles, 23 publicly recognized positions of authority and leadership, and so on. Access to members of the inner group was made possible primarily through personal introductions furnished by several individuals within the inner circle who hod previously and under circumstances unrelated to the research, become personal friends of the investigator.
Individuals in the 'periphery-, os those outside the 'inner circle' ore often referred to by those within it, were also formally and informally
Interviewed and Included In the study sample The periphery should be conceptualized not just os one large circle around the core but os a series of concentric circles which become wider and wider as they move away from this core. It was expected that these individuals would provide some
Insights regarding the various elements that may promote or prevent full commitment to this progressive social movement Access to Individuals outside of the Inner circle was gained through the Investigators participation in conferences and other events and through introductions furnished by friends and acquaintances "close to the movement' if not active participants In It.
In addition, a number of individuals who shared certain characteristics with movement participants (e.g. age, age at time of migration, etc.) but who were in no way connected to the movement, were also formally end informally interviewed. For the most port these informants were introduced to the researcher by friends and acquaintances of her family
While they do not constitute a control group, they help provide some insights regarding the general population of Cuban youth in exile. Finally, 24 several interviews of young people whose age and family socio-economic background resembled those of movement participants, were conducted in
Cuba. These included individuals with strong revolutionary commitments as well as others who are marginal to the revolutionary process. It was expected that their responses would provide some clues regarding possible generation-linked concerns and experiences associated with political upheaval prior and subsequent to the triumph of the Cuban revolution interviews
The activists. Interviews of movement activists were in most instances conducted in the researcher s home (in New York City and in San Juan, Puerto
Rico), usually before or after a meal, and in an informal atmosphere.
Interviews conducted elsewhere were carried out under sim ilier circumstances, largely in the homes of interviewees Spouses and/or one or two mutual friends of the subject end the researcher were frequently present in the house during the interviews. For the most part those individuals remained in another room, but occasionally stopped by and participated in the interviewing with questions and comments
Informants seemed to particularly appreciate the meal, the informality of the setting and the presence of others in the house. The researcher had the distinct Impression that the subjects being interviewed felt comfortable and safe. Though the m ajority of interviewees had on many occasions talked about and shared these experiences with other people in the movement, most seemed to welcome the opportunity to do so one more time. A number of 25
Individuals commented on how helpful the interview had been to them and one woman in particular stated that it was the best therapy session that she hod ever hod.
The researcher asked the subjects several standard questions formulated to place the individuals demographic ally and to establish certain facts regarding the circumstances of their immigration—e.g. age at time of migration, time of Imgration, migration with or without parents and relatives; relocation site or sites, etc. Subjects were then provided a general statement about the purpose of the interviews, the aims of the study and the major issues in which the investigator was interested (see
Appendix A) informants were subsequently allowed to choose the language in which they wanted the Interview to be conducted and to generally determine the course and contents of the Interviews. The researcher asked questions or interjected comments primarily for the purposes of clarifying or connecting related issues brought up by the Informants and bringing subjects back to the main discussion If they went off on a tangent or wandered too far afield
Most of these interviews lasted only two to four hours However, it should be mentioned that the researcher already knew the majority of the subjects fairly well before these interviews were conducted, had participated in a number of informal as well os formal discussions on topics related to this study with them, and finally, had been (before the interviews) and has continued to be in frequent contact with a number of these individuals who have now become personal friends. In other words, much of the information 26 obtained In these Interviews was otherwise available to the researcher. In effect, one of the major reasons for formally conducting and recording interviews was that the researcher wanted to clearly establish the fact that she was gathering date for a study. Ultimately these interviews were not absolutely necessary.
With only two exceptions, the Interviews of activists were conducted In
Spanish, with occasional interjections in English on the part of both the interviewer and the Interviewees The two exceptions were the first two interviews; these were largely conducted In English At the time of those
Interviews (nearly two years before the rest of the Interviews were conducted), the researcher was not in the habit of speaking Spanish on a regular basis and simply did not consider giving the two btllngual subjects a choice. When one of these individuals was later asked about the language
Issue, she responded that she probably would have chosen English anyway; she said she fe lt more comfortable with it. The researcher was unable to locate the other subject to ask her about this matter.
Non-activists, interviews of non-participants in the Cuban progressive youth movement were, whenever possible, taped and conducted in the same fashion as those of participants. This was particularly the case with individuals 'close to the movement', that is, persons who had a least some contact with movement participants. Other subjects were approached and interviewed differently. For the most part these individuals were either previously known or introduced to the researcher through friends and acquaintances of her own family. The exact nature of the research was not 27
discussed with them; rather, the study was presented as an investigation of the process of adaptation of Cuban youth in exile.
The reason for this approach was that given the semi-clandestine nature of the group under study, and the history of violence perpetrated against It, the researcher was concerned about her own safety and that of her other subjects. The above mentioned individuals were primarily questioned about their exodus and about their Impressions of and experiences In exile These tr.tsrvlsfvs were taped whenever possible, but they were conducted in a variety fo settings (usually not in the researcher's home); some were done over the phone. Spanish was the preferred language
Interviews in Cuba. Interviews in Cuba were conducted more or less formally depending on circumstances and time available. Sometimes it was possible to schedule them ahead of time and bring a tape recorder, but sometimes they occured impromptu. Therefore some were recorded and some were not, and their duration varied from half-en-hour to three or four hours. In the m ajority of instances, the exact purpose of the investigation was explained to these subjects. A number of informal conversations with activists and non-activists in exile, as well as with Cubans in the island, were also tape recorded The reason for this was that the investigator noticed at some point during the research, that informal discussions, particularly during group gatherings, tended to generate information not
always covered in the formal interviews. Detailed personal information was obtained from sixty four individuals. Thirty two full interviews were
conducted; twenty of them were tape-recorded (see Appendix B) 26
Participant Observation
Participant observation for the present study was conducted primarily in
New York City during the period beginning in January 1904 through December
1905. However several other cities were also visited during this period for the purpose of gathering data utilizing this method. They included: Boston,
Massachussets; Miami, Florida; Son Juan, Puerto Rico; and Havana, Cuba.
Preliminary Investigations had been conducted In San Francisco, California,
New York City, and Miami, Florida, between 1979 through 1903
Participant observation occured in the course of doing volunteer wor1< in a movement organization; attending official and informal meetings of several movement groups, and attending variety of conferences and programs sponsored by movement organizations The investigator also traveled to
Cuba with groups on two occassions and attended formal and informal social gatherings (from fund-raisers to birthday parties of movement participants) and socialized casually with members (from going to the movies and out to dinner, to simply visiting each other's homes for shared meals and conversation). The researcher was known to be conducting research on the process of political radicalization of movement participants. The
Investigator was ofli gathering data on the movement's structure and organization, therefore questions of confidentiality or group security did not come up
Before and after "officially gathering data for the present investigation, the researchers ‘participant observation" among Cubans in the United 29
States has been more or less continuous. This Is due primarily to the fact that she Is herself a Cuban Immigrant, resides In the United States, and to varying degrees during different periods in the past twenty five years, has been in contact with and participated in the life of the Cuban community in exlie.
On Being a Native and the Question of Bias
A particularly important consideration in the present investigation is the researcher's "native status" and extensive familiarity with the research topic as well as with the study subjects Following is a very brief autobiographical note which may provide the reader a general sense of the relationship between the investigator and the present study.
Originally a refugee, I emigrated from Cuba In April 1962, at age thirteen; I was accompanied by my eleven-year-old brother We both lived together with relatives in the Miami area for six months before our parents, (father an engineer, mother a teacher), emigrated. Shortly thereafter the family resettled in the Chicago area where my brother and I graduated from high school. Subsequently our parents left Chicago to work abroad, and later resided In the United States only for brief periods of time I attended colleges and universities, lived and worked in several cities in the United
States, on both coasts and in two different metropolitan areas of the
Midwest.
Significantly, I have been a participant in and a student of several U.S. and
international social movements since the late 1960 s. These include: 1) the 30 health/free clinic movement , 2) the movement of solidarity with the Puerto
Rican independence movement; 3) the U S women s movement, 4) the Latin
American women's movement; and 4) the movements of solidarity with Cuba and Nicaragua I was not directly involved in the progressive Cuban youth movement for most of its history. However, my political views, positions and career are very similar to those of participants. In many ways then, I could be considered a subject in the present study.
Being "very close" to the topic and to the subjects of one's study has both advantages and disadvantages, in this particular case, my "native" status and close identification with the research population, and first-hand knowledge of the kinds of experiences which form the bulk of the data, hove been simultaneously an asset and a liability. General access to the study population, actual entry Into tts social networKs and organizations, and acceptance by group members, often difficult for anthropologists to obtain
(particularly vis small, marginal and/or semi-clandestine groups), were in this instance not particularly problematic for me In addition, my familiarity and "close fit" with my research topic and subjects mode possible an awareness and understanding of central research issues which most likely would hove escaped outsiders. Given the fact that to dote very little is known about the topic of the present study, such insight seemed particularly Important as a guide to and through the research process
At the some time, being too fam iliar w ith the research topic and too close to research subjects sometimes had the effect of making the investigation almost indistinguishable from "life" In other words, it wasn't always easy 31 tor me to remember that I was conducting research Consequently, items which an outsider may have readily identified as relevant to the study often appeared so ordinary or mundane to me, that isolating them was difficult.
Also, my strong identification with the subjects in this study frequently resulted in situations where separating personal experiences and perceptions from the data specifically gathered for the research was problematic.
In addition, there was c tendency on my part to want to "protecr informants by not asking certain questions or presstng certain Issues that might be expected to cause them great discomfort. Similarly, l was reluctant to record and report information which may have negatively reflected on the study pouiation or reveal too much about the subjects Some of this concern was warranted however; given the fact that this group hod a history of being the target of violence, it seemed critical to keep exposure to a minimum.
In general, these problems and the biases they could potentially introduce in the gathering, analysis and interpretation of data were, if not entirely overcome, at least reasonably controlled by the researcher's constant self- monitoring. I asked four persons, including a movement participant and three other individuals (non-Cubans) with no affiliations to the movement and only limited associations with Cuban exiles, to interview me regarding various subjects related to the topic of research-- before, during, and after the process of conducting research. The idea was to help me become more aware of my experiences and perceptions and to separate them from those of informants. 32
Movement Documents
In the present study, references to one text Contra Vlento u Marea. (1980) by the Grupo Arefto ore particularly extensive. There are two reasons for this. The first Is that this publication Is the only major source of
Information regarding the process of political radicalization among Cuban youth In exile. The second Is that there Is considerable overlap between the contributors to that document and the subjects in the study population CHAPTER IV
THEORETICAL BACKGROUND/REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Immigrant Children
In general, the situation of immigrant children, as well os their adaptation and integration in the host society are subjects that often present problems to researchers. As Oumon (1979) reports, it has been long recognized that developing a definition of migrant children is indeed a difficult task. This category of migrants actually encompasses different types of individuals representing quite different situations. Indeed the status and situation of each individual youngster Involved in migration ore the result of very dissimilar circumstances. These ore usually directly related to those of the parents and vary on the basis of whether 1) the child migrated with parents;
2) the child Joined the parents at a later stage; and 3) the child remained in the home country (Dumon 1979).
There are also refugee children who may sometimes be orphans or who may migrate with or without their parents; Infants and/or children involved in
Intercontinental adoptions; and the off-sprlng of migrant couples and of mixed-marrlages Involving a migrant partner (the second generation). The latter, often referred to as migrant children to give emphasis to the link
33 34 between their social situation ond the status of their parents, represent still other sets of circumstances associated with migrant children
Unfortunately investigators do not always recognize these distinctions
(Dumon 1979) Therefore, what we generally know about immigrant children today is not necessarily applicable to the study of any one specific group such os the one which is the focus of the present research.
’Childhood", by definition, is a notion linked with age groups. Eppink (1979) for example, classifies migrant children according to four age categories which he connects directly with the educational or schooling process: 1) up to 6 years; 2) 6-12; 3) 12-16; 4) over 16. He considers that some of the children In the second category will hove had several years of primary schooling in the country of origin A large portion of children in the third category will have completed their elementary schooling and some will hove received further education in their native countries; compulsory education in the host country ordinarily ends for them at the age of 14 or 16. The children In the fourth category are generally no longer required to attend school In the host country, even if they received little education in the their home country His scheme is sim ilar to those of other researchers.
Investigators usually consider that the end of childhood ond the beginning of adolescence lies somewhere beyond the 0 -1 4 age brocket ond more or less coincides with the end of compulsory schooling. As Dumon (1979) points out however, the boundaries between these stages of life ore not always clear ond ore likely to differ from one country ond culture to another. Indeed 35 there may be certain culturally-bound developmental overlaps between older and younger children which defy the assigned student and non-student categories
In addition. Immigration laws and other governmental policies affecting migrants often do not recognize the same categories that researchers do.
However, these regulations mag have considerable bearing on the situation and fate of migrant children and in effect result in the unanticipated sharing of certain experiences among youngsters who would otherwise fall
Into separate age yroups. Conversely, wide experiential gaps may be produced among children of approximately the same age and/or developmental stage, by the categorical separations Imposed on them os well as by specific circumstances surrounding their migration While
Investigators often acknowledge political and other responses of the host countries towards migrant children (Epplnk 1979), the latter are not necessarily taken Into account 1n terms of the variable Impact they may have on children In different migration circumstances.
Reletedly, while researchers often consider age at time of migration, length of time in the host society is frequently not token into account in studies of groups of immigrant youngsters. A fairly common practice is to study a group of migrant students of approximately the same age--usually in the seme grade in school--w1thout controlling for age at the lim e of migration or length of time in the host country (e g. See Nogges and Nogges 1976) 36
Further, little attention Is usually paid to brood socio-economic end
political factors which characterize the time of migration and which may
differently affect the migration, resettlement and adaptation experiences
of individuals of various ages at the time of migration. So, a group under
Investigation may include recent Immigrants and long-time residents,
children who migrated during a period of economic prosperity and/or fairly
open or flexible Immigration policies, and youngsters who migrated during a
recession and/or who mou have been subject to strict government
regulations concerning immigrants in general, or their group in particular,
both legal ond Illegal immigrants may be represented, etc
The problems of this type of sampling should be obvious. For example, In the case of the population under present study, migration occurred during a period of marved socto-cultural, economic and political upheaval both In the
country of origin os well as In the receiving society. In both contexts, youth
played a significant role Coming of age as a recent immigrant in the 1960's on the one hand, and reaching adolescence In the 1970's after years of life In
the host society on the other, cannot be regarded, at least from a historical perspective, as the same or similar phenomena.
From the some standpoint, children, adolescents, ond adult Cuban
immigrants who arrived in this country in 1980 as port of the Mariel Cuban
exodus, ond those who arrived during the decode of the 1960's, migrated under very different socio-economic ond political c1rcumstances--both in
the country of origin and In the receiving society. They were subject to
dissimilar Immigration policies ond government regulations ond received 37 quite disparate treatment from a variety of eoclai institutions involved in their resettlement, the media, Cubans already in exile, and society at large
In other words, they left from, ond came to, vastly different worlds The degree to which the experiences of soy, a 12-year-old "marielito’ (Mariel immigrant) resemble those of a 12-yeor-old immigrant of the early 1960 s or, for that matter, the experiences of a 12-yeor-old second-generation child of Cuban refugees of the late 1960's is certainly open to question.
Most investigators consider that the younger the child is at the time of migration, or if he or she is born 1n the host country, the better his or her chances are of making a succesful adjustment to a new life. The older the child, the greater the socialization Influences of his/her own country's culture are expected to be and the more difficult his/her process of resodallzatlon (Epplnk 1979). Nevertheless, while childhood (defined by the schooling period) is commonly regarded as less problematic than adolescence, It Is considered to be a crucial period for dealing with or preventing problems which may become critical In adolescence(Oumon
1979). Perhaps for this reason, and due to the general acknowledgement of the important role format education plays in the process of migrant youth adaptation and Integration Into the host society (though the greater accessibility of populations of school children to researchers may also be a factor), the focus of research has been on school-age migrants, particularly at the elementary level (Dumon 1979).
The sex of the migrant youngster may also differentially affect the process of adaptation to the host society. Though at present the results of 36
Investigations are only tentative, there Is some evidence of discrimination against girls (Dumon 1979). Girls, for instance, are more housebound than boys, tend to have greater domestic responsibilities and ordinarily enjoy relatively less autonomy than their brothers. Also, while rates of low or non-existent education among immigrant children--both boys and girls—are reportedly high, It is even greater among girls than among boys (Dumon
1979). Also, there is some indication that among immigrant adolescents, males acculturete fester than females (Szapocznik, Scopetta and Tillman
(977). And, adjustment may be relatively more difficult for the latter in one study, for instance, the discrepancy between aspirations and achievements (relative discontent) was found to be a predicto- of psychopathological states among Immigrant adolescents; highly signit.cant associations emerged between discontent and female depression and anxiety
(Naditch and Morrissey 1976).
Family size also appears to have an impact on the migrant child's adapatlon to his or her new society. Some studies indicate that the larger the number of children in a family, the greater are the chances that its standard of living w ill be lowered, thus negatively affecting the economic well-being of its members (Dumon 1979). However, other studies have found that the greater the number of children in a family, the speedier the parents's process of acculturation is likely to be, resulting In a positive effect on the children ( L6oez Blanco, Montlel end Subrez I960, reported in Casal and
Hembndez 1975). To the knowledge of the present researcher, the relative effects of these two factors have not yet been investigated. 39
According to Epplnk (>979), the eocio-psychological state of migrants children is dependent on the following interacting dynamic forces: 1) their cultural experiences including the norms and values of the host country, to the extent to which the children have become socialized, 2) the expectations
(hopes and fears) of the immigrant parent(s) as far as they influence the children; and 3) the situation in which the migrant parents find themselves
Eppink (1974) claims that migrant children appear to be at greater risk of experiencing psycho-social problems than children in their country of origin
He warns however, that one cannot therefore assume that individual children will necessarily run this risk. As he states, some children will have significant adjustment problems and othsrs scarcely any. Further,
Epplnk (1974) cautions that what can be said about the socio-psychologlcal problems to which migrant children ore exposed is s till based to a large extent on hypothesis and interpretation. Nevertheless, according to Dumon
(1979), a number of studies have Identified certain regularities regarding the difficulties migrant children of different age-groups experience.
Though he claims that this body of literature is still small and not based on abundant empirical evidence, It nonetheless provides at least a tentative framework for the study of migrant children's adjustment problems.
Specific references and a discussion of research concerning Cuban immigrant youth ore provided in the section on the adopatlon of Cuban
Immigrants to the host society.
Infants. In general, findings Indicate an inadequacy in the care given babies in the host society. Nurturing problems appear to be related to extra-fam ily 40 conditions such as residence in deteriorated city areas, poor housing conditions, the absence of kinships ties, etc, which consequently lead to a weaker system of child-cere than was available in the country of origin.
Intra-fam ily causes may include the utilization of certain traditional child care methods which were functional in the country of origin but not in the host country. Or, conversely, traditional patterns such as that of nurturing and taking care of children within on extended family setting may no longer be viable in the new environment, difficult behavioral adaptations may be then required of parents which may seriously affect the well-being of the child (Dumon 1979).
Deficiencies in nutrition have also been reported, in many instances, however, such problems do not appear to be entirely related to a lack of knoweldge or Information on the part of mothers or other primary caretakers, or to cultural differences pfii; Rather, they are often connected to certain circumstances in the host society produced by the
Immigrant situation ( Dumon 1979). Dumon (1979), for example, cites a study of Turkish Immigrants In Germany (Baumgartner-Karabak and
Landesberger 197B) where mothers were required to work outside the house.
In some cases daughters-tn-law became responsible for the care of these women s children before having been trained In adequate bottle feeding.
School-age children. In most instances, studies of 3chool-ege migrant children approach their problems of adjustment in relationship to their fam ily situation (e.g. their perents's educational background, occupational status, degree of integration or adaptation to the host society) rather than 41 dealing with the children as individuals (Dumon 1974). This group-centered orientation, as opposed to a person-centered approach, tends to place the focus of research on the integration of these children In their new social environment, and to rely primarily on an interactional approach. In effect the encounter between the immigrant newcomers and the native population in the ongoing society of the classroom, and the adjustments migrant children must make to fit in, constitute the major research concerns.
Indeed it appears to be generally assumed that is through membership in this group that immigrant children moke their appeal for social acceptance
In the host society (Dumon 1974).
According to Dumon (1974), there have been two major findings regarding the interaction of newcomers and hosts in the classroom setting: 1) veteran immigrant children (old-timers) tend to enjoy a somewhat preferential status position over native pupils—apparently due to their role os culture- brokers between recently arrived migrants and their native hosts
(P1ncusl972 referred to In Dumon 1974); and 2) new immigrant children tend to be judged by their native peers not on the basis of their intrinsic qualities as individuals, but according to a complex of overt behavioral characteristics (Malhotra 1973; Plncus 1972 referred to in Dumon 1974)
The acceptance of immigrant children by their classroom peers then appears to depend on the former's demonstrated willingness and ability to behave in conformance to this small group's norms and values. As Malhotra (1973 referred to In Dumon 1974) points out, while all children in the classroom 42
are subject to these rules of behavior, meeting the group social
requirements is more difficult for the immigrant children.
These studies suggest that there are two major problems immigrant children encounter In this process of adjusting to their new social situation
In the classroom: 1) a deficiency In the language of the host society which does not only affect social Interaction but also academic performance; and
2) cultural differences between home and school which are often In conflict
vis. one another (Dumon 1974). The latter tend to revolve around issues of behavior expectations and discipline, where parental and school values very often clash and cause a great deal of confusion in the migrant children
(Rutter et al. 1974)
It should not come as a surprise then, that when school-age immigrant children manifest actual adjustment-related disorders, these tend to be behavioral--namely problems with conduct and antisocial behavior
(Aronowitz 1984). Interestingly, in a follow up study of samples of West
Indian school children in the U.K. (from where most of the research evidence
in this area comes), Rutter et al. (1974) discovered that behavioral disorders prevalent among these students were manifested almost exclusively at school. Learning difficulties, high pupil turnover, and racial discrimination on the part of teachers and/or native students were proposed as the most likely causes of these conduct problems (Rutter et al. 1974).
However, behavioral disorders among immigrant school children have also been found to be strongly associated with various kinds of disruption In 43
family relationships (Rutter, Yule, Morton and Bagley 1975; Burke 1980 cited in Aronowitz 1984). In light of this evidence, Aronowitz (1984) points
out that the associations which have been documented between learning
difficulties and conduct disorders among immigrant school children (Baral
1977; Bhatnagar 1970; Nguyen and Henking 1980, Parker, Kleiner end
Needetman 1969; Rutter et at 1974 cited In Aronowitz 1984) hove raised
the question of whether poor school performance is cause or effect of
adjustment difficulties (Aronowitz 1984) Significantly, Aronowitz (1984) also reports that a number of studies suggest that local language proficiency and usage are not determinants of the social and emotional adjustment of immigrant children (Ekstrand 1976; Toft 1977, Bhatnagar
1980 cited in Aronowitz 1984). These data bring into question the previously mentioned findings (Malhotra 1973, Pincus 1972 referred to in
Dumon 1974) regarding the role of language proficiency in the successful adjustment of children in their new classroom society
Empirical research conducted In Switzerland by Kllllas (1977 referred to In
Dumon 1979) Indicated that the deviance (delinquency and/or criminality) among immigrants tends to be lower than that of the native population.
Nevertheless, these findings also revealed that 1) the children of
immigrants had higher rates than their parents; and that 2) these youngsters
had lower rates than native youth in their childhood (defined as the ages between 7 and 14 years), but higher rates in adolescence (defined as the ages between 15 and 18). 44
According to Dumon (1979), Killies (1977) proposed that the
Children or immigrants, unlike their parents, have lower expectations of being able to withdraw from the structural tensions of the adaptation process, by re-emigration to the country of origin, both structural and cultural factors constitute a handicap for return migration, meaning that children of immigrants are in some way strangers to the country of their parents..
Also,
Insofar as children of immigrants do not have the expectation to reach social mobility (occupation, income), they w ill be inclined to replace these by other values such as conspicuous consumption or pronounced manliness ..both factors increase structural tensions while, at the same time, children of immigrants have lower expectations of being able to withdraw from these tensions. As a result, higher delinquency rates, viewed as an anomic reaction, are to be expected
Further,
These difficulties w ill become acute in the transition from school to professional life, i.e., at the stage when the immigrant child can no longer withdrew into its nuclear family, but must orient himself predominantly to the outside world... the low status of his parents, as well as his own insufficient education and training w ill lead to status frustration. As a consequence, it is likely that for many immigrant children, childhood passes relatively without problems, whereas adolescence (which is problem-prone in itself upon entry into professional life) is experienced as a crisis...
To this may be added that second generation immigrants, compared to the first generation, can develop very different evaluations of social difference between immigrants and nationals. First generation migrants 45
are still able to compare their situation in the host country to that in the home country, and might take groups in or from the home country os reference groups, whereas second generation children, which by definition lack such a back ground, might more easily take national youths as their reference groups. This, too, con odd to the structurol tension theory put foward by Killias (Dumon 1979:67).
Adolescents Despite the fact that, os Dumon states, "...there seems to be a sharp problem period for migrant children at the age of adolescence..."
(Dumon 1979. 68), the present investigator found for fewer references to adolescents in the general literature on migrant children than might hove been expected. Nevertheless, major problem areas for adolescent
Immigrants hove been generally acknowledged. These ore predominantly in the domains of self-concepts and interpersonal relationships, where
Identity conflicts and conflicts with parents seem paramount (Aronowitz
1904). As Aronowitz (1964) points out, these problems are not unique to adolescent immigronts but ore rather widespread among the adolescent young. However, by and large, the literature suggests that the normal developmental crises of adolescence tend to be exocerbnted by migration and culture-shock.
Adolescent migrants who are considered minorities in the host society often exhibit low self-concepts and self-depreciation (Boral 1977, Hishiki
1969; Osborne 1971; end Teknc 1976 cited In Aronowitz 1984). Acute identity crises (Ashworth 1975, Derbyshire 1969, Farago 1979, Naditch and
Morrissey 1976; Nonn 1902) and role conflict and role stress (Derbyshire
1969, Naditch and Morrissey 1976) among immigrant adolescents have also 46 been reported. Marked intergenerational conflict between Immigrant parents end children have been additionally noted (Taft and Cahill 1978; Taft and
Johnson 1967; Thomas end Znaniecki 1958; Verdonk 1982 cited in Aronowitz
1984). As was remarked about research on school-age migrants, studies of immigrant adolescents seem to emphasize their integration into the new social environment and to be largely approached from an interactional perspective.
In summary, research on Immigrant youth is generally regarded as highly problematic given the vastly dissimilar circumstances affecting the status and situation of each Individual youngster involved in migration.
Nevertheless, certain factors such as age at time of migration, length of stay In the receiving society; family size; gender; the schooling situation; and the situation of the family (e.g. parents' educational background, occupational status and degree of integration and adaptation to the host society) are usually considered to be key elements in the study of young
Immigrants.
Less frequently taken into accoun* are the effects of the historical period in which migration and socio-cultural adjustment occcur; the impact of immigration laws and other governmental policies (of both the country of origin end the host society) regulating the particular group of immigrants, and the significance of the wider society’s response to the newcomers. The focus of reseach has tended to be on school-age migrants (usually between the ages of 6 and 14) and to emphasize the role of formal education and the 47 impact of the society of the classroom in the process of migrant youth adaptation and integration into the host society.
Two major areas of adjustment problems for immigrant youth over six years of age (the most relevant population for the present study) have been identified. The first, affecting primarily elementary school children, is in the domain of behavior and generally Includes a variety of conduct disorders and antisocial expressions. The second, most prevalent among adolescents, concerns the domains of seir-concepts (predominantly identity conflicts) and Intergenerational difficulties (predominantly conflict with parents).
Local language deficiency, conflictive cultural differences between home and school, certain types of disruptions in family relationships, and ethnic/racial discrimination in the schools hove been offered as explanations for the adjustment problems of school-age children. However study results, particularly w ith regard to the role of language proficiency in the process of immigrant youth adaptation, hove been contradictory. At this time the evidence suggests that local language proficiency and usage are not significant determinants of the emotional and social adapotion of young immigrants. Similarly, while a significant relationship has been demonstrated between behavioral problems and learning difficulties/poor school performance, it is still questionable whether these difficulties are cause or effect of adjustment difficulties among immigrant school children
Some studies suggest that other variables, such os disruptions in family relationships, may prove to be more significant in terms of determining causality. 4a
Explanations concerning the adjustment problems of immigrant adolescents generally posit a conflictive situation where youth is torn between the values, norms, social roles and identities of their old and new cultures and societies. Other factors, such os socio-structural barriers to social mobility (e.g. in occupation and income) among immigrant youth, and the
Inability of the latter to withdraw from the resulting structural tensions,
(by either re-emigrating or retreating into the nuclear family unit) have also been proposed. Acute identity crises, confusion about self-concepts and roles, and intense clashes with parents hove been the most commonly identified expressions of the adaptation difficulties among immigrant adolescents. Conspicuous consumption, exaggerated displays of gender-role characteristics (among moles), and higher rates of delinquency than among younger Immigrants have been reported for immigrant adolescents with limited social mobility.
A distinction Is sometimes made between the first (or Immigrant) and the second generations. It has been proposed that they are likely to make different evaluations of social differences between immigrants and nationals. The first generation, which may have greater knowledge of and experience in the home country, might identify with groups from and in the country of origin. The second generation, which ordinarily does not have such background, might more easily adopt national youths in the host society as reference groups. Little empirical evidence has been produced regarding this issue. 49
Research or Immigrant youth (both elementary school children and adolescents) has generally focused on the problems of adaptation and integration into the host society (particularly in the school setting) and relied on interactional methodological and theoretical models The present
Investigator was indeed unable to identify many other types of studies.
Overall, the literature on young immigrants reveals a very narrow view of this population. We know little indeed about other aspects of immigrant youngsters’s lives which do not directly address or inform the research problem of their socio-cutturel adjustment per se.
In order to generate questions about other dimensions of the experience of young immigrants, it was necessary to review several other literatures.
Given that the focus of the present investigation was on the political radlcallzetion and social movement participation of Cuban youth In exile, a review of materials on the political socialization of youth, on generational analyses of political phenomena and on the dynamics of social movements
(specifically In the area of commitment and the careers of members) seemed indicated.
A note of clarification is in order. A preliminary review of the bulk of these literatures very quickly established that the political socialization, political cultures and behavior of Immigrant populations, particularly of the young, were of little concern to researchers working in the above-mentioned areas. Therefore, only those m aterials which appeared to have a direct bearing on the problem under study were considered. Reviews of relevant issues in the literatures on political socialization end generational analysis 50
(political generations) ere provided below. Discussions of specific social movements, social movement theory end empirical research findings appear, where eppropriate, throughout the entire text. However, the problem of commitment is examined separately in part 1 of the chapter on the process of political rodicelizetion.
The Political Socialization of Youth, and .the Question _qT_Paiitlcal
Generations
Research in the field of political socialization indicates that the historical period and sociopolitical contexts in which individuals are socialized shape the development of their political outlooks end can create ideological and behavioral differences among age groups (Travers 1982) The family, the school community and the larger social system of a country as a whole have been identified as agents of political socialization among youth (Levin
1961). The firs t two social subsystems have been the major focus of studies of this phenomenon (Jennings and Niemi 1974). However, their degree of effect on the political attitudes and behavior on the young has not been decisively determined (Travers 1983). Nevertheless, there is now accumulating evidence that while the family and the schools certainly contribute to the political socialization of youth, they ore not the major sources of change in the political culture, at least in the United States As
Jennings end Niemi (1974) note, for example:
..(U)sually what modest political teaching the family does in the area of system norms is positively supported by, and seldom contradicted by the primary agents [ of learning ). 51
in fact one reason the United States elementary and secondary schools so often look bland is that they are generally not proponents of change. They do not, by and large, seek to a lte r the developmental path of politics along which the children are bound, but rather support the movement thereon by supplying approplrate toots such as literacy and by reinforcing wide-spread values of the political order If youngsters stray from the usual path or if they come from segments o f the society which fo r seme reason do not share in the widely recognized trends, then the school sc hoc) may exert a push fo r change, hut typicatty in the direction o f shared norms (1974:335 Italics added by the present investigator).
According to these researchers, there is much In the political profiles of adolescents, fo r Instance, that cannot be explained only In terms of the principal agents of learning. Indeed often "...It Is to rather unpredictable events and circumstances outside the traditional sources that we must usually look for an explanation of changing socialization outcomes...''
(Jennings and Niemi 1974:335). Further, they propose that the "self needs to be considered an important independent mediating influence in the process of socialization. As they claim,
(E)ven in the very earliest stages of political life , the child is not simply a reflecting glass which mirrors the image of others. Rather, the child's own needs and drives, mental and physical endowments, and evolving cognitive structure vitally influence the way in which political stimuli are in itia lly interpreted and absorbed and later on are sought out and used (Jennings and Niemi 1974:331),
In their view, one of the reasons for the importance of the political self is that many political orientations are not firmly established until well into 52 adult hood, even then changes can and do take place. In the face of an apparent relative malleability In pre-adult stages, transformations In political attitudes end behavior can readily occur In response to alterations
In what they refer to as one's "life space" These may occur through the experiencing of certain political events and work-related learning as well as vie the traditional sources of home and school (Jennings and Niemi 1974)
In general, Jennings and Niemi (1974) as well as other investigators have found that children tend to develop in the direction of the preceeding generation. However, signs of discontinuity or generational gaps have been
Increasingly identified, particularly since the politically turbulent period of the 1960's and early 1970 s. And, as De nartlni (1983) indicates, they appear to be permanent. In an Investigation of the characteristics of I960's activists today, he concluded that
(T)hese dissidents did not leave their politics behind upon graduation and the assumption of adult roles (family and work], thereby blending into a political mainstream. The fact (that] persons who participated in the student movements of the 1960's still hold political beliefs and engage In political behaviors as adults that carry forth the the political concerns of that decade points to a political consistency not forseen by those who minimized the consequences of student unrest. Sim ilarly, the demise of a social movement, its organizations, and its political structures does not automatically signal the dissolution of or the lasting effect that the movement may have on or through its participants. While historical changes may help account for the waning of a social movement— which surely was the case for the student unrest of the 1960's— these 53
changes do not necessarily foreshadow a depoliticalization of those who were part of that movement (De Martini 1903; 208-209).
As seems evident from the above discussion, the concept of generation is central to the study of political socialization and the political outlooks and behavior of the young. In a brief review of the literature on generational analysis (with an emphasis on contemporary research) Schneider (1986)
Identifies two major approaches to the concept of generation: the life-cycle and cohort perspectives. The first views generations as reflections of life cycle processes, the second focuses on same/similar age groups whose members share certain social experiences shaped by unique historical circumstances. A third perspective, which studies generations in genealogical terms (relationships between parents and offspring, usually conflicts between parents and sons) has also been utilized, though much more so in the past than currently (Braungart and Braungart 1984 referred to In Schneider 1986).
When applied to politics, the life-cycle approach mokes the assumption that particular physiological chonges, socio-emotionel preocupattons, needs, tasks and activities are associated with each stage of life and that these will affect the ways in which individuals will perceive and respond to the world of politics (Braungart 1964 referred to in Schneider 1906) Late adolescence and young adulthood ere generally considered critical stages for the development of political Ideas and behavior (Ertkson 1968). Essentially a change model, the life-cycle approach has also tended to assume that as 54
Individuals mature and thslr social responslbilites Increase, their political perspectives and activities will be altered, usually in the direction of greater conservatism (Braungart and Braungart 1984 cited In Schneider
1986)
However, De Martini s findings concerning i350*s activists (1993), as well as those of other life-cycle researchers (Braungart 1984 referred to in
Schneider 1986), suggest that this model cannot adequately explain certain kinds of political behavior and other phenomena (eg the persistence of change-oriented political outlooks In De Martini's study subjects).
According to Braungart (1984 referred to In Schneider 1986), the empirical evidence indicates that historically-grounded cohort analyses account for certain political phenomena (e.g. in the area of values, political conservatism etc.) far more adequately than life-cycle models
Nevertheless, the cohort model is not entirely prohlem-free. Schneider
(1986) points out, for example, that whether or not it Is necessary for a generation to be aware of its historical role in order to effect political change remains an open question. Also, the more or less frequent presence of "generational units" (Mannheim 1952 discussed in Schneider 1986), that is, intragenerationel groupings which ideologically, attitudinally and behaviorelly respond to common social experiences, materiel and historical conditions in distinct ways, is problematic. in addition, as both Schneider (1986) and Jennings and Niemi (1974) suggest, individuals can and do change throughout the course of their lives 55 in response to a variety of biological, psychological and social factors.
Further, the importance of the self in the process of political socialization and change cannot be underestimated (Jennings and Niemi 1974). Certainly these are factors which pure cohort analyses cannot adequately accomodate.
Importantly, Schneider (1986) argues that age, the fundamental principle of all generational approaches,"...is a necessary, but not sufficient, condition in defining values, outlooks, and behavior" (1986:8). She claims, for example, that
.(S)lnce life-cycle activities, responsibilities, and cultural meanings are not absolutely similar for women and men, for example in terms of school attendance, military service, labor force entry, marriage, childbearing, retirement, the gendered impact of the life-cyle on politics remains on...unanswered question (1986:7-8).
Also, that
..(T)he kinds of dramatic historical events, such as economic depression and war that structure cohort analysis, may themselves be experienced differently by women and men ...And.women and men may think differently about generations and generational relation ships (1986:9).
Hence she contends that
Without the recognition of gender as an equally defining factor (with age) in structuring political relationships, the possibilities for understanding the meaning and practice of politics ore limited (1986:8). Further, she proposes that generations get their meaning through
interactions with one another and that “...viable social movements with
depth in analysis and breadth in potential constituents, are necessarily
constituted of members who differ in age, historical generation, ana
movement generation" (1986:8). By movement generation she means groups
of individuals (of whatever age) who become involved in a movement during
a specific period which significantly effects the formation of their political outlooks.
The above discussion seems to suggest then, that age and stage In the developmental cycle; the historical period (in a broad sense as well as in
terms of the point of entry of individual Into a political community or movement); gender; and a person's unique characteristics, needs, concerns and circumstances are all implicated In the process of political socialization and in his or hers political outlooks, attitudes and behavior
However, the nature of the interaction and effect of these various factors has not yet been cleary established. The additional Impact of migration, refugee status, culture shock, acculturation, assimilation and biculturallsm as elements in the political socialization and culture of on young Immigrant population is essentially unknown.
identity. Behavior and Socio-Cultura) Change
it has long been acknowledged that certain psychological concepts such as that of Identity or self are vital to anthropological theory (Robbins 1973b).
The notion of culture does not include a set of principles regarding human 57 motivation. Yet we are not likely to leem much about culture as a product of human behavior If human motivation is not token Into account. It is understandable then that anthropologists hove borrowed this theoretical concept from other disciplines and utilized it in their interpretations of social and cultural phenomena (Robbins 1973b).
In the present study the identity concept is particularly useful for the understanding of the process of social and cultural change. First, it provides a motivational dimension to the behavior of research subjects as i)
Individuals undergoing acculturation (which, by definition, is a process which implies psychological and behavioral changes) ; 2) young immigrants for whom questions and problems in the domain of self-concepts (during the developmental stages most relevant to the research) have been established to be critical; and 3) participants in a political youth movement of the late
1960's and 1970's, where the notions of Identity and the transformation of
Identity were central to the participants' own ideological discourse
Second, it seems reasonable to expect that the utilization of such a theoretical concept, even in on exploratory study such as this one, will facilitate the developing and testing of hypotheses and the building of theory In the future
The concept of identity in anthropology has been approached from three major perspectives or models: 1) the identity-health model, orginelly developed by Erikson (1968) and Rogers (1959) among others, 2) the identlty-interoction model, most often associated with the work of Goffman
(1959, 1961); and 3) the identity-world view model, most fully developed 56 by Hallowell (1959). Of the three, this is the most rooted in anthropological interpretation (Robbins 1973b). The following review of these models and the issues they raise regarding the process of political radicalization among
Cuban youth in exile is derived from, but of course goes beyond, Robbins's review essay (1973) on the history and applications of the identity concept
In anthropological research and Interpretation.
Included In this discussion are sets of questions/considerations suggested by each approach and by those aspects of identity theory which have been identified as most pertinent to anthropological research. For the purposes of the present study these questions were meant to serve as a guide to the investigation, particularly in the identification of issues of potential relevance to the central research problem. It was not the Intention of the researcher to attempt to answer them formally. They are presented in outline form for the sake of clarity.
The Identlty-Health Model. The tdentlty-health model emphasizes the relationship of identity to a well-adjusted or melajusted personality and examines the conditions that make for optimal adjustment (Rogers
1959:206). From this perspective identity is equated with a coherent sense of self (Wheelis 1958:19) or a feeling on the part of individuals, of sameness and continuity {Erikson 1968:87) The life-cycle Is fully implicated in the formation and transformation of Identity (Erikson 1960),
Other investigators who utilize this model are Lemer (1958); Chance
(1965), and Wintrob (1968). 59
Questions:
1) What ore the sources of confirmation, validation, reinforcement of positive views of self, for Cuban youth in exile?
2) What are the sources of devaluation of identity/ negative views of self? Consequences of the damaging of identity?
3) What does the process of reparation of damaged self- images/identities entail? ts the politicization of identity/ engagement in political activity a healing process or the politicization of personal, psychosocial conflict ( i.e. the politicized manifestation of negative self-concepts behavior patterns, etc ), or both? What are the consequences for individuals/ the political group, the movement as a whole?
The Identltu-lnteractlon Model. The Identity-lnteraction model emphasizes
the importance of a person's conception of the self as a guide to his or her
Interaction w ith others. This approach examines, for example: the role of
soc 1a ll 2 lng/labeling groups on the development end/or changing of identity,
the congruence or lack of congruence between identity and behavior; and the challenges presented (to individuals and/or reference groups) by
stigmatized or deviant identities. From this perspective identity is equated
with social position, and the relationship between identity and the distribution of rights and duties among identity relationships is of primary
Interest (Goodenough 1965e8, Goffman 1956474-475, Spradley 1970,
Schwarz and Merten 1968). 60
Questions:
1) What is entailed In the process of creating new reference groups among politically radicalized Cuban youth in exile? Whet are the implications viz. ties with family, the Cuban exile community; various peer groups; the host society; Cuban society in the island?
2) What is the impact of restricted/underground/hidden soda! Interactions? How are potential group members Identified? How is trust established and maintained In the political community? Whet mechantsms for the support/maintenance of potentially fragile, unstable social groupings are in operation? What roles do various types of communication/ interaction networks, play in the recruitment of members, the maintenance of group cohesiveness, etc.?
The Identltu World-View Model. The Identity-world view model emphasizes
anthropological interpretations related to concepts such as value, theme and
ethos (Wallace 1968:47, Redfleld 195386, 1953:91, Hallowell 195576).
This model examines culture-specific conceptual Interpretations and
behavioral manifestations regarding the nature of the self, the self In
relation to others, nature and the universe; the role of culturally
Identifiable variables In the individual and/or group Interpretation of
experience, the promotion of self-orientation and the maintenance of social
order From this perspective identity is regarded as a culturally variable
notion and self-images, labels and the Interpretation of experiences are
considered inseparable from the concept of self that Is characteristic of an
Individual's and/or a group's society. The concepts of self and of the self in
relationship to others, nature, etc. are regarded as the major means by 61 which different cultures promote self-orientation and social cohesiveness
(Hallowell 1956:76).
Questions:
1) What is the Impact of migration and the process of acculturation and assimilation in the host society on self-images and orientations and on the interpretation of experiences among young Cuban exiles? That is, how do clashes of values and norms, breaks from tradition, integenerational conflict; the incorporation of new values and norms, biculturalism and the search for/adoption of new identities in bicultural context affect the domain of self concepts?
2) How do negative stereotypes, prejudice and discrimination towards Cubans (and/or Latinos) in host society contribute to the devaluation of self-concepts/cultural identity among these young Cuban exiles? What are the implications for their process of new identity search and transformation?
3) Does the politicization of identity among young Cuban radical exiles represent a strategy for a positive re-evaluation of self concepts, value-conflict resolution, from a minority group perspective In bicultural context? What Is the significance of their Identification with revolutionary Cubans In the Island viz. the politicization of identity?
Two aspects of Identity theory have been identified os particularly relevant to problems of anthropological interest. These are: 1) identity constituents, and 2 ) Identity dimensions. They ore reviewed helow
Identitu Constituents. The constituents of identity refer to the aspects of self that make a difference in behavior and belief. These include: 1) self- identity or the view on individual has of his or her own Identity. In other 62 words, o person’s conception of physical appearance, social status, skills, etc., 2) social identity or the notion a person has of others' view of his or her identity or the way he or she believes they view his/her physical appearance, social status, etc., 3) public identity or the way other actually view the individual, a person’s patterns or traits as they appear to members of a group (Miller 1963:673); 4) personal identity or an individual’s view of what mokes him or her unique or unlike any other person; end finally, 5) political identity.
The political aspect of the self as a constituent of Identity has not been, to the knowledgeof the investigator, well defined In the anthropological literature, particularly In relationship to social movements. Therefore a tentative definition Is provided here. A political identity may be conceptualized as the notion on individual has of his or her actual or desired position In reference to various power-structures within the social system.
A political identity appears to be dependent on the existence, adherence and/or commitment to political ideologies explicitly associated with
Institutionalized or non-lnstitutlonallzed political structures and cultures.
For example, a political identity such as "feminist" presuposes both the presence of a feminist movement (from which such identity is derived) and the affiliatio n of one who has adopted (or is believed to have adopted) such identity, w ith the feminist movement.
Several major assumptions have been made regarding the constituents of identity. The first and most important is that there is never a perfect fit or total consistency among the various aspects of the self. The second is that 63 individuals strive to obtain a sense of consistency or congruence between the self they think they are or would like to be, and the self they believe is
(or should be) attributed to them by others. The third assumption is that individuals also strain for an internal consistency among the various aspects of the self. The delineation of identity constituents In fact derives
Its meaning from the assumption that the primary motivation for social behavior is on individual's striving to obtain such sense of consistency at both intra-personal and interpersonal levels
Questions:
1) What cultural processes/social experiences facilitate or disrupt young Cuban exiles’ sense of movement towards consistency?
2) What are the manifestations of gaps or ruptures in such intrepersonal/interpersonel dynamic?
3) What steps do young Cuban exiles take to correct such gaps or ruptures? May the re-creation of individual/group histories; reformulations of ‘reality", changes in values, norms, life-styles; individual and or group initiation and other rituals be regarded as such corrective mechanisms'?
4) What role do certain aspects of social movements/political sub-cultures play in individual/group strivings for personal consistency, and In the integration of cultural elements bearing on identity issues?
Identitu Dimensions A person's Identity is considered to be created from his or her and other's perceptions of those relevant characteristics or 64
features which make him or her unlike others (Goodenough 1963:179). These
features are thought to comprise Identity dimensions such as physical
appearance, age, sex, personal name, ethnic group membership, skills, social
rank, etc. (Wallace 1967:65). For example, notions of what is pretty, ugly,
tall, thin, fat, etc, may In part comprise the identity dimension of physical
appearance, boss, laborer, student, etc. may in part comprise the identity
dimension of social rank. Identity dimensions are frequently bipolar, i.e.
thin-fat; rich-poor, etc (Miller 1963:676). Lach dimension may be further
divided into four positions. At one end is the ideal attribute of the
dimension; at the other end, the feared attribute. In between are the
attribute claimed by the Individual end the attribute he or she actually possesses (Wallace 1967: 65).
Several assumptions have been made regarding Identity dimensions. First,
the degree of similarity between the self one would like to be and the self one sees oneself as being is considered to constitute the measure of the
Individual's self-esteem (Rogers 1959:122; Coopersmlth 1967:4-5).
Second, an individual's interactions with others is not thought to be based
on a total identity configuration, but on that dimension which, for whaterver reason, Is of high sallency in a given interaction. Third, it is considered that In instances of culture change some dimensions may become
inadequate or adequate in guiding interaction between people.
Fourth, in such situations (or similar ones) a search for identity (Spindler
1968: 335) and identity conflict (Wlntrob 1968:93; Trent 1965) may involve only the loss of a single Identity dimension (e.g. ethnic identity) rather than 65 the loss or destruction of a total Identity. Nevertheless, It Is thought that the effectof the disruption of one identity dimension may have implications for the configuration of the entire identity structure. Relationships between identity dimensions or the degree of centrality between dimensions
(Miller 1963:682) are examined with the assumption that no one identity dimension acts in isolation from any other. For example, social rank may be influenced by physical appearance and that even the view others have of an individual's physical appearance may be influenced by his or her social rank
(Wilson 1968).
Questions:
1) What are the consequences of stereotyping/stigmatizing Identity dimensions among Cuban exiled youth?
2) What are implications for the individual and/or the group, of different, often of competing and conflicting notions of ideal, feared attributes, etc.?
3) May an individual or group's perception of ability to change self/others' views/the social milieu, constitute an added measure of self-esteem and/or positive collective image?
4) What criteria or features of identity dimensions make a difference in the way that young, politically radicalized uoung Cubans in exile view themselves and are viewed by others'?
5) How does the political ideology account for issues of Identity dimensions? What, for example, are the relevant characteristics of a political radical? What constitutes ideal, feared, in-between attributes of such a category? What distinguishes a political radical from others? How 66
are identity dimensions legitimated by the political ideology, etc.?
6) Why are certain dimensions or attributes significant for distinguishing political identities among these young Cuban radicals while others are not? In which ways may these traits be considered to have adaptive value to these young people themselves? In which ways do they serve their political project? What are the assets/liabilities of this political classificatory system?
7) What dimensions of political identity are given prime importance or less importance and in which types of Interaction?
0) How do changes/losses in certain identity dimensions affect the entire identity structure of these young people?
9) What are the salient features (with regard to identity dimensions) of identity conflict/ a search for Identity among young, politically radical Cuban exiles?
Identltu Processes in Culture. Another set of concepts related to identity theory In anthropology Is that of identity processes In culture. Identity processes concern those elements of culture which are directly related to the formation and the maintenance of identities. In order for any society or group to survive, It is considered necessary for it to have institutionalized means of informing and teaching Its members knowledge of symbols and behavior appropriate to given identities. Such a society or group must also have means to ensure that Individuals are what they are supposed to be and to facilitate transformations of identity. These means are identity processes. Any given cultural phemenon may Involve some or all of these 67 processes and such processes do not necessarily occur Independently of one another
Five identity processes have been determined. The first is identity
formation. Identity formation has to do w ith the way a person learns his or her identity, the way he or she knows what is a desirable or undesirable
Identity, and the way he/she comes to believe that he/she Is what he/she Is supposed to be, or wonts to be, or what others wont him/her to be. Aspects of identity formation include: 1) the process of identification (what mokes a person Identify with another); 2) the mechanisms of Identification, and 3) the stages of Identification (Burton and Whiting 1965: Cohen 1964; Spradley
1970).
The second Identity process is that of Identity change. Identity change concerns the way an individual experiences transformations of identity eitherfrom one stage of life to another (e.g. via rites of passage) or os a result of the pressures and demands of culture change. The necessary conditions for change include: 1) a desire to change, 2) an understanding of things to be changed; 3) a recognition of the change by others; and 4) a belief on the part of the individual that he or she has a new identity
(Peacock 1968; Goodenough 1963; Chance 1965; Parker and Kleiner 1970;
Groves 1967, Berreman 1964, Wallace 1966, Burridge 1969; Porker 1964)
Identity change may Involve a diffusion or dissolution of old Identities, identity diffusion/dissolution Is a term which denotes a splitting of self
Images, a loss of centrality, or a dispersion of Identity (Erikson 1968:212- 66
216). From the perspective of the identity-heolth model identity diffusion connotes o psychopothic stote in which on individuol suffers from o lock of identity conflrmotion ond thereby experiences o sense of olienotion. From the perspective of the identity-interoction model identity diffusion is o process thot focilitotes identity formotion or chonge. The dissolution of an old identity moy open o person to experiences involved in the formotion of o new identity (Lynd 1950; Goffmon 1960; Vldech ond Stein 1960; Wolloce
1966). The more severe the rite of possoge or the greater the amount of culturally induced identity diffusion, the more likely the individual is to be committed to the group into which he or she is being Initiated, or the greater his or her commitment is to his/her new identity (Robbins 1973b).
The third identity process Is thot of identity monogement and work.
Identity monogement or Identity work (Wolloce 1967:67) refers to an individual's effort to present an image of himself or herself, aimed at eliciting from others the kind of Information thot will confirm or validate such image ond/or a desired Identity (Goffman 1959). The management of identity may Involve specific behaviors on the port of the individual and/or the adoption of certain material goods or symbols which w ill generate the imoge/ldentlty-conflrming Information from others (Goffmon 1956). Such identity work moy be conducted for the purposeof confirming an already established identity, rectifying a spoiled or stigmatized identity, or defending an identity that has been challenged or threatened.
The fourth identity process is that of identity struggle. Indentity struggles
(Wolloce 1967:78) refer those interactions in which there is a discrepancy 69 between the identity a person claims for him self/herself ond the identity others attribute to him/her. The dispute may revolve around the question of which features are considered to legitimately characterize or determine the challenged Identity and/or the light of the challenged individual to claim it for himself or herself. Such a person moy resort to various means to support his/her challenged claim, including the invocation of natural or supernatural authorities to settle the dispute (Ridington 1966; Middleton
1966, Salisbury 1962, Robbins 1973o). if the claim of the challenged actor is later confirmed or validated by the intervention of such authorities (or by other means considered legitimate by the group, or by coercion or violence, for instance), the challengers may then find themselves in the position of having to rectify the discrepancy between their claimed and attributed identities. The disputes over the feminist identity (who does or does not qualify as a fem inist) which have periodically occurred in the modern U.S. women's movement may serve as an example of such identity struggles (See
Freeman 1975:138).
The fifth Identity process Is Identity confirmation. Identity confirmation
Involves those cultural processes which ordinarily function to allow or facilitate an individual attainment of consistency between himself or herself, and his/her social and public Identities. Rites of passage, ceremonial exchanges, curing rituals, trance states, for instance, represent cultural processes which promote or aid the confirmation of Identity
(Goffmon 1960; Ertkson 1968; Wallace 1966, 1967; Turner 1969;
Bourgulgnon 1965, 1976). Every society is believed to set aside a time or 70 times during which members’ Identities may be confirmed or reconfirmed in order to ensure their ordinary functioning in everyday life.
In a summary of the role of Identity processes in culture, it is assumed that in any given society or group there Is a set of values which define and give meaning to individual members' concept of self; a set of norms which codify these values into rights and duties; a socialization process which provides a mechanism for the inculcation of these values and the adoption of these norms, an apparatus of social control which ensures that these values and norms are maintained, end a vehicle(s) through which members may periodically confirm or validate their Identities. It Is further assumed that there ore mechanisms which produce or facilitate transformations of
Identity and that work Is required of individuals to conform or validate, rectify or defend their self images in a socio-cultural context
Questions/Issues to Consider:
1) in the context of social movements we moy or may not be dealing w ith values, norms, socialization processes, social control agents and mechanisms for change which represent alternatives to those existing in/provided by the larger society. It is likely that variation or deviation from larger society may be greater in arenas which are less institutionalized (therefore subject to less control and less resistence from larger society) or which require fewer resources to establish themselves as different/ autonomous from larger society—even if these are arenas which ere more or less institutionalized by the larger society. 71
Nevertheless, the existing evidence suggest that the values ond normotive ossumptions of the alternative programs ossocloted with social movements are often very sim ilar to those of larger society. They incorporate basically traditional norms and values, even If these ore often couched In a different language and directed towards different aims. The degree to which these alternative progroms ore successful in establishing themselves as legitimate in a socio-cultural context varies. Their potential for co-optation by the larger structure also varies.
2) What are the consequences for on Individual or group to be expected to adopt or retain an Identity which is considered socially undesirable, to become what ethers ond the individual or group In question themselves consider undesirable? What does it mean for individuals or groups to have no choice in the matter of adopting a negative Identity (particularly when it is assigned on the basis of features that cannot be changed, e.g. skin color)? What kinds of arrangements do individuals or groups make under this type of circumstances to confront,compensate for and/or change negative perceptions of themselves?
3) How and to what extent do the political group and the political sub- culture serve as agents of identity change? What aspects of identity do they affect, what dimensions? What processes of identity transformation are involved in the creation of political Identities?
4) How are political identities maintained? What are the challenges to the maintenance of political identities? How ere they confirmed or validated?
5) How does the adoption of a political identity affect other aspects of identity? What kinds of alterations in self- concepts and in relations with others and the larger society, are required? What are the consequences for an individual's self-esteem and general sense of well being? How are 72
relationships with family, various communities, social institutions and the individuals' personal social standing within and outside the political group affected?
On the basis of the above discussion of the literatures, issues end theoretical concepts that inform the present study it can be reasonably argued that the political radicalization of Cuban youth in exile is a immensely complex phenomenon. Given the exploratory nature of this research, it was beyond its intent and capabilities to engage in the kind of methodological and theoretical work that such a problem would seem to warrant. Nevertheless, it seemed important to the investigator to at least provide a broad outline which would highlight relevant issues to guide future research. CHAPTER V
CUBAN MIGRATION AND ADJUSMENT TO THE HOST SOCIETY
There are approximately one million persons of Cuban birth or descent living
In the continental United States today, another 40,000 to 45,000 reside in
Puerto Rico (Boswell and Curtis 1983) The majority of them, representing all socio-economic classes, racial and ethnic groups and regions of the island, has migrated from Cuba since the triumph of the Cuban Revolution on
January 1, 1959. Some consider this migration, involving approximately ten percent of Cuba's population, to be the greatest moss exodus in the history of the Western Hemisphere (Bender 1973)
Most Cuban emigres entered the United Stotes outside of ordinory immigration channels ond, with the exception of those who arrived in 1900, were given special status os cf§ facto or officially recognized refugees To meet the needs of the thousands of exiles who were coming into the country and who were expected to stay only temporarily (until the anticipated fall of the Costro government), the Cuban Refugee Program was established in
1960 The first large-scale U S program of domestic assistance to refugees, ond for a decode the only one, the Cuban Refugee Program was to involve the
United Stotes in the biggest refugee aid operation in its immigration history
(Boswell ond Curtis 1903; Haines 1965; Scanlon ond Loescher 1983).
73 74
The moss exodus from Cuba, occurring within a relatively concentrated
period of time ond in the woke of extraordinary politico! upheaval in the
island, has been generally regarded by the U.S. government, the moss media, the public ond other outside observers, ond by mony of the Cubon immigrants
themselves, os an exclusively political phenomenon (more often than not, os a flight from on oppressive, totalitarian communist regime). According to most accounts, the beginnings of Cubon migration to the United Stotes coincided with the triumpn of the revolution in 1959 ond the series of events thoi followed. In foct, the origins of Cubo-U 5 migration dote bock to the 19th century ond, as Robert Boch points out,
Conventional wisdom masks the complexity and heterogeneity of both the historical antecedents to the refugee exodus ond the personal and social experiences of those who left. In place of detailed accounts these more typical explanations consist of Judgemental worm or heroes’ theses, leaning either toward supporters of the revolution or in favor of those "anti-Fidelistos" who applaud the exiles as freedom fighters (1905a:77).
Contrary to public opinion, serious studies of the post-1959 Cuban migration to the United States indicate that it has not been an entirely political phenomenon (Bach 1985; Portes and Bach 1985) To be sure, the
Cubon Revolution brought about vast and rapid changes which eventually touched every sector of the island s population; many found their interests to be in conflict with those of the new regime and, if they had the means to leave the country, did so. United States policy directed toward the Castro 75
government also ployed a significant role in refugee-producing conditions
in Cuba (Scanlon ond Loescher 1983).
By removing many of the ordinary restrictions on Cubon migration ond
setting up a vast, comprehensive and well publicized progrom to assist the
emigres, It fociIItoted, if not actually encouraged, the exodus of thousands
of people who might not otherwise have been oble to migrate to this
country. By Imposing a multifaceted blockade on the Island, and succesfully
pressuring the majority of the members of the Organization of American
Stotes ond other countries outside of the Western Hemisphere to follow suit, the United States augmented the political, social and economic crises
facing the new regime and the Cuban people. Further pressure on them was brought to bear by the attempts, orgonlzed ond sponsored by the Central
Intelligence Agency, to violently overthrow the Castro government, at least prior to 1965 (Scanlon and Loescher 1983)
Nevertheless, most students of the Cuban exodus are now in agreement that political upheovol notwithstanding, the mass migration of Cubans from the island has included not only the ex-members of the ousted Batista government, and later some disaffected members of the new revolutionary regime and many self-imposed political exiles, but also o significant number of traditional immigrants who hove come to this country in search of a higher standard of living (Cosal and Hemondez 1975). Even among the
Immigrants of the early 1960‘s, who overrepresented Cuba's londowning, business, professional, managerial and middle-classes--those sectors of the population most likely to oppose the rapidly radicalized revolutionary 76 program—pragmatic factors carried more weight than ideological or political ones in the ultimate decision to leave the country (Fagen, Brody and O'Leary 1968)
Indeed, os Alejandro Fortes and Robert Bach point out.
The origins of the Cubon inflow ond its evolution over time furnish a prime example of the difficulty of distinguishing 'pollticol' from economic’ migrations Though the American government defined the movement from the start as a political exodus, it is clear thot individual determinants of emigration were frequently economic...state decisions and International relations Interacted to ...Induce these people to leave In search of a better life abroad. For Cubon refugees, the general politlcoeconomic determinants of emigration have remained a constant, though their particular manifestations have changed over time (1985 64).
Despite the volume of the p o st-1959 Cuban exodus, Cuba-U.S. migration per se should not be considered unique or exceptional A marginalized, developing Caribbean nation, Cuba, like other countries in the region, is subject to fluctuating global conditions which often pose challenges to and tax its limited resources; population outflows can be expected to occur os a result of these pressures and have, at times, been predicted (Copeland
1983). Bach writes, for example, thot
despite substantial structural changes, Cuba’s position in the world economy and particularly its role in the international division of labor, remains that of a peripheral 1 zed Caribbean state. Along with Its Caribbean neighbors, Cuba has faced the global economic crisis of the 1970 s with limited tools. As a result, pressures exist 77
In Cuba as throughout the Caribbean that, in most instances, have led to sustained labor export. Cuba is not exempt from the realities of Its Caribbean membership simply because of its efforts to build socialism (I985b:21)
According to Bach, the only characteristic with regard to migration thot distinguishes the Cuban situation from thot of the other Caribbean countries today is its lock of an outlet, * ...a destination rooted in the alternative economic relations forged in opposition to the United Stotes Neither the
Soviet Union nor the Eastern Europeon countries (the anticipated exchange partners) appear willing or able to begin receiving immigrans from Cuba-
(1985b:28). The only realistic alternative then (ond one for which there Is considerable historic precedence) is migration to the United Stotes, the recipient of the bulk of migrants from Caribbean countries with whom the
U.S. has extensive economic relations.
However, unlike other U S-bound Caribbean outflows, post-1959 Cuba-U S migration has involved a crossing over of political affiliation rooted in world market economic relations In light of this situation and beyond consideration far the relationship between internal structural changes in the Island and migration, it is possible to view the outflow both as a political and as an economic phenomenon But, as Bach emphasizes,
The practice of utilizing a political or economic label to describe the outflow is simply on incomplete portrayal of the global conditions under which the migration occurs. And using such labels to charactize the motivations of individual migrants is simply to miss 7a
entirely the complex global reality over which migrants have little control (1985b:29)
He further asserts that the revolutionary regime, in an attempt to construct a socialist society while grappling with economic and political developments in the international arena, has generated Its own internal contradictions ond Inequalities which have also stimulated migration.
However, he rejects the commonly held view thot the Internal wordings of the Cubon Revolution, which has at times promoted this migration, con he adequately explained in terms of reactions to the Interference of foreign powers, be It the United Stotes or the Soviet Union (Bach 1905b) He seems to suggest then thot if Cuba's socialist revolution Is perhaps inevitably sensitive and/or responsive to external factors, it Is nevertheless self directed ond controlled and ultimately accountable for its project and its course, its successes and its failures
Another and often overlooked factor relevant to the migration of Cubans, specifically to the United States, is the impact of the long and sustained
U.S. cultural penetration in the island In reference to the pre-revolutionary
Cuba of the 1950 s, James O'Connor writes:
Coca-Cola, baseball, Standard Oil, American tourists, abstract-expressionist painting. United Fruit, and Madison Avenue advertising techniques seemed to have submerged the once powerful social and political force of Cuban nationalism . In Havana, at least, a unique Cuban identity and mode of life was filed away in the memories of a few Cuban anthropologists and historians (1970:1, quoted in Bach 1985:79). 79
Indeed as Ferment (1984) points out, immediately prior to Batistas downfall in 1959, the issue of nationalism was not central to any of the leading political actors of the time, including the revolutionary 26 of July
Movement. Even a year after the triumph of the revolution and during hightened tension between Cuba and the United States, the general population demonstrated only the slightest concern for nationalist issues, its tenous nationalism being persistently characterized by a sense of political dependence on the United States
The creation of a new political identity for the Cuban people soon became a major project of the revolutionary regime, pressuring supporters, opponents and the undecided alike, to define the nature and the terms of their largely dormant Cuban nationalism. The options for political self-definition were varied, but the revolutionary course, U.S. reaction, indeed the totality of events that framed the historic process reduced them, finally dividing the population into Cubon citizens and Cuban exiles and emigres, each group left to struggle separately with the issues of incipient nationalism (Forment
1984).
A people's identity ond mode of life, of course, are not solely defined by concern with ond position vis-a-vis the state However, the long-term and sustained influence of North American culture and society on Cuban cultural identity ond mode of life, ond in turn, the impact of culture contact and acculturation on migration, have been largerly ignored by students of the
Cuban exodus. Despite socialist Cuba's efforts to 'deAmericonize" itself ond forge a distinct and self-defined Cuban culture ond society, emphosing the 50 need not only of producing structural changes but also of creating “new men and women', the issue of North American influence on the values and expectations of Cubans is acknowledged as a s till present and ongoing serious problem, yet to be resolved.
In his address to the Second Congress of the Cuban Communist Party, Fidel
Castro had this to say about “the ideological struggle':
The United States was historically the great enemy of our nationality Yanqui intervention, the Platt Amendment, the seizure of the country's riches and the establishment of a neocolonial regime frustrated the aspirations of our people ond became translated into a rough blow to the notional spirit The system, the ideology, the laws, the culture, the habits, the yanqui customs, their prejudices ond vices, became our neocolonial and dependent way of life Our economy was reduced to on appendix of the North American monopolistic capital We became o kind of Yanqui property (Castro 1981:152 Trans rated by Quintanales).
... Despite the gigantic effort realized by the Revolution in economic and social development, specially in education, a social remnant of the post remains, individuals tacking in all national rooting, added to which Is the fact thot the socio-economic conditions of our developing country still generate marginalized elements, antisocial and lumpen, who are by their own nature receptive to the lure and the ideas of imperialism Between the imperialistic enemy and the Cubon Revolution exists and w ill exist, therefore, for a long time, a fierce Ideological struggle, that will be liberated not only in the terrain of revolutionary ond political ideas, but also In the field of national ond patriotic sentiments among our people... (1981:154) ...The Ideological struggle today occupies, for ell revolutionaries, the first line of combat. 61
the first revolutionary trench (<981:163 Translated by Quintanales).
Solutions to the politically defined problem are sought, os one would expect, within a political framework.
It is important to Improve the labor of the base organizations of the Party in this area ond work so that each nucleus ond each communist w ill be an active defender and propagandist of the party's politics. It is equally necessary to make more integral all ideological work, and utilize, in a coherent manner, the system of political education, the forms and methods of propaganda and agitation, the mass media, the different expressions of culture, sports, recreation ond other routes for this work (Castro 1981: 163 Translated by Quintanales)
Generalized end treated as "ideology* in political terms only however, the complexity, depth and impact of this product of U S -Cuban relations may be eluding revolutionary social planners. How to radically transform the national and cultural 'consciousness* of the Cuban people remains a problem without any visible solution.
In the United States, the integrity and survival of Cuban culture ond the
Cuban exile community ore becoming matters of increasing concern to
Cuban-Amencans Until fairly recently the activities of the Cuban community in the South Florida area and probably elsewhere, were oriented towards socio-economic adjustment and advancement (Portes 1904) natters of Cuban cultural identity, values and lifestyles In relationship to
North American culture and society were predominantly the preoccupation 62 of parents who did not want the second generation to lose the Spanish language or abandon the high regard for family ethics ond family ties
Parental encouragement of respect for and adherence to csrtain Cuban cultural traditions, a Cubon notional identity, Cubon patriotism in Cuben-
Americon children, represented challenges to the rapid process of acculturation among the young (See Lasaga 1970; Boone 1980).
Since 1900, partly os a result of the cold U S reception of the last wave of exiles and rising negative public opinion regarding all Cubans (often manifested in concrete actions against Cuban-Amencans best Interests such as the passing of the i960 Dade County Referendum prohibiting the use of public monies to support instruction and cultural activities in a language other than English), the Cuban-Amehcan community, particularly in Miami, is becoming Increasingly organized. Several organizations concerned with domestic Issues were created or became more visible there after 1980;
Cuban-Amencan presence In local politics has proliferated Some regard these developments within the Cuban exile community os evidence of the rise of ethnicity among Cubans in the United Stotes (Portes 1984) Ethnic awarenes, characterized by a recognition of social distance from and discrimination by dominant society has led to mobilization efforts to confront the situation and defend group Interests now defined as minority concerns (Portes 1984).
As was indicated in the proceeding chapter, this trend had started earlier
Indeed during the late 1960's and early 1970 s, a number of young Cuban exiles had already begun to identify with other U S national minorities ond participated in U S. civil rights and national ethnic movements (Grupo Areito
1978; Azicri 1981-1982) Other civil and religious groups with liberal politics also emerged among Cuban emigres in several cities at approximately the same time (Azicri 1981-1982). However, articulated within the context of the major ond more powerful South-Florida Cuban community in this country, the process con at present be expected to carry greater legitimacy and produce a brooder impact Given the newness of
Cuban ethnic politics in the United Stotes, it still remains to be seen what course ond direction it w ill take In any cose it seems apparent thot both in the island ond in exile, Cubans os a people are undergoing a process of self definition and political self-determination
Whether one relies on the traditional ond supposedly 'value-free' concepts of cross-cultural contact ond acculturation, or adopts the more controversial notions of colonialism or neo-colonlallsm and Internal colonization (e.g. see Albert Memml 1965), the "Americanization' of Cubans needs to be considered to fully understand the complexity both of the exodus and of the emlgrfe experience In the United States To dote, few hove proposed thot the migration of Cubans to this country involves not only a search for what these migrants regard as a more desirable political alternative to socialism, a better life in economic terms, and in many cases the reunification of family, but also the desire to fu lfill personal, social ond cultural Ideals associated with the more powerful, "superior' neighbor to the North. Vet, os the following statements and brief discussion suggest,
Cubans' self and group concepts, attitudes, world-views and life-gools hove 94 been and continue to be at least partly shaped by highly idealized notions of what is American, of what constitutes an American way of life And, immigration to the United Stotes may in some yet unexamined ways represent a move towards a hoped for alignment of the ideal and the real, a congruence between life 'as it could or ought to be" and life "as it actually
When asked why she decided to leave Cuba and come to the United States (in the early 60s), a forty-eight years old middle-class woman of working- class origins, Havana bom and raised, now divorced, responded:
1 was bom in Cuba and didn't leave the Island until I was 28 years old, married and the mother of three children. But I grew up in Hollywood. All throughout my childhood my mother, my brother and I would go to the movies at least two or three times a week. This was the case even when we lived in a small beach town where there was only one movie theater; it changed programs every day. After a while a second theater was built; "The Century", It was called. Then we had more choices Both theaters were always full.
Anyway, ever since I was a little girl I had these grand visions of wearing long satin gowns and fancy hairstyles and living in great fancy mansions with marble staircases Or else I would imagine myself having my own apartment in New York City and living alone and Independently like many of the heroines In the American movies of the 1940‘s. 1 wanted a life full of drama ond excitement. For a while I even wonted to become an actress; at least I would be able to pretend thot I was somebody else, thot I lived in a different world... 65
When I decided to leave the country I thought that it was because the revolution hod betrayed me, had betrayed my ideals of a free and just society But years later I began to realize that the main reason why I'd come to the United States was thot I thought I could make those old Hollywood dreams come true, thot I could turn the fantasies of my youth into reality.
Even children who were not involved in making the decision to leave the country often hod similar ideas and expectations A young Cuban-Americon, reflecting on her experiences prior to leaving the island at the age of fourteen stated
I had never been abroad, so leaving Cuba was for me, at fourteen, an adventure. To the United Stotes went the rich, those who attended bilingual schools and who therefore knew how to speak English. Going to the United Stotes was something big. I imagined it on the basis of the movies I used to see, the magazines I used to look through end the stones I'd hear from acquaintances who had been there It was an idyllic paradise (Gnjpo Areito 1978:17 Translated by Quintanales).
Today, after twenty eight years of socialism ond depite the U S imposed political, economic and cultural blockades, American movies, American music, American fashions, ond American technology still fascinate ond to a great extent provide major cultural standards for Cubans in the island
Indeed in Cuba one often hears from old ond young alike that “It's the
American government thot w ere ogainst, not the American people, or
American culture" &6
Current Hollywood movlee ere frequently big hits throughout the island; old
American t.v. series are still popular Voung people (and the not so young; clad in blue jeans and running sneakers, are a common sight in the streets of
Havana today. Among Cuban writers, artists, musicians and others who travel for professional reasons, to be invited to the United Stotes is particularly important ond a mar* of success ond distinction To be known here, to hove one's work known in this country means, in essence, thot one has finally "arrived" Those who hove journeyed to the United States on more than one occasion ore of course more aware than those who hove been here only once or have yet to visit, of the fact that this country is not the land of fairytales. Nevertheless, even to these more or less seasoned travelers, as well os to those who hope to visit some day or perhaps emigrate permanently, the United Stotes continues to represent some sort of Idealized, almost magical place
Tony, a twenty-two year old technician who had worked in the steel industry, was unemployed (he had quit his job) and engaged in black market activities when he was Interviewed In Havana in December 1984. The father of a young child, he had recently separated from his wife ond was being supported by hts parents, with whom he resided He was considering the possibility of emigrating to the Untted Stotes sometime in the future He had this to say:
I'm with the revolution, but why do you think people wont to go to the United States? There you con get a house, ond a car end a stereo, ond you con buy all the clothes you want. Here you just work and you don't have 67
anything. The thing too, is thot if your dad is a diplomat or an artist or any one of those people who gets to travel a lot, then you can have nice things too. So there are some young people who dress well and have tape recorders ond v.c.r.'s and a lot of others who don’t. It’s not really fair. Is It? My father has always worked In factories. He couldn’t give me those things! Oneof my cousins, who was actually bom in the U S but who lived here all these years, left for Miami not too long ago. And right away he was earning a lot of money and he had his own apartment and a car We have an uncle who got rich there, you know, and he helped my cousin
Tony's rich uncle appeared to be sort of a hero to Tony and his parents
Tony’s mother, this man s sister, was particularly impressed "He's really
quite enterprising. Even when he lived in Cuba he always applied himself
and could turn anything into gold. That's mostly what it takes, that sort of
initiative and perseverence that he has". Tony's mother was planning to
visit her brother in Miami the following year when she would turn sixty and
become eligible to travel to the United States to see her family (This policy
changed on May 20,1985 when the Cuban government imposed a new ban on
Cuba-U.S. travel).
Tony seemed to be somewhat envious of the fact that his mother would be
allowed to travel to the US. legally He said he also wanted to hove the
opportunity to visit new places When the interviewer suggested that he
travel to Eastern Europe, however, he reacted almost angrily. "No way, that’s
not where I want to go", he said He did not seem to be willing to consider
the possibility of getting the additional education or training necessary to
change his occupation into one that would allow him to travel to other 66 places. It was the interviewers impression that for Tony, going to the
United States was not just a matter of personal interest or preference, but his "right"
Despite the fact that both of Tony's parents hod lived and worked in factories In New York and in Miami during the 1950's, they seemed to hold a rather unrealistic view of what It took to get ahead In the United States; the Image of and identification with the rich relative were apparently strong enough to submerge the memories of their own less successful experiences. Both Tony and his parents appeared to dismiss the
Interviewer's comments about the numerous social and economic problems facing the North American people today, as the biased views of someone who, unlike the rich uncle, just dldn t have what It takes
Ironically, for the main population of the present study, residence in this country and full participation in North American society seem to have served os springboards for individual and/or group explorations into the nature and impact of North American influence on Cuban identity, Cuban culture ond Cuban society. And, it is in the reflections ond analyses of these acculturated and assimilated young Cubon emigres that one often finds the most poignant if at times angry expressions of this phenomenon
The process Involves a review of Cuban social history and their own and their families' position in it, a reassessment of traditional values and goals in light of this history and of their exile experience in the United States
(ond In Puerto Rico); a questioning of what constitutes a "rear (os opposed 69 to o false) Cuban cultural heritage (one which for example takes Into account the African influence); and a quest for new self-definitions ond new lifestyles based on autonomously determined goals and visions for the Cuban people end the Cuban nation.
Writing about growing up In Cuba in the I95 0’s, a Cuban-American man now in his m id-thirties, commented:
I remember that we would go to the movies In niramor Ian upper-middle class neighborhood in Havana! and watch war films The movies would always end with the U S Marines' anthem and all the people in the theater would sing along, stomping their feet on the floor at the rtiythm of the march ..For us, the Americans were the ultimate, the ones who won all the wars; they were our comic-book ond movie heroes..
I also remember that I used to go to a club that belonged to an association colled, in English, The Big Five'; thot the school I attended was named Havana Military Academy In other words that there was an Americanization which starting at that level, penetrated all spheres of Havana society and showed up even in the language .The club to which I belonged was very good in swimming and always won the first places in competitions. What we would sing in the buses on our way to swimming meets, and what our fans would sing from the bleechers to cheer us on, was a song whose lyrics were about our club but whose music was that of the Marine anthem! ( Grupo Aretto 1979:50-5! Translated by Quintanales)
Another Cuban-American, the daughter of professional parents, also in her mid-thirties recalled: 90
My father wouldn’t let me listen to popular Cuban music, the kind you hear in bars and nightclubs but also on the radio or coming from your neighbor s house Cuban and Latin American folkloric music was alright, and so was European classical and of course all varieties of North American music. But not that other kind. I eventually got the idea that there was something almost low -life or sordid about it and had images of disreputable women in low-cut dresses seducing strange men in darfc clubs
Or more frequently I would imagine a scene where a young innocent girl was led astray by an older man at some party where that type of music was being played. I think my father did associate this music with a certain life-style that he didn't want for me, some sort of an urtan lower-class Cuban teen-scene’ of clandestine love affairs, illic it sex, heavy drinking and the like. It all seems rather absurd now.
To this day I cannot listen to this music without feeling guilty on the one hand, and on the other, envious of people who fully enjoy it. I feel like part of my Cuban culture was deliberately denied me ultimately because of a notion that it would keep me from a good and decent life; an upwardly-mobile class vision that looked, in retrospect, an awful lot like a transplanted version of the all-American dream.
Others wrote:
In the mythical world many of us were raised and made to believe was reality, the United States was the land of abundance and freedom, the land in v/hich a worker could own his own house and drive the latest car model, in which one could find everything one could possibly wont; the place with the best schools, the best inventions, the nice little houses with carefully tended lawns, everything new, everything modem... The confrontation with reality was violent... 91
Raised with a crude and vulgar version of bourgeois ideology, resocialized in the North American intellectual environment, with a superior version of that ideology, we have finally been able to shake it, now that we understand very well how It functions and how It Imprisons. It s an invisible jail. The bonds that it places on one's consciousness are stronger because they cannot be recognized as bonds Ideology is presented to us os reality’ We cannot see alternatives We cannot even conceive of alternatives because ideology is presented to us simply as what is1 (Grupo Areito 1978 49-51 Translated by Quintenales)
That the process of breaking free of these binding ties has been difficult and painful for some of these young, mostly well educated, generally successful people (Grupo Areito: 1978) is not surprising. On the one hand it has involved o personal confrontation with and a struggle to change deep- seated self-concepts, attitudes, motivations, expectations and modes of behavior in the context of innumerable pressures produced by family, the exile community. North American institutions and the process of edustment to a new life in this country. On the other it has entailed a broader and far more ambitious political group effort to contend with and counteract the long-term socio-cultural effects of a historic legacy of over a century
Cuban Migration Before 1959
Even before Luba became a republic in 1902, a pattern of Cuban migration to and settlement in the United States hod already been established
Encouraged by increasing commercial activities and closer ties between the two countries, Cubans began to arrive as early as the 1820 s and 1030's, they originally settled in New York, Philadelphia and New Orleans, where 92
they founded commercial houses and other kinds of enterprises and
established small but vita) communities Many wealthy families, breaking
from tradition, began to send their children to study in the United States
rather than in Europe. These early migrants, the majority of whom where
presumably white landowners, merchants, professionals and students, were
later joined by political exiles who where involved in the strugglefor Cuban
independence (Poyo 1984) Indeed the Ten Years War (1868-1878) drove
hundreds of Cuban separatist leaders end activists of all economic classes
and races to seek temporary asylum in the United States ( Bach 1985 , Poyo
1984).
By mid-nineteenth century major sectors of the Cuban economy had become dependent on the United States, and when US. ta riffs on foreign manufactured goods were increased In 1857 and again during the Civil War,
the Cuban cigar industry was particularly affected. In Havana, many factories faced bankrupcy or closed, and at least partly in response to the crisis, a number of cigar manufacturers moved their businesses to the
United States, principally to New York and Key West, Florida, import taxes on unprocessed Cuban tobacco remained relative low, thus it became profitable to produce cigars for the US. market within this country's borders (Poyo 1984)
The serious economic pressures in the island, added to the difficult wartime conditions, precipitated the migration of still many other Cubans who came essentially to look for employment, many of them were cigar workers who had been involved in the Ten Years War. During the second ho If of the 93 nineteenth century , Cuban migration represented a broader cross-section of
Cuba's urban society than had been the cose earlier (Poyo 1984)
The first Cuban community in Florida was in Key West. The temporary home of many political exiles, it became the center of cigar manufacturing in this country. Originally a very small settlement, it grew substantially in a twenty-year period. By 1890, Cubans made up approximately one third of the population of Key West ( Poyo 1984) Wnen part of the Key West cigar
Industry relocated In Tampa In 1886, the second major Cuban center In
Florida appeared there. This Cuban settlement eventually became known as
Tree Havana" due to the predominantly independents! politics of this cigar workers' community (Bach 1985; Jaffe, Cullen and Boswell 1980, Poyo
1984). It grew large in only a few years; by 1895, the Cuban population of
Tampa hod surpassed that of Key West (Poyo 1984).
New Vork City however, was the principal place of residence for Cuban emigres of this period. Besides being a major employment area, it was also the center of Cuban culture and anti-colonial politics in exile. It was the home of a number of important educational, literary and sim ilar organizations, social clubs and a Spanish language press (Poyo 1984); many political groups, including Jose Marti's Cuban Revolutionary Party had headquarters in the city (Bach 1985)
In comparison to other Immigrant communities of the time, the Cuban settlements of the nineteenth century were numerically Insignificant.
Nevertheless, they had a substantial Impact on political developments in the 94 island and on U S -Spanish relations throughout that period There were many differences and considerable conflict among, as well as within, the various
Cuban centers (eg class and racial tensions, factional political struggles, etc), but there was a great deal of contact and cooperation among them, and bound by a strong sense of nationalism shared by all, they viewed themselves os a community (Poyo 1984).
After Cuba gained Its Independence from Spain in 1902, the United States continued to be the favored place of exile of political leaders and activists who opposed subsequent Republican governments; both Batista and Fidel
Castro, for example, became temporary exiles in the United States before returning to engage in armed struggle and/or to assume power In the island
It also continued to provide job opportunities to a small but steady inflow of Cubans during the early part of the twentieth century Only World War I and the Great Depression of the 1930 s temporarily interrupted the migration of Cubans to this country. Following World War II Cuba-U.S. migration was substantial, after 1959 In particular, it has been, as noted, massive (Jaffe, Cullen and Boswell 1980). When the post-1959 Cuban exodus began. It had a long, If perhaps considerably less dramatic historical precedence
Post-1959 Migration
Between January I, 1959 and October 31, 1980, over 800,000 Cubans entered the United States. The exodus from the island occurred In several distinct stages. The first stage was the period between January 1959 and 95
October 1962 Those who hod been involved in the Batista government were the first to leave They were closely followed by upper-class Cubans affected by revolutionary measures such as the Agrarian Reform Law of
June 3, 1959, and by upper-echelon managers and employees of large notional and foreign enterprises after these were confiscated and naturalized in 1960 (Dominguez 1975). Commercial flights were available and until January 1961, when the United States severed diplomatic relations with Cuba, American visas could be obtained either at the American
Embassy in Havana, or at the American Consulate in Santiago de Cuba in the province of Oriente
After that date U.S. visas could only be obtained through third countries
(Dominguez 1975). However, visa waivers, issued by the US State
Deportment and signed by private voluntary agencies involved in the resettlement of Cuban refugees in the United States, could be mailed to
Cuba for 'students' 6 to IB years of age and for adults after being signed by first degree relatives In the United States (Close 1963). m addition, many
Cubans obtained and traveled with counterfit visas or left the country without any travel documents.
Following the Bay of P1gs invasion in 1961, middle-level professionals and managers, small businessmen and w hite-collar workers began to leave, the exodus was becoming more heterogeneous (Dominguez 1975) At the end of this period more than 215,000 Cubans had migrated to the United States
(Boswell and Curtis 1983). Among them there were more than 14,000 unaccompanied children; they hod been sent out of Cuba by their porents in 96 response to widespread rumors that the state would take children away from their families, indoctrinate them, or send them to the Soviet Union
(Bach 1985; Grupo Areito 1978). Approximately 8,000 of these young people were minors, usually between the ages of 6 and 19, who had no relatives here to take care of them ( Close 1963).
The second stage began with the Missile Crists In October 1962 and lasted until November 1965 During this period migration slowed down considerably. Nevertheless, approximately 56,000 Cubans managed to leave the Island (Boswell and Curtis 1983). Diplomatic relations between the
United States and Cuba had been completely severed, all commercial flights from the Island to the United States had been suspended, and those individuals who wanted to leave Cuba had no choice but to obtain visas and travel through third countries (predominantly Mexico and Spain) or resort to unconventional means such as the use of private boats and rafts The only exceptions were: 1,117 Bay of Pigs prisoners; 6.049 Cuban refugees arriving
In vessels that had taken medical supplies to the Island as port of the Bay of
Pigs negotiations; and 1,612 passengers (638 of them U.S. citizens) flown to
Miami on American Red Cross-sponsored aircraft (Dominguez 1975)
On September 28, 1965 Fidel Castro announced that beginning on the 10th of October, Cubans with relatives in the United States would be allowed to leave the country. A few days later he stated that all those who wished to leave could do so (Dominguez 1975). Shortly thereafter a boatlift was set up, with the cooperation of US. Cubans, at the Port of Camarioca on the northern coast of the province of Metanzas. During a period of one month, 97
5.000 persons arrived in South Florida by boat (Copeland 1983) In that time a number of tragedies occured at sea, lives were lost, and the situation resulted in considerable chaos (Boswell and Curtis 1983) Subsequently, arrangements were made between the United States and Cuba through the
Swiss Embassy in Havana, whereby the US. agreed to provide air transportation between Cuba and the U.S., allowing the entry of 3,000 to
4.000 persons to the U.S. monthly. This agreement marlced the beginning of the third stage of migration.
This stage, variously known as the "Aereal Bridge', "Freedom Flights' or
"Family Reunification Flights' (Boswell and Curtis 1983) began on December
1,1965 and lasted until April 1973. There were two dally flights between
Varadero Beach, in the province of Natanzas, and Miami, Florida Priority was given to individuals who had unmarried children or siblings under the age of 21 living in the U.S., spouses, and unmarried children under 21 who wished to immigrate However, the Cuban government barred the exit of political prisoners and of male youths of m ilitary age (15 to 26 year-olds) and restricted the departure of technicians and other skilled workers until replacements could be found for them Probably as a consequence of these regulations, airlift arrivals overrepresented students, children and housewives Nevertheless, worlclng men continued to migrate In contrast to the earlier waves however, there was a marlced Increase in the respresentation of lower occupational sectors among the refugees leaving the country during this period (Dominguez f975). When the a irlift ended, in 98
1973, more than a quarter of a million Cubans had arrived in Miami
(Pedraza-Bailey 1982, referred to in Bach 1985)
Between April 1973 and April 1980 Cuban migration to the United States once again slowed down. It was lim ited to a few thousand Cuban political prisoners, Cuban spouses and children accompanying Americans who had been previously denied exit visas, approximately 17,000 individuals entering the U.S. through third countries (predominantely Spain) to rejoin family members here, and some boat people (Scanlon and Loescher 1983) At the end of this period just under 38,000 Cubans had arrived In the United
States (Boswell and Curtis 1983).
During the late 1970's both the Cuban government and the Carter administration engaged in various reciprocally cooperative efforts to improve diplomatic relations between the two countries In March 1977
President Carter lifted travel restrictions for U S citizens wishing to visit
Cuba, allowing American tourists to spend small amounts of U S dollars in the country; he also suspended U.S. photoreconnaissance overflights of the island. In April, Castro assured Carter that he would comply with antihijacking aggrements that had previously been cancelled A month later both Carter and Castro agreed to open interest sections in Havana and in
Washmgtion D C. in September of that year (Copeland 1983)
On September 6,1978 Castro held a press conference in Havana which included Cuban exile journalists. At that time he announced the establishment of a Dialogue policy between Cuba and the exile Cuban 99 community A few weeks later a two-part conference took place in Havana
CE1 Dielogo') in which the Cuban government and representative members of the Cuban-American community met to discuss issues of interest and concern to both. These talks led to a number of negotiations which included the release of certain categories of Cuban political prisoners and ex- prisoners still in the island, and the permision for Cuban nationals living abroad to visit the country again The response of Cuban emigres to these developments was varied (from strongly positive to extremely negative), in any case it has been estimated that 100,000 Cuban-Americans traveled to
Cuba during 1979 alone (A 2 icri 1981-1982).
In the spring of 1980, the most recent mass influx of Cubans to the United
States began, on March 28,1980, a bus carrying passengers who wanted to leave the country, crashed into the Peruvian Embassy in Havana; all passengers requested political asylum. During this incident a Cuban guard was killed. Several days later, on April 4, the Cuban government withdrew all the guards from the embassy and announced that those individuals seeking asylum would be allowed to leave the Island. During the two days that followed, more than 10,000 Cubans entered the Peruvian Embassy, also seeking political refuge (Prieto 1984)
A series of flights from Cuba to Peru, Costa Rica and Spain were arranged in order to evacuate the Peruvian Embassy Then, on April 20, the Cuban government announced that the port of Mariel in the province of Havana would be open for all Cubans who wanted to leave the country, Cuban
Americans, particularly Florida residents, immediately organized a flotilla 100 reminiscent of the earlier Camariocn bontlift, and began to ferry Cubans to
South Florida By September 26,1900, 125,000 Cubans had entered the
United States ( Boswell and Curtis 1983).
The Refugees
In general terms, the social composition of the post-1959 Cuban migrants can be characterized by declining social status. The first wave overrepresented the middle and upper classes of the Cuban population This group of exiles was wealthier and better educated than the general Cuban population at that time. Until March 1963, refugees registered at the Miami
Refugee Center showed professional and semiprofesional individuals overrepresented by a factor of more than 5, and individuals in extractive occupations such as agriculture and fishing were underrepresented by a factor of about 16 (Fagen, Brody and Oleary 1968). Among these refugees,
36 percent had completed the 12th grade or above, while only4 percent of the Cuban population in 1959 had done so (Fagen, Brody, and Oleary 1968 )
With time, the average educational backgrounds and the percentage of professionals and w hite-collar workers among the immigrants decreased
(Casal and Hernandez 1985) The proportion of professionals, managers and technical workers for example, dropped from 31 percent in the 1959 to
1962 wave to 18 percent In 1967 (Fagen, Brody and O'Leary 1968). The proportion of skilled workers however, increased after 1965 During the early 1970 s, the proportion of men who worked in the service sector rose 101 from 7 percent to 10 in the earlier waves, to 26 percent in the later ones
(Portes, Clark and Bach 1977)
The majority of the 1980's entrants were sim ilar in their educational and occupational backgrounds to the groups that arrived in the early 1970 s, however, this last wave of Immigrants exhibited features that earlier waves had not. included in this group were former criminals, mental patients and socially marginal individuals; unlike earlier ones, this group had a considerable sex imbalance, with men outnumbering women by more than two to one In terms of the age composition of these migrants, the
Mariel exodus was younger than the earlier waves; there were also far more single young men and women without direct family ties in the United States than among earlier groups. This latest wave also Included larger numbers of
Black Cubans than any previous group, which up to this point, had been overwhelmingly white (Prieto 1984; Bach 1985).
As a number of investigators of the Cuban exodus have noted, the successive waves of refugees entering the United States since 1959 represent a cross section of pre-revolutionary Cuban society According to Bach,
From the professionals, landowners and businessmen of the early t960‘s, through the family groups leaving by way of the aereal bridge', to the working-class populations of the Mariel exodus, this twenty-five-year refugee flow has transplanted a sizeable and socially significant segment of the Cuban population onto U S soil. The Mariel exodus has brought its share of the social outcasts that exist in all societies. Looking back on this transplanted population in the United States, many or the dimensions of social organization that stand out in the predominant Miami and New Jersey 102
Cuban communities, including the social and economic inequalities, recall the social order of Havana in the 1950‘s (1985:86)
The Politics of Exile
Unlike many other groups of people who have migrated to this country since the 19th century, Cuban refugees arriving in the United States after the victory of the revolutionary forces in Cuba in t959, found a very positive official reception and widespread popular support Until January 1,1961, when the U.S. consular office closed in Havana, nonimmigrant visas (tourist and student visas) were issued quickly and as a matter of course After that date, when U S nonimmigrant visas could no longer be secured directly, and many Cubans traveled w ith conterfeit documents or none at all, US government officials nevertheless admitted them to this country
In fact, the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service actively avoided deportation proceedings against individuals who entered the United States illegally or who remained here after the expiration of their visas; indeed deportation was regularly circumvented by granting the emigres parole with
“extended voluntary departure" privileges. The Coast Guard also played a part in these lenient proceedings by making no attempts to turn away undocumented Cubans who were arriving by sea in small boats (Fagen, Brody and O’Leary 1968, Scanlan and Loescher 1983).
Cuban emigres were admitted to this country without quotas, without prior security checks, without the ordinary requirements that they have 103 guaranteed employment in this country, or that they enlist in the formal sponsorship programs of the various private voluntary organizations that are normally in charge of processing refugees; of course to be eligible for refugee benefits they were required to register with the Cuban Refugee
Center While considerable efforts were made to induce the relocation of
Cubans throughout the United States (with a measure of success), they were never forced to do so (Scantan and Loescher 1983)
On December 7, I960, In response to the massive Influx of Cubans to the
United States, President Eisenhower initiated the first large scale federal refugee program in this country's history. The Cuban Refugee Emergency
Center, whose main purpose was to provide initial relief (food, clothing, health care, some employment assistance, etc.), was established in Miami
In January 1961, President Kennedy implemented a substitute program which was nevertheless designed to meet the same major objectives as
Elsenhower's: to provide welfare benefits to the Cuban entrants who needed them, to assist employable individuals in securing jobs, and to promote and facilitate the resettlement of exiles In other areas of the country (Scanian and Loescher 1983) tn April 1961, he expanded his commitment by establishing the Cuban Refugee Program as part of the Department of Health,
Education and Welfare (Bach 19B5). initially, funds for the program were provided by presidential discretion, by
1961 they had totaled $4 million. Between 1961 and 1973 the amount increased considerably, to about $67 million a year (Bach 1985) A large portion of these funds went to the Dade County public school system to 104
assist the incorporation of large numbers of Cuban children (Bach 1985)
Other funds were utilized for the additional care of unaccompanied children
(Dominguez 1975) who were placed in academic institutions, foster homes
and orphanages in 110 cities in 40 states (Rumbaut and Rumbaut 1976)
Transitional one-time-only grants, consisting of $100 per family or $60 per
single individual, were provided to resettling refugees ( Dominguez 1975)
Educational and business loans were made available, programs for the
retraining and/or the occupational upgrading of professional exiles were
established. The greatest proportion of this budget however, was utilized in
welfare and health care assistance (Bach 1985). By 1973, the Cuban Refugee
Program had cost the US government $867 million, more money per capita
than it had ever spent for any other refugee group in its history (Dominguez
1975).
In 1962 the Migration and Refugee Assistance Act established permanent
presidential authority for the relief program; The Cuban Adjustment Act of
1966 consolidated executive and legislative previously temporary
authorities to stabilize the legal status of Cuban exiles by allowing them to
become permanent residents and naturalized citizens. In the years that
followed other refugees besides Cubans (essentially from the Soviet union
and Indochina) were admitted to this country However, US response was
population specific and different policies and programs of domestic
assistance were applied to and developed for different refugee groups. In
other words, refugee settlement efforts were ad and characterized by
much complexity and organizational overlap (Haines 1985; Kennedy 1981). On March 17, 1980 President Carter signed The Refugee Act of 1980 into law Designed to standarize U.S. policy concerning international refugee movements, the act has six major objectives, among them the provision for a maximum of 50,000 annual refugee admissions, which signifies a raise from the previous official figure of 17,400 (Kennedy 1981). The president however, is allowed to exceed this number for a period of a year after consulting with Congress end determining that a particular situation concerning potential refugees is an emergency of grave humanitarian concern, or is in the national interest to become involved in it The act also authorizes the secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services to make necessary arrangements for the care of refugees in emergency situations (Copeland 1983). For the firs t time since 1952, the laws on the admission and resettlement of refugees in this country were substantially reformed (Kennedy 1981)
An Important feature of this piece of legislation was the repeal of the previously discriminatory definition of a refugee as someone fleeing exclusively from a communist country or from certain areas of the Middle
East (Kennedy 1981). Instead, the act incorporates the United Nations definition of refugees which classifies them as Individuals who are unable to remain or return to their country due to ‘ persecution or a well-founded fear of persecution on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion" (quoted In Haines 1985.10).
All those who meet these criteria are supposedly eligible to apply for asylum in this country and receive full refugee benefits. 106
Only o month after the Refugee Act of 1980 was adopted, the massive Mariel exodus began At the onset of the crisis, the Carter Administration relied on the emergency provisions contained in the new act However, as the inflow increased, it abandoned its use in favor of a temporary, short-term solution: the "parole authority" that was contained in the 1952 Immigration and
Nationality Act of 1952 (Kennedy 1981) A category of “entrant-status pending" was applied to the Mariel entrants (as well as to the Haitian Boat
People who were arriving at about the same time) as a temporary measure, their legal status to be determined at a later date (Boswell and Curtis
1983)
The Mariel crisis was essentially handled as a federal emergency for which no stable and long-ranged institutional framework was established This situation, coupled with the difficulties presented by thousands of people for whom neither sponsors nor Jobs could be found (those with prison records, the mentally 111, singles with no family ties in this country; young adults males; Blacks and homosexuals), an economic recession and the generally negative public response to these newcomers resulted in an enormous amount of government spending on the one hand, and In extreme hardship for a considerable number of the Mariel Immigrants (Copeland 1983; Bach 1985)
Arguing that the U S government has played an extensive and self-serving role in the post-1959 migration of Cubans to the United States, Scanlen end
Loescher point out that 107
During the 1959-62 migration wove, particularly prior to the failure of the Bay of Pigs invasion, Cubans were welcome as temporary exiles, likely to topple Castro and return home. The second major migration wave began in 1965, In the midst of a U.S. campaign for systematically isolating and economically depriving Cuba and its citizens When thousands of those citizens le ft Cuba, primarily to improve their economic circumstances and rejoin family members, they were welcome os refugees because of the symbolic value of their rejection of Latin American s only communist state The third migration wave occured in 1980, after a decade of detente and gradually improving U S -Cuban relations. It served no clear U.S. foreign policy ends and was perceived as helping Cuba rid itself of undesirables Consequently those arriving received little public support (1903:1 16)
In many ways, the last wave of Cuban emigres had come to a different country than their compatriots who preceded them
The Cuban Amencans:Demoqraphic Characteristics
Cuban-Americans now constitute the third largest Spanish-speaking group in the country, approximately 5.5 percent of the total Hispanic population.
This figure, while not particularly impressive at the national level, is
regionally significant given the heavily concentrated Cuban settlements, particularly in the case of the greater Miami area (Boswell and Curtis
1983) Initially the large influx of Cubans to this area created severe socio
economic pressures However, South Florida was later to emerge as an
important Cuban-American center, attracting considerable national and
international attention. As Robert Bach points out, 106
In Dede County, Cuban Americans occupy a prominent role in promoting the resurgent financial end commercial links between Miami and Latin America. In 1980, Cuban-Americans accounted for sixteen out of sixty-two bank presidents in Dade County and an equally impressive number of vice-presidents and bank officers Approximately one-third of the businesses in Miami are Cuban owned and operated. And in certain large sectors of the Miami economy, Cuban-Americans compose a substantial majority of workers (1985b:89)
According to Boswell and Curtis, in both Greater Miami and the metropolitan area of Union City-West New York in New Jersey (where the second largest concentration of Cubans in the U.S. is found), the Cuban-American population has had "...a tremendous social, economic, and political influence on the respective host communities' (1983:2)
Geographic Distribution and Residence. The Miami-Ft. Lauderdale area (Oade and Broward counties in Florida) accounts for slightly more than 52 percent of the entire Cuban-origin population of the United States. When the 1980 census is compared with the 1970 census, there appears to be an indication of an accelerated concentration in Florida, apparently as a result of considerable "return migration' of Cubans who had been originally resettled elsewhere in the country by the Cuban Refugee Resettlement Program.
(Perez 1985) This situation stands in contrast to the Mexican and Puerto
Rican populations, for example, which during the same decade exhibited a tendency to move away from their original areas of concentration within the
U S ( Perez 1985). 109
The rest of the Cuban-American population is predominantly found in New
York, New Jersey, California, and Illinois (Portes and Bach 1985) with the
Union City-W est New York area in New Jersey constituting the second largest concentration of Cubans in this country. There is a larger number of
Cuban-Americans in New York City, but they are distributed throughout the five boroughs, rather than congregated in distinct neigborhoods The Miemi-
Ft. Lauderdale, Greater New York, and Los Angeles areas combined contain more than three-fourths of the Cuban population in this country (Pere2
1985) More than every other major Hispanic group and the total US population, the Cuban-American population resides in urban areas, within metropolitan areas, Cubans are more likely then the other populations to live in the suburbs fPerez 1985)
Aoe and Sex Composition in comparison with the other Hispanic populations as well as with the total population of the Untted States, Cuban Americans are older and have the highest proportion of females, an atypical phenomenon for a population composed largerly of immigrants (immigrant populations tend to be younger and hove higher sex ratios ). Median age Is
37.7 years (for the U.S. total, the figure is 30 years); the sex ratio for the
Cuban population is 90 8 compared to 94.5 for the total U S population and
103 4 for the Mexican population, for example (Pferez 1985) The low sex ratio among Cubans is apparently not only the result of it being an older population (low sex ratios tend to be characteristic of older populations), but also a consequence of the restrictions the revolutionary government had placed on the migration of males of military age particularly, among the 110 refugees who arrived in this country through the airlifts between 1965 and
1973 (Boswell and Curtis 1983; Perez 1985). The 1980 census, which does not include the Mariel refugees, indicates that there is an abnormally low number of males between the ages of 25 and 40 (Perez 1985).
According to the 1980 census, there is also a slight overrpresentation (in comparison with the U.S. population), of persons 15 to 19 years of age. This group was born during years when the birth rate In Cuba was also high
(Pfcrez 1985) Among the various Hispanic populations in this country
(Cubans, Mexican, Puerto Ricans and Other Spanish) and the total U.S. population, Cubans also have the lowest proportion of Individuals under 15 years of age This relatively small number of children seems to be related to a low fe rtility rate among Cubans (Pfcrez 1985).
Fertilltu In comparison with all other Hispanic groups, the total U.S. population, and the total white metropolitan population of the United
States, the number of children bom to Cuban women in all maternal age categories is extremely low ( Boswell and Curtis 1983, Perez 1985). No complete explanations for this phenomenon have yet been produced, but some have suggested that there is a link between the low fe rtility rate among Cuban-American women and their very high rates of labor force participation in this country It has also been noted that in the years preceding the revolution, Cuba had one of the lowest birth rates in Latin
America and that at present, as is the case among Cuban-Americans, the reproductive rate of Cubans in the island is also very low, indeed among the lowest in the entire developing world (Diaz-Briquets and Perez 1981 I l l referred to in Boswell and Curtis 1983; Perez 1985). In other words, low
fe rtility seems to be characteristic of all Cubans
Family Structure and Marital Status In comparison to the other populations mentioned above, Cuban-Americans have the lowest proportion of families with children, and the highest proportion of persons 65 years of age and above who Identify themselves as 'other relatives' of heads of households
(the percentage among Cubans is 30.7 and only 8.9 In the total US population), tn addition, elderly persons of Cuban origin are least likely to establish independent households or be Inmates of nursing homes or other
Institutions (Pferez 1985). These data seem to support the common notion among researchers that the three-generation family is a fairly widespread phenomenon among Cuban-Americans However, there seems to be some indication that this situation is changing, that indeed a tendency towards nuclear family domestic arrangements has been developing (Casal and
Hemfcnde2 1975) Among other factors contributing to this trend may be the
Increasing reluctance of younger Cuban-Americans, particularly those who marry non-Cubans (or non-htspanlcs), to live In extended family households
(P6rez 1985)
Regarding marital status, there is a relatively low proportion of never- married persons among Cuban-Americans Cuban men are more likely to be married than men in the other populations mentioned earlier. On the other hand, in comparison with the other Hispanic groups end with the total U.S. population, Cuban-Americans have the highest proportion of women tn the divorced category. This case seems to be related both to a high divorce rate 1 12 and to the possible difficulties divorced women may encounter if they wish or expect to remarry within the group; as was mentioned earlier, sex ratios among moles between 25 and 40, the most likely marriage partners, are extremely low (Perez 1985).
Despite the high incidence of divorced Cuban women, Cubans do not exhibit family characteristics that ere usually associated with high divorce rates.
In comparison with other Hispanic groups and with the total U S population,
Cuban-Americans have the highest proportion of children under 18 living with both parents; there Is a fairly low percentage of female headed fomllles; and the lowest incidence of mother-child units living within larger family households (Pferez 1985). Apparently divorced women return to their parents's home but do so unaccompanied by children, and if having children tends to Inhibit the Incidence of divorce to some extent, low rates of fertility still permit the divorce rate to be high (Pferez 1985).
Education Regarding educationol levels, Cuban-Americans occupy an intermediote position both between hispanics and non-Hispanics in the
United Stotes and within the total Hispanic population (Boswell and Curtis
1983). They are better educated than persons of Mexican and Puerto Rican origin but not quite as well educated as persons of ‘Other Spanish' origins.
Median number of school years completed by Cuban-Americans in 1980 was
12.2 in comparison to 9,6 for Mexicans, 10.5 for Puerto Ricans, 12.3 for the
'Other Spanish' population and 12.5 for the total U.S. population U 3
However it should be noted that the percentage of Cuban-Americans of 25 years of age and older who have completed four or more years of college
(16.2) is considerably higher then for ail other Hispanic groups (the figures are 4.9 for Mexicans, 5.6 for Puerto Ricans and 12.4 for ‘Other Spanish"), and, it is exactly that of the total U.S. populationf 16.2) (Perez 1985). At the seme time, the percentage of Cuban-Americans 25 years of age and older with eight years or less of school completed in 1980 ( 35.3) is comparable to that of Mexicans (46.6) and Puerto Ricans (3 8 5 ) while considerably higher than the figures for "Other Spanish" (27 8) and the total US population (18.2).
Cuban-Americans under 35 years of age have the highest rates of school enrollment of all these population, particularly at the preschool level (43.4 percent), in contrast to the 32.8 figure for the total U.S. population. In terms of the educational attainments of Cuban-Americans, the picture that emerges is that of a population with a high percentange of college graduates and individuals enrolled in school (most likely due to the earlier immigrants and the young Cubans who entered the school system) but also with a high percentage of individuals who did not attend school beyond the elementary grades (most likely the elderly who immigrated from a developing country))
(Perez 1985)
Labor Force Participation and Employment Regarding the labor force participation and employment of Cubans in the United States, the proportion of all Cuban Americans 16 years old and above (66 percent) in the labor force is higher than the figure for oil other groups, including the total U.S. 1 H
population (the figures are 64 6 for Mexicans, 54 9 for Puerto Ricans, 64 6 for 'Other Spanish', and 62 percent for the total U S population). They also have the lower rate of unemployment (Perez 1985) This holds true even if one examines only the female population
Cuban-American women exhibit higher rates of labor force participation thon those of all the other populations being discussed, regardless of the measure used (labor force participation of married women, married women with children, overall female labor force participation, etc ) The percentage of all females 16 years of age and over in the labor force for example, are
55 4 for Cuban-Americans, 49 for Mexicans, 40 .1 for Puerto Ricans, 53 4 for
"Other Spanish" and 49 9 for the total U.S. population Figures for married women over 16 years of age living with their husbands and their own children under 6 years of age ere: 50 5 for Cuban-Americans, 42.5 for
Mexicans, 38.9 for Puerto Ricans, 45.7 for "Other Spanish' and 43.9 for the total U.S. population (Perez 1985).
It has been indicated that the high incidence of female labor participation in the Cuban-American population is consistent with low fertility, the three- generation household (which facilitates childcare for working mothers), and the relatively high proportion of very young children enrolled m school
(Perez 1985) A number of investigators claim that this high percentage of employment among Cuban-American women has lead to some transformations within the traditional Cuban family institution ( Prince
1972; Boone 1980) 115
Despite the apparent gender-role flexibility and general adaptability exhibited by Cuban-American women (Boone 1980), the tendency towards nuclear family living, the reported lack of male participation in household work and the absence of domestic servants, combined with the high rates of labor force participation, however, seem to be placing considerable burden on Cuban American women (Prince 1972) The very high divorce rates and an epparent increase in adjustment problems among Cuban-American women
(still largely unexamined), may be the reflections of the difficulties and strains many Cuban-American women experience with their new "doubie- sh ift“ in this country (Casal and Hernandez 1975).
In terms of the occupational picture for Cuban-Americans in comparison to the other populations, they are least likely to be employed In the public sector and also exhibit a higher proportion of self-employment then any of the other Hispanic groups (Perez 1985). Regarding the areas in which they are employed, Cuban-Americans exhibit fairly high percentages in wholesale and retail trade, banking and credit agencies, insurance, real estate, and other finance. Low percentages are shown in extractive industries, public administration, and the manufacture of durable goods, in comparison with the other populations under discussion, only Cuban-Americans have a m ajority of persons in manufacturing employed in the manufacture of nondurable goods, notably, in the textile industry, this is probably due to the predominance of this industry in areas of high Cuban-American concentration such as Dade County in Florida (P&rez 1985). 116
Cubans exhibit higher proportions of persons in executive, administrative, managerial and professional occupations in comparasion with the other
Hispanic groups but not in comparison w ith the total U S population, with the one exeption of sales (Perez 1985). Cuban-American women show the highest proportion of operators and factory workers and the lowest proportion of service workers in comparison to the other populations; they exhibit higher proportions in nonclerical white-collar occupations than is the case for all other Hispanic women, but tower than for all U S women
(Pfcrez 1985)
The median family income of Cuban-Americans occupies an Intermediate poslton between that of the other three Hispanic groups and the figure for all families in this country. However, It is closer to the latter. When gender is considered In relationship to income, a different picture emerges. Cuban-
American males occupy the intermediate position as is the case with family
Income, but thalr income is closer to that of the total Hispanic population than to the total U.S. population. In contrast, Cuban-American women, while showing much lower incomes than their male counterparts, actually earn more than any of the other female populations Including the total U.5 female population.
The figures are $5,307 (median income) for Cuban-American women 15 years of age and older, $4,556 for Mexicans, $4,473 for Puerto Ricans,
$5,186 for "Other Spanish", and $5,263 for the total U.S. female population
(Perez 1985). The median income of Cuban-American married-couple familes with children under six ( $20,334), is higher than that for all such 117 fam ilies in the country ($14,855 for Mexicans, $13,428 for Puerto Ricans,
$16,708 for 'Other Hispanic" and $19,630 for the total U.S. population)
(Pfcrez 1985) This phenomenon seems to be the reflection of the high rates of female labor force participation among Cuban-Americans (Perez 1985).
Generally then. In terms of their socio-economic status, Cuban-Americans occupy on intermediate position within the total Hlspantc-Amerlcon population but are more similar to the "Other Spanish" than they are to the
Puerto Ricans or Mextcan-Amerlcans, who are more disadvantaged Cuban-
Americans also occupy an Intermediate position between all Hispanic-
Americans and the American population not of Spanish descent. However,
Cuban-Americans ore more sim ilar to the la tte r than to the former.
Demographlcally they are expected to become Indistinguishable from the white, non-Hlspanlc American population In the near future (Boswell and
Curtis 1983).
When social and economic characteristics are compared among the various
Cuban-American populations— in Florida, the New York/New Jersey area and
In the combined "Other states" category, Florida residents show the lowest socioeconomic status, those who live in "other states" the highest, end those residing in New York/New Jersey occupy an Intermediate position, but are more sim ilar to the Florida residents (Boswell and Curtis 1983)
Generally there is very little difference in the age structures between the
Cuban-Americans in Florida and those in the New York/New Jersey area.
However, Cubans living in the three states of California, Illinois and Texas are about six years younger on the average. 116
There Is practically no difference in sex-ratlos end types of residence among the Florida Cubans, the New York/New Jersey residents and those who live in the combined "Other states’ However, significant differences are evident regarding educational levels: Cubans living in "other states' have the highest levels, Florida residents the lowest, with those in the New
York/New Jersey area occupying on intermediate position (Boswell and
Curtis 1983). The Florida population has trie lowest fertility rate of the three populations, an anomaly (fe rtility and education ere usually inversely correlated) which has been explained by the fact that Cuban-American women living in Florida hove the highest rate of labor force participation of the three groups; female labor force participation is considered to hove a greater impact on fertility among Cuban-Americans than educational attainment (Boswell and Curtis 1983). Since the most recent and largest wave of Cubans arrived in this country after the 1960 census and as mentioned earlier, they exhibited a number of characteristics that distinguished them from the earlier waves, all generalizations based on census data and studies conducted prior to the Spring of 1980 are very likely going to need revisions.
Acculturation and Assimilation
The General Population The Cuban emigres' process of adaptation to life in
North American society is a subject of considerable debate and controversy.
Different theoretical and methodological approaches to this area of investigation have sometimes yielded results that appear to be (though in fact they might not be) contradictory. As of 1975 no truly comparative 119 studies of immigrant adjustment in the various Cuban-American communities had yet been conducted (Casal and Hernandez 1975); to the knowledge of the present investigator, this is still the case
A tendency to emphasize some aspects of this process while largely
Ignoring others has resulted In certain gaps In the literature. Therefore a great deal more information is available on the socio-economic adaptation of Cubans In this country for example, than on their political attitudes and behavior, their psychosocial adjustment, particularly as It pertains to
Cuban-American youth and certain “at risk groups" such os the aged. Blacks and Welfare recipients (Casal and Hernandez 1975) etc. Often enough, analyses and Interpretations of data have been more than reasonably colored by the Investigators' political perspectives on the highly charged and polarized issue of the Cuban exodus and exile experience in the United
States. Hence one Is as likely to find portrayals of the Cuban exile community as a striking example of Immigrant success in this country, as one Is to encounter depictions of It os an Ingrown, socially and culturally stagnated or even decadent immigrant group (particularly the South Florida community)
Access to the literature on Cuban Americans is fairly limited. Reports often appear in obscure journals, difficult to obtain documents, publications with limited editions and/or uneven distribution, a number of studies, specifically on the acculturation/assimilation of Cuban exiles are unpublished doctoral or master s theses (see Casal and Hernandez 1975; Mac 120
Corkle 1984; Fernandez end Narvaez 1985). As a consequence of these
factors generalizations at this time can only be tentative
Nevertheless, on the basis of a number of fairly comprehensive studies on
the acculturation/assimilation of Cubans in the major settlement areas of
South Florida (Lbpez-Blanco, Monti el and Su 6rez 1968; Portes, Clark and
L6pez 1981-1982 ) and West New York, New Jersey, (Gil 1968; Rogg 1974;
Rogg and Cooney 1980; Prieto I960) and In Milwaukee (Portes 1969),
Indianapolis (Prohlas 1967 referred to in Casal and Hernandez 1975); New
Orleans (Carballo 1970 referred to in Casal and Hernandez 1975, Williamson
1977); Washington DC. (Boone 1980) among others, and In Puerto Rico
(Esteve 1984) it is possible to provide at least a general statement os to
how post-1959 Cuban immigrants have adjusted to their lives In exile
In a study of the Cuban community of West New York, New Jersey, Rogg
(1974) hypothesized that: 1) the creation of a concentrated ethnic
community favors the adjustment of first-generation (immigrant) Cubans
although It slows down their acculturation In the short run; and that 2 )
individuals from middle-class backgrounds adjust and acculturate more
easily than lower class immigrants. She concluded that while a strong
ethnic community does indeed slow down acculturation in the short run, but
it does not stop it, at the seme time it reduces the adjustment problems of
migrants. Regarding the relationship between class background,
occupational adjustment and acculturation, she found that occupational
adjustment seems to precede acculturation for Cubans of lower 121 socio-economic status, but acculturation appears to precede occupational adjustment among Cubans of higher socio-economic status
In a study of Cubans In Milwaukee, Portes (1969) makes a distinction between adaptation (behavioral assimilation) and Integration; he describes the latter as a process involving a fundamental change of psychological commitments whereby the former refugee abandons his desire to return to
Cuba, begins to see himself as a permanent participant in U.S. society and orients himself towards economic success in this country Portes hypothesized, and his data supported his hypotheses, that the crucial
Influence on integration are comparative socio-economic rewards; the refugee evaluates the relative attractiveness of his situation in the United
States by subjectively comparing present rewards to those he received in
Cuba and to reward expectations he held at the beginning of the refugee experience. He also hypothesized that the longer the period of residence In a community outside of the major Cuban-American centers, the greater the integration would be. This lost hypothesis was found to lack statistical significance, Indirectly supporting his view regarding the Importance of comparative rewards on integration
Nevertheless, other studies suggest that, if one were to use Portes' concept of integration, Cubans living in communities outside of major Cuban centers appear to be more integrated than those who reside in areas such as Miami and West New York (Casal and Hernandez 1975). Indeed Casal and Hernandez point out that 122
The problem is that comparative levels of socio-economic reward are not independent from the existence of a strong ethnic community, .those with fewer marketable or transferable skills and less adaptability tend to remain in Miami or choose other cities with large Cuban communities. The interaction among type of community, occupational mobility, and integration Is complex because resettlement away from a strong ethnic community may favor integration and upward occupational mobility (1975:32)
In a study of Cubans In Miami L 6pe2 -Blanco et al. (1968 ref in Casal and
Hernandez 1975) found several variables to be related to levels of assimilation: number of children In the household (fam ilies with more children seem to assimilate faster); occupational level and education prior to arrival to the United States ( the higher the levels, the better the assimilation); and the location of residence prior to exile ( pre-exile urban residence Is associated with better assimlation levels).
A topic of current scholarly interest and debate is the nature and impact of the economic activity of the Cuban community of South Florida on the incorporation of Cuban exiles who arrived in the 1970's (see Portes 1981-
1982; Rogg 1981-1982; Valdes Paz and Hernandez 1984). A number of investigators claim that this Cuban-American center constitutes a unique context, categorically referred to as an "ethnic enclave", for the assimilation of Cuban exiles, a process which in this case allegedly reveals trends which challenge current theories and perspectives on Immigrant acculturation and assimilation (Portes, Clark and Lopez 1981-1982). According to Portes and Bach, " ethnic enclaves are a distinctive economic formation, characterized by the spatial concentration of immigrants who organize a variety of enterprises to serve their own ethnic market and the general population" (1985:203). They distinguish ethnic enclaves from ethnic neighborhoods or residential communities which ordinarily "...lack the extensive division of labor of the enclave and especially, its highly differentiated entrepeneurial class" (1985:205) Indeed, in Union City-West
New Vork (New Jersey) where the second largest concentration of Cuban-
Americans is found, no large scale entrepeneunol success is in evidence
(Rogg 1974). This area is primarily a working-class settlement where most
Cuban-Americans are employed in blue-collar occupations outside their community of residence (Rogg and Cooney 1980).
As Portes, Clark and Ldpez (19 81 -19 82 ) point out, this economic entity, created by the earlier waves of exiles In the course of the past couple of decades, has been able to absorb a substantial proportion of more recent exiles, offering them employment in Cuban-American enterprises and providing them the means for occupational mobility and independent economic activity (self-employment) These kinds of employment opportunities are seldom available to immigrants entering other labor market sectors Most Cuban immigrants In this area need not go beyond its physical boundaries to find employment or conduct their everyday affairs, this phenomenon, they claim, constitutes a distinct mode of incorporation into the receiving economy and has important consequences for the general process of Immigrant adaptation to North American society. 124
English language competency, for example, and certain kinds of knowledge of
and adjustments to U.S. society have been found not to be crucial survival
skills or central issues in the process of emigre adjustment The fairly
common confrontations other immigrants from Third World countries
experience with North American discriminatory attitudes and
institutionalized practices are (at least temporarily) often circumvented
(Portes, Clark and Lopez 1981-1982). Reporting on the results of a six-year
longitudinal study of Cuban exiles, Portes, Clark and Lopez indicate that
In contrast to other modes of incorporation to the host society, this [the enclave] is one which allows newly arrived immigrants to conduct their lives within a familiar culture protecting them against external prejudice and hostility and allowing them to acquire skills and implement economic initiatives in their own language. Thus lesser perceptions of discrimination against Cubans and a more favorable attitude toward U S society are found precisely among those less exposed to it than those with greater fluency in English (19 81 -19 82 22)
It should be noted however, that while these investigators’ conclusions are based on years of careful research on Cubans in the U.S., they may be
applicable to only certain segments of the population; their sample was representative only of adult male family heads between the ages of 10-60
who migrated during a six-month period in 1973-74 [these individuals were
interviewed again in 1976 and in 1979-80]. The experiences of women, of
single individuals, of older and younger immigrants, and of second-
generation Cuban-Americans may not deny the existence of the enclave but 125 provide quite a different picture of how it affects the various kinds of people living within its boundaries.
Indeed, Cubans who live in Florida are characterized by the lowest socioeconomic status when compared to Cubans living elsewhere in the
United States (Boswell and Curtis 1983) and as Portes, Clark and L 6pez
(1981-1982) themselves point out, it is uncertain the extent to which the massive influx of Marlel arrivals into this area will be absorbed by the enclave economy. In addition, some of the benefits later emigres receive in terms of soclo-cultural supports provided by an already existing Cuban community, are also likely to be evident In other areas where there are reasonably large numbers of Cubans (eg. In New York City, Chicago or Los
Angeles) and have been reported for Union City-West New York, New Jersey, where they seem to be critical in reducing the adjustment problems of
Cuban immigrants ( Rogg 1974)
Cuban Immigrant Youth Children have been well represented in every wave of Cuban exiles arriving in United States territory since January 1, 1959 In most instances they migrated with their familes or with at least one parent
(usually their mother) or with other close relatives (e.g. adult siblings, aunts and uncles) However, as was previously mentioned, during the period between mid-November, i960 and October 1962, more than 14,000 Cuban youngsters between the ages of6 and 19 entered this country unaccompanied; approximately 8,000 of them hod no relatives here to core for them 126
Two programs. Operation Peter Pan and the Cuban Children s Program were respectively developed to help Cuban parents send their children unaccompanied to the United States and to provide foster cere for youths who needed it once in this coutry (Close 1963, Walsh 1971) Operation
Peter Pan, while only a two-year project 11960-1962!, " (b)efore it ended...would involve thousands of families, Cuban and American, several foreign governments, numerous officials of federal and state governments, well over 100 child welfare agencies, and the three major faiths, " (Welsh
1971379). The Cuban Childrens Program would go on for many years, cost the US government millions of dollars and exert considerable influence on the development of cooperative programs between governmental institutions and voluntary child welfare agencies in the United States
(Oettinger 1962; Close 1963; Walsh 1971)
The federal government and private Institutions such as the Ford Foundation would, through the years, mobilize further resources and spend many additional millions on Cuban refugee children Aid was provided In the form of federal assistance to local public school for operating costs related to the Cuban influx (especially but not exclusively In South Florida), private foundations' allocations for the development of special elementary and secondary educational programs for refugee children, and federal educational loans to deserving and needy students (Dominguez 1975, Huyck and Fields 1981) Through the Cuban Refugee Program, the various types of health and welfare assistance, educational/re-training and resettlement 127
aid, business loons, etc., provided to Cuban refugee fam ilies would, of
course, also benefit Cuban refugee children
Despite these facts, relatively little is known about the immigration
history of Cuban youth (particularly as it pertains to unaccompanied refugee
children) or about the short and long-term Impact of exile on young Cuban
immigrants. Indeed, to the knowledge of this Investigator, only an fi.S.W
thesis and a handful of reports specifically concerning the two programs for unaccompanied refugee minors are at present available (Adessa 1964,
Oeitlnger 1962; Close 1963; Walsh 1971, Grupo Arefto 1978). No comprehensive studies of this population have been conducted to dote, though one may be in progress (Estrada n.d)
Research on the process and problems of adaptation and integration of young
Cuban immigrants in North American society and elsewhere, as previously statated, has been scanty. In the general context of immigrant and specifically refugee studies however, this gap in the literature on the Cuban emigre community is not unique. Aronowitz comments, for instance, that
Considering the size and ubiquity of immigrant populations in the schools, relatively little research has been done on the social and emotional adjustment of these children This is particularly surprising in light of the considerable body of ltterature which has found a recurrent association between migrant status and psychological disorder among adults, and in light of theories which hold that immigrants and their children constitute a population at high risk of maladjustment due to the stress of miqration and acculturation (1984: 237- 238). 126
Huyck and Fields point out that “. (k)nowledge about refugee children suffers most critically from the absence of herd data that would permit sophisticated quantitative analysis. Children are . the most neglected part of the refugee population' (1981:247).
The population of primary concern to the present study, Cuban exiles who are now predominantly In their 30 s, and who migrated for the most part in the 1960‘s, has been the focus of only a couple of studies (see Dowd 1966;
Gil 1960). Dowd (1966), in a comparative study of sclf-concepts, attitudes towards family, personal goals, and values among white Americans, Black
Americans and Cuban refugee students in Miami, concluded that the latter exhibited more positive and optimistic outlooks than the other two groups
(briefly discussed in Casal and Hernandez 1975).
Gil (1968) interviewed 100 Cuban adolescents (ages 13 to 19) from middle- class backgrounds who attended public and Catholic high schools in Union
City and West New York, New Jersey, during the school year 1966-1967 The parents of some of these individuals were also interviewed. Gil determined that these Cuban children had made a good adjustment in school but found indications of discomfort, isolation, frustration and feelings of marginality among them. The researcher concluded that the youngsters were experiencing an identity crisis which she attributed to both their age and to a sense of not belonging to either one of the two cultures in which they functioned: the Cuban culture of their homes, and the North American culture of the schools. According to Gil (1968), changes regarding language use, the schooling experience; social codes concerning the relationship between boys 129
and girls; friendships, family socio-economic status; and ties with their
home country left a definite mark on these young people s personalities end
outlooks.
Gil found that age at the time of migration and length of time in the United
States were significant in terms of the Cuban youngsters' assimilation and
adjustment. The younger the children, and the longer they have been in this
country, the more rapid and complete their assimilation and adjustment
Although Gil s study did not control for this factor, she believed that place
of residence was also related to the successful adjustment of youth to
North American society; adjustment being more difficult in the context of a
residential area with a large concentration of Cubans.
Intention to become naturalized and to inter-mnrry with native-born
Americans were considered influential factors for assimilation The desire
to return to Cuba or the belief that return was possible, were considered
impediments to a successful adjustment to the new culture. Gil found the
sex of refugee children to play a relatively small role in the assimilation process. However, as stated previously, other studies appear to contradict
her findings (See Szapocznic, Scopetta and Tillman 1977; Naditch end
Morrissey 1976). Children attending Catholic high schools were found to be
more assimilated than those attending public high schools Gil attributed
this difference to the facts that the Catholic school students were younger
than those in public schools, and that their school environment, with a
lower population of Cubans than the public high schools, provided a more propitious context for acculturation. UO
More recent studies on Cuban youth in the United States (Cejas and Toledo
1974, discussed in Casal and Hernandez; Nogges and Nogges 1976, Naditch
end Morrissey 1976; Szepocznik, Scopetta and Tillman 1977; Szapocznik,
Scopette, Amelde, and Kurtines 1978, Kurtines and Miranda 1980;
Szapocznik, Kurtines and Fernandez 1980; Redondo 1984) deal 1) with a
population which migrated during the same time period but at a considerably
younger age than the group under present study, 2) or Cuban youth bom in the
United States; and/or 3) with Cuban youth who migrated during more recer.t migration waves than the present study population Therefore, while the findings and conclusions of these latter Cuban-American youth studies may help shed some light on the problems addressed by the present research, they must be approached, interpreted and applied with caution.
Cejas and Toledo (1974, reported in Casal and Hem&ndez 1975), in a study of high school drop-out problems in a Miami area of high Cuban concentration, documented a significant drop-out rate (around 40 per cent) among the
Spanish-speaking public high school students. According to Casal and
Hernandez (1975), this finding contradicts other data on structural indicators of youth problems (University of Miami 1967; Rogg 1974).
However, neither the University of Miami study nor Rogg's constitute a specific detailed study of this problem
Nogges and Nogges (1976) administered a questionnaire to thirty five 13 to
14 year-old Cuban-American eighth-grade students (50* male, 51* female), in attendance in a private bilingual school with a predominantly Spanish- speaking student population. The investigators concluded that these young 131 people had a high concept of the Cuban lifestyle and accepted their parents' values, felt free to incorporate North American cultural elements into their lifestyle, liked the atmosphere of the bicultural school and were optimistic about being able to fu lfill expectations for the future, and about the future in general.
Applying a role stress-personality frameworlc, Nadttch and Morrisey (1976) analyzed psycnopathological symptoms In a nonclinical sample of 155 Cuban refugees (105 females and 51 males, mean age was 19 4 years) attending high school and junior college in Miami, Florida They found that ambiguity regarding evaluations of performance in tne dating rote were more consistently related to psychopathologlcal symptoms than were either role conflict or ambiguity regarding role expectations. Also associated with psychopathologlcal symptoms were extraversion/introversion and relative discontent, with some sex differences In other words ambiguity regarding the evaluations of others in the dating role may result in problems
(manifested in anxious, depressive and maladaptive states) in the formation of satisfactory self-perceptions in the area of sex role identity and performance. Relative discontent, the discrepancy between aspirations and achievements, was found to be a predictor of psychopathologlcal states, particularly among females. in their study of Cuban adolescents in the U S , using the Kluckholn and
Strodtbeck model of value orientations (1961), S2 apocznik, Scopetta,
Amalde, and Kurtinez (1978 reported in Bernal 1984) found that these individuals tended to value ‘ lineality', ‘subjugation to nature-, ‘present 132
time", and "doing" orientations. According to Bernal (1984), this and a
subsequent study (Szapocznik, Kurtinez and Hanna 1979) of an adult
- outpatient Cuban population, demonstrated that Cubans and "Anglos' differed
in temporal, relational and person to nature orientations. The Cuban cultural
characteristics of oersonalismo. i.e. an orientation toward people and
persons over ideas and concepts, a linear or hierarchical orientation in the
family, a value of action; and a present orientation were found to be
important aspects of the Cuban value structure ( Bernal 1984)
According to Kurtines and Miranda (I960), recent research with the Cuban
Immigrant community in the Miami area suggest that one of the mechanisms
Implicated in family disruptions within migrant groups is the occurrence of
intergeneratlonal differences in rates of acculturation (Gonzates-Reigosa
1976; Scopetta and Alegre 1975; Bzspocznlc, Scopetta, Amalde and Kurtines
1978, Szapocznik, Scopetta, Kurtines and Amalde 197B referred to in
Kurtines and Miranda 1980) Reportedly, when youngsters acculturate faster
than their parents, the usual tntergeneratiGn gap is exacerbated by
acculturatlng differences between the generations (Kurtines and Miranda
1980)
Utilizing a bicultural (Cuban-American/Anglo-American sample of college
students--398 subjects), Kurtines and Miranda (1980) studied acculturatwe
differences in self and family role perceptions They postulated that one
possible mechanism for accounting for the relationship between the
acculturation process and disruption within migrant families, is that of
intrafamilial role conflict generated by differences in self and family role 133 perceptions associated with differences in levels of acculturation In other words, migrant families might experience more than the usual amount of role conflict due to acculturative differences in self and family role perceptions (Kurtines and Miranda 1980).
The assessment of level of acculturation was based on the utilization of a measure of individual acculturation; the relationship between level of acculturation and differences in self and family role perceptions was determined using a multivariate analysis of variance The Anglo-American students served as both control group and cultural reference group (Kurtines and Miranda 1980).
The investigators found that there were indeed significant differences in self-perception and family role perception among high and low ecculturated
Cuban-American college students Further, they found that the direction of acculturative difference is toward the cultural reference group No significant differences on any of the variables tested were identified between the high acculturated group and the cultural reference group, and all the significant differences between the low and the high acculturated groups except one were in the predicted direction, i.e. toward the cultural reference group (Kurtines and Miranda 1980).
In the area of self-concepts. Individuals in the tow acculturated group described themselves as both more negative and more emotional (extremely so) than either the high acculturated group or the cultural refence group.
With regard to family role perception, acculturative differences occurred 134
primarily along two dimensions: evaluation and m asculinity-fem inim ty The
low acculturated group rated both roles very positively and the high acculturated group evaluated them at about the same level as the cultural reference group. As the investigators point out, the direction for the evaluative dimension was particularly important: for both parental roles it followed a negative trend, indicating a strong relationship between high acculturation and a significant decline in the high esteem held for parental roles within the traditional Latin American family
The second dimension of difference in parental role perception, femininity- masculinity, showed a unique pattern. The role of mother was not only rated more negatively by the high acculturated group than by the low acculturated group, but perceived as significantly more feminine. According to the investigators such perception appears to indicate the these individuals have overacculturated on this dimension for the role of the mother However, while the high acculturated group rated the role of father more negatively than the low acculturated group (which rated it, though not significantly, the highest among all three groups), it (the high acculturated group) perceived it as significantly more masculine than both other groups. The researchers suggest that such high rating of the role of father among this group indicates under-acculturation on this dimension In light of these individuals overacculturation on the dimension of femininity for the role of mother, a degree of ambiguity, role confusion and a redefinition of the traditional organization of the Latin family is indicated. 135
Regarding the rote of siblings, the low acculturated group perceived the role of sister as significantly less feminine that either the high acculturated group or the cultual reference group, and the role of brother as significantly more masculine then the cultural reference group. The low acculturation and high acculturation groups did not significantly differ on this dimension for the role of brother (Kurtines and Miranda 1980) According to the researchers this finding suggests that intrasiblmg differences in role perception may constitute an important source of family conflict In summary, they conclude that the results of their study highly suggest a possible mechanism by which the acculturation gap generates family disruption. They claim that ‘...(i)ntrafamilial role conflict, both within and between family subsystems, appears to be a built-in feature of the acculturation process’ (Kurtines and Miranda 1 980 180- 181)
In a study of biculturai Involvement and adjustment in Hispanic-American youths living in the Greater Miami area, Szapocznik and Kurtines (1980) found bicultura! youngsters to be better adjusted than the monocultural ones. A distinction was made between individuals equally noninvolved with either culture, and those equally and fully involved with both (in their terms, the 'true blcultural persons'). They concluded that
Generally, acculturation-related problems arise when immigrant youngsters living in a bicultural context acculturate too tittle or too much, i.e., remain or become monocultural For example, some youngsters become overacculturated and totally reject their Hispanic roots, including their parents, the Hispanic language, etc., whereas others remain underacculturated and refuse to adjust and integrate with their American context.. 136
Neither position represents a good adjustment to the reality o* these youngsters' life context These Hispanic youths live both in Hispanic and American worlds. Therefore, effective adjustment requires an acceptance of both worlds as well as skills to live among and interact w ith both Hispanic and American cultural groups (Szapocznik, Kurtines and Fernandez 1980:363).
Notions of biculturalism proposed in their investigation described the
phenomenon of biculturalism among Cuban-Americans better than among non-Cuban Hispamcs According to the researchers, such result appears to be related to the way in which the measure of biculturalism interacts with
the community in which biculturalism is measured. Specifically, this testing was conducted in an area where Cuban-American youths had a Cuban community readily available to them, this was not the case for other
Hispanic-Amencan youngsters, who did not have a non-Cuban Hispanic community with which to identify. In other words, at least with the methodological tools they utilized, the study subjects’ biculturalism was d ifficu lt to assess in the absence of the appropriate bicultural life-context
(Szapocznik, Kurtines and Fernandez 1980).
In an exploratory study of recently arrived Cuban and Puerto Rican adolescent migrants, Redondo (1984) argues that
(T)he way in which an individual migrates, assimilates and adapts is contingent not solely on social features common to his/her migrant group or the host society in which he/she arrives. It also depends on the meaning that the individual attributes to his/her migration from one environment to another ( 1984:121). 13?
Utilizing the notion of migration modes, the investigator developed a model for examining expenencial differences among individuals in their response to migration. According to Redondo (1984), a core question for the individual who migrates is " whether the move results in an improved or worsened person-environment fit" (1984:121) In other words, such a migrant assesses the congruence between personal characteristics (e.g. needs, values and goals), and environmental features (e.g. physical, interpersonal and sociocultural factors), of both the country of origin and the receiving society and on that basis evaluates his situation
Four migrating modes were derived from the data: I) the indifferent mode of persons who felt that migration was inconsequential for their lives since they experienced no changes in the person-envlronment 2 fit,) the nostalgic rejection mode of individuals who remained attached to the old environment and who felt they could not fit in elsewhere; 3) the partial acceptance mode of persons who apparently found both the old and the new settings valuable or acceptable; and 4) the total acceptance mode of those who felt that the new setting provided them with an optimal person-environment fit (Redondo
1984).
Redondo found that the majority (92%) of these adolescents adopted the partial and total acceptance modes One youth was classified under the indifferent category and three under the nostalgic rejection mode
Significant ehtnic group differences were found among Cubans and Puerto
Ricans falling into the partial (18 Puerto Ricans and 4 Cubans) and the total 136 acceptance (5 Puerto Ricans and 21 Cubans) migration modes. Typical experiences associated with each mode were identified
The most salient for the indifferent mode was the experience of continuity between life in the old place and life in the new, a sense that migration represented a neutral and insignificant event. Redondo (1984) found only one subject in his sample who could be placed in this category. The investigator thought that with a larger sample others would be found. Redondo expected that in most instances individuals in this category would migrate voluntarily and remain in their new environment voluntarily. However, the decisions to migrate or stay would be made with neither enthusiasm nor lack of it. The one person Redondo (1984) categorized as "indifferent" appeared to have a weak identification or ties with social groups other than his own family. The investigator proposed that this would be also true of other individuals who might fit this category
Individuals in the nostalgic rejection category tended to feel uprooted from the old environment and to interpret the separation from the homeland as a loss of self They tended to idealize the past and to see a return to pre- migration conditions as the only solution to their problems. These persons characteristically migrated involuntarily, or if they migrated voluntarily or in agreement with the move, they remain m the new setting against their wishes Most often, criticism of the new environment revolved around what it lacks (Redondo 1984) 139
Those persons categorized as partial acceptance mode migrants viewed
their migration as a favorable but not the most positive event They perceived their new environment as valuable for some life goals but not for others. Typically these individuals remain voluntarily, but at the time of migration, those who were most strongly attached to their old environment might have migrated involuntarily. Persons in this category were found to be strongly identified with their own ethnic group and to have important attachments to other social groups in the new setting (Redondo 1984)
Individuals who were categorized within the total acceptance mode considered migration one of the best events in their lives They characteristically migrated voluntarily and remain in the new place voluntarily. For the most part they had looked forward to the move Many of these persons identified strongly with their own ethnic groups but only to a small degree w ith other social groups in the new setting. A number of them expressed extreme enthusiasm about being in the new environment which, in some cases, was almost attributed paradisical qualities (Redondo 1984).
On the basis of the results of his study, Redondo proposes that differences in these youngsters’ perceptions and evaluations regarding their situation in their new environment w ill affect the process of acculturation, (n his view, those individuals in the nostalgic rejection mode would most likely acculturate less or less rapidly, for example, while those under the total acceptance mode would acculturate more and/or more rapidly than youths in any other mode (Redondo 1984). Since Redondo's research was conducted shortly after these subjects’ arrival, however, it could not measure the 140 impact of the receiving society's reponse to these individuals or vice-versa, on these individuals' perceptions and evaluations of their immigrant situation over time. It might be possible, for example, that certain experiences such as racial or ethnic discrimination may have a more negative effect on precisely those individuals who originally had the most positive attitudes and the highest expectations. CHAPTER VI
THE PROCESS OF POLITICAL RADICALIZATION
On Commitment and the Process of Political Radicalizotlon
In the present study a distinction Is made between the process of
commitment to a social or political movement, and the trajectory of
personal change Involved in the development of new social and political
identities and life-styles among movement participants. In current social movement literature these processes tend to be collapsed and to be described in terms of a series of distinguishable steps which result predominantly from interactions between new recruits and committed movement participants (See Toch 1965; Gerlach and Mine 1970; Cassell
1977).
On the basis of their study of the Pentecostal and Black Power movements, and their observations of other social movements in this country, Gerlach and Hine (1970) for example. Identify seven steps in the process of commitment to a social movement: I) initial contact with a participant; 2) focus of needs through demonstration; 3) re-education through group interaction, 4) decision and surrender; 5) the commitment event, 6) testifying to the experience, and 7) group support for changed cognitive and
141 142
behavioral patterns (1970:110). Similar schemes appear in the literature
regardless of whether the approach to the study of social movements
emphasizes the psychological or motivational aspects of movement
participation or whether, as in the case of later research, organizational
anolyses constitute the major focus of investigation (see Toch 1965;
Loofland 1966; Gerlach and Hine 1970; Cassell 1977).
According to Toch (1965), for Instance, individuals who later join social
movements present a personal history of certain dissatisfactions which
lead them to 'shop for beliefs'. When these persons encounter an appealing
set of beliefs provided by a social movement and presented by committed
participants, a process of 'seeing the light' or conversion is precipitated.
Usually a slow and gradual trajectory, it finally results In new identities
and a commitment to new beliefs and lifestyles In other words, change in
these persons principally occurs through the transaction of individual
predispositions and an organized set of appeals made available by confirmed
believers. As we shall see, the data gathered for the present study presents
a sligthly different picture.
The steps Gerlach and Hine (1970) identify with the commitment process
are also observable, with some variation, in the progressive Cuban youth
movement Participants tend to become involved In the movement as a
result of direct contact with specific Individuals (often relatives, spouses
and previous friends and acquaintances) who ore already involved or who ore
in the process of becoming Involved. Indeed among the political activists 143
Interviewed for this study, a majority reported that their direct participation in the movement had resulted from face to face contact with persons who already Identified themselves as progressive Cubans or who were beginning to do so.
Consistent with other findings, as new recruits in the Cuban progressive movement increase their participation in the political community, they undergo on experience of socialization through which they reassess old values, attitudes and behavior, and in the process acquire new ones These tend to be In line with those of members of the political community
(particularly the members of the Immediate socializing group) and to reflect the political Ideology or Ideologies upheld by that particular community. Once again, the majority of Informants discussed the
Importance of sharing Ideas with others and collaborating In joint projects
(study groups, magazine publishing, brigade work, e tc .) for sharpening their political thinking and clarifying their positions, particularly towards Cuba.
While none of tne subjects In the study made reference to a single occurrence (or commitment event, in Gerlach and Hines terms) os "the* major catalyst in their process of commitment to pro-Cuba radical politics, certain experiences, particularly in connection to their first and subsequent return trips to Cuba, do seem to constitute important "turning points" in their political careers os pro-Cuba radical activists Two of the most frequently reported experiences linked to these return visits to the island are D o newly-found sense of belonging, of being "In sync' with revolutionary Cuba and people in the island; and 2) the witnessing of the 144
accomplishments of the revolution, particularly In the areas of education
and health care and In the development of the Interior of the Island,
especially remote rural areas. In the majority of cases, such experiences
seemed to confirm these young people s "Cuboness" os well as to consolidate
previously held beliefs about the successes of the revolution, to strengthen
their ties with Cubans In the Island and to reinforce their political
commitment to do solidarity work with revolutionary Cuba.
Echoing the words of other Informants interviewed, a woman who migrated
In her early teens and is now In her late thirties, commented about her first visit to the island after twenty two years:
Of course 1 knew 1 was Cuban, but I had forgotten what It was like to be just a person. In Cuba I fe lt like a human being, not like an ethnic category. Unfortunately 1 live here [In the United States], but knowing that there Is still a place where I con really express myself, my emotions and my Ideas, makes It easier for me to cope w ith my life in this country. I hod supported the revolution long before I was able to visit the island again. But the trip confirmed what I believed in, and the respect and affection 1 received there told me In a very personal way, "I am light In wanting to defend this'. Human beings need more than material things. They need to feel like they really belong somewhere and have some control over their destinies. They hove the right to hove the kind of self-respect and dignity people have In Cuba today
Many of these individuals published detailed factual accounts of their observations and provided personal testimonies of their responses to the new Cuba. This brings to mind one of the steps Gerlach and Hine (1970)
Identify in the process of commitment to a social movement: testifying to 145 the experience. Following ore o couple of excerpts which Illustrate these individuals's sense of "being home again" and the significonce of such experience on their thinking ond personal and political development. In a letter to o friend who had not been able to travel to Cuba, a young woman wrote:
I have lived these past two weeks w ith a great deal of Intensity.Lost night somebody was telling me that I talked and acted like any young Cuban woman my age, that he didn't notice any difference. Things like these make me think, and this happens every day It's like finally feeling not like a foreigner, but like someone in a place she recognizes, a place where she is recognized ..! find to my wonder, thatthis is m y c o u n try (Dioz 1979: 116 Transloted by Qulntanales).
A man, reporting on his first trip to the island, stated:
My impressions about the trip ore filled with great emotion, admiration and understanding. The welcoming (by family and old neighbors and friends) was warm and pregnant with affect ion. Some cousins of mine .learning of my visit, immediately got on a train ond appeared at my house the next day, greatly surprising me. The telephone calls from Trinidad and Santa Clara [in the interior of the island] came one after another; aunts ond uncles ond cousins welcoming me...
...In the space of 16 years 1 have managed alone, the greater part of that time living in the United States During all these years, despite the environmental influences that almost de~ Cubanized me, my thoughts and memories of Cuba remained alive. Finally, this interest increased through my studies of current-day Cuba. About my return [to the island], I can say that for the first time in 17 years, I felt was in my own home. 146
This experience has been very significant In my process of development as a human being (Caffas 1978:38 Translated by Quintanales)
Subsequent trips to and/or long stays in the Island seemed to generate other critical experiences which may be considered turning points. Practically all
Informants reported gradually becoming aware of often subtle, but significant social and cultural differences, between themselves and Cubans in the island. Living in exile In their case, ond "living the revolution", in the case of those who had remained in Cuba, had unquestionably produced dissimilarities between the two For some individuals this realization was more or less taken in stride, for others it was traumatic, forcing them once again, to confront their persistent cultural and social marginality and to reconsider the nature of their political work with revolutionary Cuba One of the subjects in the study commented:
I was shocked when several children in the street (in Havana] ask8d us where we were from. "We re Cubans', we told them, of course. But they didn't believe us. We pressed them to tell us what had made them think we were not—was it the way we spoke the language, or the way we dressed, or what. They said no, but they couldn't or wouldn't tell us how they'd come to their conclusion. That kind of experience was repeated on several more occasions, strangers treoting us like ■foreigners* This was very saddening to me How could we feel so much at home and yet not be considered as "as one of them" by ordinary people?
These Incidents made me re-think who I was and how my life abroad hod marked me. It was true that we seemed to have a lot in common with the revolutionary 147
Cubans we worked ond socialized with. They completely accepted us as their friends, and with our families it was like we had never left. Still, it was obvious to me that having been away for so long had made us different.
I had to re-evaluate my position with regards to Cuba. I mean what role, what political role could I play? t could never be like ell those non-Cuban people who do solidarity work with Cuba, for God's soke, I flm Cuban. But at the same time I haven't been part of the revolutionary process In the Island and I don't live there As much os I identify w ith it, 1‘m still pretty much an outsider...
I s till haven't quite resolved this contradiction. I keep supporting the revolution, I keep contributing, but 1 can t lie to myself. I am marginal, I will always be marginal—not only in a political sense, but also in the sense of not quite belonging 1n any one place anymore. In the end what maintains me is some sort of faith, a belief that knowing the truth at least frees rns to look for legitimate ways to participate in the revolution.
As has been reported for other social movements, the progressive Cuban political community gradually becomes the new recruit s principal reference group; from it he or she draws not only moral support and validation for the new, changed self, but also companionship, friendship ond many forms of assistance. All interviewed activists, as well as other individuals associated with the movement, were observed to be part of overlapping networks of relationships which seemed to function os substitute family groupings.
Members sometimes live together or close by ond visit each other
frequently; they often work together (in movement organizations) and 140 though they generally maintain ties with other individuals ond groups outside of the movement, they socialize primarily with each other On a number of occasions, when one or two people moved out of the city where they were living, others in the group followed them. When illness, financial difficulties and a variety of domestic crises (eviction, separation and divorce, death of a spouse or a parent, etc.) affected a member, the network was rapidly activated to lend assistance
In one particular situation, when a young woman long associated with the movement died, her network of friends mode a collective commitment to financially support her mother If ond when and for as long as It would be necessary, this after paying for all funeral expenses and taking major responsibility for all funeral arrangements. The participation of various sets of slbltngs, spouses and other relatives In the movement, seems to contribute to the fam ilial ethos of movement groupings and organizations
As has been observed about participants in other movements, there is a tendency among progressive Cuban activists to distance themselves from family, friends, co-workers and acquaintances, If the latter are not supportive of their politically radical ideas, of their participation In the movement and/or of both. Again a majority of respondents Indicated that their radical political views and activities hod altered their relationships with relatives ond others who disagreed with and/or were opposed to their new perspectives and behavior 149
When their radical political views and activities became known, open conflict end a general deterioration of such ties, particularly between parents and children, often resulted. Two individuals, writing about this problem commented:
I have had the support of my brothers and sisters, but to my parents, it (my politics] has been a shock and they have never been able to accept me my political position, or my philosophy and life-style.
My family responded very violently, for the first time I sow my mother react violently towards something political. She insulted me, yelled at me that she preferred to see me dead. She told me never to talk to her about that [pro-Cuba politics] again ...I made the decision to no longer inform her of my decisions and my plans. That distanced me from her a great d8 0l, and I lost a lot of the respect I used to have for her (GrupoArefto 1978; 107. Translated by Quintana)es).
When their political ideas and behavior were not known, the activists' own awareness of differences in political perspectives and attitudes between themselves and others, generally led to reduced or carefully monitored interactions with individuals outside of the movement This has been particularly true with regards to dealings with conservative or reactionary members of the Cuban community in exile. Indeed the threat of political sabbotage and violence from that sector ( several movement activists have been assassinated, for Instance) has had the effect of driving the movement partially underground and forcing its participants to often lead "double lives" or to at least keep a ‘low profile". 150
D, a man In his late thirties, is a fairly well known Cuban political radical.
He stated:
Well, I do take big risks by being so public. I was even once physically attacked by a woman in front of a large delegation of people, and I am threatened all the time. But 1 try not to be seen so much out in the streets. I don't frequent Cuban restaurants, clubs or other public establish ments. The danger goes w ith the job; you s till want to be around to keep doing it, though. So I try to take care of my self by staying out of the way when I nn not doing something that needs to be done
It should be noted, however, that there seems to be a tendency for radical
Cubans and their families to strive to maintain at least a semblance of
family unity despite political differences. Though in some cases familial
ties remain strained, the majority of the subjects in this study reported no final and permanent breaks from parents, siblings and other close relatives on account of politics in many cases, the families of political radicals not only come to accept but to support their views and activism. The following statements reflect the dynamics between movement activists and their families:
My relationship with my family has fluctuated from almost a total separation during 1966-1969, to a policy of not discussing differences between 1970-1975, followed by the present period: occasional fights that generally remain circumscribed, without extending to other areas of the relationship. 151
hy family has gone through many stages of reaction to this process of change At first the response was violent, to the point that I hod to leave home. Now, at this moment, I would soy that we are experiencing a peaceful coexslstonce.
When my fam ily realized that they could not stop me and in at persisting with their attitude Implied a total rupture, both sides opted for a kind of coexslstonce where we respected one another and avoided provocations Finally, as a product of the attacks of which we (Cuban radicals] have been victims, combined with the greater credibility of what we have stated about Cuba ond the United States, a process of sympathy and support has been generated. Support that translates Into expressions such os 'I do not allow anyone to speak ill of my son* (Grupo Areito 1978: 103-108 Translated by Quintenoles).
In contrast to the experience of participants who join other movements,
progressive Cubans do not completely break away from their original
community of reference. While the radical political group develops as a
separate entity and in many ways Identifies and forms alliances with other movements and political communities, ft continues to define itself in terms of other Cubans—both In the Island and in exile (albeit negatively with
regards to the latter). Radtcal politics notwithstanding, a Cuban identity
supercedes all others. Indeed despite the progressive activists*
acknowledgement of their biculturalism and assimilation into the host society, hyphenated cultural or ethnic identities (e g Cubon-Americen) are
the subject of much Individual ambivalence ond group debate and controversy. 152
Similarly, while the Cuban progressive youth movement rejects certain aspects of traditional Cuban culture and society os they are manifested in the exile population—which it sees as expressions of pre-revolutionary
'bourgeois ideology"—it does not by and large divest itself of Cuban cultural traditions. On the contrary, a strong element in the process of political radicali 2 ation in exile is the search for ond the re-affirmation of what is
'really" Cuban in both historical ond cultural terms "In time" claims a group of activists, "we realized that it wasn’t Cuboness' that hod to be rejected, but the particular vision that had reached us through one social class ond its ideology, a social class which in addition was in a state of rebellion against the present, against history" (Grupo Arefto 1978:63)
Concretely, Cuban radicals In exile 1) speak, read ond write Spanish on a regular basis; 2) listen to Cuban ond Latin American music; 3) attend Latin
American programs and events (films, concerts, theater performances, art exhibits, etc) whenever possible; 4) eat Cuban and Latin American food when available; 5) relate predominantly with other Cubans ond Latin Americans even when to do so they must travel frequently; and 6) to the extent that they find It possible In the face of the overwhelming socio-cultural influences and pressures of the host society, uphold ond attempt to live by essentialy Cuban or Latin American values ond norms
The concepts of dignity and respect, moral rectitude, integrity ond loyalty, for example, are upheld as essential guides to individual conduct in relationship with others. They ore often discussed in contrast to what is regarded as North American pragmatism end lack of ethics. The following 153 statement, though perhaps more cynical than most, nevertheless is in keeping with comments made by the majority of informants in the study:
In the end, what these people [North Americans] really care about is money and power They'll sell their grand mother for that, if they have to. They don't care if you respect them or not; as long as they get what they want, the hell with anything else. It Is true that they are efficient, that they get things done, but they don't care who they squash along the way to do that Even when they soy they are concerned about other people s problems, they are really not. In helping others, usually there's got to be something in it for them. Nothing is free here, nothing. Even friendship and love have to be earned ond they ore always conditional, always dependent on how 'useful" people are to one another There is no sense of loyalty. When you stop being useful you're history.
In contrast to observations about the process of personal transformation and commitment among participants in other movements, analysis of the research data for the present study suggests, that the trajectory of personal change that leads to and follows young Cuban exiles' radical political activism, cannot be sufficiently or adequately explained only In terms of their interactions with committed members in the progressive
Cuban youth movement or In any other movement. With very few exceptions, the political activists Interviewed for this study claimed to hove already been active in politics and radicalized or in the process of becoming radicalized (and adopting pro-Cuba positions) by the time they Joined the progressive Cuban youth movement. 154
One may soy that in effect, the movement emerges only after a number of
Individuals and groups are already sufficiently radicalized end politically experienced. In fact even marginal or peripheral participation in the already-constituted movement depends on on individual s demonstrated favorable views towards the Cuban revolution, support of the re establishment of diplomatic relations between Cuba and the United States, and a critical stance against the blockade and the Cuban exile counterrevolution (see "Declerocion de la Brigade Antonio Moceo" 1978)
These are positions which by all considered standards and accounts necessitate previous personal and political changes on the port of the
Individual In question. Several characteristics of the movement, namely Its semt-clondesllne nature. Its limited recruitment activity, and its nearly total tack of proselytizing, makes it highly unlikely that apolitical or politically "undefined" individuals (Indeflnldos). much less non- sympathizers, w ill stumble into and/or remain in the movement long enough to become politically educated or radicalized in that context.
At the same time, the majority of respondents In the study (as well os other movement writers and theorists) themselves do not attribute their political rodlcallzation to their involvement 1n other social movements per
Sfi Rather, they link it to a series of 'radicalizing experiences' associated with the circumstances of their immigration, their lives in exile, knowledge of and concern for national ond international political affairs, ond their study of and renewed association with Cuba. In most instances some of these radicalizing experiences ore considered to be related to the 155
individual's awareness of, contact with and participation in the social and
political movements of the I96 0’s and 1970 s. There is not a single
individual among the subjects Interviewed for this study, who placed his or
her entire process of radicalization exclusively within a movement context.
Indeed analysis of the research Interviews, os well as of testimonial ond autobiographical materials produced by participants In the movement,
suggest that the trajectories of personal transformation associated with social movement activism do not fit the commitment models discussed earlier. Its lack of fit is most striking with regard to the following characteristics among participants: 1) the generally fragile and/or temporary ties of pro-Cuba radical activists to the organizational structures and membership of movements which they nevertheless regard as major sources of political influence (one exception appears to be the Puerto
Rican Independence Movement); 2) the limited adherence to or only partial or conditional acceptance of the ideologies produced by particular social movements (specially concerning Cuba and Cubans); 3) the Importance, in terms of Influence, which movement participants attribute to a variety of sources external to the structure and dynamics of social movements; ond 4) the highly Individualistic nature of the process of personal transformation associated with the adoption of progressive ond pro-Cuba positions.
If one brood summary statement were to be offered about the political radicalization of young Cuban exiles, it would be that the process is highly non-lnstltutionallzed, even by social movement standards. In other words, that it occurs largely in the absence of the sources of information, 156
Influence and support ordinarily associated with social movements. Indeed no one ideology, set of norms, roles, behavior patterns or the m ultiplicity of persons usually identified with particular movements, seem to hove completely informed ond guided these young people s process of change
I am In no way suggesting here that the Cuban progressive youth movement
Itself locks any of these features. Indeed once constituted, its Ideological underpinnings ond structural ond organizational characteristics are easily
Identifiable ond comparable to those of other social movements And, as has been indicated, once individuals join it, they are affected and changed by it.
Neither am I proposing that exposure to and participation in other movements have had no effect on the Cuban radicals. On the contrary, in most instances such associations appear to have been the principal means through which they became politically educated in the host society.
However, It seems that the kinds of experiences which Cuban radicals regard as the basis of their political radicalization, as well os those to which they attribute their subsequent active involvement in radical politics, hove more complex origins In order to fully describe the process of political radicalization among Cuban exile youth then the researcher must take Into account, but necessarily go beyond, the impact of social movements on the young Cuban political activists.
Radicals ond Non-Radicals
Among the exile study population, experiences which radical movement activists most commonly regard as root-causes of their radicalization are 157 also frequently mentioned by interviewees who did not become radicalized.
These experiences include: !) difficulties with the process of adjustment and assimilation in the host society; 2) awareness of and personal confrontations with racial/ethnic prejudice and discrimination; and 3) conflict with family and with the Cuban community in exile.
Difficulties with the process of adjustment and assimilation in the host society tended to be reported in conjunction with problems of racial/ethnic prejudice and discrimination, by individuals who had lived outstde major
Cuban settlements. Those who had lived within Cuban exile enclaves tended to discuss adjustment difficulties in relationship to conflicts with their families and with the Cuban exile community. These differences will be discussed further on.
Both radicals and non-radicals reported awareness of the seme historical events, socio-economic and political trends and circumstances (eg the assasinations of Martin Luther King, Jr. and of the Kennedys; the Vietnam war; the variety of social movements of the 1960's and 1970’s). However, the first group considered these events and circumstances ‘politically radicalizing', while the second group did not. In addition, both radicals and non-radicals who were late-adolescents or young adults during these two decades, indicated that they were enrolled In universities or lived in or near major centers of liberal or radical political activity
Again individuals In the radical group may or may not have been direct participants, but the overwhelming majority reported that they had been 156 very much affected by their university experience and the radical political activity in their midst Individuals in the second group claimed to have been either not much affected or negatively affected by it. Finally, radicals and non-radicals appeared to hove hod comparable numbers of contacts with participants in o variety of social movements; the former regarded these as significant to their process of political radicalization, while the latter considered them either politically irrelevant or even 'conservatizing'
In other words, an analysis of the general social circumstances informing the individuals interviewed for the present study does not provide sufficient explanation for the political radicalization of the group which constitutes the focus of the research. Rather, it appears that the clue to understanding the phenomenon of Cuban youth radicalized In exile lies In the meanings which these individuals attached to concrete objective conditions in their personal lives and the world around them. In fact one striking difference between radicals end non-radicals Interviewed for this study was the former group's active search for meaning with regards to the major events of the time ond their influence on their lives.
In contrast to non-radicals, these young people seemed to be very concerned about isolating, labelling and explaining broad historical and socio-political events and circumstances, as well as personal situations and experiences
They appeared to be, and often referred to themselves, as persons with inquietudes fin the singular, literally restlessness, disquiet), a term Cubans end other Spenish-speakers commonly use to cannote intellectual or philosophical questioning and searching particularly about social and 159 politico! Issues. Indeed the mojorlty of these respondents reported hoving experienced (and to continue to experience) such disquiet and the need to understand and moke sense of their personal lives ond the world around them; ond to have fe lt and feel great motivation to actively look for explanations.
Reminiscent of whet Toch (1965) refers to os the process whereby socially dissatisfied individuols ‘shop for beliefs", the quest of young Cubons with
'inquietudes' is on experience which Is nevertheless 1) linguistically labeled ond culturally codified; and 2) one which always carries a positive value. Further, If Indeed social dlssotlsfoctlon is what precipitates this seorch, such dlssotlsfoctton is broadly ossumed to be grounded In real, concrete social conditions.
The individual with inquietudes is seldom one who is truly socially marginal, If he or she does happen to “stand opart" from the rest, his or her position is usually thought to be a superior one. In other words, in contrast to the situation of Tochs sociol misfits of sorts, these young Cubens, alienated as they may have fe lt in their new sociol environment, nevertheless seemed to be playing, at least in part, a social role traditionally associated with upright, enlightened and responsible social actors, in its most elevated manifestation, with “patriots" In the context of exile, whot seems to render progressive youth “marginal" to the Cuban community is the contents of this role (particularly these young people's support of revolutionary Cuba), not their interest ond engagement in protest or revolutionary politics qsj: §g. 160
In some cases these young Cuban exiles' inquietudes were directly channeled into the study of history, politics and current affairs and/or in active involvement in politics. In other cases, they were first directed towards social service work with ethnic minority and other disadvantaged groups.
Still in other instances they first found expression in a variety of incursions into Western religions—particularly Catholicism, in Eastern philosophical traditions which sometimes engaged them in some sort of
"spiritual quest", ond occasionally, in the embracing of some version of
Afro-Cuban religions such as Senterfo and Espiritismo. For other individuals, disquiet or dissatisfaction led to involvement in the counter culture ond the world of drugs, before finding its way to the political arena.
Invariably however, self-proclaimed ex-hippies and heavy drug users claimed that such involvement in the counterculture was a dead-end in terms of their search for answers.
For some of these individuals, the beginning of this quest coincided with a religious crisis generated by disillusioning experiences in the new society and the simultaneous Introduction of politically radical individuals in their
Immediate world. For example, one female informant with a Protestant background, claims that within the first year after her migration and resettlement in New York City at age 14 in 1961, she abandonned the religion she hod long embraced
I hated New York. I couldn't have imagined that such on ugly place existed. The darkness, the tall buildings... I couldn't see above them.There was no sun, no light, the streets seemed to have been laid out with a ruler. It was 161 a crushing physical sensation that still affects me today. Every November I get depressed...! fe lt then that there was no mercy in this place. Nothing human. Nothing alive could grow well here And t felt so terribly lonely.
I had been a deeply religious person. I used to read the Bible every night. But then t hod a religious crisis. New York demonstrated to me that either God didn't exist or that he was bad. I laugh about It now, but then it was like losing a member of my family. It was a terrible experience
It also happened around that time that the only people tin an upper-middle class private high school where she ond her brother had obtained scholarships! who were willing to offer me any friendship, were the m isfits, the people nobody wonted, ond the progressive students, the political students who were involved in the Civil Rights movement, I think. They [the political students] were the only ones who seemed to have a vision that permitted them to deal w ith people who were not like themselves. The regular kids were too much into their cliques, always talking about fashion ond their psychiatrists...
But the political students created difficulties for me also They were always talking about the Cuban revolution ond ask ing me about it. I would become hysterical and start crying every time they mentioned it. Finally three girls in that group came over to me ond told me that they had decided to be friends w ith me even though t was a Cuban refugee.
So, soon after I arrived, issues of ethnic prejudice ond class differences ond politics led me to some sort of existentiol crisis ond questioning. I didn't understand a lot of things,like what it meant to be one of a handful of token students who had been brought into the school for the sake of the regular students, to expose them to different people end experiences The irony was that these students ignored me; I was invisible to them. Only the people Involved In politics would relate to me .1 didn’t understand a lot of things, but I was living them. And I knew that I had to make sense of It all. 162
In other coses, religious and/or philosophical pursuits were not abandonned
but rather integrated into political perspectives ond world views One of
the oldest informants, a woman in her late 40 s, claimed that “ the most
important encounters I've hod in my life hove been first with Krishnamurti,
and then w ith Mont. These two approaches to human life ond society ore
still very important to me. They hove helped me find my own place in the
world and to understand the human condition. As for as I'm concerned, they
go together and complement each other “
A man, now in hts early thirties, sim ilarly reported that though he had not
been a practitioner, he had read a great deal about, and had been very
Interested in Tibetan Buddhism. At one point he lived with several
individuals who were involved in a Tibetan Buddhist group He claimed that
his Intellectual Interest and these people's influence had "stayed' with him
to the present and contributed to his political views. Several activists In
the group under study are currently involved in radical political work within
religious organizations (namely Catholic).
There is little in the accounts of participants in the Cuban progressive
movement that expresses the degree of pragmatism and enti-
intellectualism (as many activists referred to it) that seemed
characteristic of non-participants (though it should be kept in mind that
both samples are small and all conclusions ore at best tentative) In
contrast to non-participants, the former appeared to reject, in principle as
well as in practice, many of the considerations ond accomodations
necessary to get ahead and succeed in the host society. Living "only for 163 oneself and one's family", career advancement for its own sake, money end
"position", the symbols of the good life In America (houses, cars, expensive furnishings, clothes, etc.), indeed the pursuit of "the Americon dream', seemed to hold very little appeol to these Cuban exiles Referring to the political group es o whole, a member stated during the group's first visit to
Cuba.
. (W)e hove a standord of living which is in fact higher than the average for North Americans, but that does not fu lfill us because were are looking for other things, and were are seeing, we ore looking for a future that over there (In the United States] we don't see even at the level of the individual... here [in Cuba] we see it ..we see it at the level of society ...society constructing the future, with thousands of problems ..but thot future is here... (Dfaz 1978:22 Translated by Quintanales).
This does not mean that movement activists have rejected educational and other types of opportunities or avoided personal accomplishments in their chosen fields of endeavor On the contrary, the histories of the majority of these subjects revealed sustained efforts to make something worthwhile of themselves and to lead productive lives, in many cases at considerable personal sacrifice. It is not uncommon among these individuals to have pursued careers in the face of limited social end economic resources, many family responsibilites and in some instances, chronic health problems and other difficulties of a psychological and/or emotional nature In addition, virtually ell subjects reported a history of confrontations with individual prejudice and institutional discrimination in the career sector of their lives—a struggle which persists to the present and which in their view 164 diminishes their overall sense of well-being and their capacity to "function in the world".
Nevertheless, In the group there are very few Individuals who have not completed an undergraduate education, and a substantial number of them hold professional or advanced academic degrees (predominantly in the humanities, arts and social sciences). At the time of the Interviews all subjects were employed and many of them were involved In successful careers Gainful employment and professional success notwithstanding,
Cuban radicals, unlike non-radicals, seemed consistently preoccupied with broad social Issues, the nature and meaning of their own participation in the social system, and social responsibility
In most Instances, movement activists chose careers and occupations which allowed them to honor these concerns In other coses, careers and occupations were re-oriented or re-structured to moke them more ‘socially relevant". In more dramatic instances, well-paying jobs, high-powered but
"compromising" careers (in business ond industry, for example) were abandoned for the sake of leading what most considered to be morally end socially responsible as well as politically conscious ond committed lives
Educationally ond occupationally, non-octlvltlsts did not appear to differ greatly d iffer from activists, though perhaps they exhibited more of a tendency to select careers In business, technology and professions such as engineering, than was the cose with activists. The major difference between the two groups seemed to lie in the application of educational 165 training and skills. For example, in contrast to activists, non-activists involved in medical and legal occupations tended to go into private practice.
Activists in business and management, unlike non-activists, tended to channel their business expertise into public-sector or explicitedly radical political enterprises, rather than into careers in private industry, tn the majority of cases, activists, In contrast to non-activists, seemed to see their occupational activity as political or at least politically relevant.
For activists, matntaning a balance between practical career or occupational demands, and socio-political ideals and goals, appeared to be at best difficult, in the words of a female Informant with a career in the arts, now in her m id-thirties:
I decided, some years ago, that I was going to live my life the best way I could, and to do the kind of work I really wanted to do, with a minimum of compromises. But this is really hard. The combination of being an artist, an ethnic minority woman and a Cuban radical in this country Is almost too much to cope with. You're always struggling just to moke a living, that's one thing. But the biggest problem for me is being marginal.
I don't want to be a "minority artist", I don't wont to be at best tokenized and at worst disregarded and put aside. I spend so much time, we all do, I think, volunteering and underselling my talent and skills for this and that, just to be allowed to do my own work That's the cost of margtnality I dream of living somewhere where I could feel like on artist among artists, where my work would be judged on its own merit and not on the basis of a social label I wear.
I am doing pretty well here, in a way. I show my work frequently. I've gotten grants and awards; I am able to 166
moke o living from my art.But I never feel free; I'm always up against this system, trying to find a niche for myself while fighting hard not to be co-opted... Americans use our ideas, images and visions, even our experiences, and with their money and influence they exploit them and turn them into their own projects. We cannot let them do that; you, me, all of us, we hove to w rite our own books, do our own artwork, moke our own films Not for the sake of competing with or proving anything to them, but for the sake of taking our lives into our own hands. I really think it is our responsibility and our right, not theirs, to record and make our history I see this as a political priority
Cuban radicals tend to be very hard-working, serious, Intellectual, highly critical and always preoccupied both with national and international affairs, and with their own social and political contributions. However, such behavior, attitude and outlook should not be equated with a Joyless existence On the contrary, the majority of these Individuals seem to "play" as much as they “work* They do a lot of recreational short and long distance traveling, they often frequent restaurants, theaters, concerts end other dance and musical performances. They attend art exhibits and many are "cinemaphlles" and great lovers of music.
Entertaining at home is also frequent; birthdays, anniversaries, official holidays, special occassions (e g the birth of a child, the completion of an academic degree) ere considered causes for group celebration Getting together for a collective meal is a regular, often weekly activity among friends Gathering to drink coffee, 'a tomer cafe' (usually Cuban or expresso coffee) Is practically an institution. Consumed at coffee houses, restaurants or private homes, it is often accompanied by hours of group 167 conversation and is a particularly relished ritual One of the respondents, a university instructor and writer, resident of New York City, commented:
I would very much prefer to live in Cuba or perhaps some where in Latin America. But it would be a He to say that i do not like New York City or that I do not enjoy my life. It is true that New York is not like the rest of the United States; when I lived for a year in a small town in the Mid-West, it was extremely difficult for me to adjust. And just visiting other cities in this country made me realize that I probably couldn't manage outside my Cuban or Latin American ghetto But that’s fine with me. After all, I have a job and I'm well connected In my professional world, .as long os I con hove what I value most--my children and my friends, my work--especially my writing, and my politics, l*m alright...
The Process of Radlcaltzatlon: Major Themes and General Patterns.
There is not a single individual In the study population who does not regard his or her process of political radicalization and the adoption of a pro-Cuba position os one of the most challenging and profound set of experiences in his or her life. Indeed the tremendous emotional Impact and lasting effects of this process on movement activists ore in evidence long after (at least ten years for most subjects) these individuals come to define themselves os pro-Cuba radicals and become engaged in pro-Cuba movement activism
During the course of interviewing for this study, for example, it was not uncommon for subjects not only to discuss but to re-live and physically express the anxiety, depression, frustration, anger, sadness end joy they had once experienced in connection with the personal changes they had undergone. 168
Practically all subjects presented a sequential recounting of events to
which they attributed their radlcalization; the majority at least attempted
to produce historical, cultural and socio-economic explanations of these
events, and/or to provide psycho-social reasons for individual and group
experiences and responses. In other words while these accounts were often
delivered with a high level of affect, they were generally well organized and
very analytical; It was clear that these individuals had given their process
of change a great deal of thought
All Informants, as well as others who have w ritten about this phenomenon
(See Grupo Are (to 1978), describe the course of their political
radtcallzation as a series of gradual confrontations with the " s e lf—with
personal values, norms, world views, attitudes and behavior. In this regard,
the process of personal transformation seems to be largely perceived as a
highly reflective, internal, individual affair, even while It Is recognized
that It is a trajectory shared by all participants in the movement, that It
responds to concrete Interactions with the social milieu, and that it
eventually involves deliberate and directed collective action.
Four themes seem to predominate in the accounts of the Cuban radicals'
process of change 1) the experience of and struggle against internal and
social alienation; 2) the intellectual deconstruction of personal and social
mythology; 3) the "accurate" re-construction of personal and social history;
and 4) the search for appropriate means of collective action through which
the above concerns may be channeled. As Indicated earlier, subjects invariably describe the roots of their radlcalization in terms of negative experiences associated with their immigration and life in exile Specifically these include: 1) problems with the process of assimilation; 2) an awareness of and direct confrontation with prejudice and discrimination; and 3) conflict with family and the larger community in exile. All Informants reported feelings of profound disappointment, sadness and a sense of loss, frustration and anger, in connection with their lives in exile For some, these feelings emerged almost immediately upon their arrival to the host society, in response to the events surrounding and including their exodus from the island For others, a longer time would pass before they surfaced.
In nearly all cases, however, dissatisfaction seemed to stem largely from the perception of Inconsistencies and contradictions between what these
Individuals knew about and expected of themselves and others in their social environment, and what actually 'came to pass'. In other words, they were apparently not merely unhappy about say, having trouble with schoolmates or co-workers; experiencing economic hardship; having serious confrontations with their families; or finding themselves the objects of prejudice and discrimination even within the context of the social movements in which they were participating. They seemed to be jarred by these experiences to a great extent because they were not consistent with the views and expectations they held about themselves, their families, other Cubans, of life in the United States and of life In Cuba—both prior to and after the triumph of the revolution. 170
The majority of Informants reported having been negatively affected,
psychologically or emotionally, by experiences which they perceived to
constitute Instances of prejudice and discrimination directed toward
themselves personally, toward Cubans as a group, and/or toward others
w ith whom they had come to identify (e g Puerto Ricans). Also, practically
all of the interviewed subjects indicated that they had been profoundly
affected, "marVed for life", as some of them put it, by certain changes in the
structure and dynamics of the family and other relationships within the
Cuban community in exile. However, almost invariably, they claimed that
the ideological contradictions these experiences posed for them were far more problematic.
The dissonance between previous and new information about who they were,
where they came from, what they could or could not expect from family,
teachers, school metes and others; what life in thetr new society was generally like and would be for them, seemed to be more traumatic then
concrete events and circumstances. In the following long Interview excerpt,
one of the youngest Informants In the study, a woman now twenty seven,
talks about the impact of some of these contradictions:
I was very unhappy, but it took a long time and a lot of introspection, for me to figure out what was wrong with me. I can't say that at first I was consciously aware of being treated differently than other people I went to a private school when It was already "uncoo)' to be openly racist. It was a while before It occurred to to me that there was something funny about the fact that I always ployed the role of Carmen Miranda in school; I must have been Carmen Miranda at least four times. 171
But what really got to me were the contradictions in my life. My mother is mulatto and my father was a white European immigrant, but at home, we never talked about race. I am the lightest (in skin color) in my family, and 1 speak English perfectly, so I was told that I was white— that's what It says on my birth certificate— and that I was "practically" American... Also, my maternal grandmother and all my aunts seemed to be obsessed with France, with my going to France; that was o mark of distinction and refinement. And I actually went; 1 spent a year studying In Paris, mostly to please my family They had a dinner in my honor when I returned They made a big fuss over me and served me In the finest china I was embarrassed end confused
The thing was that I d look at myself in the mirror and say: "I'm not white. Why ere they telling me l*m white?" And here my mother was a professional, a woman from a very poor fam ily who had managed to educate herself and become successful and very "cosmopolition", like she says. And yet she kept glasses of water In the closets and lit candles and things like that. But 1 was never told about what any of it meant, even though it seemed to be very important to her
When I went away to college I started to realize-- well, other people forced me to realize, that I was not at all what my family had been telling me I was; they didn't see me or treated me the way my family had, that's for sure. I was Cuban, not American or European; what I was studying had very little to do with me. It didn't fit...] didn't fit... So more and more I found myself in the company of other "misfits". I looked for them and started to read and take classes that maybe would tell me what it meant to be Cuban, what was going on with me and with my life. I took couses In Marxism and that helped a lot to sort things out. One course was particularly important; 1 did a project on Cuba and discovered a lot of things ( didn't know. And t become involved in radical politics, I started to do solidarity work for Central America... 172
...After I finished my Masters in a school In California I droped oci of a PhD program Part of the reason was that there was a death in the family and I had to move back East. But part of the reason was that I hod to detach my self from school; I had to spend time on my own, reading things 1 was really interested in. writing things I really wanted to write. I'd spent my whole life doing things for my family and for my teachers end that was not helping me figure out who I was...
Finally I went to Cuba and I have continued to go to Cuba to do solidarity worfc; and that's made all the difference It gives me a sense of belonging, of being part of history Some people in my family don't talk to me now, I hove completely disappointed them; they'd tried so hard to turn me into something else somebody white and Americanized ...maybe they thought that that would make me a better kind of Cuban?...! don't know. It's so crazy... But I am much happier now ...My life Is not an easy one, but it mokes sense, it makes a lot of sense...
As reported by practically all subjects who became politically radicalized, such contradictions and the sense of alienation and in many cases, the very negative views of self that they tended to produce, become intolerable For the group of activists os a whole, "correctly" identifying the sources, understanding the nature of these contradictions, and taking action to resolve them become a critical "life project"
Such activity eventually resulted in t) a politically radical reinterpretation of history, society and these young people’s own and their family's position in the social system (in Cuba prior to migration and in exile); 2) a politicized identity; and 3) new political roles and lifestyles In other words, the trajectory of change culminated in a political product and in 173 politicized social actors. However, as previously suggested, such trajectory does not appear to hove been bound to or codified by social movement structures
Cuban youngsters who become radicalized In exile, for example, do not seem to have "switched" world views or views of self In accomodation to a particular system or systems of doctrines as proclaimed by one or more social movements Indeed, by and large, within the boundaries of accepting the legitimacy of the Cuban revolutionary regime, and adopting a position of support towards It and against counterrevolutionary views and activities,
Cuban radicals exhibit a variety of Ideological perspectives and political behaviors.
Movement activists apparently need not explicitedly adopt socialist or communist doctrines, for example, to consider themselves or be considered by others, as Cuban radicals. Many do think of themselves in these terms, though in the vast majority of cases, they do not do so unconditionally or uncritically. One subject in the study, for instance, stated:
I consider myself a socialist, but I am not a vulgar Marxist and I do not think that revolutionary Cuba is paradise on earth. I have a lot of criticisms of the revolution; I think that much has been accomplished, but many mistakes have been made, and many more w ill be made. I'm sure. There Is no precedence for what the Cuban people are trying to do. They have no reel guides or models. People who think that the Cuban revolution is just a transplanted version of the Soviet model are usually people who have not been to Cuba and seen for themselves 174
I believe that mistakes and all, revolutionary Cuba represents the way of the future, at least for Latin America, perhaps for the whole Third World, and though I am critical, 1 completely support it I believe that like Jos6 nartf said, 'our wine may be sour, but It is our wine..."
Similarly, the behavior expected of committed movement participants seems to be limited to the demonstration of loyalty or at least of respect towards the political group and the Cuban revolution, namely by not speaking or otherwise taking action to undermine or destroy the image and/or the the political project and work of either Certain “ideal" qualities associated w ith the revolutionary notions of the "new" men and women (to be discussed shortly) are encouraged among the membership. However, by and large, the political group does not dictate or attempt to control the behavior of participants outside of the political "sphere".
This characteristic constitutes a departure from the obverved tendency of other movements of personal transformation where the "personal" is considered to be "political" (e g the women's movement), to regulate most aspects of members's behavior Despite the facts that the process of radicalizatlon is considered to be a profoundly transformative process at the personal level, and that casual social interaction among participants is very high, the "political" and the "private" appear to remain separate
Certain mechanisms which function as means to navigate in and out of these two domains and to grapple with ideological and behavioral contradictions
(e.g. "gossip") w ill be briefly discussed later on. 175
Within the political community, a wide variety of personal life-styles were
observed. Also, it did not appear to be uncommon for the group not only to
tolerate these variations, but also to withstand or overlook certain social violations and/or highly erratic behavior (eg. 'backbiting', sexual activity
generally regarded as very deviant) on the part of certain members. The
researcher observed, for Instance, that some individuals with obvious persona) problems that would most likely render them dysfunctional in other contexts, were treated with respect or at the very least with affectionate tolerance
Eccentrics and social wrong-doers seemed to be called to order and told to
'shape up' w ith some regularity, but overall, individuals who have been fully accepted into the political network as committed radicals, are accepted almost unconditionally. However, on the point of loyalty to the movement and to revolutionary Cuba, the group appears to be quite strict, it was the strong impression of the investigator that words or acts which would indicate that an individual had 'turned against' the movement or particularly against Cuba, would render further trust in that individual
Impossible.
In such cases public confrontations seemed to be rare, even private ones unlikely The culprit would simply be dropped and disowned by the group
The investigator had the sense that the group sentiment was generally that an individual who had committed such violations could not possibly be expected to be as he/she was before. There also seemed to be a general agreement by group members that the movement simply could not afford any 176 bod publicity—It would only provide fuel for the Cuban right's campaign against the progressives. During the course of the research, no such incidents occurred. However, a number of subjects talked about individuals who had committed certain 'political indiscretions" which had resulted in their being isolated from the group, thought not completely "disowned" because they had not become gusanos (counterrevolutionaries). The researcher was also told about others who had left the movement but apparently of their own volition, the sentimement expressed about such individuals was one of disappointment.
In light of the above observations, it seems reasonable to propose that the process of political radlcalization among young Cuban exiles was not embedded In the Institutional structures of social movements, nor seriously constrained by their Ideological or dynamic reatures. indeed their adoption of expitcitedly political world views, and the development of political
Identities and lifestyles as a means to confront, give meaning and cope with or resolve certain social contradictions, seems to have followed a different pattern from that which has been described for the majority of participants
In the social movements of the 1960’s and 1970 s (I.e. the various steps associated w ith process of commitment).
Rather, for these young Cubans, the process of personal transformation that leads to radical politics in exile seems to involve a series of experiences which are for the most part related to their specific situation as immigrants from revolutionary Cuba. Their particular needs, perceptions of and accomodations to this unique set of circumstances, more than the 177
influence of any social movement, constitute the ‘backbone'of their
trajectory of change Indeed pre-revolutionary Cuban culture and society,
the Cuban revolution; immigration and the process of adaptation to the host
society are expllcttedly regarded as the foci of personal change
The views and Interpretations of these socio-historical events as presented
by their families, the Cuban community In exile, the United States
government. North American society, indeed the various worlds that
informed these young people (including the social movements In which they
participated) In the context of exile, failed to explain, much less resolve,
the gaps and contradictions that their personal experiences revealed about
such perpectlves. Their process of change 1s marked by a search for a more
accurate and "fitting* explanation, and explanation which is not yet existent
In their soclo-cultural milieu. The steps it involves require 1) a "turning
Inwards", a confrontation with and "revision" of the self; and 2) a "turning
outwards", a systematic study of the events and circumstances which have
shaped their lives (e g. pre-and post revolutionary Cuban history, Cuba-U S.
relations, etc.). As a group of activists wrote about their process of
political radlcalization.
There were no sudden conversions, there isn’t a single instance of blinding revelation. It was a process in which, against wind and tide, we had to reconceptualize history--the ’great’ or large’ history as much as the ‘small’ one; that is to say, the general events that affected us collectively, as well as the ‘private ones’.
The process of re-reading recent history demanded a definition at the personal level; a truly radical change i7a
that would touch our deepest layers. It wasn't only about changing a few political ideas or superficial attitudes. Truthfully, we had to transform ourselves Into other people; it was necessary, gradually and with a great deal of suffering, to go about forging new men and women (Grupo Arelto; 1978:72, Translated by Qulntanales)
The New Men and Women.
At first glance. It is difficult to ascertain what if anything, is really "new" about progressive Cubans besides the contents of thetr politics and at that, only In comparison to largely conservative or reactionary Cubans. Certainly, radical and even specifically pro-Cuba politics are shared by a greet variety of people In the United States and elsewhere. In addition, as has been discussed, Cuban radicals retain their Cuban identity and at least superficially, they and their non-radical Cuban peers In exile do not appear to be terribly different In matters other than certain characteristics associated with their political pre-history, views, behaviors and careers
However, upon closer inspection some changes do seem to be in evidence In addition, when compared with the reports and the observed behavior of same-generation subjects interviewed in Cuba, certain characteristics of the progressive movement on the one hand, and of its participants on the other, suggest changes that cannot be completely explained only in terms of life in exile and the assimilation experience, or without reference to their particular political trajectory. Indeed in some ways the reports and observed behavior of Cuban radicals in exile, and of the most politically involved individuals interviewed in Cuba, tend to resemble each other more, 179 than the reports and observed behavior of radicals versus non-redicats within or across these settings
In other words, as the progressive Cubans suggested, at least for young
Cubans there is more to becoming a political radical than changing a few political ideas. And apparently, the end product of this process of political radlcalization seems to be rather similar for this generation of Cubans, whether they migrated or remained In the Island
Two major changes were identified among the progressive Cuban community in exile as well os among revolutionary Cubans in the island The first is the emergence of the role of the politically radical female activist, or the revolutionary woman, respectively. The appearance of this role in turn seems to be related to fundamental changes in gender role perceptions and behaviors among politically radicalized males and females in both contexts
The second significant change concerns the greater Importance that Cubans radicalized In exile, and committed revolutionaries In the island, appear to assign to associations with members of their respective political communities relative to ties with their families of origin. This shift seems to be related to certain breaks from traditional perspectives and behaviors regarding the Cuban family
One of the most striking features of the progressive Cuban youth movement, is the high level of participation by women In terms of numbers, most interviewed subjects claimed that women made up slightly over half of the membership; the investigator's observations generally confirmed such 160
calculations. Importantly, throughout the history of the movement (and in contrast to the majority of the social movements of the 1960's and 1970‘s,
including that of counterrevolutionary Cuban youth in exile), women hove held positions of power and authority in proportions equal to the men They have occupied and still do, policy-making positions in all movement organizations; in some of them, they actually constitute the leadership
Women have always had a political participation in Cuban history However, both in terms of numbers and in terms of leadership roles, their participation has been very limited. Still today. In revolutionary Cuba, massive efforts to Integrate women both Into the labor force and into mass political organizations, have not yielded entirely satisfactory results
Indeed a major criticism that has been made of the Cuban communist party and other official organs of the revolutionary regime Is that the representation of women, particularly in high ranking positions, continues to be low The role of la nueva muler revoluclonaMa (the revolutionary new woman) has been institutionalized by the revolutionary regime and has been gradually adopted by increasing numbers of Cuban women, particularly the young (Sutherland 1969). Nevertheless, by and large it still remains an ideal for the majority of the female population in the island
To the knowledge of the investigator, no studies of the political participation of Cuban women in exile have been conducted to date
However, a review of the general literature on Cuban exiles suggests that a political role for women is not widely recognized. It is interesting to note that among the older movemement participants—i.e. individuals who 161 migrated in their early twenties--considered in this study, all the men but only one woman, had had any kind of previous political experience
This particular individual, now deceased. Is considered by the majority of movement participants (both men and women), to be "the mother of the movement-; she is the figure most often cited as "the person who got me
Involved" A charismatic leader, she was Indeed able to recruit many people, particularly young women. Into the movement. However, she almost completely failed to bring women her age (she would have now been forty eight) Into the radical political community, tn fact female activists now in their mid-to late forties are so underrepresented tn the movement as to constitute an insignificant minority. The researcher was able to identify only a handful.
In the context of exile, the role of "political woman" exemplified by the
Cuban progressive female activists then, is a new role played by young individuals, mostly under forty years of age. That also appears to be the case among revolutionaries in the island. Without adequate statistics, comparative samples or testing procedures, it is difficult if not impossible to determine with certainty 1) whether the characteristics of the new political woman among Cubans in either setting, resulted from the adoption of this role or whether they preceeded it and are thereby the product of other (and perhaps similar) changes in both socio-cultural settings, or 2) the actual extent to which these characteristics might be shared by other young Cuban women who are not politically active 152
Nevertheless, on the basis of certain observations that have been mode concerning cultural continuities and discontinuities among Cuban exiles, and the doto gothered for the present reseorch which includes material from
Cuba, the correlation between political radicalizotion and fundamental changes in gender role perceptions and behavior, and in family relotionships, appears to be a significant one. At any rate, a description of some of the charocteristics of the "new’ Cuban women and men may be provided It is the hope that future research will determine their significonce in a broader perspective
The New Cuban woman tn Exile. In generol, the progressive Cuban woman In exile ts highly educated, ’n the study sample the majority holds college degrees and many of them have either received or are in the process of obtaining post-graduate, academic degrees, tn most instances, doctorates— predominantly in the humanities and the social sciences Some are professionals—predominantly physicians and attorneys, and some are professional writers. Journalists and artists. The few individuals in the study group who have not completed a college education are in the process of doing so and/or are employed in Jobs which ordinarily require college degrees (e.g. accounting, business management).
She is independent and self-sufficient Married and unmarried women seem to be about equally represented in the study population However, in neither instance do they seem to follow traditionally Cuban life-style patterns or opt for the role-adoptations which have been reported for Cuban women in exile (Boone 1980) Never-married or divorced women either live alone or 163 with male or female housemates—predominantly close friends or intimate partners Married women with or without children live in exclusively nuclear-family domestic arangements. No married women with or without children are, or have ever been "housewives" either in the sense of being unemployed or in the sense of having exclusive responsibility for household duties. Further, the majority of these women, married or unmarried, have a history of independent living; they did not leave the parental home essentially to get married nor, as seems to be the case among many young
Cuban women in exile, did they always go to college "close to home" In other words, in most cases, they broke from the family unit and "struck out" on their own before adopting their present life-styles.
Significantly, while the majority of these female subjects maintain regular contact with their parents and other relatives and in some cases are financially responsible for them, many live geographically far from their families. And, tn contrast to most reports about the generally strong ties between Cuban parents and their children, these ties do not seem to be particularly close The majority of these women, both activists and non- activists, claimed to care a great deal about their fam ilies and feel a strong sense of responsibility particularly towards aging parents. However, In contrast to non-activists, activists often claimed that "the only way to really get along with them Is by maintaining distance between us", as one
Informant stated.
The relationship between female movement participants and their mothers appears to be particularly strained Indeed practically all informants 164
reported having persistent difficulties getting along with their mothers and
mentioned that they were only able to tolerate short, end for the most part
ritualized visits with them (e.g. during holidays). When questioned about
this, some individuals mentioned that the problem was one of political
differences between them, however, the majority indicatedthat they and
their mothers lived in such different worlds that reel communication and
intimacy between them seemed nearly impossible to achieve.
Two salient features of the progressive Cuban women s views and attitudes
about their own mothers and about the traditional role of the Cuban mother ,
Include: 1) a highly critical or analytical posture; and 2) an empathetic but emotionally "distant' or detached response. The majority uf these women
described their mothers largely in negative terms: very domineering but highly dependent on others; manipulative; childish, self-centered and irresponsible; nosey or Intrusive; superficial and overly pragmatic. Most regarded them as more or less "typical" Cuban women largely, but not exclusively, of their generation (individuals over sixty), but added that in exile these characteristics seemed more salient and maladaptive
Indeed a number of these subjects felt that had their mothers remained in
Cuba or even if they were to return to live there now, they would be pretty much like the majority of women in the island-- even taking political differences into account. That in terms of traditionely feminine behaviors, their mothers could probably s till fit in, seemed to be cause of some concern among the progressive women. Evidently, they felt that the revolution still had not yet gone far enough with regards to changing the 165 role of mainstream women and/or closing the cultural or social gap between the old and the young.
Despite the unflattering remarks these individuals made about their mothers, they seemed to feel empathetlc towards them. If the majority expressed some anger and disappointment towards their mothers, they also showed sadness about what they saw as the tatter's inability to step out of traditional feminine rotes, and about the unexpected difficulties they had experienced adjusting to a different culture and society Indeed most subjects seemed to see not only their mothers, but other older Cuban women in exile as victims—of their own ignorance, of their cultural upbringing and of unforseeable circumstances. "She dldn t want to come, but she fe lt it was her duty to follow my father, was a common statement made by informants
The oldest female subject In the study (a mother with three grown children and four grandchildren), stated
It pains me to see the majority of Cuban women my age (49], and they are in the majority, who came here because their husbands decided to immigrate. I hove worked with them, I know that most of them are unhappy, but they don't seem to know why. The have jobs, and fam ilies, but they do not have a life of their own They cope by keeping a nice home, living through others— especially their husbands and children, and keeping themselves busy with a million domestic rituals. But their work has no personal meaning or value, and none of these things really compensate for their personal and social alienation
1 live my own life and not the life that somebody else designed for me And I am happy because I have confronted myself and all those myths I’d brought with me to this 166
country [the U.S.]. The contradictions in my life are clear: I am Cuban, I identify with revolutionary Cuba and the people of Latin America, and yet 1 live and work here, in the center of the empire, or as Jose Marti once said, in the belly of the monster Knowing this has made it possible for me first, to discover what’s really Important for me and what is not; second, it has allowed me to look for realistic and authentic ways to deol with these contradictions.
I've been able to get rid of all the non-essentials, those fantasies that keep so many people doing nothing but going to work every day like robots and shopping on weekends I hove a life that is about far more than keeping the family together, going to a job, and striving for a high standard of living measured mostly in material terms.
I hove a very good relationship with my children, I love them, but I am not dependent on them for self-definition I work for a living, but my job is not just any job I didn't even begin to go to college until I was thirty two, and I am now finishing my PhD 1 have a career ( chose for myself I like the good things in life --fro m traveling, to good perfume. But I do not confuse the pleasure they give me with internal happiness and peace Only self-awarenes and acceptance con give me that, plus knowing that I am doing all I con for humanity, especially people in Latin America, in the Third World ...We have a common bond and a common struggle .My life would have little meaning if I didn't take them into account. If I only led a private existence...
While non-radical women In the present study also reported serious difficulties In their relationships with their mothers, they nevertheless tended to: 1) present highly idealized pictures of them despite the often not-so-subtle contradictions between these Images and their reports; and 2) maintain a high level of interaction with them despite the tensions and discomfort such close contact seemed to generate Some researchers have 167 observed that Cuban exiles tend to exhibit high levels of self-awareness, and that when certain discrepancies emerge between behavior and reports about behavior, these are often explained in terms of a conflict between the way things ought to be and they way things are (Boone 1980)
Among non-radical subjects in the present study (both women and men), such explanations were not common when parents were discussed The investigator had the distinct impression that the subject of parent-child relationships constituted a 'blind spot' for these individuals Traditional values and norms, especially the moral imperative of honoring one s parents, of maintaining the fam ily honor, seemed so strong among these subjects, that open criticism and explicit negative evaluations of parents seldom occurred, despite descriptions of less than honorable parental behaviors.
Boone (1980) reported in her study of Cuban Americans in the Washington
DC. area, that both immigrant parents and their children tended to be conservative in the sphere of family relations, that is, to retain traditionol values and norms concerning the Cuban family. As suggested by the above observations, the present study generally supported her findings, but only among non-redicalized subjects.
The reasearcher In the present study observed that In cases where subjects came close to becoming aware of the discrepancies in their reports, the tendency was to change the subject, In other words, to withhold further information, one of these individuals, a woman now in her early forties, for instance, talked about her mother, and about her mother's attitude and 166 behavior towards her, in glowing terms: "She's a wonderful woman Very intelligent and perceptive, and she’s always looking after me. She's always interested in what I'm doing, always trying to help me in every way she can, even though she lives so fa r away [in Cuba], No hay nedie como la madre de uno" (there is no one like one's mother)
In the course of that Interview however, the researcher noticed that the most prevalent theme in this woman's report was her feeling that she had been rejected and abandoned by her family, indeed at one point she stated that one of the reasons she had migrated was that nobody cared about her— her Ideas, her needs, her plans, her hopes for the future She did not explicitly Implicate her family, but since she dldnt discuss other people, the investigator concluded that she was indeed "blaming" her relatives
This woman had been brought up by her paternal grandmother, whom she also highly praised, even though she described Incidents involving her that presented quite a different picture of her When the investigator asked her how she had come to live with her grandmother, the interviewee got agitated and abruptly changed the subject and moved on to talk about her life in the United States.
During the year following the interview, the researcher both observed and was told by this subject (who happens to be a friend of the investigator), that she was "changing about Cuba", changing her views and attitudes about revolutionary Cuba (which had been largely negative), and “ asking myself why I had really come...". At the request of the subject, a second interview 169 was conducted, and this time she was willing to openly uiscuss her family
from a more critical perspective:
My father had wanted a boy. He was very angry when I was bom I grew up hearing about all the horrible things he'd said about me when I was just a baby And my mother abandoned me when I was five, she left me with my paternal grandmother and never paid much attention to me She was not very responsible
I see now that my family had more to do with my coming here than anything else I was running away from them, from their rejection...! am beginning to take responsibility for my decision to come (at age 23] and for the consequences. I've been very succesful in this country [the U.S.], but I've paid dearly for having made such a choice. I am completely alone here, and I miss Cuba, i am obsessed with Cuba...
I tried to settle accounts with my father on several occasions when I traveled to Cuba for visits, but that was hopeless. He finally died without our having resolved our problems. I‘ve forgiven him, but I realize that he hurt me a great deal I also confronted my mother and our relationship has improved a lot I am finally working through the psychological problems her rejection caused me, and though we both have a long way to go, I feel like I can count on her now ..It's amazing how hard it is to see ourselves and other people, and situations clearly, to know what makes us act the way we act...
A number of women (both activists and non-activists) claimed to be close to
their fathers. However, in terms of affect, fathers generally appeared to be
either distant figures in these women's lives or objects of considerable 190 ambivalence In some instances, they were rejected outright This was particularly true of individuals whose fathers had left the family; in such cases, it was often these women who had assumed major responsibility for their mothers and younger siblings Fathers were also very often blamed or held responsible for the decision to migrate
At the same time many of these subjects (the activists; non-activists generally did not provide these analyses), openly Identified with thetr fath ers--in appearance, personality and interests They also claimed as their own, certain traits which they apparently regarded as masculine since they only discussed them in relationship to their fathers and other males assertiveness or aggressiveness, independence; an interest in worldly arrairs; tdealism; morality; creativity or Inventiveness. Though certain negative aspects of these characteristics were often mentioned, they were nevertheless positively valued. The following statements by several
Individuals are illustrative:
I haven't talked to my father In years, since he left us ...I don’t want to talk to him, he did too much harm to my mother and to all of us (several siblings) . But I have to admit that I am a lot like him his waywardness, his rebelliousness, were part of a creativity that he passed on to me and to which I owe my art and my love of life
My father was a terrible father He was irresponsible, he gambled ...sometimes we lived like middle-class people and sometimes we hardly had money for food. I spent all my childhood wishing that he would divorce my mother and leave us alone. At the same time 1 admired him . He had a life of his own, something internal that made him very self-reliant . I was closer to my mother, but I think I've turned out more like him... independent and self-sufficient
In contrast to my mother who's very concrete and down to earth, my father is an idealist and a romantic. Being that way has brought him many disappointments, specially concerning life in exile, but at the same time, it has kept him from being completely bogged down by the details of everyday living He really loves music and dance and art, he reads all the time and is very interested in Eastern philosophy and religion I am a lot like him .1 have also hod a d ifficu lt time here, but I am glad 1 inherited his sense that there is more to life than eating and sleeping and paying the bills when things get really bad for me, when nothing seems to make sense, I remember what my father has taught me and turn to things that feed the spirit, like literature and art and music...
fly father hod the ultimate super-ego, everything was a "should" for him . I inherited this from him and in a way, it has not been good because half the time 1 didn't know what I really needed or wanted; I always thought In terms of what I “ought" to do or not. However, looking back, this particular quality has also been very positive Even after I hod learned to separate my feelings from morality, I still felt it was important to hove this code of ethics It always makes me question my motives and consider the consequences of what I do It has given me a sense that I am responsible for my actions and that my actions have an impact on my life and on the world around me...I think this had been the base of my social responsibility and my political consciousness 192
The majority of female activists then, seemed to assign a negative value to traditional feminine qualities they associated with their mothers, end to assign a positive value to and claim as their own, certain masculine qualities they associate witn their fathers. However, despite the negative evaluations of "Cuban mothers" and the difficulties these women reported regarding their relationships with them, their ties with the latter appeared to be or to have been in the past, emotionally deeper and/or physically closer than those between daughters and their fathers
Significantly, the majority of these Informants reported that far more important (if not always more emotionally binding) than their relationship with their mothers, were their relationships with grandmothers (paternal and maternal grandmothers seemed to be equally mentioned) and with other female relatives (again both maternal and paternal relatives were mentioned equally). In most Instances, these female members of the extended family were described in positive terms and credited with having given the growing child far more love, attention and respect than their own mothers:
To my mother I was like one of her arms or legs, it was like I didn’t exist. She did things for me, but It was more like doing things for herself But my (motemal) grand mother treated me like a separate individual. She knew and respected what i liked, the way I was. To her I was a very special person...! grew up with the sense that my grand mother was an adult and my mother just a kid I couldn't depend on.. 193
I don't know what would hove become of me if I hadn't hod my (potemol) grondmother and my aunts (father's sisters) My mother lived in her own little world Shs just didn’t pay attention to my needs, even basic ones, like registering me In school, seemed to be beyond her capabilities...My grand mother wjs so worried about this that she taught me to rend herself .and my aunts kept insisting that I had to go to school I finally started to go more or less regularly when i was eight years old.
My (maternal) grandmother and one of my mother's sisters were more important to me than my own mother I think that my grandmother was a feminist, she was very strong and independent and always defended the girls She taught me to stand up for myself and not take any flack from my brother or my male cousins and this one aunt was also very special: she listened to me, she took an interest in me and taught me to do things, .we used to sit and draw together and though t never became good at It, ! 'corned to embroider from her and enjoyed that a lot ...But I think the most important thing was that she treated me like a person
Given that subjects described their "typical" mothers largely in terms of negative feminine characteristics, but contradictorily, described other presumably equally typical female relatives in terms of positive traits , suggests that: t) there is some ambivalence among these informants regarding traditional feminine roles, and 2) the "typical" mother-daughter tie may be a particularly difficult one in traditional Cuban culture and society When the researcher pointed out the discrepancies in the subjects’ reports concering their mothers and other female relatives, many indeed admitted that in fact there were no major differences (in terms of feminine qualities) between these two categories of women in their lives, problem then was ’mothers and daughters’ . As one informant put it
Actually, my aunt M, to whom I was so close, was far more traditional than my mother I think it would have been very hard on me to be her daughter My poor cousin wasn't allowed to do half the stuff I was...Maybe whet made my relationship with my aunt work, was that we weren’t so wrapped up with each other as my mother and I were...Or perhaps my aunt just didn't feel compelled or obligated to turn me into the kind of person that reflected well on her abilities as a mother...
Another subject stated:
When 1 was a child my mother was simultaneously suffocating and distont She was constantly on top of me, doing things supposedly for me. But it was ell superficial. She seemed to think that being a good mother mostly consisted of buying me pretty clothes or paying for ballet lessons or closely monitoring my friendships and activities so I wouldn't be under any bad influences...
But basically, she wouldn't give me whet I really needed, like to be listened to or appreciated for the way I was So of course I had to turn to other women in the family, I think kids need to feel close to somebody I guess I was lucky to have a grandmother who treated children, or at least who treated me, like a person in my own right ...In many ways my grandmother was much more strict than my mother, and I didn't like thot. But 1 still preferred her to my mother because she would let me be and did not reject me .. 195
In most instances, the female subjects in the present study grew up in a world populated and nurtured primarily by women and children. It should be noted however, that fathers, grandfathers and other male relatives were apparently not totally absent from these individuals’ childhood worlds
Indeed both men and women in the study sometimes mentioned favorite grandfathers or uncles whom they admired and with whom they shared childhood concerns and activities. Nevertheless, fathers and men in the extended family seldom had the close, day to day contact with or responsibility for children that mothers and female relatives ordinarily had in any case, if progressive women adopted some traditionally masculine behaviors which allowed them to function well 1n the world of men
(particularly In the sphere of politics) In the new society, they apparently did not altogether relinquish certain traits that made possible their identification with and close affective ties with women--even If the latter were forged largely on the basis of their relationships with female members of the extended family, rather that on the basis of their ties with their mothers.
Indeed relationships among women in the political community, for example, seem to be particularly intimate, positive and strong. Many of these individuals consider themselves feminists, though for the most part, their participation in the feminist movement has been very limited and/or rather recent. So for the most part, their feminism seemed to be 'a matter of principle-, more than a matter of active politics In any case, not a single 196
individual gave credit to the womens movement for their concern for women's "rights" or for their good relationships w ith women
On the contrary, those who claimed to have had closer contact with North
American feminists and women s groups, often reported being shocked about
" ..how competitive and hateful these women seem to be with one another", as one subject stated For the most part the Cuban women tended to avoid close personal relationships with these North American feminists. Most of the study subjects who specifically discussed the topic, seemed to feel that intimate and physically affectionate relationships among women is " part of Cuban culture...*, and a very positive traditional feminine characteristic.
The majority of these subjects, both married and unmarried, claimed and/or were observed to have at least one, but more often several close female friends with whom they regularly interacted individually and as a part of a group (sometimes all-female, sometimes mixed). These women call each other and visit one another frequently; those who have children as well as those who do not, speak of the children of their friends as their own nieces and nephews and assume many "aunt duties" including baby-sitting. In many ways, female friends seem to act as sisters in a traditional sense--sharing confidences, keeping track of each other's daily activities as well as major life problems, and assuming family-type responsibilities which may range from one taking care of the other during an illness to “keeping and eye on" and visiting each other’s parents. It is not at all unsual, in fact, for women in the movement to refer to each other as “sisters". Nevertheless, by end large, these informants seemed to have considerable difficulty identifying other positive traditionally Cuban feminine characteristics— both in general, and as applied to themselves—besides the above-mentioned capacity to get along and enjoy relationships with women
In fact the researcher could not get very far in her attempts to develop a lis t of “good traits". The issue of how these women perceived their gender- role identity then, seemed an important one and raised four major questions:
1) do they still see themselves os “feminine" but now largely in negative terms?, 2) do they feel they lack feminine characteristics and view themselves as “unfeminine"? , 3) have they developed other alternative images of "femininity"? ; 4) how satisfied are they with these perceptions regarding gender-role identity?
The majority of thoje subjects claimed nfli to be feminine in Me traditional sense. They often criticized (though In highly humorous terms) traditional fashion codes for Cuban women (wearing dresses, heels, heavy make up), for example. However, they also rejected the "typical" attire (“sloppy' Jeans, t- shtrts, e tc ) of many fem inists (the point of refence for the supposdly unfeminine model) as drab or boring The ideal seemed to be colorful, w e ll- made, and confortable clothes, though for the most part, these women seemed not to be much concerned about what other people wore or about the dictates of fashion in general One individual commented, for instance, that
"...As long as nobody is telling rne how I should or shouldn't dress or wear my hair, I don t care if someone walks around naked with a bag over her head. I like good-quallty clothes and I like to look nice, but I don’t follow 196 fashion trends. I don't have the time to worry about things like that I have more important things to do.."
About less superficial matters, e.g. how they handle work or domestic responsibilities, finances, personal relationships etc., the majority of
Informants claimed to be not like their mothers or like most Cuban women
Host seemed to feel that they had transcended most of their feminine shortcomings Nevertheless, many of them indicated that there were still some problems to overcome. Of these the most frequently mentioned were dependence or the fear of dependence, and/or feeling comfortable about living alone or functioning without the political group or without other
Cubans.
The issue of dependence seemed to be particularly marked in the area of intimate relationships with motes. A number of these individuals reported considerable difficulty with jealousy or possessiveness, and with being alone, i.e. without an intimate partner One subject stated: "I can't be without a lover, I always have to be in a relationship...". Statements such as this one were quite common For some individuals breaking away from personal relationships which they described as negative seemed to be extraordinarily hard: "It took me seven years to leave even though I was miserable all that time " commented one informant Others fully analyzed and apparently understood the nature of their problematic relationships but s till found it difficult to let go. 199
However, also common were reports of needing to be constantly attached but being unable to stay with anyone for too long. This seemed to cause a number of individuals considerable worry. Several women indicated that they were trying to break this pattern and establish a stable, long-term, and
"mature" relationship, os one person referred to it. In many instances study subjects directly connected these problems to their immigration and exile experiences and to their situation as political radicals For example, often mentioned were the difficulties of finding suitable motes or marriage partners— 1 e other individuals w ith whom they share cultural backgrounds, similar life-experiences and their particular political views and concerns— elements which most considered to be fundamental to good primary relationships
Those who found other progressive Cubans with whom to form Intimate relationships and/or marry, appeared to consider themselves lucky and to be willing to put up with sometimes serious individual Incompatibilities and interpersonal problems rather than to risk finding themselves in a position of having to team up with non-Cubans, particularly North Americans
Progressive Puerto Ricans and to a lesser extent, other Latin Americans seemed to be considered in a sim ilar light as Cubans. However, cultural and experiential differences were often acknowledged as sources of problems In these mixed relationships Women married to or involved w ith North
Americans tended to choose partners who were fairly fluent In Spanish, who were familiar with Cuban and/or Latin American cultures, and who were politically progressive and involved in solidarity work with Latin 200
Americans. Problems related to cultural differences and in some cases, to an alleged undercurrent of prejudice even among the most progressive and anti-racist North American mates, were also reported
The study subjects' concerns regarding intimate relationships do nGt appear to be particularly different from those voiced by many young women in this country today Indeed even a perfunctory review of popular mass market women’s magazines in the united States (e.g. Glamour. Mademoiselle. Self), and even feminist Journals and other publications, suggest that many or the difficulties that these individuals encounter in their relationships are very widespread. Similarly, the scarcity of adequate potential mates as reported by study subjects may be viewed simply as a variation of a reportedly common plight of the well-educated wording woman today.
Certainly this issue has been identified as a problem among the general U S female population as well as among certain minority groups. The dearth of desirable or appropriate partners for highly educated end upwardly mobile
Black women, and how to cope with this situation, for instance, are common topics In popular Afro-American publications directed to a female readership, (see Essence). Among other social m inorities--e g. the gay population in this country (and apparently elsewhere)--scercity in terms of numbers is exacerbated by the problems of discrimination and the invisibility produced by the need for protection. Indeed a common theme and the focus of much of the organizational effort of gay and lesbian political groups in this country has been 'coming out“--i e. publicly identifying oneself as gay or lesbian, making visible underground or hidden gay and 201
lesbian networks, and expanding, making occesible and legitimezing such
communities in order tc reduce the isolation and alienation of homosexuals
Clearly, education, race, class and ethnic background, sexual orientation and
a variety of other factors (e.g. physical disabilities) which may render some
Individuals or groups socially marginal, locate certain women in North
American society in a particularly difficult position to find adequate
Intimate partners and/or to lead the kind of Iff e-styles they may have been
taught to expect. Among the female population in the present study,
immigrant or refugee status and radical politics—particularly In the soclo-
historical context In which they occur—seem to produce or be related tc
certain conditions which combined with some of the above features, seem to
place these individuals in a specially vulnerable situation.
Indeed a number of female research subjects discussed some deep-seated,
psychological problems affecting their intimate relationships, which they
attributed to specific circumstances related to their exodus from Cuba and
to their assimilation experiences in the host society. The following long
interview excerpt by a thirty nine-yeor old female activist is illustrative
This subject is twice-divorced (her first husband was North American, her
second Puerto Rican), and the mother of two school-age children.
I think that once you hove the experience of abandoning a whole country, a whole family, a whole culture , you can't understand why you should stick with anything... It used to be that if something wasn’t functioning, I’d just toke off. It wasn't difficult for me to love someone very much today and cut that relationship tomorrow . No continuity. 202
I had like a defect...I‘d change just like that. I*d have friends and suddenly I would change, my life would change, my context would change... it was as if things for me would always be cut off unexpectedly...
Now I think, how was it possible for me to have been able to abandon people like that...I would start relationships and then just disappear I think that come from the experience of having left so much, of having lost so much One can spend a life-tim e trying to understand the effect of this, and protecting oneself from ever again loving a person or a place as much Still I'm going to start crying It's a pain that never goes away
That first year after I came, I used to cry in my sleep I used to woke up from dreaming about Cuba, and it was such a horrible thing .1 think it's something you protect yourself from, becoming so rooted in the same way, ever again. It is very difficult to explain this to people who haven't had that experience... Sometimes it frightens me, because it leads you to do things...! hove asked myself how could I hove done those things...
One of the most traumatic experiences in my life has been the Impact of exile on my sexuality, because . os a Cuban girl, I came here (to the U.S. at age fourteen] with the mentality of... should I or shouldn't I kiss my boyfriend...?* And yet at sixteen I was no longer a virgin... But to this day, I haven’t really been able to be with a Cuban man.Jn terms of those old taboos...i‘m still a virgin. My sexual response to Cuban men is completely different than to men from any other place in the world.
I feel I was like one of those animals that are raised in a zoo .. that don't know how to do anything...The things one learns about how to relate, didn’t function right. The cues were all wrong.. ( have always had the sense that my real life exists in another place and I haven’t lived It yet...I'm still waiting for that Cuban man who’s going to come to my home and court me properly and ask for my hand . I’m still a virgin that way. 203
I'm s till waiting for that to happen Somewhere in my mind 1 feel like that process never took place, and those issues like is he s till going to respect me the next day' only come up with Cuban men, w ith Cuban men I just can't I don't respond With them I'm like an adolescent...
I used to feel like one of those experimental rats that scientists do all kinds of crazy things to. Not at firs t, but thinking about it later.i came here at fourteen, at sixteen I was no longer a virgin, at eighteen I ran away from home, told my parents that a girlfriend was driving me to my college in another state and instead, two blocks away from home, I switched cars and took off w ith this man. who was much older than me...I lived with him off campus Instead of in the dorm .Then we both moved out west... Later he le ft me and I...dropped out of school for a while and took off for Latin America...In a space of several years I did things that now make me wonder how i survived to age twenty...! was very impulsive and emotional...
Though this person s experiences and perceptions may be extreme in some ways (particularly regarding her feelings about and difficulties with Cuban men), they are not inconsistant w ith other reports. Indeed many of these progressive women, particularly those who migrated as adolescents and/or who grew up outside of a Cuban emigre community, indicated a similar confusion regarding interpersonal/dating relationships with young men.
Even those who migrated at a younger age and/or who lived within a Cuban enclave in exile, mentioned having had serious problems in this area
In most instances, when these individuals were adolescents, their parents did not permit dating, allowed only certain kinds of group dates or, as has been reported by a number of researchers, insisted on chaperons. Among female study subjects (both activists and non-activists) few if any relished 204
their parents' arrangements or interference in their private lives, and
looked for ways to get around parental rules. Indeed a number of these
women reported seeing boys without their parents' knowledge or permission, lying about where they were going with girlfriends (sometimes
to bars and discos, sometimes to unsupervised parties), end generally keeping an adolescent double-life. One individual, now in her early thirties, commented:
Our parents were extremely strict, which was particularly difficult for us we didn't live in a Cuban community., we either did what the American kids were doing or we didn’t have a social life at oil. .My sister and I would lie and go out with boys anyway. .Once I actually slipped out through our bedroom window .Now it seems funny, but not then. I couldn't wait to get away...
Another women, now in her late thirties, stated:
My parents consented to my seeing this boy (a North American), because they were friends with his parents. I think they figured that his parents would keep on eye on us all the time, specially because P didn't have a license yet and his father would drive us everywhere. Also, because we'd spend a lot of time at his house, while his parents were home.What my parents didn't know was the P and I were always alone in the basement rec-room .hours and hours .Thelr parents didn't seem to see anything wrong with that and didn't bother us...
We were both about fourteen or fifteen. I remember thinking, in that basement, that 1 should feel guilty. ..P and I were pretty wild. I was not really in love with him, but I trusted him, he was a very very kind and responsible boy...We were both very sexual people, we experimented a lot...But I kept thinking, why don’t I feel guilty...Then it occurred to me that my family had never told me that sex was supposed to be bad...Of course I 205
knew that they expected me to marry first, but I was good at rationalizing...! figured that well, I'm only with this one boy, so it s like being married.
if my parents had known what we were doing they would have been furious, there would have been trouble for sure. But I made sure they didn't, ! was very devious, and very careful...P and I were very aware of the need for protection ! was not about to get pregnant... P and I didn't really have much in common, .^e used to have a lot of arguments and I was too confused... I was s tiil in shock about being in a totally new place .Neither of us knew anything about cultural differences, things like that...All I knew was that l was extremely unhappy and lonely and having a steady boyfriend made me feel more secure ..The sex itse lf wasn’t really all that satisfying to me., but the physical closeness... helped me feel less pain...
It is important to note here, that these young women's disobedience and mostly covert rebelliousness against their parents do not appear to constitute socio-cultural discontinuities or special behavioral adaptations
to their new life circumstances in exile. Rather, they seem to follow a pattern which, if perhaps exaggerated in the host society, was nevertheless
traditional in Cuban culture and society Indeed the reports of some of the older female informants, and the researchers own recollections and observations suggest that in many ways, the attitudes and the behavior of
these female Cuban adolescents are not new One of the study subjects, an activist now in her forties, commented
I went through adolescence in Cuba, and this is something that wasn’t talked about openly...but we, most of my g irl friends and l--and we came from good, middle-class, very respectable fa m ilies --w e did everything ...So did most young 206
people There was a lot of hypocrisy in the Cuba of the 1950's, probably always...There was all this business about family honor, and all this emphasis on a girl's virginity until . marriage, and of course we did have the chaperones...But that was mostly talk and keeping up with appearances...the truth was very different...
Girls sow their boyfriends on the sly, and if they were virgins, they were technical virgins, you know, they did everything but...And the chaperones were a joke, they'd get up from the couch to go make coffee, and the couple they were supervising well, they didn't waste a minute, that sort of thing I think that Cuban people ore very sexual people ..we don't hove all these puritanical hang-ups and guilt that Americans seem to hove about sex...The big thing for us is keeping quiet about it, keeping up a respectable front, .specially the white middle class. It s so crazy too, since everybody always seems to know what's going on. Personally I think it s terrible for people to be so hypocritical
For the majority of the female informants (both activists and non activists), the tensions produced by strong parental constrains, their own growing need for independence, and in many cases maintaining the secrecy of a teenager's double life, eventually reached a crisis point. Interestingly however, the m ajority of non-activist women tended to opt for the traditional solution of early engagement and marriage, for the most part
(though certainly not exclusively) to Cuban or Latin American young men
The investigator observed that this solution was particularly evident in areas heavily populated by Cubans (e.g. Miami); nevertheless, the pattern was also identified outside of large Cuban enclaves (e.g. in Chicago suburbs). 207
Typically, a newly married young Cuban couple establishes its home near both sets of parents and continues to maintain a high level of interaction with them and with their respective extended families. In cases where one of the partners is not Cuban, the researcher often observed that he or she would be 'absorbed", so to speak, by the extended family of the Cuban individual Marriages of Cuban women to non-Cuban men seemed to be more common than vice-versa The m ajority of these young Cuban women continues to go to college and/or work. When these individuals start a family of their own, it is not uncommon for the mother and/or other female relatives of young mothers to be very much involved in the care of these children.
In contrast, female activists in the study tended to go away to college as the principal means of leaving their parent's home, their extended family network, and as many of them claimed, the Cuban exile communtty-- includlng the m ajority of their Cuban peers, importantly, by the time many of these young women had finished high school or shortly thereafter, they had already begun to seriously question their family's and the Cuban community's traditional values and their particular adaptations in the host country. Significantly, most had begun to adopt politically liberal perspectives and many were becoming increasingly interested In social movement politics. In a number of cases, they had actually become politically involved. This was also true for boys who later became radicalized. In other words, the adolescent rebellion of would-be politically 206
radical activists seemed to constitute a departure from that of other young
Cuban exiles.
One subject, a woman now in her late twenties who grew up in a Cuban
enclave in Florida, stated:
By the time I left high school I was definitely a liberal, which was a big step I mean there are very few people who are liberal In the Cuban community In Florida. [Being a liberal) was a radical break from the community I thought that everybody should have equal opportunities, including women. I had done research [school papers] on Cuba using reactionary sources, but I had come to realize that there were at least two sides to everything...! still thought that Cuba was authoritarian and restrictive and so on, and that that was a problem, but I didn't have one side of the picture anymore...
I thought Blocks shouldn't be discriminated against. I hod a name for racism I had Black friends I was supportive of Block groups in school. I would talk with friends about things like feminism or racism. I was involved with student government politics from the perspective that students have rights This was around 1973, 1974. I finished high school in 1974..
Frequently, a young Cuban woman's wishes or decision to go away to college involved a direct confrontation with parents who preferred their daughters to continue to live at home and study in local colleges and universities A number of these subjects managed to convince their parents to let them go by choosing all-girl colleges; religious, prestigious, or 'better* Institutions that promised close supervision of students or high returns In terms of future employment; schools where siblings (preferably males) were already 209
enrolled and finally, institutions that offered financial aid, particularly In
the form of scholarships and grants.
Once away from parental rules and close supervision, these young women were In a better position to explore their personal freedom and establish
their independence. However, as was the cose for the young woman who lied to her parents and lived w ith her boyfriend off campus, being on one s own without the undesirable but protective structures provided by the Cuban fam ily and/or the Cuban community, seemed to have brought Its share of difficulties for most of these subjects One individual, now In her late thirties, commented:
Being away at school barely three years afte r coming to this country was almost too much .lt was like another immigration,..! was glad to be away from home, I was very glad about that. But I didn't know what to expect about anything. I didn't know how to wash my clothes, I didn't know how to budget my money, I didn't know what to do w ith guys...And I was worried sick about my classes I didn't know if I was going to be able to keep up...
I had always been very healthy and then suddenly I started to get frequent colds ...I began to get very serious depressions; [ could hardly eat, I lost weight I felt very very lonely and found it hard to make friends—-with girls specially. A lot of guys liked me, which should have been flattering, and it was, in a way, but I hated the whole dating business on campus There was a lot of promiscuity and I thought it was disgusting for people to be sexually Involved with virtual strangers...It was hard to say no; you couldn't very well give the excuse that you had to get home because your parents were strict
Tnls was ..the time of hippies and free love...This was beginning to be evident on campus; there was a group 210
of hippies who broke a lot of campus rules. Well, everybody did, but these people were honest and open about It, and that made me respect them ...I got closer to them and finally joined them. But I always felt like an Illegitim ate freak', os they were called then .1 had a hippy boyfriend, and I smoked dope and dropped add s till, I was as much on outsider from that group as I was from every other group..
In the meantime, there was a tot of political agitation In school. My sympathies were with the radical students, but I really didn't understand a lot of whet was going on--1n terms of student politics or the particulars of the Black student movement .1 was an admirer of Martin Luther King Jr., though. I was shocked and deeply sad when he was killed. I couldn't deal with Cuba politically or in any other way at that point, so It was easier for me to consider minority politics rather than International issues . Overall, It was a very confusing time for me, politically and sexually. In many many ways, my world expanded, but I didn't find the conditions in that setting, to really help me feel less Isolated, less marginal. I was the only Cuban, the only Latin American student In that very small school...! think things were different for Cubans who found other Cubans or Latin Americans with whom to relate...
Female study subjects who eventually adopted homosexual identities and life-styles reported similar pressures and difficulties. Interestingly, however, and In contrast to the bulk of testimonial and/or literary materials produced by North American lesbian feminists during the past couple of decodes, the majority of these women claimed that becoming aware of their lesbianism end/or establishing seme-sex intimate relationships, had not been particularly traumatic events in their lives. As one Informant stated: 21*
We just fell 1n love end It wos wonderful... I hadn't given much thought to mg sexual orientation before I had been in a good relationship with a (Cuban) guy... When this happened It seemed natural, and it didn't make me dislike men. I think it s still possible, though I now realize is not likely, that I could be involved with a man again
Another subject commented:
Even throughout my long years of marriage, I had very close relationships with women . I always had at least one very special girl-friend,..After my divorce, when I began to realize that there was a sexual interest in some of my attachments to women it wos just o matter of time and finding the right person...for me to hove this kind of relationship. .1 was not in any way traumatized by my feelings or by negative images of lesbians. I was lucky though . I got to meet a group of women [Latinos] who didn't fit the stereotypes There were those others who were into roles, but I didn't take that [ their role-playing] very seriously. I thought that that was funny...
I hove very good friendships with men, both goy and heterosexual ...I don't understand American lesbians who hate men and reject even male children ...I don't make a big deal of my llfo -s ty le .l don't hide 1t--everyone who knows me knows about it . including my children When I've thought it necessary to speak or w rite against homophobia, I have done so, but ...I don't moke a political career out of being gay.. 1 don't think the issue of homosexuality is a priority .When you consider the Third World, Third World children dying o* hunger or in a war, that issue Is just not that important.. After all, you have to survive first, you have to live to a certain age before the matter of sexual orientation has any real meaning... 212
It should be noted though, thet this fairly easy transition to a socially marginal life-style, was primarily reported by women whose Introduction to homosexuality was In the context of a Cuban or Latin American community or country, and/or whose first female partners were either Cuban or Latin
American. In contrast, female subjects who lacked a Cuban or Latin
American community of reference and/or whose first contact with the gay world was via North Americans, tended to describe this transition as more problematic. Echoing the words of other Informants who had been in similar situations, a twenty-nine year old woman stated:
I was a sophomore in (a women s) college when I fell in love with one of my Instructors... later I found out that she was ) lesbian. I was clearly in love with her but (at thet point ] that didn't necessarily signify anything about my sexuality ..(During that time ) lesbianism became a big issue on campus ...more and more women were openly out... and on the other hand, a lot of people were freaking out about it there was a whole debate in the school paper...
That combined with a series of things that were going on in my dorm, like this clearly lesbian woman moving in and living In the room next to mine...) also went to a party where there were all these lesbians, and when I returned to the dorm I was freaked out...How can they do that?'. I hod never considered it [women being sexual with one another]. I though it was unnatural, gross. I got a lot of peer support from people who where experiencing the same thing I was... Also the woman living next door to me hod a lover In there all the time, but she wouldn't openly acknow ledge ft, plus she wos distant, and not a very likable person...
Vet at the some time I was in love with that professor who was a lesbian and I wos freaking out about that...I spent an entire summer obsessed with this... Then, fall semester, I 213
started to do academic work on Latin American women... t hod been a fem inist since high school...but in this school [the women s college], the women s center, for instance, wos thought to be a lesbian center, so people didn't go there, I didn't go there ...I was scored to death of it...
But when I started to do research on Latin American women I began to hang out with feminists...! had finally decided that if lesbians were the only feminists on campus, I was not scared enough I did not mind hanging out w ith lesbians... Then I became Involved in student government and a controversy erupted when I decided to give money to a lesbian organization I become a lesbian rights advocate on a very active but completely unselfconscious way. I wasn't worried about whether people thought I was a lesbian or not because I wasn't one..
I became worried about people thinking I was a lesbian after I was one. Suddenly it carried a different weight . This happened when I started graduate school., i walked in a strong, confident young woman, the youngest person in my department, and I was slopped In the face by overt elitism , racism, sexism.. I met these Latinos, people who were le ftis ts , radicals I already had sim ilar politics, but they knew more...they were more educated politically ...I hung out with and I learned a lot from them.. and I met S [who was part of the group ) and immediately fell in love w ith her. She was Cuban...
She was much more in touch with all this deep-seated stuff about Cuba.we talked and laughed, and cried ...and we decided to go to Cuba together Finally I could relate [to my sexuality] because it was about being Cuban. The other lesbians t knew weren't Cuban. It never occurred to me that I could possibly come out because they didn't look like me, they didn't sound like me, they didn't feel like me, I wasn't sensually engaged with them at a ll..
Several individuals in the study group adopted lesbian identities and lifestyles long before meeting other Cuban or Latin American women with 214 whom to form Intimate relationships For these women, the process of coming out seemed to be uncharacteristically traumatic. According to one informant, now In her late thirties:
I was eighteen when I realized I was sexually attracted to women, but I wasn't really able to establish lesbian relationships until many years later, i felt fine, I didn't think my feelings were abnormal or anything, maybe because I also liked men and went out with them, I don't know... But when I talked to other people about this they thought there was something wrong with me. I was rejected a lot I felt venj alone...
There was no women s movement then, no books, no information...! didn't know any Cuban women., and 1 could never fee) close enough to American women...! didn't understand them, I couldn't figure out how to be friends with them .They seemed so cotd, so unaffectionate . I kept thinking about the women in my family and my girlfriends in Cuba...! missed them and I wanted the kind of closeness I had had with them
I eventually got married, but my desire to be with women continued and became more and more intense . I felt terrible. Finally, at one point I read a couple of books written by lesbian feminists and i realized that what I I was feeling was very similar to what women who called themselves lesbians, felt ...By that time I was able to locate on organization that made it possible for me to meet other women supposedly like myself and to get some orientation... I knew very little about these things
I got a divorce and for several years afterwards I had relationships with North American women ...Some of them were very kind persons, but something always seemed to to be missing.. Other lesbians I was with were dreadful... very racist. They treated me as if I were the stereotype of the hot Latin lover ...I always felt pressured to be aggressive, 215
to perform, to please, at the some time I was accused of being too Intense, too fast, too kinky, too this and that... It was very hurtful, very humiliating, and I couldn't tell these people This Is the way we Cubans are; this Is the way we express ourselves, so there Is nothing wrong with me...'. I couldn't tell them that because I didn't know for sure... I lived like In a voccum and had a lot of doubts about my self After a while I decided not to hove any more intimate relationships ...I Just w ithdrew ..
Some years later I met lesbians who were Latin American and things began to change But I can't say that 1 come Into my own sexually, so to speak, until I had a relationship with another Cuban woman...tt turned out to be a bad relationship, but 1 learned a lot, I learned a lot about myself, obout being Cuban...! am now convinced that love and passion end the way we think end feel about sex ore very hard things to translate you can’t really. Either the persons Involved share the same _ — — I k . * * 1. Ml VOI y ©HMI1UI MtfllUIUi UUC-Kyi UUIIUO Ul illOl O O nut 1IIUUII communication in these areas. There also has to be mutual respect...l don't think there can really be love where there is prejudice...
Radical politics and participation In a progressive movement seem to odd to the pressures and difficulties experienced by female activists In the study group. Mothers— both divorced and married— often worry obout the future of their children ond express concern obout the level and quality of their own political contributions C, the divorced mother of two boys under ten years of age, stated
When my oldest child was bom, I almost dropped out of political wohc, even though my husband was very cooperative ond shared responsibilities with me...It was hard to keep up... I was so tired, for one. I traveled to Cuba with the baby.He was teething ond 1 was till breast-feeding him ..My relatives 216
there helped e lot while I went to meetings ond other activities, but It wos hard on D (the child]... He was disorient ed, he wouldn't eat he got sick and I had to take him to several hospitals...
1 worry obout the children a lot ...This country {the U.S.] Is not a good place to raise them...I've considered moving to Puerto Rico, but life there would probably be just os bad w ith the high crime and the drugs . S till, they'd have the language and the culture.but I don't know. I have a lot of conflicts about this whole issue
A strong desire among many progressive Cubans with children is to expose them to the new Cuba as soon ond os frequently as possible. A vehicle through which this Is accomplished is the "Moceltos Brigade", an offshoot of the Antonio Maceo's Brigade. Organized as a summer comp program, children
(nine to fourteen) trove! to Cuuo, participate in o number of athletic and cultural activities, go in excursions to historical sites ond learn obout
Cuban history (see Montes de Oca 1979). Progressive Cuban parents sometimes travel with younger children so that the latter may meet relatives In the Island and have a sense of "where they come from" Based on a number of casual conversations with parents, the investigator came to the conclusion that progressive Cubans would very much like their children to be raised ond educated In Cubo— not only for reasons of parental politics, bur because most of these parents felt that their children would grow up In a safer ond healthier environment "...away from the drugs, the crime, the materialism, the decadence of North American society. " as one Individual put It. 217
The Investigator was able to locate several individuals (not part of the study group) within the Cuban progressive community who hod actually succeeded in sending their children to school in Cubo. For the m ajority of the Cuban progressive parents, however, such a choice would apparently not be a particularly desirable one. Many remember all too well the shock and trauma of being separated from parents and close relatives and being sent away. And, realistically, given the absence of diplomatic relations between the U.S. ond Cuba, they connnot dismiss the possibility of being permanently separated from children sent to the island to study In general, it was the researcher's strong impression that the progressive Cubans' previously noted conflict about being pro-Cuba and yet living abroad, was more marked amona parents than among individuals without children.
The generally hostile reaction of the Cuban exile community towards the
Cuban progressive movement appears to generate sttll other pressures which may seriously affect the lives and personal relationships of all movement activists, but particularly the women. If radical politics and movement participation place their male counterparts In a vulnerable position vis. the larger part of the Cuban community in exile, being political does not constitute a break from traditionally masculine roles To the casual Cuban emlgrb observer, the political activities of progressive men do not necessarily or automatically raise questions regarding their private lives. In that sense, these men's Interactions with mates ond children and with their families of origin are, at least In some ways, protected from external scrutiny and negative Interference Of course in so far os these 216 men's lives may be threatened by thefr political activities, so are those of
their families likely to be.
For progressive women, adopting a new role (os political activists), ond assuming non-trodltlonal life-styles usually means o far more radical, or at least more obvious departure from the world of family, friends ond the
Cuban community in general This is particularly true, of course, for single and/or lesbian women, in their case, radical politics, In combination with matters related to their sexuality (If only perceived to be so by family and others in the Cuban community), have the effect of Isolating them even further from their principal community of ethnic reference.
The female companions of lesbian women, for instance, ore very frequently treated as very close girlfriends of daughters and ore practically accepted os family members. Since intimate relationships among women ore traditionally quite common among Cubans (though not in the absence of husbands, past a certain age), they do not, at least superficially, immediately upset the family. However, the prolonged absence of steady boyfriends, husbands and children, end other violations of traditional gender-role behaviors--from not dressing-up or wearing one s hair with femininity, to traveling alone or otherwise being on one’s own, ore often the cause of family arguments and recriminations against the offending party
The majority of these subjects reported that sooner or later, their families grudgingly accepted or at least stopped actively Interfering w ith their lives.
They probably know, but they don’t say anything...' and They don't really 219 wont to know so they don't osk...” ore stotements thot these informonts often mode obout their fom ilies’ response to their privote lives os single ond/or otherwise independent women. However, os one individual, echoing the words of others, clolmed:
.. Deep down .they (specially mothers) never quite give up You make a single comment obout something that's worrying you, obout a disappointment, o failure... and that’s it. That’s oil they need to heor to start telling you how to run your life which is always differ ent from the woy you're running it .Sometimes you wont to get closer, to share things with them ..but you can't...
If their children's alternative lifestyles and radical politics ore very often disappointing for the families of progressive Cubans, for the reactionary
Cuban community, they are fuel for counterrevolutionary politics in exile
Indeed, os previously noted, Cubon rodicols hove been the object of much public criticism, condemnation ond violence--not only for their political positions ond activities, but also for their alleged personal
“degenerateness' and deviance.
Lists (or blacklists) of movement "commies", "whores', "queers', and the tike, regularly appear In the reactionary Cuban exile press In a review article obout the Cuban le ft in exile, Chicago journalist A Obejos wrote
Thot these individuals [Cubon radicals) should exist-- holding a political line so daringly contradictory to thot of their fomilies ond their communities—is a phenomenon obout which little is w ritten or spoken frequently. Most Cuban fam ilies hide It with shame (A few years ago, a [Cuban! refugee newspaper in 220
Puerto Rico published the names, addresses end phone numbers, along with highly imaginative biographies, of various Cuban leftists who lived and worked In the United States).
...According to the greater part of the rerugee community, there Is only one acceptable political line: Fidel Castro must be overthrown or surely his madness w ill spread To deviate from this—even slightly—Is a risky business. The reporters from The Miami Herald and The Miami News are harassed if they even dare mention groups that hold slightly different opinions (1985: 35. Translated by Quintanales).
In response to a letter w ritten (under a pseudonym) by a movement activist
(published in El Diarto La Prensa. New York, on December 11, 1986) concerning the serioucly undocumented end often inflametory publications by the Cuban right on the topic of revolutionary Cubo, a Cuban man retorted:
.. it appears to me that you ere not a mother, and If you are a mother, you are certainly not a loving or a devoted one your petulance and presumptuousness ore clearly hereditary, coming from your grandmother's teachings and maxims...you ere anti-Cuban...(whet you w rite) 1s.„shit. (Northey 1986 Translated by Quintanales).
As a female study subject stated,
Public slander and harrassment may not only negatively affect you psychologically, but may also threaten your physical safety and that of the members of your fam ily ...There’s been so much violence, you never know whet may happen ...if ail you read is what they (reactionary Cubans! write, you might think that we are all a bunch of sexual degenerates who cannot be 221
trusted ...We might give the golden exile community o very bed nome...
Given these circumstances. It is no wonder that members of the political
network stick together and seem to be quite dependent on one another other
This mutual dependence was observed to be more marked among the women
In the community. Indeed, as was previously mentioned, a number of these
individuals reported difficulties managing without the political group, particularly without Its female members
Other factors such as the traditionally close ties among female members of
the extended family, now recreated within the political community, may play a role in the dynamic of high mutual dependence among these
progressive women. Nevertheless, the Impact of the new political role
cannot be dismissed. Indeed for many if not for the m ajority of these women, only members, specially other women, in the political community, can offer any confirmation and support for their new identities and chosen life-styles. "La tribu" (the tribe), as the network of relationships among progressive Cubans is often referred to by member’s, as well as by non-
Cuban outsiders close to the movement, appears to be the mainstay of
radical Cubans, particularly of the women
Close ties w ith revolutionary Cubans in the island have seemingly broaden
this politically radical network. However, the highly unstable and hostile situation usually surrounding relations between the US. and Cuba, continuously threaten the perpetuation and strengthening of these work and
friendship ties. For example. Radio Marti, a project of the Cuban 222
counterrevolution In the US. funded by the Reagan odmistration, began
broadcasting on May 20, 1905. As a result, relations between the Cuban
government and all sectors of the Cuban community in this country,
including progressive groups, were temporarily cut off.
This was a time of crisis for the Cuban progressive movement, not only in
political terms but also in terms of what it meant personally to many of the
activists Both men end women seemed to be very much affected
Nevertheless, while the Investigator did not formally record most
informants' comments on the crisis, it was her strong impression that
women, more so than men, were concerned about the Impact of the situation
on their private, friendship ties with people in the island. One individual, a
woman wno had traveled frequentlyto the island, for example, commented;
The political worlc might be more d ifficu lt now, but that s never really been easy We ll just continue to do whet we can But so much of my sociol life was in Havana.. 1 had come to rely on that...Some of my closest friends ore there .lt was often easier for me to see and get together w ith those people than w ith my friends here. We live such hard lives in this country, specially The crisis [of May 20th] profoundly altered my life. I think, or I hope, that things w ill be bock to normal sooner or later..But this whole thing has made me think obout the future, about old age. I am growing old and I have this terrible image of myself as an old woman all alone In this part of the country.Sometimes I wonder if 1t might not be better to live next door to a reactionary Cuban in Miami than to a supposedly non-threatening American here 1n the North.. I think thot at the very least, the reactionary Cubon 223 neighbor would inquire obout on old woman's health ond safety...I live with this greot feor of loneliness. In summary, progressive women in exile ere generally well educated, self- supporting, independent individuals who have broken away from tredltionol gender-role behaviors ond family life-style patterns. Though their personal histories exhibit many characteristics in common with same-generotion Cubon women in exile who hove not become politically radicalized, their politics ond life-style choices hove separated them from their peers ond removed them from the mainstream of the Cubon emigre community Politicolly radical Cuban women in exile share with increasing numbers of women in the host society, many of the problems associated with the changing socio-economic role of women, porticulorly os they effect racial, ethnic and other socially marginalized groups However, their immigront/refugee status and assimilation experiences, as well os their participation in the Cuban progressive movement, appear to introduce factors which also separate them from this larger female population. If their high educational levels end earning potential are assets which generally confer on them a fairly comfortable standard of living, their social morginality in other respects makes them considerably vulnerable as individuals ond as e group Ultimately, the Cuban radical community—particularly its female membership—is, in the context of exile, their only source of confirmotlon and support for their new identities, roles ond a lte rn a tiv e lifestyles. Ties 224 with revolutionary Cubans In the Island, while additional sources of personal and group validation, are so often subject to external changes of such magnitude, thot they are very fragile at best. Breaks 1n their continuity may bring further stress, frustration and a greater sense of marglnallty to these women's lives. The New Cubon Man In Exile. Politics has usually been a masculine concern, so, In this regard, Cubon progressive men are not adopting a new role by becoming actively interested In politics ond engaging In a political career The majority of Informants—both male and female, activists and non- activists—claimed to have been aware of politics from a fairly early age. indeed the pollticel situation in Cuba prior to and after the triumph of the revolution; the alleged political nature of the Cubon exodus; the continuous preocupatlon of the Cuban exile community with the political affairs of the Island; ond Cubon exiles' overt counterrevolutionary activity, hod apparently contributed to making politics a fairly salient feature In most of these people's consciousness os they-were growing up. However, male activists, in contrast to non-activist males and to female subjects (both non-activists and movement participants) In the study population, were not only politically aware, but also tended to become politically active very early indeed—sometimes in thetr early teens Radicalized women In the group tended to become politically active In their late teens and throughout their twenties. Also, It was fairly common for male activists (In contrast to female activists and non-activist males) to 225 hove hod some-sex role models In the political arena--sometimes fathers, but often uncles and other mole relatives or close friends of the family. These individuals were mentioned os Important to the activists political development despite the fact than in many coses, such role models espoused reactionary political ideologies and/or were engaged in the Cubon counterrevolution— both in Cuba ond In exile. One subject commented, for Instance, that when I started to raise my counsclousness—reading end studying history, I started to clash with my uncle, with his concepts of social just1ce...When I began to think for myself and not just listen to adults, this concept of social Justice was of primary Importance to me...but...he wos very orlstocrat1c...soc1a) Justlce .was a secondary thing for him... So we disagreed obout that but he helped me develop and strengthen my notionalist sentiments and when the first trip of the brigade (The Antonio Maceo Brigade) came up, he was the one who gave me the money to go to Cuba. He said to me: ‘If you were given the opportunity to go live In Cuba again, you'd go, wouldn't you?'. I told him that I would, end he said: ‘You'd be doing the light thing...'. 226 A number of these Informants, particularly the older ones, were In feet involved In counterrevolutionary activities both In Cuba and later In exile, before they began to adopt radical perspectives. This being the case or not, the m ajority of male activists (both older ond younger ones) reported having been very Interested in ond fairly well informed about political Issues and events 'practically since childhood', as a number of them stated. Indeed some of these Individuals regularly incorporated politics into their boyhood games B, a man now In his m id-forties, commented As a kid— I'm talking five, six, years of age— I used to play at giving political speeches. .I d find myself a wooden box, get on it ond talk away... I used to think of myself as a politician ond as a patriot...I couldn't w ait to grow up and become a student, to hurl myself from the steps of the library at the University of Havana [where many student protests took place}.. The political precoclousness of many young Cuban refugee boys seems to hove come as a surprise to some chlld-care agents ond school administrators during the early days of the Cubon exodus. Close (1963) reports, for instance, that a "...high school principal In Albuquerque (New Mexico]...was told by a group of polite, registering Cubon boys thot they would ilke to reserve the right to strike' " (1963:0) This concern obout politics among young Cubon emigrfc males wos manifested in actual political activity from the very early days of exile. According to a number of Informants in this study ond to some published reports (e.g. Abdolo 1978; Grupo Arefto1970), student political organizations, of a predominantly 227 counterrevolutionary nature at that point, began to emerge In the early 1960‘s In the United States and Puerto Rico. By the late 1960 s, when politically progressive groups were beginning to form, at least one or these counterrevolutionary organizations (Abdale) hed become a formal national organization. For the purpose of providing a general background context to the political behavior of some young Cuban males In exile, a brief report on this organlzatlon—ollegedly the largest and most notable of Us kind— is given below The Agrupacldn Estudlantll Abdalo, a strongly antl-Catro organization, was founded In New York on January 28, 1968 and Included members who hod been Involvedin cQiintArrevolijtionftrij activities for nulls s o m e tim e T e n years later 1t claimed a national and International membership ond a field of political activism which extended beyond the initial university setting (Abdala 1978:2). The following statement, by Abdata's founder Gustavo lierln, serves os o brief Illustration of the history ond nature of the organization: ...We had found ourselves limited by the political ond cultural influences of our historical circumstances... In the begin!ng we were distinguished by our marches ond protest actions at the university, and by our confrontations with Castrist elements. Our strategy wos very clear we had to spread the word obout the unknown side of the Cuban problem. We hod to do this 1n centers where up to that time only pro-Castro propaganda had been heard. That's why we had to establish our point of view in academic setttngs.Who, besides young Cubans, could d o it? 226 We can't forget that there were sinister groups like the Venceremos Brigades which were formed by pro-Castro youths [predominantly If not exclusively North Americans] who received financial aid from Fidel Castro's government. Besides, more radical groups like the Weathermen ond the Black Panthers maintained alliances with these pro-Castro mercenaries. But, because of our energy and our w ill to win, Abdalo Imposed Itse lf In oil the universities. Harvard, Yale, New York University ond other centers of study had to listen to the anti-Castro revolutionary position. Once we had succeeded In the universities, we decided to go out Into the streets (Marin 1976:2 Translated by Quintanales) This investigator was unable to locate official figures on the gender composition of this organization's membership and/or leadership. However, according to the reports of two ex-members (from cities In the North East and In the Mid-West), and several other observers in the present study population, Abdalo wos, at least through the mid-1970s, a predominantly mole organization w ith only a token female membership. Accordtng to several mole subjects in the study population, this wos also the cose in other counterrevolutionary organizations of that period. A female ex member of Abdola, now a participant In the Cuban progressive movement, stated: In the city where I lived ...(Abdalo) was practically all male The group I belonged to only had about four women members The men were the great political intellectuals, and the few women there.were, typically, the secretaries and the maids. Basically that meant that they dtdn t really ploy a political role at oll. Jhe organization was supposedly a Cuban exile youth organization ...for both men and women...But frankly. In that respect (female political portictpotlonl...lt wos pretty much a farse... 229 In most respects, the roots of their radlcallzatlon, ond the experiences that led young Cubon emlgrt moles to become octlve politico! radicals on the left, do not seem to differ much from those discussed by female activists In other words, as reported by movement participants, the process of political radlcallzatlon In exile appears to hove been rather similar for all regardless of gender. However, the pre-existence of a masculine political role; the majority of these Individuals^ long-term familiarity with and Interest 1n politics, and, In most instances, their greater political experience prior to participation in the Cuban progressive movement (relative to that of female activists), bring into question at least their claim that thetr process of political radical!zat1 on has turned them into "new men" undoubtedly, their radical political Ideology and progressive movement activism separate these men not only from other Cuban emlgrb males of their generation, but also from the broader Cuban community In exile. And, as has been established, adopting such political perspectives and behaviors required certain changes on the part of most young Cuban Immigrants, both male and female. Nevertheless, the kind of changes—In perceptions and world views, behavior and H fe-styles— that seemed to accompany the emergence of a new role among female movement participants, could not be assumed for social actors for whom a political role ond certain kinds of political behavior were not new. Interestingly, In contrast to the testimonies of progressive women, those of mole activists tended to be for less informative with regard to personal experiences that were not very obviously related to the 230 process of political rodicalization per se In other words, unlike female activists who often discussed at length ond in depth, general life- experiences related to changes in their political thinking, attitudes ond behavior, mole activists tended to limit their discussions of personal transformations to accounts which were clearly identifiable with ond restricted to the political arena. That this was the cose may be due, at least in port, to the fact that the researcher was not as well acquainted with the men in the study as w ith the women Despite the fact thot the purpose of the study ond the Interests of the investigator were presented in a a similar manner to both mole ond female Informants, It Is possible thot the lack of close familiarity between the investigator ond a number of these muie informants, mitigated against the kind of openeness thot wos characteristic among female subjects Indeed in contrast to female informants, mole informants tended to he more formal ond often presented themselves and/or spoke as authorities on movement history, political theory and analysis. Of course there may be other explanations fo r the differences found in the reports of male and female activists in the study population. The men may have been following, to a certain degree, a traditionally Cuban masculine pattern of giving preference, in their discussions, to philosophical and worldly issues, as opposed to matters more directly connected to the private world of home ond family and personal experiences in these realms. Indeed in a number of instances, the investigator learned obout significant incidents in the personal life-histones of male informants which hod some 231 bearing on changes of a political nature— not directly from them but indirectly in conversations with their wives and close fema-e friends It is Important to note here however, that critical events in the private lives of a number of progressive women (and men) In the study group, were sometimes recounted to the researcher by men. It may be the case that men were simply less inclined to talk about private, family or domestic affairs only if they pertained to themselves personally. It Is also possible and very probable, thot comparable to transformations in the arena of political ideology ond behavior, changes in the private sphere may have been less pronounced or problematic for male subjects, hence less likely to have been the focus of their reflection and analysis. In any case, it cannot be conclusively stated tnoi progressive men did not nave certain experiences or undergo certain changes simply because they generally did not discuss them In the course of interviewing. Most likely, the differences in the interviews of men and women in the study were the result of a combination of the factors mentioned above. At any rate, in comparison with the data gathered on non-activist male informants, ond the available reports on counterrevolutionary male activists, the statements end observed behavior of mole activists did seem to suggest changes that if not of the magnitude of progressive women's, were apparently of the same kind. In other words, as was the case for female participants In the Cuban progressive movement, the radical politics of male participants seemed to be related to some changes in gender-role 232 Identity end behavior end In attitudes and behavior concerning the Cuban family. However, in contrast to most female respondents (both activists and non activists) and to the majority of non-activist males in the study population, a number of male activists (specially the older ones) seemed to have experienced significant changes In another arena, namely In their feelings, beliefs and attitudes about religion ond the church. Some indeed reported having been involved with the Catholic church, sometimes as members and/or os leaders of youth groups and other organizations— in Cube and later in exile. For the majority of these Individuals, becoming politically radicalized meant losing their faith and abandoning their religious activities. It should be noted however, that radical or le ft politics does not necessary Imply a break from religion. Indeed there are religious groups— namely Catholic—among certain sectors of the Cubon community In exile which define themselves as liberal and/or progressive. They are proponents, to a great extent, of La Teologfa da la L1beracl6n. (the theology of liberation). The latter Is associated with the phenomenon of a politically revolutionary Christian movement which has gained currency throughout Latin America (especially In Nfcaraga and El Salvador) In the post couple of decades (see Zamora 1979; Prieto 1979, Bamat 1979; V111a16n 1979) It Is the understanding of the Investigator, thot both men and women participate In mors or less equal numbers. 233 At least for some of these informants their break w ith religious institutions, ond the accompanying loss of faith, were apparently traumatic. A greater understanding of the traditional role of the Catholic church in Cuban history and later in the counterrevolution; dlsatisfaction with religious groups's internal and external politics, disillusionment w ith the conduct of some church representatives, and a variety of negative experiences of a personal nature--with church related Institutions and/or 1t3 officials-- were cited os the reasons for severing ideological, emotional end physical ties w ith the church The following long excerpt of a published interview serves as an illustration of certain kinds of dramatic incidents which affected the feelings and attitudes of some young Cubon immigrant moles towards church-related Institutions. Alex L6pez, a progressive man who left Cuba alone, at age 12, in 1960, talked obout his experiences prior to migration and later at several different refugee boys' camps in the United States: The reason behind my leaving (Cuba) wos simple. My mother, during the great campaign. ..about the revolutionary government taking children away from parents and sending them away to the Soviet union to indoctrinate them, thinking thot she was doing me a great favor, decided to send me to the United States ...What wos presented to me wos that I was in some sort of danger, and responding to the notion that my parents knew about such things, I made the same decision they hod made... Of course, the Catholic church had the greatest influence in that (decision). At church, ot the Cathedrol In Motenzos (In one of Cuba’s provinces], It was publicly stated—during moss, in the sermon— it was clearly stated along w ith ell 234 other kinds of stupidities, thot children were going to be sent to the Soviet Union. The procedure (for getting the children out of Cube ond sending them to the United States) wos thot right there at the church, you were given the opportunity to sign up your son or daughter, ond they (the church officials] would get your child the famous 'visa waiver1.. The Interested party would do all the (required) government paper work; ond the octuol arrangements for obtaining the permit to enter the U.S. and for getting the children Into a school were all handled by the Catholic church. Those visa waivers were signed by a Mon senior Walsh of Miami, who was In charge of the Cuban Refugee Program. Of course the Idea was that the three of us—my parents and I...were going to leave (together). But what happened wos thot my (travel) papers arrived firsthand thinking that theirs would arrive just a while later, the decision was mode to send me f ir s t.. (fly parents) left six years later. But, t was told that i wos going to go to a school, on a great scholarship, that there was everything there (in the U.S.], that schools were fantastic. This is what people who were working at the church [In Cuba] would tell us. I was pointed a castle In the air, a wonder. (At the airport In Ml ami)... we [some of the children traveling alone) were received by some guy named George.end token to the 'school*. The school was .the Metncumfce Camp (a camp for Cuban refugee boys). In this school, in the Everglades, wos the first time in my life thot I had to sleep outdoors, in a tent, attacked by mosquitoes, completely at the mercy of the elements. 1 lived there for two years...t was a twelve year old boy and they hod placed me with seventeen yeor-old, tw enty-year old guys It wos a situation in which people took advantage of one another There one would sleep and be awoken in the night because a snake would fall on you ...You would be talking to your family In Cuba from a public phone, and suddenly you hod to run because you'd see a wildcat coming... 235 During the two years i wes there, there was no [official] school. It was only later that one wos created . They'd give us English lessons in the open air, with a lot of horsing around. In other words, there wos no way one could I earn— I lost two years of school. The comp belonged to the Cuban Refugee Program and was run by the Catholic welfare Bureau... (Catholic mass) wos never sk1pped...(politic$ wos always d1scussed)...The revolution was bad; Fidel [Castro] was a degenerate; thot wos repeated to us dally. And of course, all that wos re-emphasized In the sermon during mass. At such moments, there is only one thing left, because there Is no one else to whom you con turn for he to, to get some consolation you turn to God. But the thing was that there you couldn't even turn to God because he didn't exist. The corruption was incredible. There, the priest In chorge entertained himself (going) from bed to bed.. Later t was sent to another location, to Florida City ...That wos a little better because I wos with kids my age.There we lived In these rented houses and slept In army cots. Each house had a married Cuban couple who was In charge of the boys. Things were going better for me there. But, in a m atter of several months, they sent me beck to Matecumbe... I wos in shock ..my return to Matecumbe wes terrifying. It meant returning to the worst, to the place I had wanted so much to leave It wos with that return that I become convinced that In fact God does not exist. Because the atrocities the priests were doing were something Incredible. The (first time I was there) the priests were lay priests, but when I returned, the brothers of the Marlsto Order were now teochlng... The comp hod degenerated even more... One night, when I was asleep in my bed, I suddenly woke up with a pillow being held on my face, and a men on top of me, sexually attacking me With the shove I gave him he fell to the floor and there was a big commotion...He le ft unnoticed. I was In shock. I went to the dorm director and he took me to the infirmary where I wos given a sedative. I was choked 236 up, I couldn't soy anything. I couldn't believe what hod happened I wos obout fifteen then... Since I hod been taught that this was God's representative... (at first) I didn't know what to do... Then I took the problem to the dorm director end he told me thot I wes a liar. I told the story to a friend of mine ond he also said 1 wos a liar. Then I decided to go to confession with the parson who told me i know you're not lying'. ...He wos also the confessor of the priest who had attacked me .1 decided to go one more step, because I thought thot this sort of thing hod to stop t went to the comp administration They (said) it wos o lie, it wos on Infamous lie on my part. ...I wos taken out of there once again and sent to Opaiocko Comp, which was also run by the ttorista Order ...There, one way or another, news hod spread about what hod happened. I spoke to the brother who wes in charge of the comp ond explained to him the sltuotion.he only said that he doubted me ...I went to the parson, and he told me thot he understood.. The only two people who believed me were these two confessors, because they knew... (When they found out obout my declarations) .the other guys at the comp cornered me ond stoned me . The comp director arrived at that moment end broke the situation, but told me thot I couldn't persist with my story...But I feared for my life ond 1 didn't have the support of the camp administration I wes constantly being harassed—blows in the bathroom, and there would be three, four, five guys ond I couldn't (defend myself)...(L6pez 1978:13-15. Translated by Quintanales). One of the most striking differences between rodicol octivlsts ond non- radlcol men wos the woy the former talked about end related to women. Within the politico! community, if women seem to hove adopted o 'sisters' model of relating to one another, men ond women appear to hove chosen a 237 'modified' brother-sister mode. Based on the researcher’s long-term exposure to ond observation of Cubon culture. It is her understanding thot relationships between mate ond female siblings tend to be traditionally characterized by ambivalence and tension. This dynamic seems to stem from a normative conflict between a strong sexual taboo regulating the relationship between brothers ond sisters, and the responsibility assigned to the former os guardians of their sisters' sexual purity, and thereby of the fam ily’s honor in other words, a man is expected both to stay away from (respect) his sisters ond keep close track of their intimate affairs. A woman may count on having her reputation protected by her brothers (specially if they ore older brothers), but the cost is usually a great deal of interference from the latter. She Is expected to keep her distance ond thereby demonstrate her respect for them, but at the some time she must accept her brothers’ questioning and monitoring of her relationships with men outside the family. Few brothers and sisters have been observed or known tG relish this arrangement. Indeed a common response on both parts is to create distance between ond ovoid each other whenever possible. Actual brothers ond sl3ters in the movement seem to have revised the brother-sister relationship by “desexuelizing’ 1t--i.e by removing the mole responsibilty for hts sisters’ sexual purity. And, other members of the community appear to have sim ilarly adopted this new model as a guide to relationships between male and female actors In the political context. One 230 of the femele octivlsts talked obout her relationship with one of her brothers who Is also In the movement: At firs t, when t started dating, X began to assume the Cuban macho-brother role, but that didn't last long. We were both getting involved In this political thing ond it was clear thot he wos going to have to stop for us to be able to work together Also, I told him that if t could assume the responsibility ond take the risks of doing this kind of political work, I was certainly qualified to manage my private affairs on my own What could he say to thot? So he stopped interfering, and since then we've been very close, as you know... I am for closer to him ond to his wife and children than to my other sister... A men whose younger sister has recently become involved in the movement, stated: My firs t Instinct is to try to protect her, but not In the traditional sense of my being her older brother on the look-out for predators on her sexual innocence. Doing political work can be hard on you sometimes, and I don't want her to het hurt ..that’s what concerns me ...But still, I know she has to learn about politics by doing it...We talk a lot. I'm there fo r her, but I don't Interfere just like I don't interfere with her relationships with men. With discuss that too, ond my relationships w ith women...We team a tot from each other A female subject commented about a male friend in the movement A Is like my brother No, he is more like my brother than my brother. We hove known each other for over ten years and I can't Imagine anything thot we wouldn't tell each other. I can t Imagine either one of us not being able to 239 count on each other for everything like family . Besides that, he's been one of the most important people in my life because it was through him that I became involved in the movement He never pushed anything on me ...Sometimes Id Just talk about a lot of things that bothered me . social injustice, world hunger .He'd mostly listen...But when It came to the point that t had developed my own political analyses end wanted to become politically involved, he was my connection to this {political] world, through him I was able to meet a lot of the people with whom I do political work and have friendships today Similarly, a male subject stated about a female friend in the political community: P and I go bock a long time . We have been friends for years She's a like sister to me. I think it's very Important to have friends you've known for a long time.. Friends with whom you can even have arguments and fights and s till continue to be friends as well os political co-workers... That this progressive community has seemingly adopted a modified set of familial roles as a model for relationships between mole and female activists in the political context, does not mean that such model regulates all interactions among men and women in the group Indeed one is os likely to encounter interactions ond relationships of a romantic, intimate nature among individuals in this community, for example, as one might among other groups of people. However, the investigator repeatedly observed that such personal affairs were kept out of the political arena. In other words, romantic ties among members, for instance, were seldom openly or publicly 240 acknowledged, discussed, or made obvious (through public displays of affection, for instance) by the parties involved Despite the apparent separation between political and private behavior among members of the group, 'everyone' In the various overlapping networks of relationships in the political community seemed to be interested in and well Informed about everybody elses private affairs of all kinds Here 'el chlsme' or ’gossip' and the "grapevine" appeared to play an important role Openly acknowledged as a legitimate channel of communication, gossip seemed to allow members of the political community to informally keep track of each others personal lives without crossing the conceptual and behavioral boundaries between the separate spheres of "politics' and "private life'. in contrast to research findings that Identified the 'chismosa" or gossip as on Informal role among Cuban women in exile (Boone 1980), both men and women in the progressive group In this study were observed to equally engage in grapevine communication. In other words. If this behavior may be Identified with or categorized as an Informal role within the political community, it Is a role which Is certainly not gender-dependent. A distinction appears to be generally mode between "harmless" and "malicious" gossip, though the researcher had the impression that even the latter is more or less token in stride. The major reason for this Is that the sources of Information are usually considered or judged along with the information in other words, when evaluating a report, on individual’s 241 motivation and reliability as news-comer are taken into account Some individuals are known to be more confiable (trustworthy) than others Consequently they are more likely to be the recipients of confidences from the original sources (i.e. they receive information first hand); they are in a position to determine what w ill be passed on and to whom, and their statements ordinarily carry considerable weight. An interesting feature of gossip in the political community Is the function It appears to serve as a means to resolve or at least neutralize conflicts between members of the group and to bring closer together individuals who do not relate to each other on a regular basis As was suggested earlier, men may find it particularly useful in that it permits them to talk about matters they do not ordinarily discuss in public And, they were repeatedly observed to rely on the grapevine to make their problems known to other members of the group and thereby Indirectly request assistance. Finally, the graoevine may be a means whereby the group exercises a measure of control over Its members. As was discussed earlier in the chapter, the Cuban progressive community appears to be particularly flexible with regard to behavior which is not explicitedly political. Nevertheless, one con expect that behavior of a private nature may, at times, affect the political functioning of the group And of course, there may be times or circumstances where there is no clear concensus os to what constitutes correct political behavior. In this regard, the fact that individuals in the political network know that whatever they 242 do within or outside the political context will most likely be known by others, can be expected to keep them in line, at least to a certain extent As was the case with progressive women in the study, male activists reported having experienced conflict within their families of origin 'Fathers’, In most instances, appeared as particularly problematic figures In these mens lives They were often described as authoritarian, stubborn, arbitrary and unreasonable in decisions affecting the entire family; distant, sexist and burguolse A number of subjects reported that in the context of exile, particularly during the early period following migration, their fathers became Irresponsible or incapable of coping with the stresses and demands of adjusting to their new lives With few exceptions, father-son relationships appeared to be quite strained Non-activist men also reported problems with their fathers and in some coses were known (by their friends and relatives os well as by investigator) to be quite distanced from them. Nevertheless, as was observed among non- octtvist women, non-activist men seldom produced overtly negative evaluations of their fathers. As was the cose with women, men in the study group tended to report far more positive, significant relationships with males and females in the extended family than with their fathers. In contrast to the negative images male activists presented of their fathers, they tended to view their mothers in a considerably more positive light than did the female activists. In many instances mothers were admired for their strength, endurance and sense of responsibility for holding the 243 family together, particularly during the critical period following migration When these men acknowledged the more negative aspects of their mothers' traditional femininity, they tended to emphasize those traits which seemed to keep them tied to their husbands (i.e the subjects' fathers)! Among other characteristics mentioned were their self-sacrifice 'beyond the call of duty-, misplaced loyalty and/or trust with regard to their husbands; the willingness to let their husbands make certain decisions which might affect the entire family In negative ways; and the pretense of being the weaker or more naive sex. In general, both activists and non- activist males seemed to show tolerance for the kinds of traditionally feminine Cuban traits and behaviors that non-activist women "put up with' but did not overtly evaluate, and that activist women devalued and/or tried to avoid confronting. The following excerpt from a published testimonial story by a progressive man serves as an Illustration of the negative father/positive mother evaluations made by some of the male subjects 1n the study: ..My mother worleed like a mule. She was the first to find work and besides that she would cook and clean a superbig house we had rented in a well-to-do nelgbor- hood thinking that sooner or later the girls would hove to moke their way (lets see If they will marry well) and trying to pretend to be what we had never been My father was already old and couldn't find a thing to do. He didn't speak English Every morning he would wear a suit and tie and walk around the block and then complain because here nobody greeted him good morning— they are so rude—but by nightfall, sitting down with a 244 drink in his hand while my mother washed dishes, he would explain to us how it was that Americans had become so powerful in the world. He was impressed by organization Big stores and rows of merchandise and all the little aluminum cans lined up foscinated him, and the fact that in those great highways nobody strays from his lone and after dinner we would sit there in the livingroom to listen to his stories... During those days my mother wouldn't eat She worked She hod grown skinny and nervous and smoked continuously (though behind my father's bock because he hated cigarettes), because the new economic pressures and the anxiety and the broken feelings of the exodus had fallen on her shoulders more than on anybody else's She worked os an accountant in an office and she was mistreated Mother worked. She resigned herself ...but she was skinny and faded when the decision (and the moment) come to decorate the house. The furniture arrived in a big truck about a week later Three men come to help unload them and my brother was called to help so that Americans could see that we ore not lazy. The house was filled My mother directed the proceedings. My father went into his room. My father didn't work. My sisters worked as secretaries and my mother os on accountant and my brother as a stock boy in a grocery store My father would get up at six in the morning and put on his suit end tie and wake us end fix us huge sandwishes for lunch Then he would sit in a big sofa in front of the livingroom window end say These Americans are big, look at how they give credit even to miserable refugees’. . 245 We were two thousand dollars in debt. The old folks hardly spoke to each other It had been twenty odd years of misunderstandings and worn-out affection At home things hod been changing. Some got married, the rest left My mother kept trying to moke headway and in the mail the memory of the years in the North materialized itself every month in the form of overdue bill claims with a menacing tone. (Chepe 1978 Translated by Quintonoles) The persistence of some traditional attitudes concerning women and/or a degree of sexism among these individuals is of course very likely. However, neither seemed particularly obvious in the testimonies or in the observed behavior of the vast majority of men in the political group. A couple of individuals expressed some difficulty 'changing their ways...', as one of them stated, but both were quick to add that there were conscious of the problem and tried not to let It get in the way of their dealings with women in the group It Is possible that male activists treated their spouses, female companions and/or close friends differently In very private contexts. However, the women in the political community seldom made references to or complained about sexism among the men in the group—political co workers or Intimate friends, companions or husbands, or both. It seems Important to note that comments about "mothers', "fathers" and about family relationships in general, were usually spontaneosly brought up by subjects (particularly women), in the course of interviewing In contrast, discussions about matters specifically concerning gender-roles (identity end behavior) and sexuality sometimes required a little prodding on the part of the investigator in reponse to informants' occasional comments on these 246 topics Here again, once they responded, women were more likely than men to become fully engaged in discussion on these topics Still, from the perspective of the researcher, the most candid end informative accounts on these issues tended to emerge In two major contexts: 1) casual conversations during informal gatherings (where relationships with mates and friends end current life -sty le choices and circumstances were often discussed); and 2) the gossip session i refer here to the gossip session as a period during informal get-togethers (mostly when no more than several individuals are Involved), for Instance, when casual conversation on a variety of topics shifts and seems to temporarily and specifically focus on what everybody knows or has heard about everybody else in the group. The investigator had the distinct sense that for movement participants, both men and women, confronting and resolving family issues and problems were more self-consciously regarded os important elements in the process of political radicalization than questions of gender role identity and behavior In fact while both female and male informants openly discussed the problems associated with traditional gender-role behaviors, the generally low status of women; sexism and related issues, as social problems (n this country as well as in Cube and elsewhere, they did not appear to consider these topics— in general or os applied to themselves— central to their political discourse. 247 In other words, their radical political ideology did not in most instances include a fully elaborated analyses of gender «nd gender-related issues In some ways their statements seemed to fall within traditionally marxist or perphops socialist fem inist ideological frameworks (see Joggar and Struhl 1978). The former, for instance, regards sexism as a result of the class system; the latter views questions of gender and class as interdependent social elements In neither system is the question of gender, important os it may be regarded, treated as a fundamental issue opart from that of class stratification When study subjects discussed Cuban 'machismo' and sexual discrimination against women (both in Cuba and in the host society), for example, they indeed tended to present them as still-unresolved problems left over from traditional, pre-revolutionary "burgois" Cuban culture and society However, it would be misleading to assign study subjects views on gender roles and/or sexism, to the specific ideological frameworks mentioned above. As Indicated earlier, practically none of the subjects presented a well articulated political analysis or theory of gender or of sexual Inequality. Rather, their analyses seemed to be treated as if questions of gender roles and relationships between men and women 'belonged' to the sphere of the 'personal' or "private' As mentioned previously, the private sphere was generally considered as separate from the public and the expllcidetly political one. This was the case despite the fact that subjects apparently regarded both domains subject to changes In the political system. 246 Interestingly, considering again the fact that for the majority of informants the process of political radicalization was a highly personal affair, the notion of the 'personal as political' so popular among certain movements of the 1960 s and I970‘s, appears to have had quite a different meaning for these subjects than for participants in those movements In both Instances the "personal' as a domain usually refers to those areas connected to "home" and domesticity, primary relationships, relationship between the sexes, sexuality itself, etc, in contrast to "public' life—1 e the world of work outside the home, politics and so on. However, in contrast to North American feminists, for example, for these progressive Cubans 'politicizin g' the 'personal" seems to have a great deal more to do with analyzing—in political terms—traditional and/or previously held values, norms and behaviors concerning the structure and dynamics of family relationships than examining gender-rclec, relationships between the sexps, sexuality and related issues Further, while these subjects, as mentioned earlier, regard their process of political radicalization largely as a series of confrontations with the "self", the individual Is practically always presented as a member of a collectivity—I.e. os port of an extended family unit and/or of on even larger networlc such as the Cuban community in exile In other words, the individual does not seem to be conceptualized os a completely separate entity, but one intrinsically bound to or embedded in a constellation of relationships. Indeed study subjects used the plural form nosotros (we) so frequntly and loosely, that in many instances the researcher hod 249 considerable trouble determining who ‘ we" were. In a number of occassions it turned out that the speaker was in fact referring only to himself or herself! This "group orientation" to the self seems particularly significant vis the process of political radicalization for two major reasons: I) as previously indicated, the trajectory of change for would-be social movement participants tended to be a highly individual and private affair, and 2) it occured in the absence of a pre-existing political role for women, and for both men and women. It was characterized both by a relative lack of social movement group support and, by open and strong antagonism from these Individuals’ primary reference groups (1 e. their families and the Cuban community in exile) Given these circumstances, it would have been reasonable to assume that 1) the confrontation with the self as a separate psychological entity—which these Individuals considered critical to the trajectory of change—had to be a particularly difficult task for people whose self-concept was so intrinsically bound to the notion of a collectivity, and 2) the sources of affirmation or validation for the new changed self were likely to be very limited end/or fragile in a social context where the level of antagonism towards such new political identities is extremely high, and where few supportive structures exist That these social actors seemed to have Indeed changed as individuals, and that a group orientation to the self persists, at first appears to be 250 particularly remarkable However, it may be instructive to consider that rather than constituting a stumbling block to these individuals' process of personal transformation, a group orientation to the self may have served them well in the senseof providing them a built-in and fairly well elaborated psychological system of reference-others, so to speak. In other words, despite these Individuals' very real social alienation and marginallty, the m ajority appear not to have experienced the deep and often devastating existential loneliness that has been reported by and about certain groups in similar social circumstances—pre-gag liberation movement North American or European homosexuals, for example. Among the movement activists interviewed and/or observed in the present study, those who reported experiences which approximated such profound existential problems tended to be: 1) individuals who both migrated very young and who grew up in the near total absence of a Cuban or Latin American context in exile; 2) subjects who had particularly traumatic migration and/or resettlement experiences—some of the children who migrated alone and were placed in camps and/or foster homes, for example; and 3) informants who reported having had such experiences prior to migration— perhaps suggesting a problem of on ideosyncrotlc nature for that individual and/or for his or her family As w ill be discussed in detail further on, subjects who grew up w ith little access to a Cuban or Latin American community generally hod more difficulties in this area than those who grew up in Cuban or Latin American contexts However, among these la tte r individuals, even those who reported 251 having had fairly serious psychological and/or emotional problems were apparently not incapacitated by them to the point of being hospitalized, for example it should not be surprising then, that when movement participants talk about self-confrontation in the process of political radicalization, to a great extent they are referring to a confrontation with the family unit and the Cuban communlty— thetr values, norms, patterns of behavior, etc However, in order to confront and analyze these social units and consider the role they have played in the lives of their members, these individuals must of course achieve at least a measure of separation and distance from them. To some extent, the group orientation to the self must shift In the direction of a more Individuated perspective— If for not other reason, to be able to examine and attempt to explain the Ideological contradictions and feelings of marglnallty the young Immigrants were personally experiencing in the new social context of exile In light of the fact that for the majority of these subjects, close ties to family end friends had already been severed by migration and/or dispersion in resettlement, this psychological distancing most likely aggravated/exacerbated the feeling of being disloged from the constellation of relationships which appears to be central to the definition of the self As was suggested earlier, women seemed to have had somewhat of a difficult time developing and maintaining the independence they appear to value and desire and to rely, to a greater extent than men, on associations with members of the political community, particularly with other women. 252 The New Mon and Woman in Cuba A frequently heard comment among progressive movement participants is how much they have in common with their counterparts in the island—that is, with the committed revolutionaries with whom they hove frequent contact. As one activist stated, "We're not very original, look at our homes, they're all alike..." The "we" to whom he was referring was not the progressive political group in exile but the community of compafieros comprised of politically radical individuals both within and outside of Cuba His comment was not only about sim ilarities In home decorating styles, though that in Itself is significant When one considers the blockade and the scarcity of certain consumer goods in the island, it is Indeed surprising to walk Into the Havana apartment of any one of these persons and find it not much different from the home of any one movement activist living in New York City, Boston or San Francisco Large personal libraries including collections of music tapes; artwork and artesania (crafts), lots of plants and as a study subject labelled it, "the modem-primitive look* are certainly evident and common In both settings. Besides these physical considerations, there seems to be much more in common among members of this radical political community which extends beyond notional boundaries Perhaps one of the most obvious similenes between movement participants and their counterparts in the island is their relationships with their fam ilies As was observed among movement participants, the politically integrated Cubans in the island who were considered in this study generally lived or at least tried to live quite 253 independently of parents and other relatives. This was true even when regular contact with members of the extended family was inevitable due to certain problems such as the tremendous housing shortage in Havana. Large, three generation extended-family households are very common In the city Interestingly, the reseacher observed that committed revolutionaries were more likely than other study subjects, to live in other types of households Indeed it was not uncommon among the former to live in nuclear fam ily arrangements or, as in the case of single individuals, to live alone or with others who are not relatives This was particularly but not exclusively the case, of course, among Individuals who had migrated to the capital from the interior of the Island where their families had remained. In most observed instances non-treditional household arrangements appeared to be related to high levels of education and professional occupations. High income and/or status, social connections (as important in Cuba as they are everywhere) and greater access to a variety uf other resources might have been contributing factors to these individuals' success in establishing desirable domestic situations. Nevertheless, obtaining separate living quarters Is difficult for practically everyone in Havana. Therefore, even ottempting to overcome the many real obstacles that exist presuposes a great deal of determination and persistence on the part of these Individuals. The housing shortage aside, family pressure on youth, particularly young women, to remain at home until marriage or to return to the parental household after being away at a 254 boarding school or at a university, after doing voluntary work or having been temporarily employed far away from home, after a divorce, etc. appeared to be strong. Evidently, despite the many changes that have taken place in Cuban society certain cultural traditions, particularly concerning the fam ily, seem to persist The following excerpt from a short-story by a Mlrta YMlez, an award- winning Cuban author Just turned forty, illustrates some of the major Issues and tensions characterizing the generation gap in Cuban society as well as the struggle of revolutionary youth to break away from the traditions of the past. The main character of the story is a young Havana woman who wants to Join a voluntary work brigade to go to the interior of the Island to harvest coffee She says that I don't even know how to my laundry and I want to leave already ...whet is a mama's girl going to do in a place like that The things that my grandmother would say if she knew, if she rose from her grave... what would the neighbors think of this fam ily, of this daughter who at fifteen years of age wants to go and pick coffee. Her times were different... For my mother the only safe place is my bedroom. But even that isn't completely trustworthy. (She says) that I don't care about the neighbors, but she does And she closes the windows so that our arguing does not go beyond this castle, the shell of my family life... I am what you would say a girl who was raised with every thing she wanted ..now I am ungrateful She says that I don't think of anyone except myself. That 1 don't think of anyone. One grandmother is already in her 255 grove and I'm pushing the other one over the edge.. What catastrophes could occur because of my stubbomess.. There are so many dangers in the countryside My mother does not have a list handy. Illnesses. And whc would take care of me then.. A moribund daughter, hidden away In a bedroom for the rest of her doys . a daughter without vital movement, without the capacity to make her own decisions, wonderful. Languishing like a flower, repenting ...for the errors of her youth, an escapade to the "cafetar...now at the mercy of her devoted mother She (my mother) would like nothing better And then if...the menstruation is late a month, two months, what is this daughter s family going to think to run the risk of losing one s reputation for the sake of voluntary worV. One’s reputation cannot be touchedo r seen, only lost...It wouldn’t be the first time that an innocent girl leaves home and comes back pregnant. Her entire family would turn its back on her The neighbors would have a field day talking, the girl would become the target of neighborhood gossip. What counterargument can one present? How con I know in August if my period is going to arrive on time in October, in December, in all the successive months? What bargain con I strike with my mother to preserve the small honor of the family? What a strange agreement to sign only to go pick coffee. To break one’s soul working forty five days and s till make sure thal .all the body glands function on schedule (Make sure there is) no deficiency in the organism that would provoke the ire of a very decent fam ily like mine. To fight the suspicious looks of my mother's fearsome neighbors What a way to ruin one’s life And who would prevent, she says at the height of her impotence, the "cafetar from deranging you to the point of falling in love w ith a Black man. You know what it used to mean to be a white girl , a white girl should be raised with 256 the maximum of cere, following all the rules of health end hygene She can t go out in the street alone. To the movies with father To school holding her mother's hand She shouldn't play with other children. To roam the streets like a ragamuffin, no The times have certainly changed. I tell her . who knows what blood anybody carries who doesn't have a bit of the Congo in him? And my mother ...doesn't want to hear me, doesn’t wont to let in one more phrase ...Doesn't want to listen to me say that I am no white daisy she can keep among her perfumed handkerchiefs Who convinces whom So what if I fall in love with a 81ack man. What does that matter, l learn at that precise movement . Almost crouching my mother walks away along the corridor she soys do whatever you wont (Yafiez 1976:95-99 Translated by Quintonales). Another striking sim ilarity between the progressive Cubans in exile and the young committed revolutionaries in the island is their intellectuolism and great concern for notional and international affairs, their sense of social responsibility and their commitment to both personal and social change. Indeed despite the cultural differences that ore in evidence between them (e.g. the use of the language; certainly Cubans in the island do not use “Spanglish'—a combination of English and Spanish), radicalized Cubans (particularly the older ones who ore now in their mid- to-late 30‘s and early 40's) on both sides of the Caribbean Sea and the blockade seem to share a great dea1--from memories of pre-revolutionary Cuban society to the desire to actively participate in the making of Cuban history. For the exiles, their revolutionary Cuban friends, colleages and "partners in struggle' appear to represent the kinds of persons they would hove liked to 257 hove been had they remained in Cuba For the Cubans in the island, the exiles seem to be the embodiment of a fate they managed to escape At the same time, the immigrants appear to serve as a link between the revolutionaries and a world to which they ordinarily have lim ited access. And, much in the same way, the revolutionaries seem to serve as the principal connection exiles have to both their cultural heritage and present-day Cuba As was the case for the new men and women in exile, the new men and women in Cuba had to struggle to change. However, echoing the words of other informants from both the island and its big neighbor to the North, a Cuban woman living In Cuba said: . .(O)ne may have to suffer many hardships, but transforming oneself into a new person, a person who assumes full responsibility for his or her own life as well as for the life of humanity is much more inspiring, more meaningful and actually easier when a whole country, a whole people are struggling together for the same goals, w ith the same vision The Stages. Tasks and Paths of Change. - t - Tasks and Paths. Despite the common features of movement activists' personal and political experiences and histories, and of their current personal and political values, outlooks and lifestyles, differences of apparent relevance to their process of political radicalization were recognizable. These did not seem to be ideosyncratic but to conform to sub group patterns. In other words, while the process of political radicalization 25a presented a general group configuration and resulted In shared group values, norms and behavior, It apparently Involved not one but several change-paths. Three different trajectories or paths were Identified. These seemed to roughly coincide with three age-groups at the time of migration: 1) the children (Individuals who migrated at ages up to nine years); 2) the pre adolescents/ adolescents (persons who migrated between the ages of nine and nineteen), ond 3) the young adults (Individuals who migrated In their twenties). In the course of analyzing the variability detected In the study population, the Investigator found that when demographic characteristics and other factors related to migration and resettlement (e.g. time of migration, type of community of relocation, etc.) were held constant for sub-groupings of activists, major dlfersnces crept up only when different ages were represented within the sub-groups. The three age-related categories were developed on this basis of this finding ond, while no statistical measures were utilized, these categories nonetheless turned out to be useful and reliable for the organization, analysis ond interpretation of other research data. The three paths related to the Informants' age at time of migration may be described In terms of three different sets of tasks. While In fact the m ajority of the activists apparently engaged In some or most of these activities before, during end/or after political radicalization, each set 259 seamed to be particularly pronounced within an age-group. These tasks appeared to respond or be related to three different series of 'critical questions' which Informants seemed to be asking about their relationship to both past and present soclo-cultural environments. Again, while apparently Important for the political group as a whole, each series seemed to be dominant for an age-group These critical questions may be phrased as follows: I) who am l/where do I come from (the children); 2) where do I belong/how do I fit in (the pre- adolescents/adolescents); and 3) why did I come/what can I do here (the young adults). The corresponding tasks appeared to be: 1) reconstructing history; 2) building social networks, ond 3) teaching the lessons learned. These thematic questions and action-oriented categories were developed on the basis of Informants' reports concerning 'm ajor preocupatlons* and 'principal activities' In connection with their process of political radicall 2 atlon. These are described below. Individuals who migrated as children often spoke about having been particularly troubled by not knowing enough about their past, about Cuba and what it meant to be Cuban. A common statement among such Informants was *1 celled myself Cuban, but I wasn't sure, deep down, what that really meant. ' as one subject stated The following comment, mode by a woman who migrated at age five In 1962 was also typical: ...My parents, in fact all the adults around me, were always saying that people In (revolutionary] Cuba were dying of hunger ..but I kept noticing that 260 many of the refugees who were arriving were fat.. How could they hove been dying of hunger... They talked a lot about the way things used to be. ..but I could hardly remember anything myself ...That really upset me ..if they were lying about the hunger, whet else were they lying about... Cuba was, for me, a big blank... Frequently, these preocupotlons led individuals In this group to engage in the gathering of information and In fact-finding about pre-revolutionary Cuban society, the Cuban revolution and family history. Informants reported doing school papers and projects on these topics even in junior high school. Later in college ond in graduate school, a number of these persons majored In subjects or entered disciplines which allowed them to continue to pursue these Interests. Several of these study subjects wrote master theses and doctoral dissertations on various aspects of Cuban history. Great concern about an unknown Cuba past, and questions and doubts about the Cuban Identity, were not characteristic of all movement activists. In fact the majority of movement participants considered In the present study seemed to have been centrally preoccupied with other matters. For the most part, these Individuals reported feeling, as one Informant stated '...In the middle, between two worlds ...unable to fit well In either..." The perception of not quite belonging anywhere, of being socially marginal, was reportedly a particularly marked concern. A common activity among persons in this group was apparently to look for other people with whom they could 'connect'. Among Individuals who grew 261 up In Cuban enclaves some sought other young Cuban exiles like themselves, In a situation similar to theirs, ond formed groups which excluded North American youths; others also tried to form relationships with young North Americans seemingly In on effort to become more Americanized. Those who grew up outside of Cuban enclaves often reported trying group after group with the hope of finding one in which they would feel accepted as Individuals and os Cubans. One of these subjects, a female activist who migrated at age fourteen in 1961, commented: I was perpetually lonely...I was like a walking anxiety attack .1 kept checking out different groups...! tried several le ft' political groups which were predominantly white and middle class.but their ldeo1ogtss...dldn't seem to hove any basis In reality ...they had nothing to do with me .l used to call them the ‘Emperor's Clothes Ideologies' — only the very wise and the very beautiful could see them. .Until I found the Puerto Rican Socialist Party...for the first time since I came there were people I could relate to, people who made sense.the PSP saved my life ... Not surprisingly, subjects in this group showed the highest level of political participation (In terms of number of contocts with ond degree of Involvement In social and political movements, for Instance) of all movement activists considered In this research. Indeed the bulk of the population in the Cuban progressive movement seems to be composed of individuals who were pre-adolescents/adolescents at the time of migration. Other movement activists, namely those who migrated as young adults, presented yet one more set of critical personal concerns and related tasks. Among these Individuals, the reasons and motives which led them to 262 migrate, ond the nature ond purpose of their lives In exile, seemed to have been Issues of paramount Importance. Reflecting on ond evaluating their past lives In Cube In light of their new experiences In the host society were reportedly pronounced activities among this group. A numerical minority within the political community, these Individuals are nevertheless highly regarded by others In the group. Indeed group members often speak of them as Important personal and/or polltlcel role models, teachers and guides. Two of these older Individuals In particular, were frequently referred to as “the mother and father of the movement'. In fact the researcher repeatedly observed that when group members and/or the political community os a whole faced serious problems ond crises, persons In this group were the ones who were consulted most often and who tended to serve as arbiters and peace makers. The Dynamic of Loss and the Stages of Change. In the majority of cases, the engaging in the venous tasks decnbed above seems to have been generated in response to the kinds of negative expenences movement activists considered to be the roots of their political radicalization. As previously stated, these Included: 1) problems with the process of assimilation; 2) an awareness of and direct confrontation with prejudice and dl sen ml nation; ond 3) conflict with family and the larger community in exile. To reiterate, informants reponed feelings of profound disappointment, sadness ond a sense of loss; frustration and ager In connection with these expenences. In nearly all cases, however, dissatisfaction seemed to stem largely from the perception of Inconsistencies and contradictions between 263 the views ond expectations they held obout themselves, their fomllles, other Cubans, life In exile ond life In Cubo—both prior to ond of ter the triumph of the revolution. It was mentioned earlier that the dissonance between previous ond new Information about who they were, where they came from, what they could or could not expect from fam ily, teachers, school motes ond others; what life In their new society was generally like and would be for them, seemed to be more traumatic than concerete events and circumstances. And, that for the group taken as a whole, ideological conflict on the one hand, ond intronspectlon, reflection and Intellectual searching on the other, indeed seemed to be the predominant themes and coping strategies associated with the process of political radicalization, especially during its earlier stages or prehistory (I.e. before political activity becomes a dominant mode). However, In oder to fully understand the process of change, particularly In terms of what It has entailed for Individuals In the various aye-related groups, It 1s Important to examine Its psycho-affective component. Indeed, in this respect, sub-group differences seemingly related to age at time of migration were also notable. Nevertheless, as will be discussed below, certain other characteristics (e.g. class background), events ond circumstances associated with migration (eg the time of migration) and resettlement (e.g. relocation In Cuban enclaves vs. mainstream population communities) also seemed to account for variation In the ways movement activists emotionally handled the exodus from the homeland ond the exigencies of exile. 264 Importantly, movement activists who grew up In and/or spent a considerable amount of time in Puerto Rico reported certain experiences in the areas of immigrant adjustment and assimilation which stand in contrast to those reported by individuals who were raised in the United States' mainland. The present investigator was unable to arrive at cny final conclusions regarding the significance of these differences. Nevertheless, a discussion regarding the nature of these experiences w ill be presented with the hope that it will raise questions for future research and testing Garza-Guerrero (1974) has stressed the slmllartes between the experience of culture shock and its implications for the reorganization of identity among migrants, with the normal event of death and the process of mourning among those who hove experienced such loss. He develops a model on the basis of the various phases of mourning described by Bowlby (1961) Bowlbys phases are characterized, in order, by. 0 the urge to recover the lost object, 2) dlsorgontzatlon—behavior that was organized In synchronlcity to the lost object, now, lacking it, becomes disorganized; and 3) reorgonlzat1on--the acceptance of the object lost ond readiness to accept new objects; discrimination between Inappropriate behavioral patterns oriented toward the lost object ond appropriate striving toward new objects (referred to in Garza-Guerrero 1974: 413-414) In Garza-Guerrero's scheme (1974), the initial cultural encounter (or culture shock) is comparable to Bowlbys first phase. Following ore: a period of reorganization sim ilar to Bowlby's second phase and, sim ilar to Bowlby s 265 third phase, a stage where a new Identity Is formed Each of these phases in Garza-Guerrero's model is briefly described below. Phase I, the cultural encounter, is a period during which the new migrant explores cultural differences and slmllarles. He or she tests the accuracy- realistic or unrealistic—of pre-concelved notions regarding the new culture If the discrepancy is too great, disillusionment readily emerges For the most part the experience is one of puzzlement According to Garza- Guerrero " an afflictive admixture of feelings characterize this stage anxiety, sadness, hosttly, desperation, a yearning to recover what was lost, are conspfctously observed—reminiscent of the mourning related to the death of a loved object (Garza-Guerrero 1974 416) The basic elements upon which a person's identity is maintained—that is, an Individual's ego-identity or overall structuring of the egos Internalized objects relations (Erikson 1956; Kemberg 1966, 1971 referred to in Garza- Guerrero 1974)—are particularly threatened during this stage. In other words, the sense of countlnulty, I.e. on Individual s awareness of self- someness; the sense of consistency In his/her interpersonal Interactions; and the sense of confirmation of his/her Identity In Interaction with the environment (where the environment recognizes the individual's characteristic ways of interacting) ore in great danger of becoming disrupted (Garza-Guerrero 1974) According to Garza-Guerrero (1974), a common reponse of migrants during this phase involves: 266 ..(Seeking relief) In those post good object relations which once provided comfort to the self. Thus o typical defense mechanism of this phase Is a rich, exhuberant, reactivation In fantasy of those particular units of self images and object Images' and thetr corresponding gratifying affective link ...which in the past were a source of what now Is missed and locking. Reactivation In fantasy of past good objects mitigate the newcomer's confrontation with his strange new culture (Garza-Guerrero 1974:419) Phase 2 is one of reorganization During this stage the yearning for past loved objects decreases as well as the Initial confusion over Identity. It Is a period during which past object relations (ego Identity) are carefully re examined while the new culture Is being scrutinized. The affective experience of this stage Is .usually one of depression, discouragement, and dejection, at times these feelings are concealed, for to recognize them means to be weak and may speak badly for the new comers' capacity to make adjustments, intermingled, however, with his low spiritedness and feelings of resign ation, cheerfulness and encouragement begin to appear (Garza-Guerrero 1974:422). Phase 3 Is the stage during which a new identity emerges selected identifications with the new culture would have been “ harmoniously integrated with the past cultural heritage" (Garza-Guerrero 1974:425) According to Garza-Guerrero, the problems that ensue from the experience of culture shock, If adequately resolved, produce o growth of the self He claims that 267 (W)hat began as a threat to identity, mourning, and low self-esteem ends in a confirmation of both ego identity and self-esteem (Erikson 1959) If mourning and threats to identity brought about by culture shock called for a greater dependency on one s own Internal systems of object relations, a succesful way out will Increase a sense of reliance on them. Subjectively, the experience of this phase could be depicted os o gradual feeling of belonging' to the new culture, a comfortable growing sensation of fitness reflected in inter personal Interaction with the new culture. These interpersonal interactions will now gradually provide what was scarcely given during the early phase of culture encounter, a sense of self sameness and continuity, confirmation, and reciprocal corroboration of one's own Identity In Interaction with the new environment, a new identity represents the end result of the process of culture shock (Garza-Guerrero 1974:425- 426) Such succesful completion of the process Initiated by the original cultural encounter however, does not always take place. According to Garza- Guerrero, there are unsuccesful forms of mourning for the past culture He claims that '...t' pathologically prolonged and thus persistently oriented toward the past culture (these forms) lead to severe maladjustments (Garza-Guerrero 1974:424). In his view, the process of mourning triggered by culture shock may In fact be conceptualized along a continuum, where in one extreme one finds the successful new identity and on the other, .those coses In which mourning reactivated confllctual nonintegrated Internalized object relations, here, neither a reaffirmation of identity nor a realistic Impression of the past culture comes about; the newcomer is ill prepared for a realistic assessment of the new culture. In addition, a realistic reorganization of ego identity on the basis of discriminatory selective identifications is severely 269 handicapped. Between these two extremes, one finds e whole variety of more or less successful outcomes, e.g., from relatively benign forms of parallzlng adherence to the post culture and resistance to meld with the new culture .In an otherwise at least socially marginal adjustment, to the more severe forms of prolonged mourning w ith pers'.stent primitive Idealization of the abandoned cultures, unrealistic devaluation of the new culture, unresolved Identity crisis, lack of adequate reorganization of ego Identity and severe social and professional maladjustments (Garza-Guerrero 1974: 424) Garza-Guerrero (1974) claims that the absence of mourning represents another pathological variable and he also stresses the necessity uf distinguishing the "vicissitudes’ of Identity brought about the process of culture shock, from the pathological conditions of "..prolonged mourning, unresolved Identity crisis, depressive Illness, paranoid reactions and chronic psychosocial maladjustments" (Garza-Guerrero 1974:425). Garzo-Guerrero cautions that his model Is the result of observations In what he calls "uncomplicated culture shock" (1974:417). By this he means a cultural encounter which results from a more or less voluntary decision on the part of a migrant to leave his/her culture for a variety of reasons (e.g. professional needs, economic problems, etc.). In such cases, when the migrant left his/her country of origin he/she was ordinarily “ in interaction with his [slcl usual average expectable environment' (1974 417)" Garza-Guerrero contrasts this type of cultural encounter with that of "complicated culture shock" which he defines as 269 ...one in which the newcomer left hi* country for the very reason that his average expectable environment' was no longer that 'average' for his particular ego 1 dent I ty. Otoe example o f 'com plicated culture s/toe* ‘ would be tbat suffered by refugees from socio p o litic a l upheaval to the abandoned culture (italics added by the present investigator). One con postulate that sim ilarities occur in both types of culture shock; nevertheless, their .parameters [may differ! (Garza-Guerrero 1974:417-419). Given that the population under present study is a refugee population, Garzo-Guerreros model Indeed needs to be considered with a degree of caution. In addition, he seems to moke certain assumptions both about migrants and about their receiving societies that either do not appear to be valid for a population of young immigrants and/or that contradict well documented findings concerning the relationship of migrants to their new socfo-cultural environments. For example, his discussion regarding the structuring and restructuring of ego identity among migrants suggests that the population on which he based his model was primarily. If not exclusively, an adult one. Certainly he does not seem to take Into account the various stages in the developmental cycle and their relevance in terms of the construction and/or reconstruction of ego identity (Erikson 1968) Also his assertion that there is a reciprocal corroboration of a new blcultural identity in interaction with a migrant's new environment is simply not supported by widely acknowledged facts concerning certain migrant populations, particularly from Third World countries (both in the United States and well as in certain 270 European societies). Whether or not these migrants manage to Integrate aspects of their new culture with those of the old and thereby develop a new personal Identity, the Impact of discriminatory and other negative responses on the part of their new social environment on this blcultural Identity, Is a factor that cannot be Ignored. Nevertheless, despite these problems, Garza-Guerreno's model has some u tility in the present study. Indeed It provides a framework within which the general nature of some of the problems which are central to the present research may be more thoroughly explored and tested In future research (e.g. the structuring and restructuring of ego-identity among immigrant youth). Of particular interest to the present discussion, however, Is his notion of the adaptation of migrants to culture shock os a process of mourning. When one analyzes the nature of the ‘negative experiences' which informants reported In connection to their migration and lives In exile, the most prevalent theme Is one of ~lossa--from the concrete physical loss of loved ones as a result of migration, to the loss of a place In Cuba's revolutionary history. Indeed this sense of loss and the determination to overcome It end transcend It seem to underlie these Individuals' efforts to adjust to life In exile. Problems with the process of assimilation; with prejudice and discrimination and with family and the Cuban emigrfe community appear to be confronted and to some extent resolved through a series of stages sim ilar to the mourning phases decrlbed by Garza-Guerrero (1974). 271 For the purposs of the present discussion, these various stages may be best described In terms of their underlying affective components— the psycho- emotional states with which the bereavement process Is commonly associated: denial, anger and guilt, resignation and acceptance. As w ill be discussed below, each of these states appears to be more or less pronounced In rough correspondence to each of the three age-related sub-groups Identified earlier Among the firs t group (the children), engagement in a denial of loss seems to be more prominent and of longer duration. Feelings of both anger and guilt appear to be particularly strong and long lasting among pre-adolescents and adolescents. Finally, young adults seem to find it easier to accept the fact of loss. A particularly relevant issue vis-a-vis the differential handling of these stages concerns the individual immigrant s choice regarding the decision to migrate and the events and circumstances surrounding and including the exodus from the island. Very few youngsters were fully informed about, or mode aware of, the exact nature of their 'trip to the North', indeed many migrated thinking that they were vacationing for a short period or time or that they were being sent abroad to study. This was particularly true among individuals who migrated alone or with siblings but without their parents and among those who left the Island before the Say of Pigs invasion in 1961. After the failure of the Invasion, those who were still in the Island watlng to leave, as well as those who were already In exile, reported that they began to see the exodus as more of a permanent one. 272 For some, the journey woe a source of excitement, an adventure. For others, It represented a relief from weeks and months of fear, confusion, disorientation, separation from schoolmates and friends and a feeling of Impending danger generated by 1) the rapid and radical changes that were occurlng In the Island during the early days of the revolution; and 2) the negative or confllctlve reactions of family members toward these changes. One Informant, a woman who migrated at age 14 In 1961 claimed, for example, that ...CT)here were many tensions in my fam ily, my mother didn't wont to leave the country. She and my father fought all the tim e, but finally he won; she changed her Ideas and they finally decided to come [to the U.S.]. For me the decision was a relief ...on the one hand I used to have all these fantasies about being a teen-ager In the United States. 1 thought ft would be like in the Archi comics; you know, these young people being on their own and having a good time. But on the other, my parents hadn't allowed me to participate In the Literacy Campaign or anythlng.Remember that there was no school fo r many months and I was home bored to death... All my friends were partlc1pat1ng...so I got Isolated. I can't remember exactly how long this went on, but to me 1t seemed like an eternity. I was very glad to finally leave... Still in other cases, the exodus and the events immediately following it were particularly traumatic An informant who left Cuba at age 7 in 1961 was sent to the United St&tes alone with her twelve-year old sister She said: 273 During that period when there were so many rummors about children being token away from their parents and sent to the Soviet Union, my parents got scalred. My maternal grandmother was very III at the time and my parents didn’t wont to leave her, so they decided to send me and my sister off to Miami alone...We ended up In a comp, the famous Kendall-.We stayed a short time, only two week8...There were so many reports of perversion, and thefts and trouble In the camps, and most of them were true The place where we were was terrible ...So my parents wrote to this family they knew [in Miami] and ask them to please take the girls out of the camp Girls, really. I was drinking milk from a bottle practically until the day we left Cuba. It was such a schizophrenic thing to do. We were overly protected children and then suddenly they were so afraid, their terror of communism was so great, that bang, they put us on a plane and ship us o ff to a strange country. I was told that I was going on vacation, that I was going to the United States for a visit. I don't know what my sister thought...To this day she doesn't talk about It. She had a particularly rough time... t was all excited about the trip, it seemed like it was going to be a lot of fun...But shortly after we arrived [in the U.S.] ft hit me that we were alone, and then with people who were not family, who were strangers. .We were a burden, and I was a rebellious ch11d...We were In that situation for three or four months...We were fortunate that our parents were able to leave [Cuba] soon, because there were many kids whose parents had trouble and they were stranded alone here for yeors and years, going from one camp to another...But my relationship with my parents was never resumed after that separation Unconsciously I never forgave them. I never saw them in the same light again This whole thing was very traumatic for me.. Children, In particular, seldom had a say in the decision to migrate. And, perhaps for this reason, they apparently did not feel any guilt about what 274 they eventually come to regard as their parents' mistake. When they sooner or later arrived at the conclusion that their family's decision had deleteiiously affected their own lives, they were apparently fairly free to feel and express anger about ‘ whet was done to them'. However the recognition of ‘ loss' and Its final acceptance seems to have been more difficult for some of them. As was discussed earlier, the majority of these young people had only a vague notion about life ‘ back In Cuba" Therefore any comparisons with life in exile were necessarily limited. At first, these subjects tended to regard whatever visslcltudes they encountered in the host country as ‘ just the way things are". At the point when they were able to link their present difficulties to the facts of their migration and exile experience, the sense of loss emerged. Nevertheless what exactly had been lost appeared to remain unclear. It was not until these individuals were able the label the loss os a loss of personal history (which seemed characteristic for this group), that they apparently were able to finally accept it and do something about i t . The following excerpt from a poem written by a young woman who migrated at age 9 in 1965, reflects this preocupatlon of a self without a past: end I barely remember anything only things without Importance my firs t dream that a whale ate my grandmother the grandmother I always remember like remembering a dream I don't know If she died In her sleep like they told me or if the whole ate her In my mind I cannot see entire bodies 275 instead I see my father's hands slicing meat or wrapping packages rapidly and precisely or my mother's belly where she would press my face when she combed my hair and the smells that rose from there garlic olive oil oregano garbanzo-bean soup with sausage cassava those things yes end that hariza taught me to whistle end to drink water from the red leaves of the plantain tree but nothing else I do not know how I began this life ( Rodriguez 1978 68 Translated by Quintanales) in many cases pre-adolescents/adolescents participated In the decision making process that lead to thetr migration As was mentioned In an earlier part of this chapter, the proceedings were often as follows: the youngsters were presented either a rather dim view of what would await them if they stayed in Cuba and/or a wonderful picture of whet their lives would be like in the United States. They were given a choice: to stay or to go The young persons decision to migrate, taken as it were, with little Information to guide It and under the Influence of parental manipulation, frequently later became a source of a great deal of guilt. Those Individuals who migrated In their teens soon recognized their potential for exploiting their new Invironment to their benefit However, they also became fairly quickly aware of the negative Impact of migration on their lives. Unlike the children, however, they could not "In good conscience’ put full blame on their parents for the final decision to migrate. Whatever anger they felt about having been misguided If not downright manipulated, was often circumscribed by guilt. 276 The belief that they could have more critically questioned their parents' statements and motives, that they could have put up greater resistance and finally refused to leave the country, Is one that adolescent Immigrants apparently found d ifficu lt to shake. If they had suffered as a consequence of their exodus they were, in the end, in pert responsible for their “fate-. Even when these young people finally acknowledged the reality of the situation surrounding 'their" decision to migrate, one could still detect a measure of unconviction about their lack of guilt as well as ambivalence about their parents' role In that situation On his first return visit to Cuba when he was in his twenties, a young man was asked to comment about the circumstances of his departure many years earlier: At what age where you taken out...? At thirteen Did you go alone? Alone. Why? What was the cause? It s that at that moment there were many rumors being circulated about the patria potestad, that the patrla potestad was going to be taking children away from their parents and that children were going to be sent to the Soviet Union forcibly, and my parents made the decision to take me out of the country. 1 was not forced to get on a plane, but yes, at that moment, I did not have the wisdom to really evaluate the decision I was making. That Is to say that my concern was to get on a plane, and since I had at times traveled on vacation to the countryside, well for me . It was.another vacation trip. That Is to say that it wasn’t that I was lied to, it 277 wasn’t that my family had lied to me when making that decision, but I do believe that I did not have sufficient wisdom to make that kind of decision, no, It was made by my family (Diaz 1979:29-30, translated by Quintanoles). Guilt was apparently compounded by the common occurrence of a role- reversal between odolescent migrants and their parents after migration Quite often the former, able to learn English and navigate through the new system more quickly than the lotter, were heavily pressured by parents to ossume responsibilities that under ordinary circumstances they would not have been expected to ossume. These ranged from simply translating and interpreting for parents (to landlords, potential employers, school officials, etc.), to being fully In charge of handling the legalities and logistics of the family's refugee status and resettlement. In some cases, particularly in families where the father was temporarily or permanently absent (as a result of separation caused by migration or, abandonment or divorce in exile), both female and mole adolescents ended up in the position of economically supporting their mother (often unskilled and/or unable or unwilling to ossume responsibility), younger siblings, and occasionally other relatives The absence of ordinary support networks such as the extended family, neighbors and servants, particularly during the earlier migration waves, seems to have aggravated further the situation for some of these youngsters 'in charge* Understandably, these individuals often fe lt frustrated and angry about being suddenly saddled with heavy responsibilities. However, they seemed 275 lo realize that their parents* loss of socio-economic status and their general inability to perform as adults fully in control of their lives, often caused them great pain and further incapacitated them. They were also apparently well aware of the fact that the predicament in which their families found themselves, was one that they certainty had been unable to predict or be fully prepared to handle. These young people often came to see their parents as innocent victims of ignorance and/or circumstances and themselves os their defenders When parental guilt was evident, adolescents tended to either ossume it as their own and/or to continually attempt to assuage it Framing this experience was the high regard for the family as a social unit and the moral imperatives attached to its mointonance. Its integrity and honor were supposed to be upheld nearly at all costs to the individual. This view and attitude, coupled by these youngsters relative success as problem- solvers or providers for their families, seem to have hindered their ability to fully hold parents responsible and accountable for their life- choices and the consequences of these on their childrens lives. Not until these young people were able to 1) stop blaming themselves; 2) place their decision to migrate In the proper perspective; 3) critically question traditional values and norms concerning the Cuban fam ily, and 4) get angry at and separate themselves from their parents (even if empathy for them was maintained), that they were apparently free to fully assess and repair the damage in their lives. 279 The experiences of N, o women who immigrated et oge fifteen in 1971, ore illustrative of situations sometimes encountered by Cuban adolescent immigrants N arrived in Miami with both parents, a sister three years older, end two much younger siblings. Almost immediately, the father end the two older girls were relocated to a large mid-western city, presumably to find employment and housing for the fam ily, the mother remained in Florida w ith the younger children. Three months later the la tte r joined the father and older girls Within two years, the father hod abandoned the family and returned to Florida, the older sister hod married and moved oway, and N hod found herself assuming total economic responsibility for her mother and younger siblings. During this period N's mother was unable to receive public assistance because she hod not legally divorced her husband. Since N was underage when she arrived, she had difficulty finding employment She first worked full time os a baby-sitter for a well-off Southamerlcen family, earning only $35 a week; she didn't like this Job. Her older sister who hod found employment as a chamber maid in a hotel, managed to get N a job in the same place. N however, did not lost long os a chamber-maid. The salary was higher ($120 a week) she commented, " but l just couldn't stand cleaning the bathrooms and dealing with these men who were always after me" By the time her father hod left and her sister monied, N had gotten a job In o foctory She worked there for over two years During this time she began to take English classes at night. When her father sent her mother the divorce papers, the latter finally became eligible to receive public assistance. Despite much resistance from 260 her mother, N took advantage of the moment and began to study part-tim e in a university. She did very well and, at the urging of one of her instructors, applied to and was accepted with a full scholarship at a reputable school in the same city where she lived. N Said: This was the beginning of my liberation. My mother had thrown this rope around me and tightened it so that I could hardly move She was totally dependant on me and was terrified by the possibility of my leaving home, like my father and my sister But I was absolutely determined to live my own life and do the kind of work I liked... By time N had turned 21, she had left home and settled in her own apartment in the city. She has continued to help support her mother financially and in many other ways to the present Her mother has never worked and " still, after all these years she tries to get me to move bock in with her", N commented. 'My youngest sister is now seventeen, and I guess my mother is afraid that the kid is going to leave her also..." N's story, while extreme In some ways, is certainly not unique either among the study group or, as the investigator’s observations seemed to indicate, among the general Cuban community in exile. Strong parental pressure on their children to assume full domestic responsibility appeared to be related to the absence of one of the parents, most often the father, from the household. Indeed among middle-aged (but often also younger) and older immigrants, both men and women, but particularly women, it appeared to be a fairly common practice to at least attempt to shift such responsibility to 261 whoever was available, for the most part, adolescent and young adult children. It seems that as long as there was a husband, small children and perhaps an elderly parent In the household, a w ife and mother was willing to work outside the home and/or otherwise fully attend to her domestic and family obligations When the traditional household structure was altered or collapsed, particularly as a result of the departure of a spouse (through divorce or death), the now single woman all too often became unable or unwilling to take on additional responsibilities, or perhaps more accurately, to assume the role of her absent partner In the observations of the present researcher, only the absolute necessity of providing for dependents seemed to motivate such a person to adopt the role of principal provider. Still, often enough, a woman alone with small children appeared to opt for a retreat to her own parental home (particularly if it was intact) and/or leave her offspring with their grandparents This situation is indeed reflected in the virtual absence of female-headed households w ith small children among Cuban Americans, despite the very high divorce rates for this group (see chapter 5). The presence of adolescent, young adult or grown offspring, or perhaps of adult or near-adult siblings of a middle-aged and older divorced or widowed woman, seemed to automatically provide her a viable alternative to self- support and/or support of young children in her charge. These Individuals were often pressured to stay in the single woman's household if they were 262 in residence, to return to it if they hod previously left or, to take in the displaced person and her dependants into their own household. In the m ajority of coses they were clearly expected not only to ossume the major task of financially supporting her and/or her dependents but of attending to a wide variety of personal needs, both hers end her children's These expectations and demands for the most part seemed to be in keeping with traditional Cuban cultural values and norms regarding family responsibilties Essentially, it appeared to be a matter of circumstances and to some extent luck, whether or not, when, and to what degree each child was called upon and pressured Into action How well he or she was able to handle the situation and how much he/she was affected by it greatly depended on his/her age and maturity, as well as on his/her access tc a variety of external resources (human or otherwise) at the point that the traditional family unit was altered or collapsed. Among the study group the incidence of parental separation and divorce is high. Some individuals in the group, as in N's case, became "providers" during adolescence; others did so later on in their lives. Still others will never assume this responsibility because other siblings (both older and younger) will step in instead. In several cases among the population interviewed f or this study, where none of the children were able to support and care for their mothers (women now in their fifties), or only do so to a very limited extent, the women suffered breakdowns and required outside intervention. In practically all cases, individuals were very counscious of 263 the feet that sooner or later, one or both parents would require, expect and demand that their children assume responsibility tor them This prospect is one that the m ajority of informants seemed w illing to accept but not without a great deal of ambivalence end in some instances, open anger and fear The experiences of individuals who migrated os young adults, particularly in their early twenties, approximate those of pre-odolescents/odolescents to the extent that these individuals had allowed themselves to be influenced by a migrating spouse or other fam ily member Those who initiated or made the final decision themselves seemed to dwell in feelings of guilt only if their decision resulted in the migration of dependants, particularly children Individuals who came of their own volition and whose choice ultim ately affected only themselves (although in many coses parents, siblings and other relatives and friends left behind suffered os a result of the separation) appeared to be the least likely to feel guilty about having decided to migrate Once they began to examine their reasons for leaving, label their migration os a mistake and count their losses, they seemed far more able than individuals in the other two groups to accept the consequences The following poem w ritten by a woman who migrated in her twenties, in the early 1960's, reflects both the pain and the acceptance of loss. 264 I It yellows and wears away, profile of my city, always stirring in my memory but always losing borders and signs, always becoming a jumble of images compressed by the years City that I loved as no other city, person or conceivable object, city of my childhood, the one in which everything was given to me with no questions asked, where I was solid as the walls, an unquestionable landscape. Ten years have passed without tasting it, without speaking of her except hollowly, creator of my city always shining by its absence; a hole that refuses to define itself but which traces the irregular map of my nostalgia II I have lost her I have lost her doubly I have lost her in the eyes of my face and in the stubborn eye of memory I don't wont to forget her and yet I lose her although suddenly waves of names, blurry images come: Soledad, Virtudes, Campanario, Pefta Probre one summer afternoon and that tiny park upholstered with birds 2 « all coming together to announce the tw ilight to announce in flocks the steely nostalgia behind the hours of O'Reilly, of books and mustaches III Snatches of city fragments without context, the connections lost How to get to, and what was coming, from where, and what was the route of that bus? What has become of the ctty i knew? Prepositions, disarticulotions, questions, I've been far away too long, I am forgetting you May you blossom, forever (Lourdes Casal 1981: 49 Translated by Robert Cohen with some changes by Quintaneles) Other Differences As mentioned earlier, a number of demographic and related factors also seemed to account for differences in the ways subjects 1n the study group coped with the exodus and adjusted to life in exile Some of these include 1) the date of immigration, 2) the "type’ of relocat1on--e1ther into large and/or already established Cuban communities, or into communities populated predominantly by mainstream national groups; 3) class background; 5) race; 6) educational and occupational background of parents 266 end of the individual's own. The first three, which appeared to be the most significant among informants, will be discussed below First, it is important to mention that all these elements seemed to be significant not only In terms of the process of immigrant adjustment in a general sense, but also, specifically. In terms of the development of the various political trajectories among movement participants indeed they appeared to indicate differences In the nature and degree of exposure to, and socialization into, both country of origin and the receiving society, particularly with regard to the political system and the major agents of political socialization during specific time periods These differences in turn were apparently related to a differential handling of political matters among informants. In other words, the timing and the nature of the intersection of an Individual's age at the time of migration, his or her socio-economic background and position, the time of migration e tc , with the two political cultures and systems seemed to result in a variation In the development of radical political identities, values, attitudes and behavior among the study population. Date of Migration. The dote of migration for example, seemed to provide the tasks associated with personal change an additional set of experiencial "brockets" and to produce differences among movement participants The length and the kind of exposure to pre and post revolutionary Cuban culture and society on the one hand, and to North American and/or Puerto Rican cultures and societies on the other, appeared to have had a strong impact on experience. 267 Among the reseoch population, those individuals who migrated during the mid and late 1960‘s or during the early 1970's, for instance, reported having been more ambivalent and less enthusiastic about migrating than earlier arrivals. Despite the fact that in most instances their families were not inteqradas. that is, not integrated into the revolutionary process, these subjects had 1) continued to go to school, 2) either participated themselves or maintained ties with others who were involved in revolutionary activities end in the emerging mess organizations in the island, and/or 3) felt sympathetic or were beginning to feel that way toward the new revolutionary regime. Several of these informants (namely adolescents end young adults) claimed that, in fact, they had left because suddenly they or th eir families hod received the departure orders on short notice and in the confusion of the moment hod found themselves packing their bags and getting on the plane Here it is interesting to note the differences between activists and non- activists who migrated during this later period. In contrast to activists, non-activists tended to report fewer and/or more negative interactions w ith the revolutionary milieu and in some cases, more ambivalent If not outright critical views of the new regime. However, the lure of the dream of a life 'abroad', rather than political dlsatisfactlon with revolutionary Cuba per se, seemed to hove motivated a number of these individuals and/or their families to migrate According to a non-activist female informant who migrated alone at age 22 in 1967. 266 My fam ily was poor ..We constructed a barbacoa [a makeshift second floor often built within apartments with very high ceilings] and up there I began to dream .1 had a poster of Paris w ith the Eiffel Tower, photographs of Rome, of the United States I used to go to the public library a lot, to listen to classical music , and I used to read about the lives of the great musicians, when they went to study in Paris, and when they were in London and gove concerts in Vienna, that sort of thing. So I told myself: I have to see Paris, I have to go to Germany, l have to visit Vienna, and London My world was a world of possibilities I didn't live within the confines of my own home Everyday I took flight into a world of fantasy So then this problem [the revolution! come, and I felt this problem had nothing to do with me This problem was invading my dreams, so to speak The day I mode the decision to leave I felt completely tom apart, and so did my family . I felt rejected, I felt rejected by my family, by my country, by every body, because it was like I didn't exist. I was there but I didn't exist A person w ith my dreams just couldn't exist in that country. Nobody asked me what I thought. They were Involved in that reality. I felt totally alienated. Finally, I le ft quite by chance ...A friend was leoving and I asked her that if she could, to please fill out the necessary forms for me to leave the country. And she did. I didn't hove anybody in the United States, no relatives to claim me, no dollars ..And this friend and I didn't have much in common, we didn't have the same last names or resemble each other; we didn't even have the same skin color...It was amazing that I got to leave at all... When I got on that plane I fe lt devastated, leaving my family and everything behind, traveling alone toward a great unknown When we landed at the Miami airport and i saw all those people crying and screaming and kissing the ground I suddently said Oh my God, what hove J done?' Shortly thereafter I made this promise to myself: 1 am going to make it here Ithe U S 1; I am going to moke my fam ily proud of me. 289 Among the research population, movement activists who arrived during this later period, tended to exhibit a trajectory of personal change which was shorter and less frought with difficulties than seemed to be the case for individuals who migrated earlier Indeed later arrivals seemed to come, as it were, with a political world view which later rendered their negative experiences in exile more quickly comprehensible end easier to deal with When N, discussed earlier, encountered discrimination at work in a factory within two years of her arrival in 1971, she was able to accurately label it as such and confront it Irom a position of personal strength: I told myself, so that's what they [revolutionary Cubans] were talking about. Exploitation, i explained the concept to the undocumented Latin women I was working with They were terrible unhappy with their work situation, of course, but they hadn't really been able to figure things out I was the youngest of the group, but they listened to me We talked a lot That experience was a political turning point for me.... In contrast, an individual who had migrated years earlier wrote: At the beginning I had on idealistic vision of the Cuban and North American realities, which was a product of the environment in which I had been raised Talk about poverty, illiteracy, malnutrition, infant mortality, under-development, etc would have only provoked in me a reaction of incredulity The Cuba I knew and experienced didn't hove problems: that was a toll tote of the communists, one lived very well in Cuba, and my vision of the United States was in accord with that. 290 The United States was like Cuba, only richer There was no racial discrimination, no poverty, workers made a lot of money There was no crime, there was freedom. N in e y e a r s(Italics added by the present investigator) had to pass before I was able to liberate my conscience of all these myths (lirupo Arefto 1973: 49 Translated by Quintanales). As discussed in the chapter on Cuban migration, earlier arrivals tended to come from more affluent sectors of Cuban society than later immigrants and, to be more familiarized and involved with North American culture and society prior to immigration One is tempted, therefore, to explain ideological differences strictly in terms of differences in socio-economic or class background However, the data do not sufficiently support this notion As w ill shall see later, socio-economic background does seem to have played a role in the process of political radicallzation, although, for the study population, that role appeared to have been more relevant to the nature and/or the degree of participation in the progressive movement than to the process of politico! change itself. Nevertheless, the political culture which informed the world of the new immigrant seems to have been a more important source of influence than that his or her class per se Resettlement Resettlement within or outside a Cuban community in exile appeared to constitute another variable which differentially affected the life experiences and process of political radicalization of young immigrants within the different age groups. Among the study population it was found 291 that growing up within a Cuban American enclave, at least in the short-run, tended to facilitate adjustment to the host society and resulted in a fairly secure and enduring sense of self The Spanish language did not need to be Immediately abandoned so, at least temporarily, the individual’s ability to communicate with others in his/her new environment did not seem to be impaired Friendships with same-age Cuban youths were apparently farily easily established and often provided a buffer against other groups of contemporaries who may have viewed the newcomers with suspicion and even hostility External challenges to personal identity end behavior did not appear to be particularly traumatic for these individuals. Apparently a sizeable Cuban community was an Important source of individual and socio-cultural validation and as such counteracted end limited the potentially negative impact of these challenges If North American teachers, employers and others with whom these youngsters come in contact proved themselves ignorant and/or intolerant of cultural differences and behaved in discriminatory ways, such incidents seemed to be fairly easily recogized and labeled by the group os originating on the outside Ordinarily, these young people did not question their actions or blamed themselves for these negative experiences. Cuban youth growing up among other Cubans were not always able to immediately grasp the significance of prejudice and discrimination or explain this phenomena in a systematic way. This was particularly the case among the early mtgants, os has been 292 indicated Individually end as members of a group, they apparently did not find it easy to confront social disapproval and defend themselves from outside attack Nevertheless, as iong as they remained within the margins of or in close contact with the Cuban exile community, their fundamental view of themselves in relationship to their social environment did not appear to have been seriously altered. This did not seem to be the case among youths who grew up outside a Cuban American enclave. A common occurence among these youngsters fin the United States) was the fairly quick loss of Spanish language competency Ordinarily they continued to speak Spanish at home, but usually only with parents and other older relatives in the household; once English was learned, siblings tended to speak to each other primarily In this language The majority of these individuals felt that English language competency had facilitated their integration in institutional settings such os schools and a variety of community groups (eg youth organizations, recreational programs in public parks, etc.). However, a number of them reported that the reduced use of Spanish hod resulted in a impaired ability to communicate with parents and other family members-- a situation which often became a serious problem As a woman who migrated in her early teens during the early 1960 s put it, For years my Spanish vocabulary was that of a thirteen-year old kid 1 was growing up and maturing but I couldn't, as much as I tried, talk to my parents like the adult I was becoming. I always sounded like a child, l Just didn't hove the words to conduct a serious 293 conversation w ith them 1 think that the language gap affected our relationship in a very negative way Perhaps a more serious problem, however, was the impact that the loss of their native language on the one hand, and the process of learning English in isolation (1 e. in the absence of other Cuban youngsters) on the other, had on these young peoples internal sense of self, self-expression and general ability to communicate not only w ith family, but w ith others outside the family. The seme young woman above illustrates I felt that there were parts of myself that simply could not come out in English. The trouble was that even If I had others with whom to speak Spanish, and 1 didn't, it got to the point where I wasn't sure any more that I would hove been able to find the Spanish words I needed. Part of my life seemed to have gotten trapped in some sort of a locked box for which I had no key. Also, it happened that when I firs t started to speak English, I would be carrying on my end of a conversation, and when t would pause for a response, usually what I'd hear was comment about my nice accent... Clearly I was not being listened to. This hoppened very very often; it was devastating. I think that at some point 1 started not to care about whether or not I expressed myeelf clearly But for a long tim e I didn't see it that way, I just continued to tell myself that people were not listening to me, or that if they were, they simply could not understand what I was saying because 1 was Cuban Unlike youngsters growing up in large Cuban settlements, these individuals apparently confronted external challenges basically on their own. At least 294 omong the study population, parents seemed to represent only a very limited "security base" Ordinarily they had little information about North American schools, about North American youth culture, about the kind of experiences their children were likely to encounter outside the home. This appeared to be particularly true for the early arrivals and/or during the family's first years of adjustment to life in a foreign country. It seemed fairly common for these young people to feel lost, to not understand either what they were experiencing in the outside world or what they were feeling internally. Not having any immediate source of personal and socio-cultural validation, be it In the form of other young Cuban peers or the larger Cuban community of relatives, friends and neighbors, they often blamed themselves for the attacks of others It its true that large Cuban settlements such as the Miami area constituted points of Cuban cultural reference for these youths Indeed travel to such areas to visit relatives and family friends was common, and it allowed these young people to hear "Cuban Spanish', to eat traditional meals and frequent Cuban-owned and/or run commercial establishments such as restaurants and bookstores. However, Cuban enclaves seemed to have lost rather quickly, their power to confirm or validate the experiences of youngsters who had grown up elsewhere The following statement by a young woman whose family moved to Miami after living in the North for several years is illustrative. 295 When I arrived in Miami (after living in a Northern city for several years) 1 was conscious of being Cuban, but I didn't consider this to be anything special I was Cuban, but that didn't mean I had to wear those high heels and all that make-up. I freaked out because I didn't fit in I didn't fit into the Cuban parties, so I stopped going to them. I didn't fit in with the North Americans either, so I spent most of my high school years alone I felt like I was in the middle and couldn't accept myself That's what killed me I had to be one thing or the other, and I could not be either (Grupo Arelto 1978 48 Translated by Quintenales) The presence or absence of the Cuban enclave in the lives of these young Cuban exiles did not appear to constitute either on "all positive” or an "all negative" factor in their experiences in the host society If initially the Cuban community facilitated the process of adjustment for those individuals who lived within it, later it often became a source of conflict and a burden to at least the Cuban youths represented in the study population. Indeed it limited their behavior and curtailed their freedom of movement Personal independence was difficult to extract from the confines of family life and the traditional ways the exile community insisted on perpetuating. As these youngsters become more exposed to North Amen con culture and involved with North Amencon institutions they began to adopt certoin values and patterns of behavior which apparently constituted challenges to the authority of the Cuban family over its children. 296 Rebellion against tradition, against the Cuban community in exile was common among those individuals of the study group who grew up within the enclave I began to identify more and more with the North American counterculture and less with the exiled Cuban community 1 perceived my Cuban friends to be very traditional and conservative in their way of dressing and in their vision of the Cuban fam ily These young people used to spend too much time with their parents and always obeyed them. I wanted to become "Americanized" I liked boys with long hair and I wanted to wear jeans, but I didn't have the money to buy them Another thing that used to drive me crazy was the business with the chaperones One the most horrible things, the most humiliating thing I could imagine was to go out with chaperones I refused to do it (Grupo Are!to 1978 62 Translated by Quintanales) Eventually however, as these young people became politicized they began to separate notions of "Cubenness" from the values and attitudes of the Cuban community in exile which, as they claimed, were representative only of certain social classes and ideologies In other words, they fond a means to preserve their cultural heritage and national identity while rejecting their most objectionable elements In the end, those individuals who grew up in areas heavily populated by Cubans tended to remain or return to them after a period of absence. Indeed they often seemed to have difficulty adjusting to life elsewhere, as the experiences described below suggest. 297 A male activist who grew up in Miami, now in his late 30's, lived several years in New York hut eventually moved back to Florida. A visible political radical, his existence there is at best a precarious one Nevertheless, he seems to prefer risking his life to living "in the greyness of New York", os he claimed. Asked to elaborate, he admitted that the m atter of sunshine was not the only or real issue, he just did not seem to be able to function well in the North “All the time 1 was there I felt like I was living under the ground, and it wasn't only because I had a basement apartment i couldn't relate to the people, to the rushing around, not to be able to casually drop in on friends, like 1 was used to, woi hard I just couldn't be myself " This attachment to the Cuban enclave seems to be particularly marked among non-activists T, a non-activist woman now also in her late 30 s, for example, migrated alone at age 13 in 1961 and went to live with relatives in Upstate New York. She rematned there for about five years until her mother was able to leave Cuba during the period of the Freedom Flights T joined her mother in Miami, where she had tremendous difficulties adjusting, not only to her new life with her mother but also to Cubcn Miami At one point T attempted suicide and was hospitalized, but she gradually managed to work through ner emotional problems She wonted to go away to college Her mother, a professional, was able to find employment in her field right away despite her difficulty with English But of course at that point she didn’t hove the economic resources to pay for T's out of state schooling T attempted to hove her father ( long divorced from her mother and remarried), pick up the bill, but he was unable or 290 unwilling to do so, so for the time being, T remained in the Miami area Subsequently she attempted to relocate once again, she even managed to temporarily attend a university in a large Northeastern city, but os she claims, it was too late 1 hated Miami but as things turned out, I could no longer survive anywhere else I hadn't developed the internal resources to really function independently, to cope with the kind of loneliness that goes with living on your own, without your family or a community of people like yourself. I still hate Miami, it s too provincial and culturally dead But I can't leave the Cuban community. I depend on it, I need it I wish this wasn't the case because in some ways, it profoundly lim its me But what can I do It s too late Despite her many personal difficulties and ambivalence about the community where she lives, T has achieved a good measure of sucess She is an independent professional with a thriving private business, is happily married to a North American (her second marriage, the first was to a Cuban man) and has a small child who delights her She is convinced that she could not have gotten this fa r if she had not remained in Miami T had become acquainted w ith several individuals in the progressive Cuban youth movement during the early 1970 s while she was living in the North East However, she never became politically involved with them nor joined the movement Unlike the enclave Cubans, individuals who grew up apart from the ethnic community seem to hove no place to go where they feel more or less at 299 home Indeed frequent moves to different cities ore not uncommon among them Nowhere at home translates into 'anywhere at home, sort of" As T suggested, these people seemed to have learned to survive on their own--not a useless skill in North American society. However, surviving does not mean thriving. It is not unusual for these individuals to have weak links with their relatives and/or the Cuban community in exile Relationships with North Americans, while in apperance more numerous and deeper than is the case among Cubans who grew up in Cuban enclaves ere, in fact, often superficial, frail end unsatisfactory Indeed they are often quickly broken when the Cuban Individuals gain access to other Cubans and/or Latin Americans. However, in contrast to the experience of enclave Cubans, these new relationships do not easily "take hold", so to speak. Young Cubans who have grown up in relative Isolation from other Cubans often seem to have difficulty, at least temporarily, communicating and getting along with their new Cuban and/or Latin American friends; this appears to be particularly true if the latter have, tike themselves, lived outside or in the margins of Cuban exile enclaves In the course of conducting preliminary research for the present study the investigator came across a number of Latin American and T h ird World' (I.e. racial and ethnic minority) groups associated with a variety of social movements in this country, which included Cuban members What is "Cuban" or "Latin American' and whet is not, who may or may not legitim ately claim a Cuban or 'Latino' identity were frequently observed to be strong points of contention among members. Full acceptance as a member in some of these 300 friendship and/or political groups seems to have been contingent on a person s success in proving that he or she had broken with North American culture and society end taken the "bad" along w ith the ‘ good" of being a minority in this country What constituted proof seemed to vary from group to group and/or with geographical region, but generally tncluded the following features: 1) the severance of ties with North American individuals and North American institutions It did not seem uncommon for members of such groups to break Intimate relationships with or divorce malnstrean North Americans partners friends and colleagues; to drop out of school, leave well paying jobs and political work with North Americans, etc.; 2) the verbal acknowledgement (sometimes this approximated a confession) on the part of the potential group member that he or she had been prlvlledged on account of race and/or previous or present socio-economic standing. This of course, applied only to white skinned individuals, to those who had middle or upper middle-class backgrounds and/or who had otherwise had access to college educations, white-collar or professional employment, etc Full competency in Spanish ordinarily did not appear to be a "requirement’ for Cuban or other Latin American members However, if an individual in the group was known to be fluent in Spanish but chose English to communicate with others who were also fluent, his or her behavior seemed to be cause for suspicion on the part of other members A demonstrated or suspected preference for North American food, music, clothing fashions; mainstream cinema, mass market or "mainstream" (e g. white/ middle-class) movement 301 literoture--books, magazines, journals and newspapers, entertairment estebllshements such as restaurants and clubs usually frequented only by "White" North Americans, etc appeared to be equally problematic for other group members. With regard to Cuban members, the pattern described above was observed only In two kinds of networks: I) mixed Latino groups where the Cuban members tended to have lived or at the time lived In isolation from the Cuban community in exile, and 2) mixed racial/ethnic minority groups In which again, the Cuban members had had In the post or at the time hod relatively little sustained contact with the Cuban exile community The relationship of other members to their own ethnic communities varied, but for the most part, growing up in racial/ethnic minority enclaves appeared to have been the most common experience. All-Cuban networks (os in the case of the group under study), generally composed of individuals with different experiences in relationship to the Cuban enclaves, seemed to exhibit a different pattern Cuban identity or "Cubonness" did not appeor to be on issue subject to conditions or “proof" on the part of members This is not to soy that such different experiences were unimportant or irrelevant For example, Spanish language competence seemed to be expected "Spanglish" (the mixing of Spanish with English) appeared to be accepted, however, at least among the political community under study, communication is practically always in Spanish. 302 Among members of this political community (as well as in other observed all-Cuban groups) those who do not handle the language well ere not singled out or ostrasized, indeed there seems to be considerable tolerance for their linguistic mistakes Nevertheless these individuals are often kidded a great deal about their Spanish. Some of their major gaffes have made ’ group history’ and are occasionally recalled in good humor However, for these people themselves, not being completely fluent seems to be the cause of considerable embarrassment or shame Indeed the researcher noted that dominar la lengua. i.e. to be proficient in Spanish, often seemed to be a consuming passion for them. Relationships with North Americans and other non-Cubans do not appear to be much of a problem for all-Cuban groups, at least for the study group and others that were observed Rather, the North American mates, close friends and other associates of Cubans are generally welcome, accepted and in some cases, given special attention at parties and other gatherings (e g when the le tte r do not speak Spanish and/or have not been around Cubans before) Non- Cubans, particularly North Americans, are the ones who often seem to have some difficulties relating to members of an all-Cuban group. During the course of research, a number of relationships between Cuban movement activists and non-Cubans ended in separation and/or divorce in these cases, there was a tendency on the part of the non-Cuban Individuals to blame the rupture on 'the tribe’. One of these persons claimed that the main problem she had had with her ex live-in partner was that all the latter ever wanted to do was to drink Cuban coffee and hang around talking to other Cubans. 303 Socio-Economic Background The socio-economic background of young Cuban immigrants is another factor which appears to account for some differences among movement activists. Within the political community there seems to be a tendency to submerge socio-economic and other differences among members. Indeed as indicated by a number of Informants political ideology, behavior, and importantly, loyalty to both Cuba and the members of the group, are the critical issues that affect full acceptance into movement organizations and networks However, according to a number of sympathizers in the periphery of major movement organizations as well as other individuals ‘close to the movement*, ‘ you have to pretty much be an upper-class or upper-middle class intellectual academic to feel like you really belong...' os one subject put it. Similarly, several non-activists who participated in this study reported that they were aware of the progressive Cuban movement and that at some point hod come In contoct with some of the activists. For the most part these non-activists seemed to see both the movement and its participants as upper-class or upper middle-class and essentially of no particular value to them. One of these individuals, on upwardly mobile middle-class professional woman, aged 40, hod the opinion that * this movement is mode up of rich kids who hod some sort of an adolescent rebellion against the hardships of exile ‘ In fact, among Interviewed movement activists, individuals of various types of socio-economic background are represented, though most of them think of 304 themselves os middle-class. This also seems to be true of other movement participants considered in the study. Nevertheless, the investigator noted that the "Intellectuollsnrf or academic orientation which seemed to bother some of the critics Indeed appears to be more pronounced among certain Individuals who do hove upper-middle ond upper-class backgrounds. It does not seem to be the case thot these persons os o group constitute some sort of an elite within the political community However, o number of them appeor to have had, as indlvlduols, considerable authority, power and public visibility in connection to certain movement organizations and/or to the movement as a whole at different points In time. In light of these observations, the statements of the critics mentioned above are understandable In addition, there seems to be a general assumption (supported by previously gathered data—see Grupo Arefto 1978) within the political community, that for the most part members come from the more affluent or at least the middle-class sectors of pre-revoluttonary Cuban society. It can be safely assumed then that while individuals of various socio-economic backgrounds are represented In the population of activists, the Cuban progressive youth movement is essentially a middle-class movement The question of the impact of socio-economic or class background on the process of political radicallzatlon and movement participation was a difficult one which largely remained unanswered. Nevertheless, a considerable number of Informants (predominantly with middle-class, upper-middle class and upper-class backgrounds) seemed to feel that the 305 temporary downward mobility and loss of social status that their families experienced during the early days of exile contributed greatly to their political consciousness raising. In fact, many appeared to believe that had they not experienced the vicissitudes of being ethnic minority immigrants from a Third World country, they may have never become politically rodlcaltzed nor been able to understand and later support the Cuban revolution. This argument tended to be presented predominantly by Individuals who grew up In the United States mainland While their point was well token, the Investigator had the distinct impression that at least for the majority of activists with middle-class backgrounds who grew up In the United States, 'life In exile- had In fact eventually represented a step up in socio-economic standing. Despite their middle-class values and life-styles In Cuba, their North American higher educations, university degrees, professional employment and, ultimately, their access to dollars and to North American consumer goods have afforded them a standard of living that they never had beck home. That the tendency among these Individuals is to emphasize the impact of the loss of socio-economic status in exile, on their political radlcallzation, seems particularly significant When one considers once again, the ideological nature of these subjects* experience of conflict in the host society, the question of concrete, material gains resulting from their migration becomes less important. Indeed the loss of dignity, self-respect and auto-determfnation previously conferred on and excercised by upright middle-class Cuban actors is what seems to be at the core of these 306 Individuals' perceptions of having had a glimpse of ‘ life at the bottom*. Be It as it may, such experience appears to have been deep and ultimately to hove engaged them In a trajectory of personal and social change. The Puerto Rican Experience Puerto Rico figures prominently in the progressive Cuban youth movement. In fact, even though the movement s early history con be traced back to several cities in the U S and to Son Juan, Puerto Rico, it is in Puerto Rico where it appears to have coalesced A number of young Cubans from the continental U.S. migrated to Puerto Rico In the early 1970's and Joined their Cuban counterparts there to form movement organizations and begin what later became the most important movement projects. A fter two or three years most of these migrants returned to the mainland; a number of individuals who had grown up In Puerto Rico also migrated to the U S. to continue their studies and/or to find employment. New York City, where some groups had previously formed, seems to have become the center of activities after the mid 1970‘s. But the Puerto Rico group remained strong and very much a port of the movement; communication and travel between the island and the mainland hove continued to be regularly maintained The connection between Island and mainland indeed appears to be very significant. Some of the Individuals who migrated to Puerto Rico in the 1970's, for instance. Indicated that they had migrated there In search of a 307 more suitable political climate than the North American s, a more fam iliar soclo-cultural environment and Invariably, a means to 'get closer to Cuba' This latter statement Is particularly revealing. During the early to mid- 1970's, the Puerto Rican independents! Movement (headed by the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, predominantly a university student movement at that tim e) was at its height and both supportive of and recognized by the Cuban revolutionary government. Many Puerto Rican movement activists traveled to Cuba during this period and were quite vocal about the many accomplishments of the Cuban revolution A number of the informants who migrated to Puerto Rico had been directly or Indirectly Involved In solidarity woric with this Puerto Rican movement In the United States and were aware of its ties with Cuba. Practically all those who offered comments on the subject (not exclusively these migrants) claimed that this solidarity work with Puerto Rico had in fact influenced greatly their adopting a pro-Cuba position. The individuals who migrated to the island apparently saw their residence and political activism in Puerto Rico at that particular time as a way to visibly demonstrate their commitment to progressive social change and thereby hopefully gain access to Cuba. Indeed practically all of these subjects Indicated that they desired very muci to be allowed to visit the island, to he able to establish connections and working relationships with people there, etc. A more expllcldetly stated purpose than wonting to go to 306 Cuba, however, was to break the public image of Cuban exiles as a politically homogeneous counterrevolutionary community Study subjects who grew up in Puerto Rico and who were politically Involved in solidarity work w ith Puerto Rican Independentlsts, found In the Cuban Americans who hod migrated to the island the means and support to organize and be openly identified as a progressive Cuban exile group On the one hand, os seems to be the cose In all Cuban emogr6 communities, it apparently was and continues to be difficult for Individual Cubans with 'leftist" or even liberal politics to be publicly recognized without their running the risk of violent reprisals from some elements within the Cuban exile community In Puerto Rico (see Argue)les and MacEoin 1962). On the other hand, Puerto Ricans (both In the Island and in the mainland), "Independlstos" or otherwise, generally do not hold Cuban exiles In high regard. Indeed the latter are apparently considered to be small colonizers and mostly arrogant, pushy people. The "good" Cuban exile Is usually seen as an exception. "He or she is Cuban feyl good people" Is a frequently heard comment among Puerto Ricans in Tnerence to a Cuban friend or acquaintance. Progressive Cubans who were raised In Puerto Rico apparently had to struggle to change this image of Cubans In the island, Cubanos oero no qusanos (Cubans but not worms— I.e. reactionary) seems to have been their motto. These young Cuban exiles often hod a higher socio-economic status than many of their Puerto Rican classmates, neighbors and frlends. This fact 309 oppeors to hove mode more difficult, rather thon to have facilitated, their process of adjustment to end assimilation in their new society. Indeed to attempt to transcend the values of the Cuban exile community and form relationships outside of its boundaries often meant confronting directly the image of the bod Cuban and suffering the consequences.. Fnr young exiles who strongly identified with the Puerto Rican people (and who criticized the Cuban exile community), this confrontation was apparently very painful. Indeed attempting to hide their Cuban Identity was seemingly a fairly common practice among these Cuban youths. As one of these individuals put It, (l)n my case, as well as in the cose of others I know, the rupture with the values of the community of Cuban exiles took place much earlier than the understanding of the Puerto Rican reality...! lived surrounded by Puerto Ricans and at the school where I studied, there were few Cubans with whom I could get along, because of their attitude of superiority. At the time (1963-1964), there already was a high degree of anti-Cuban sentiment [in Puerto Rlcol, ond that's because the Cuban stood out for his arrogant attitude and the control he already excercised In certain sectors of the economy. 1 would feel uncomfortable when compared with them. I always said that I was Cuban, but there were many times when I’d try by all means to hide my accent and I managed to consciously lose It—it was a tension within me that I carried during the high school years, I felt marginalized, since I didn't feel good among Cubans and I did feel good with Puerto Ricans, but received certain rejection from the latter (Alzoga et al 1974: 20 Translated by Quintanales). 310 tf young Cuban exiles In the United States were often discriminated against because they were regarded os inferior to North Americans, those who grew up in Puerto R1co were often shunned as 'oppressors' A Puerto Rico-raised individual, discussing the d ifficu lty of being both a Cuban exile and a pro- Independence radical political activist, commented that while Puerto Rican Indenpendentlst sometimes vlew(ed) radical Cuban exiles with suspicion, those Fjerto Ricans who do not hold progressive positions are [also] going to immediately label you os this or that (because of your progressive political views), so that no m atter where you place yourself you're always going to end up screwed up', although some screwed up positions are better than others (presumably it is better to be rejected for being an Independents than for being on arrogant Cuban qusanol. Comparing his situation to that of honest, committed, White, Civil Rights movement activists 1n the United States during the 1960‘s, he claimed that ' ..the White person who Identifies with the Block cause does not have a sign on his forehead that says 'i'm White, but I am with Black people' (Alzoga et. ol. 1974). Despite the tensions between Puerto Ricans and the Cuban exile community in Puerto R1co, the Island seems to be regarded as a potential home away from home even by movement activists who hove never lived there 'I con always move (or move back) ;o Puerto Rico" is a frequently heard statement among these individuals. In fact during the post couple of years a number of movement activists and others close to the movement have migrated to the 311 island; others are apparently considering the possibility of a move Some of the stated reasons include: If t m going to grow old alone, I rather do it where I know that at the very least I can count on my neighbors for help and for company (Miami is not a safe option).. Politically there’s more you can do there now My oldest daughter was raped and my w ife and two younger children were held at gun-polnt in broad daylight on their way home from the supermarket. I fear for my children, for my family In this city [large North Eastern city]... The greyness and the concrete depress me; I need color, greeness, sunlight 1 w rite in Spanish and teach Latin American literature; I feet a bit lost here, off center, marginal to what’s going on in my field. Every time I go to a bookstore in San Juan I just want to cry. There Is so much I miss out on living In the United States... Living In Puerto Rico is like living In one of the provinces lof Cuba] The differences in the diet, the custumes, the way people talk are like the small variations one finds going from say, Havana to Santiago de Cuba ...The adjustments you have to make are minor... 312 Cuba end Puerto Rico g o the *wo wings of a bird [a reference to a 19th century political poem popularized by a singer of the Nueva Trova. a new music movement in revolutionary Cube dating to the 1970‘s] There Is a joint historical struggle to uphold... Well, 1 guess It's just time for me to have my Puerto Rican experience. CHAPTER VII CONCLUSIONS General descriptions have been provided cf the common experiences that have shaped the process of political radlcaltzatlon of young Cuban exiles, os well os, of the nature of personal and life-style changes that appear to be connected with such trajectory. To recapitulate, participants in the progressive Cuban youth movement trace the roots of their political radlcallzatlon to a series of largely negative experiences In the context of exile which challenged or contradicted previously held beliefs, attitudes and expectations about themselves, their families, the Cuban emlgrfc community, their homeland and their new society. For the majority of these activists the process of change was characterized by a search, first at the Individual level, then as a group, for answers which would explain the nature of such contradictions and provide a means for their eventual resolution. Largely Ideological In nature, such a quest led them to examine their Individual and fomfly histories os well as the larger events and circumstances that hod shaped their lives os on immigrant group ond os a people with unique cultural and social traditions Convinced of the need for radical personal change os well as for the transformation of the 313 314 world that su.rounded them, thetr philosophical or Intellectual explorations led them to concrete praxis. With Individual histories of active Involvement In o variety of social and political movements 1i most cases, these young Cuban exiles finally came together os a group to re-deflne and re-orient the nature, focus, course and objectives of their engagement In directed social and political change. Changes In their social and political outlooks, attitudes and behavior seem not only to have resulted In a politically radical Identity, commitment to and participation In radical movement politics, but also to have been Implicated In the emergence of new gender-rolo Identities (particularly among women) and relationships; the development of a variety of new personal life-styles; the alteration of these Individuals* perceptions of and ties w-th family, the Cuban community In exile end other social groups In the host society; and finally In a re-afflrm atlon of the4r Cuban roots and of their place In Cuban history. Such personal, social and political transformations he ve apparently hod the effect of separating movement activists, at least to some extent, from their parents, other relatives and friends In the context of exile and of placing them In somewhat of a personally vulnerable position In their larger soclo-cultural m1Ueu--desp1te professional success and a fairly high standard of living. At the some time these changes seemed to have resulted In close and enduring fam ily-like ties among group members and In 315 significant, self and group validating relationships with committed revolutionaries In the new Cuba. While the process of political radlcalfzatton seems to have followed a general group pattern end has resulted in shared group values, norms end behavior, it seems to have involved not one but three change-paths These different trajectories are apparently related to the age of the exiles at the time of migration and framed by three sets of critical questions these Individuals were asking about their relationship to both nest end present socto-cultural environments. These paths to radlcallzotlon seemed to have been characterized by age-related preocupatlons and activities or tasks through which these youths apparently attempted to understand and counteract the negative experiences related to their exodus and life In exile These negative experiences appear to have generated a great sense of loss (close ties with family and friends In Cuba had been broken; the familiar culture and social environment had baen left behind; personal continuity, a feeling of belonging, a sense of history had been disrupted) not unlike that suffered by mourners. Indeed a great deal in these Individuals' testimonies suggest that their process of adjustment to life In exile has followed a course sim ilar to tnat of the bereavement stages: denial, anger, guilt and finally the acceptance of loss In this regard, these young immigrants' age at the time of migration seems to have also been significant Those who migrated as children appear to hove dwelled in feelings of denial, those who arrived as pre-adolescents and adolescents, In anger ond guilt. Finally 316 Individuals who migrated as young adults seem to have found It easier to accept the fact of loss. The time of and the circumstances surrounding migration; the nature of the resettlement in exile (e.g. in Cuban emlgrt enclaves or In mainstream communities); growing up in Puerto Rico or in the U.S. mainland; and socio economic background and later status In exile are among other significant factors which affected these young peoples process of soclo-cultural adjustment and the course of their political radlcallzatlon The findings in the present study, though tentative. Indicate the need to examine closely the Impact and significance of the age of Immigrants at the time of migration and of the time of their migration In historical perspective—both with regard to the country of origin end to the receiving society. As this research has illustrated, these factors are highly significant In terms of the process of adjustment and assimilation of migrants to their new soclo-cultural milieu. It seems particularly important to rethink the notion that the younger the Individual Is at the time of migration, the easier his or her adaptation is likely to be. It may be that children more readily adapt to new social situations and environments than older individuals. However, what their process of adaptation actually entails must be examined and analyzed further and with greater Interest in their positive, creative coping stragetles as opposed to the usual focus on problems. 317 Among the population of the present study, subjects who migrated os children In fact did not seem to have hod an easier time adjusting than other informants who migrated at an older age. Their views, concerns and problems, os well as their approaches to problem-solving, simply appear to have been different than those of older subjects. These migrant children certainly hod difficulties Nevertheless they seemed to have found self- affirming and productive ways to grapple with them and, to the extent possible, transcend them. The pre-adolescent and adolescent immigrants In the present study appear to hove had o quite a rough time adjusting to the particular circumstances surrounding their migration and resettlement, as well as, navigating through and making sense of the tremendous soclo-cultural and political upheaval— firs t in Cuba prior to and during the early years after the triumph of the revolution, then in exile during the period of the 1960's and 1970 s. Their experiences suggest that immigrants falling within this age-related category ere in a particularly vulnerable position vis-a-vis the process of adjustment to and assimilation In a new soclo-cultural milieu. The need to carefully record and analyze the personal and social situations of pre-adolescents end adolescents cannot be over emphasized Again, as in the case of children, more attention needs to be given to their positive and creative problem-solving strategies. Political participation may be considered as one such strategy. Among the population of the present study It addressed matters of concern not only to particular individuals and/or the ethnic-mtnortty group to which they belong; it also dealt with issues of 3id broader and concrete soclo-hlstorical significance affecting a wide group of people. Involvement In the arts and creative production may be another end yet unexplored area where young Immigrants find positive means for coping with and transcending the vicissitudes of uprooting end adjusting to new environments. The findings of the present research also suggest that existing models for understanding the process of political socialization, recruitment and participation In social movements need some revision to account for the situation and experiences of immigrant and/or blcultura? populations or greatest significance here are, among others, the following considerations: 1) the Impact of competing and often conflicting political cultures which often simultaneously Inform and shape the political socialization of migrants; 2) the effect of competing and often conflicting brooder cultural systems of values, norms and patterns of behavior and, in many cases, the response of the receiving society to specific immigrant groups, cn the participation of the latter In institutionalized (or In the process of becoming Institutionalized) political groups and movements In the host society; 3) the Impact of the process of acculturation/assimilation of Immigrants of various age groups, at specific points in time, on the nature of their political participation In the new soclo-cultural setting. Finally, the results of this study point to the Importance of describing and analyzing the process of political socialization and of political participation for understanding the formation and transformation of Identity in culture and society. Specifically, research findings suggest that 319 the aspect of the self that is concerned with or bound to political notions, that Is, the politico’ Identity, is particularly significant for explaning the relationship between personal and socio-culturat change. As has been Illustrated In the present research, the emergence of a political identity is not only related to certain developments In the political arena (e g. the creation of and/or the participation In poiUtcol movements and In political sub-cultures and social networks) but a so has implications for changes of a far broader nature Indeed when indivlcuals become politicized, especially when their politicization constitutes a radical departure from previous political cultures and political socialization, many if not most aspects of their inner selves are transformed and the fabric of their personal and social lives is altered, importantly, as their personal and social worlds shift, others within their range of Influence ore usually also changed it is hoped that the issues that have been discussed and the questions that have been raised In the present study will generate further research interest in the areas of 1) Immigrant youth; 2) the political cultures, socialization and participation of Immigrant and other ethnic minority groups in mainstream society, and 3) the transformation of identity and behavior in biculturel contexts it Is now widely acknowledged that the incidence of world-wide population movements represented by permanent immigrants and refugees is rapidly increasing; that national and International politics play critical roles with regard to such shifts; and, importantly, that these developments ore proving to have an impact of serious consequences for the entire global community In light of these factors It seems extremely important to systematically address ourselves to the conditions that generate and/or precipitate such events, the mechanisms through which they are carried out and, finally, to the outcomes and the effect they have on the immigrants themselves, their countries of origin and their new societies APPENDIX A INTERVIEWS; TOPIC AREAS The following topic areas were covered in the interviews ot young Cuban immigrants who became politically radicalized In exile and who have participated in the progressive Cuban youth movement See not below regarding interviews of other young Cuban exiles and of individuals in Cuba Section I: General Information Age Sex Education Occupation Education of parents (in Cuba and in exile) Dote of migration Age at time of migration Migration with or without parents or relatives Relocation site(s); special circumstances (e.g. placement in refugee camps, foster homes, e tc ) Schools attended SfiCttQn 2; life in Cuba * Socio-economic status Home life/relationship with parents, siblings and extended family Schooling experiences Significant social activities Political affiliations and experiences 321 322 Political affiliations and experiences of parents end extended family Special recollections Section 3: The Exodus Recollections of circumstances and experiences during period just prior to the exodus Details of the exodus Section A Life in Exile A. Recollections of circumstances and experiences at time of arrival and during the early days of life in exile important experiences througout the years (in school, jobs, personal relationships, etc.) B Family life/relationships with parents, siblings and the extended family (prior to and subsequent to political radlcalfzetion and participation in Cuban progressive youth movement) significant domestic arrangements and circumstances (prior to and subsequent to political radicalization and participation in Cuban progressive youth movement) C Life outside the family network, friendships and other personal relationships (including mates and own children) Contact /interaction with the Cuban community in exile Contact/ interaction with other ethnic minority groups and individuals in host society Contact/Interaction with mainstream institutions (egschools, churches, social service organizations) groups and individuals in host society Travel iu and/or residence in countries other than the original receiving society Personal life-style choices and domestic arrangements D. Sexuality and gender-role issues Views, attitudes and behavior 1 1 area of sexuality Views, attitudes and behavior in areas of gender-role Identity and relationships E Political awareness (concerns, attitudes, positions regarding current events— national in the host society and International) Social service and political participation (In school and community settings, involvement In national and international social movements) The process ot political radicaization (prehistory and history) Involvement in the progressive Cuban youth movement hembersnip in poiiiicoi/fr iendship networks Participation in Cuban progressive political community The Puerto Rican connection Section 5: Revolutionary Cuba Views and attitudes Personal and political ties with Cubans in the island Perception of political role vis Cuban revolutionary process and history Interviews of Cuban exiles who did not become radicalized generally covered the topic areas outlined above with some variations In section 4 B host items in section 4 E and the last item in section 5 were excluded. Interviews of individuals in Cuba were not a formal part of the present study Basic demograpic information was included but otherwise they were completely open-ended. APPENDIX B INTERVIEWS: OTHER DATA Detailed personal Information was obtained from sixty four individuals Thirty two full interviews were conducted; twenty were tape recorded Full interviews covered most tf not all topic areas outlined in Appendix A Partial interviews covered some but not all topic areas outlined in Appendix A Activists in Exile Total Number 28 (Females: 16 Ma1es:12) Full: 16 (F: 10 M: 6) Partial: 12 (F: 6 M: 6) Taped: 1 1 Non-Activists in Exile Total Number 18 (Females: 12 Hales: 6) Full: 10 (F 6 M: 4) Partial: 8 (F: 6 M: 2) Taped: 4 (F: 3 M: 1) Untaped: 14 (F: 9 M: 5) 324 325 Revolutionaries In Cuba Total Number 14 (Females: 9 Males: 5) Full: 4 ( F: 3 M: 1) Partial: 10 (F:6 M: 4) Taped: 4 (F: 3 M l) Untaped: 10 (F: 6 M:4> Non-lntegrated individuals In Cuba Total Number 4 (Female:2 Males2) Full 2 (F I M l) Partial 2 (F I M 1) Taped 0 (F:0 M: 0) Untaped. 4 (F: ? M: 2) BIBLIOGRAPHY Adessa, D. 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