The Samuel Richey Collection of the Southern Confederacy 1805-1915
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Walter Havighurst Special Collections Miami University Libraries The Samuel Richey Collection of the Southern Confederacy 1805-1915 OVERVIEW OF THE COLLECTION Title: The Samuel Richey Collection of the Southern Confederacy Creators: Sutton C. Richey and Samuel W. Richey Dates: 1805-1915 Media: Correspondence, manuscript documents, printed material, photographs, framed items Quantity: 4 cubic feet Location: Closed stacks COLLECTION SUMMARY This collection includes over 500 pieces of correspondence relating to Jefferson Davis, president of the Confederate States of America, and Confederate generals, including G.T. Beauregard, Braxton Bragg, Samuel Cooper, Joseph E. Johnson, Robert E. Lee, James A. Seddon, E. Kirby Smith, Richard Taylor, and William H. Thomas, among other noted figures of the Civil War and the mid- to late-19th century. Correspondence of Varina Davis, Mary Randolph Custis Lee, and Mary Custis Lee, together with some photographs and other pieces of ephemera, can also be found in the collection. PROVENANCE OF THE COLLECTION This collection was begun by Sutton C. Richey (1837-1900). After studying Miami University in 1854 and 1855, Richey worked as a druggist in Oxford, Ohio from 1857 to 1891. Richey also served as treasurer of Miami University (1869-1900) and the Village of Oxford (1874-1900). 2 Admiration for Robert E. Lee as a leader, educator and gentleman inspired Sutton Richey’s son, Samuel W. Richey (1874-1973), to become interested in Jefferson Davis and collect documents relating to his career. An 1894 graduate of Miami University, Samuel Richey worked as a Cincinnati lumber broker. The majority of this collection was donated to Miami University in 1960; other items were acquired more recently as a result of an endowment that provides funds to purchase important items complementing the contents of the original collection. SCOPE AND CONTENTS OF THE COLLECTION This collection includes documents that were written by staff officers, clerks, and Confederate officers, as well as civilians, both during and after the Civil War. Of the more than 500 documents comprising the collection, 218 items relate directly to Jefferson Davis, president of the Confederate States of America. One of the earliest documents in the collection is Davis’ commission as First Lieutenant in the Regiment of Dragoons of the U.S. Army following his graduation from West Point. Dated May 10, 1834, the document bears the signatures of President Andrew Jackson and Secretary of War Lewis Cass. Davis’ April 23, 1861 letter to Claiborne Fox Jackson urges the importance of having the star of Missouri in the Confederate flag, while his March 13, 1862 letter to William M. Brooks discusses the criticism of the Confederate President in the North and the South. On January 27, 1863, Davis wrote to Governor Brown of Georgia approving the bill before the Georgia Legislature to prohibit the growing of cotton in Georgia for the duration of the war. A February 29, 1864 letter from John C. Robinson to Davis on behalf of the Indians loyal to the Confederacy provides an outline of future policies concerning them. In an August 6, 1864 letter to Davis, Lucy E. White of Woodville, Mississippi writes on behalf of her brother, Col. M.C. White, seeking to take him to Europe for the surgical care he requires. Recognizing that her brother’s ill health will prevent his rendering further service to his country and that her plan is fraught with difficulties, Miss White seeks to procure her brother’s pay for his support in Europe. She closes, “This request would have been made by a male member of the family but all who can bear arms are now in the fields.” “Prompted by a solemn conviction of duty,” Ben Lane Posey ventured “in disregard of military etiquette” to write to Davis “some important truths involving the fortune of this army” and the fate of the Confederacy. In this September 20, 1864 letter, Posey tells Davis that the army is in very bad condition – not only deficient in food, clothes, and military supplies, but also possessing a low morale, prompted by one victory at Chickamauga and nearly three years of defeats, disasters and retreats. Posey suggests that when Davis seeks the truth, he should not rely upon Lieutenant Generals and Major Generals for information because they are too far 3 removed from the rank and file of the army to know the opinions and feelings of the soldiers. Instead, he should call upon the regimental and company officers, and even the soldiers in the ranks. On December 30, 1864, Francis Preston Blair wrote Davis, asking permission to visit Richmond. The results of this conference are contained in a seven-page manuscript providing a summary of their confidential conversation. Davis’ January 12, 1865 memorandum provides details of a conversation he had with Blair concerning his meeting with Abraham Lincoln. The memorandum recounts Lincoln’s inability to control the extreme party that had control in Congress, his desire to stop the “further effusion of blood” and, as a fellow Southerner, hoped that “the pride, power and honor of the Southern states should suffer no shock.” He also stated his belief that slavery was doomed to extinction. The conference was designed to result in a “negotiation for a peaceful solution of the questions at issue” with Davis. In a March 24, 1865 letter to Davis, Robert E. Lee requests that Davis call upon the Governor of Virginia for the “whole number of negroes, slave and free between the ages of eighteen and forty five, for Service as soldiers…[as] the services of these men are now necessary to enable us to oppose the enemy.” The collection also includes an April 2, 1865 memo from Davis to Lee a week before his surrender at Appomattox and a note from Lee to General Ulysses S. Grant a few days later concerning prisoner exchange. The collection includes a handwritten copy of Davis’ address to the people of the Confederate States of America, as printed in the Danville Register on April 4, 1865. In the address, Davis informs his citizens that the government has been withdrawn from Richmond and the moral and material injuries that result in the enemy’s occupation of Richmond. Despite this turn of events, Davis assures Southerners that he will maintain their cause and asks them to “meet the foe with fresh defiance, with unconquered and unconquerable hearts.” On April 23, 1865, Secretary of War John C. Breckenridge advised Davis that “we can no longer continue with a reasonable hope of success. It seems to me that the time has arrived when, in a large and clear view of the situation, prompt steps should be taken to put an end to the war. The terms proposed are not wholly unsuited to the altered condition of affairs. The states are preserved, certain essential rights are secured and the Army rescued from degradation.” When the war ended, Davis was imprisoned at Fort Monroe in Phoebus, Virginia for two years. He was eventually released on bail, and never tried, but he temporarily lost his home in Missisippi, most of his wealth, and his U.S. citizenship (which was was posthumously restored in the 20th century). After his release from Fortress Monroe, John Mitchel sent a letter on November 1, 1865 to Varina Davis that provides an account of the condition of her husband and two other prisoners there. He tells her that he has a very strong impression that Davis will not be long in confinement, and that he will not even be tried. Although “a magnanimous public requires his suffering & humiliation” at present, he assures her that “you will find him not much worse in body, and not one whit bowed down in spirit.” 4 The collection includes a May 25, 1866 pledge by Davis that he will not escape Fort Monroe for the privilege of being allowed on the grounds inside the fort’s walls during the day. Following that item in the collection is a May 14, 1867 letter from Franklin Pierce to Varina Davis informing her of the government’s declining to proceed with Davis’ trial and releasing him on bail. The letter also includes an invitation to Mrs. Davis and her family to stay at his cottage at Little Boars Head, testifying to the friendship established between the Pierces and the Davises during their years in Washington, D.C. An attention-getting letter written to Davis by Horace E. Hayden on September 15, 1879 requests permission to publish information about the use of explosive and poisoned balls and charges made that the Confederates used poison gas during the war. In a letter written from his home at Belvoir, Mississippi, to his friend, Col. W.J. Green, on April 25, 1889, Davis describes himself as “time worn and heart sore.” Davis died on December 6, 1889. An undated, unaddressed piece of correspondence states Davis’ recollections of Hiram Powers’ design for a statue for the dome of the Capitol in Washington, D.C. when Davis was a member of a Senate committee appointed to adopt a plan for the extension and improvement of the Capitol. As Secretary of War, Davis was directed that the War Department would supervise and direct the execution of the work. Powers was one of several distinguished American “statuaries” who submitted designs. According to Davis, Powers’ original design was to represent a female figure with a “liberty cap” on her head. Davis writes, “I objected to the “liberty cap” as the accepted emblem of the freed [Roman] slave, at the same time stating that our people were born free and had maintained their freedom. Mr. Powers modified his design, substituting for the cap a crown of feathers, as appropriate to our Aborigines by which he thought to render as the representative of which the statue was to stand typical of America.” The design was accepted and Powers executed the work.