) INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Volume VII Number 1

March, 1981

R131 A1 15 V7 NOI 001 The Indiana Medical History Quarterly is published by the Medical History Section of the Indiana Historical Society, 315 West Ohio Street, Indianapolis, Indiana 46202.

MEDICAL HISTORY SECTION COMMITTEE

CHARLES A. BONSETT, M.D. Chairman and Editor 6133 East 54th Place Indianapolis, Indiana 46226

ANN G. CARMICHAEL, M.D. Ph.D. Asst. Editor 130 Goodbody Hall Bloomington, Indiana 47401

JOHN U. KEATING, M.D. 8415 Washington Blvd. Indianapolis, Indiana 46240

KENNETH G. KOHLSTAEDT, M.D. 645 East 80th Street Indianapolis, Indiana 46240

BERNARD ROSENAK, M.D. 5405 Greenwillow Road Indianapolis, Indiana 46226

DWIGHT SCHUSTER, M.D. 6510 N. Chester Ave. Indianapolis, Indiana 46220

W ILLIAM M. SHOLTY, M.D. 1831 Lilly Road Lafayette, Indiana 47905

W. D. SNIVELY, J R , M.D. R. R. 1, Box 277 Evansville, Indiana 47712

MRS. DONALD J. WHITE 7218 Sylvan Ridge Road Indianapolis, Indiana 46240

The Committee invites the contribution o f mansucript material relating to the practice o f medicine in Indiana — letters from or to physicians, diaries, case books, etc. Identified pictures of 19th century Hoosier doctors or medical meetings are also being sought. Objects relating to medical practice are desired for the Museum. Please write to Dr. Charles A. Bonsett, Chairman, Medical History Section, Indiana Historical Society, 350 W. Ohio Street, Indianapolis 46202. Copyright 1980 by the Indiana Historical Society

Cover: Central Indiana Hospital for Insane. The hospital building became known as Department for Men in the 1870’s.

R131 A1 15 V7 NOI 002 IN THIS ISSUE

The compiler o f this issue o f the Quarterly, Dr. Charles Hazelrigg, received the D.D.S. degree in 1970 from Indiana University School o f Dentistry. His under­ graduate degree (B.S.) in pharmacy was obtained from Butler University in 1963. Since 1970 Dr. Hazelrigg has been on the staff at Central State Hospital, initially in a dental capacity, but since 1977 as Chief o f Services Bahr Treatment Center. Dr. Hazelrigg has been collecting the history o f the hospital over the past ten years in terms o f photographs, documents, newspaper articles, and interviews with former patients and employees, in addition to abstracting that information recorded in journals, books, and annual reports. This issue o f the Quarterly presents a part of that history, pictorially. Many o f the photographs are being published here for the first time.

CENTRAL STATE HOSPITAL

Although the state o f Indiana set aside land to be used as an insane asylum on January 26, 1827, not until 1843 did the actual movement toward the development o f a hospital for the insane begin. Most noteworthy in this movement was Dr. John Evans, who had established his first regular practice in Attica, Indiana. He became appalled at the treatment o f the insane in the state and led a campaign for a hospital. At this time, it became evident that the land bounded by Alabama, New Jersey, Vermont, and New York Streets, denoted as Square 22 in Indianapolis, was too small and improperly placed as a hospital site. On August 28, 1845, after much investigation by Dr. Evans, the 160 acres belonging to Nathaniel and Sarah T. Bolton lying two miles west of Indianapolis was purchased by the State o f Indiana for $33.12l/2 per acre. Construction began May 5, 1846, and for the most part the general plan submitted by Dr. Evans was followed, and before the winter o f 1846 the building had been constructed up to the top o f the basement story in time to be secured from the weather. Finally, on November 21, 1848, the Indiana Hospital for the Insane opened its doors to receive the first five patients. Dr. Richard Patterson served as the Superintendent and Dr. J. Nutt was the assistant physician. The hospital remained in a growing state until April 3, 1857, when the un­ expected happened; the General Assembly failed to make the necessary appropri­ ations. The Superintendent, Dr. James Athon, had no alternative but to discharge the 303 patients from the hospital. On October 5, 1857, the Hospital was given the assurance that the money could be drawn from the treasury for the support o f the hospital until the meeting o f the Legislature. This enabled Dr. Athon to reopen the hospital for admissions, and it has remained open ever since. The hospital continued to grow in number o f buildings and number o f patients during the following years. Construction o f a new patients’ building was started in 1875 and finished in 1879. This building was known and used solely as the depart­ ment for women. The original hospital building bcame known as the department for men. 3

R131 A1 15 V7 NOI 002 4 INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY

The few following statistics pertaining to the department o f women may be o f interest:

Area o f roof 109,700 square feet (2.7 acres) Area o f each floor 58,900 square feet (1.5 acres) Heating pipes 65 miles Number o f rooms 1,124 Plumbers and gas pipes 10 miles Height o f large towers 120 feet Height o f small towers 88 feet Number of windows 1,957 Number o f panes 78,000 Cost $650,000

Superintendent, Dr. Joseph Rogers, in his annual report to Governor James D. Williams gave the following descriptions:

“ This structure is admirably adapted to give every comfort to patients. It has every possible facility for light, warmth and ventilation. Food, prepared in the most approved apparatus, can be readily delivered by hydraulic elevators to the dining-rooms, o f which each ward has its own, where it can be kept warm indefinitely by being placed on steam tables. The table service is strong and plain, but neat. The tables, o f ash, with polished walnut tops, are rubbed at short intervals with shellac and oil, and the native beauty o f the wood is substituted for the products o f the weaver’s art in most wards. A china closet and scullery, with hot and cold water, complete the conveniences here. A shute for soiled clothing and another for dust carry these materials to the basement into locked rooms. Each ward has one or more bath-rooms, lavatories and water closets, supplied with hot and cold water. Each bedroom contains one or more heavy ash bedsteads, made by our own mechanics at the hospital wood factory; these are each supplied with heavy husk and hair mattresses, one o f each, a liberal supply o f blankets and a Marseilles quilt, with necessary changes. The wall halls are furnished with ornamental wooden settees and comfortable lounges, covered with brown all-wool terry, a pleasant resting place for feeble patients in the day time, during which all patients are locked out o f their room and kept in the hall for more perfect care and observation.”

For over 80 years, thousands o f female patients, female employees, and seven superintendents resided in the Women’s Building. Then, in 1968, male and female patients were integrated for the first time and the building became known as “ Old Main.” Dr. George Edenharter became the Superintendent in 1893 where he remained until his death in December o f 1923. During that period o f time, he made numerous changes at the hospital. In the first year o f his administration, cement walks were placed on the grounds, an iron fence was placed at Washington St., old wooden shops were demolished, 125 trees were planted, new steps were placed at the Women’s Building, a new carpenter’s shop was built, and a new wooden fence was placed along Vermont Street. Many other improvements would follow. Because o f the total destruction o f the laundry on June 16, 1894, by a severe thunderstorm, a new “ fire proof” laundry was immediately begun and completed within months. This structure was equipped with the most modern machinery o f

R131 A1 15 V7 NOI 004 ) CENTRAL STATE HOSPITAL 5

the time and was totally supplied by electricity at a cost o f $35,000. On the evening o f December 18, 1896, the newly constructed Pathological Building was dedicated. The cost o f the building was $12,000 and is recognized by the U.S. Department o f the Interior’s National Register o f Historic Places. The General Assembly of 1899 appropriated $110,000 for the erection o f a hospital building. This unique structure contained wards for the physically sick men and women, medical offices, surgical wards, operating rooms, and employee living quarters. The building was completed in 1901. Under a resolution o f the Board o f Trustees adopted May 16, 1911, in recog­ nition o f the faithful services of the secretary o f the hospital, Mr. Cornelius Mayer, the Chapel-Amusement building was named Cornelius Mayer Hall and was so dedi­ cated. This building seated 600 people for Sunday services, programs and other activities. The basement contained a bowling alley. Dr. Edenharter continued his policy of adding trees and shrubs to beautify the grounds. Other structures built included a new bakery, dining rooms, conservatory, upholstery shop and a new kitchen for the department o f men. Although new buildings were added following Dr. Edenharter’s administration, the hospital was now on a solid foundation and no longer in danger o f extinction. Further construction was necessary to accomodate the hospital’s growing population and to replace antiquated buildings, but the direction o f Central State Hospital’s growth was fixed during Dr. Edenharter’s thirty years as superintendent. During the 1930s the hospital gained six new buildings--one for administration and five for patient living. With the help o f federal grants and the W.P.A., these buildings, called “ cottages,” were ten years in their completion. Also, it was during this decade that the demolition o f the original hospital building took place. All male patients were moved into the new cottages. On July 22, 1958, a formal ceremony was held for the cornerstone laying o f a new intensive treatment building, “ Bahr Treatment Center.” This building was named in honor o f Dr. Max Bahr, who served the hospital for over 50 years. The dedication ceremony on September 10, 1973, was for two new patient buildings. Both buildings are identical in structure - one named in honor o f John Evans and the other in honor of Sarah T. Bolton. The hospital is noninstitutional in appearance. The buildings express an in­ formal atmosphere, with open living areas, and with human comfort in mind. The two story quadrants house the bedroom and living areas. The one story struc­ ture o f each building links these areas with team offices, main lobbies, dining room and serving kitchen. The architecture is functional yet inviting, as will become apparent from the photographs that follow in the next pages.

R131 A1 15 V7 NOI 005 6 INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY

Log cabin on site o f Square 22 in Indianapolis. Drawing by Mr. Christian Schrader

Original hospital building, constructed in 1846

R131 A1 15 V7 NOI 006 ) CENTRAL STATE HOSPITAL 7

South wing o f the Department for Men

1909, Department for Women

R131 _A1 _I5_V7_N01 _007 8 INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY 1

Department for Women, constructed 1875

Department for Women, showing two o f the eight steeples.

R131 A1 15 V7 NOI 008 > CENTRAL STATE HOSPITAL 9

Aerial view o f grounds: complex upper center - Department for Women; upper right - Sick Hospi­ tal; center right - Cornelius Mayer Hall; complex at lower right - Department for Men; lower left - fire house, laundry, carpenter shop, bakery, cold storage, and barns.

Sick Hospital, constructed 1901

R131 A1 15 V7 NOI 009 1 1 1 5 7 O 010 NOI 15 V7 A1R131 10 a optl 1883 hospital, f o Map

WEST WASHINGTON INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY HISTORY MEDICAL INDIANA PUBLIC ROAD PUBLIC

Vermont Street ) CENTRAL STATE HOSPITAL 11

Sick Hospital, showing unique design o f building. Top o f picture shows homes on Vermont Street.

Front entrance to grounds from Washington Street c. 1900

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Pathological Department (see Indiana Medical History Quarterly Vol. I Number 1)

Laundry Building, constructed 1894

R131 A1 15 V7 NOI 012 Storeroom Building, constructed 1885

One o f four patient’s dining rooms, constructed 1899. Picture taken December o f 1915

R131 A1 15 V7 NOI 013 14 INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY

CENTRAL Indiana HospitaL ForInsane.

IN CASE OF FIRE I all employes, without exception, will be expected to assist in caring for, and securing the safety ol Patients. Certainly this duty is of far more import­ ance than the care of personal property. To insure necessary discipline, all employes will be required to take part in the Fire Drill. The Fire Drill signal will consist of five (5) short blasts from the large steam whist] and one long blast; and this signal will be repeated once, thus: 000 00 ----- 0 0 0 0 0 — The actual FIRE A LA R M will consist of alternate sljprt blasts from the large an>_ small steam whistles, thus : 0 o.O.o.O.o O.o.O.o., accompanied by the ringing of the large BELL at the D. F. M., and Bounding of the GONG at D. F. W. Upon the sounding of either of these signals it is expected that all employes will respond promptly by repairing at once to the posts assigned, and form in line ready to render any service demanded. Detailed PATIENTS should at once be taken in charge by the Chief of the Depart­ ment in which they may be working ; those in the Park being removed to the front of the Department Building in which they may belong. If the Fire Drill signal, or the Actual Fire alarm is given in the day time, those employed in the Sewing Rooms, Dining Rooms and Offices, and not elsewhere assigned, will form in line in front of their respective Department Buildings. Those in Laundries, Ironing Roome, Kitchens, etc, should form in line on grotlnds in rear of Center Buildings. BUT IF FIRE OCCURS AT NIGHT, ALL SHOULD FORM IN LIN E IN FRONT OF BUILDINGS If you discover FIRE, quietly inform the Officers and Engineer of the fact, without delay. 8houting “ Fire ” may be mistaken for the raving of a patient, and much valuable time be lost. Attendants and others in direct charge of patients should carefully consider the responsibility resting upon them and prepare to meet any emergency. Upon hearing either of the Fire Signals, Attendants should carefully and quickly inspect every place that a person may be secreted. Look under the beds, in the bath rooms dormitories, dining rooms, and sleeping rooms; and as soon as convinced that no one is in hiding, fasten the doors so that no one can enter, and assemble your patients at the Tower Door in short hall. You should carefully count your patients to see if all are present, always remember­ ing the possibility of additions to the Ward population since your last report. If there are three or more Attendants on the Ward one will stand at the telephone, ready to receive orders; one wiU stretch the ward hose to its full length ready to turn on the w ater; the other Attendant will look after the patients and get them ready to move on the instant of receiving notice. If the Are occurs in your Ward, at once notify the Office by telephone. Fill your bath tube and endeavor to extinguish the flame by pouring bucketaful of water or by using the ward hose. Patients should at once be removed from the Ward in which a fire may be raging, to the next, Ward, and kept in line to await further Instructions. Before retiring for the night, see that the bath tubs are filled with water, buckets con­ veniently placed and bath room doors left open. Upon retiring, the clothing of each patient should be placed in a small bundle ready for rapid departure; and patients unable to walk should, upon the first intimation of danger, be at once removed to places of safety.

la b„ . Sept.. 1880. C. E . W R I G HT,M.. D... SUPT I

R131 A1 15 V7 NOI 014 CENTRAL STATE HOSPITAL

Cold Storage Building, erected 1901

Bakery Building, erected 1897

A1 15 V7 NO! 015 16 INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY

Conservatory complex, erected 1899

Fire Station House, erected 1893

R131 A1 15 V7 NO I 016 ) CENTRAL STATE HOSPITAL 17

Cornelius Mayer Hall, constructed 1911

Inside o f Cornelius Mayer Hall, looking from the stage.

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Cottage II, picture taken November 1, 1932 at completion o f building. Note the large homes on Washington Street.

Administration Building, constructed by the WPA in 1938.

R131 A1 15 V7 NOI 018 CENTRAL STATE HOSPITAL 19

CENTRAL STATE HOSPITAL COLONW

The Farm Colony for the Hospital was located near the intersection o f Tibbs Ave. and Lafayette Road in Indianapolis.

Farming at the Colony, taken August 20, 1938.

R131 A1 15 V7 NOI 019 20 INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY

Geriatric ward for women at the Farm Colony.

The Hospital Cannery was completed in August o f 1947 at a cost o f $33,000.

R131 A1 15 V7 NOI 020 ) CENTRAL STATE HOSPITAL 21

About 50 supervised patients turned out 800-1000 gallons o f canned food daily.

July 4, picnic in the grove.

R131_A1 _I5_V7_N01_021 22 INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY

Scene o f grounds during winter o f 1915.

The Bahr Building was named for Dr. Max Bahr, who served the hospital for 53 years.

R131 A1 15 V7 NOI 022 ) CENTRAL STATE HOSPITAL 23

Sarah T. Bolton for whom this building was named owned the land on which Central State hospital now stands.

Dr. John Evans was instrumental in the expansion o f the hospital and the purchase of the Bolton land in 1845.

R131 A1 15 V7 NOI 023

Indiana Historical Society Nonprofit Org. Indiana Medical History Quarterly U.S. Postage 315 West Ohio Street PAID Indianapolis, IN 46202 Indianapolis, IN Permit No. 3864 Pam Najar R131 R131 A1 V7 15 NO I 024 7 /bb.Z,

3 u /v£ / 7 Z / INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY

QUARTERLY w B (H

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INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Volume 7 Number 2

June, 1981

R131 A1 15 V7 N 0 2 001 The Indiana Medical History Quarterly is published by the Medical History Section o f the Indiana Historical Society, 315 West Ohio Street, Indianapolis, Indiana 46202.

MEDICAL HISTORY SECTION COMMITTEE

CHARLES A. BONSETT, M.D. Chairman and Editor 6133 East 54th Place Indianapolis, Indiana 46226

ANN G. CARMICHAEL, M.D. Ph.D. Asst. Editor 130 Goodbody Hall Bloomington, Indiana 47401

JOHN U. KEATING, M.D. 8415 Washington Blvd. Indianapolis, Indiana 46240

KENNETH G. KOHLSTAEDT, M.D. 645 East 80th Street Indianapolis, Indiana 46240

BERNARD ROSENAK, M.D. 5405 Greenwillow Road Indianapolis, Indiana 46226

DWIGHT SCHUSTER, M.D. 6510 N. Chester Ave. Indianapolis, Indiana 46220

WILLIAM M. SHOLTY, M.D. 1831 Lilly Road Lafayette, Indiana 47905

W. D. SNIVELY, JR., M.D. R. R. 1, Box 277 Evansville, Indiana 47712

MRS. DONALD J. WHITE 7218 Sylvan Ridge Road Indianapolis, Indiana 46240

The Committee invites the contribution o f mansucript material relating to the practice o f medicine in Indiana — letters from or to physicians, diaries, case books, etc. Identified pictures of 19th century Hoosier doctors or medical meetings are also being sought. Objects relating to medical practice are desired for the Museum. Please write to Dr. Charles A. Bonsett, Chairman, Medical History Section, Indiana Historical Society, 350 W. Ohio Street, Indianapolis 46202. Copyright 1981 by the Indiana Historical Society

Depicted on the cover is the recommended treatment for a fractured clavicle. Nineteenth century physicians suggested the clavicle be immobilized by placing a pad under the patient’s arm and wrapping both arm and chest with muslin bandages [Picture taken from William Gibson, Institutes and Practice o f Surgery (Philadelphia: Carey, Lea, and Carey, 1827), Vol. I, Plate X. Book courtesy Conner Prairie Pioneer Settlem ent].

R131 A1 15 V7 N02 002 WILLIAM A. LINDSAY IN PERSPECTIVE

Katherine Mandusic McDonell

Previous issues of the Quarterly featured excerpts from the journals o f Rich­ mond surgeon William A. Lindsay (1795-1876). The purpose o f this article is to evaluate Lindsay within the context of early nineteenth century medicine and society. Lindsay was part o f a medical age in which old theories were being chal­ lenged and new ones formulated. In general, heterogeneity characterized the doctors who practiced in this age before anesthesia and the germ theory. Uniform standards for medical education and professional conduct were nonexistent. Most licensing laws were viewed as undemocratic attempts by the medical profession to establish a monopoly, and existing licensing legislation proved ineffectual in curbing quackery. As a result, a variety of practitioners offered their services to the unwary patient. Without adequate scientific knowledge and professional control, doctors differed not only in their theories of disease but also in their education and general experi­ ence. Physicians ranged from the well-educated to the completely unschooled. Lind­ say’s position in nineteenth century medicine may be clarified, first by examining the various schools o f medical thought existing in this period, and then by com­ paring his education and experience to that of eastern and midwestern physicians.

I

One perceptible difference between physicians in the first half of the nine­ teenth century was in their theories of disease. Without knowledge o f bacteriology, physicians lacked an adequate cause for many illnesses. Various explanations of disease often gave credence to therapies in practice. The orthodox physicians, or allopaths, sought justification for the harsh remedies of bloodletting and purging. Patients and practitioners alike often protested against these practices and sought other forms of medicine. Dissenter sects such as the Thomsonians, homeopaths, and hydropaths offered alternative theories of disease and milder, often botanic, reme­ dies. Orthodox physicians considered all sectarian practitioners quacks or “ irregu­ lars.” The allopaths were the largest group o f physicians at this time. Although there was some disagreement within this group over theories and treatments, almost all used remedies designed to produce an opposite effect on the body them the disease itself caused. They believed structural disorders could be corrected by surgery and employed, to varying extents, the “ depletion” techniques of bloodletting, purging, emesis, and blistering. The degree to which orthodox physicians employed harsh treatments was a reflection of the basic theory of disease they followed. But even among themselves, there was no consensus on the cause of disease. The earliest orthodox theory of disease was humoral pathology. According to this ancient theory the body contained four humors: blood, yellow bile, black bile and phlegm. Any impurity or imbalance in these humors caused disease. The balance of the humors could be restored through bloodletting, purging and emesis.1 Not all subscribed to the humoral theory o f pathology. Iatrochemists believed an excess of alkalinity or acidity in the body caused disease. Seventeenth and eigh ­ teenth century anatomists insisted that disease processes were localized.2 Never­ theless, the humoral theory held sway for generations. Its impact, however, was

3

R131 A1 15 V7 N02 003 4 INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY

seriously diminished with the advent of theories on “ nervous tone” propounded in the eighteenth century. Freidrich Hoffman (1660-1742) maintained that the living organism was formed entirely o f fibers with a characteristic “ tonus” , or ability to expand and contract. Hoffman believed a mysterious fluid regulated the tonus or tone throughout the nervous system. This nervous ether also kept the humors in motion. The ideas o f nervous tone and motions of the system also figured promi­ nently in the theories o f Edinburgh physician William Cullen (1710-1790). Health and disease to Cullen were merely motions o f the system. Fever, for example, was a spasm of the extreme arteries. Both Cullen and Hoffman advocated milder remedies than other allopaths.3 More recent theories, however, were also being used to support the stem regimens o f traditional humoral pathology. Philadelphia physician Benjamin Rush (1745-1813), borrowing from Cullen and Hoffman, refined his own orthodox theory o f disease. Rush believed fever, as well as other diseases, were caused by spasms o f the arteries. This capillary tension, according to Rush, was best relieved by severe bloodletting and purging. Rush was successful in convincing other physicians of his theories, causing American medicine to reaffirm drastic or “ heroic” practices.4 By the early decades o f the nineteenth century, Rush’s theory, as well as other orthodox theories, were being seriously challenged both inside and outside the pro­ fession. In Paris, allopathic physicians used clinical observation and systematic autopsies to correlate statistics to test the effectiveness o f various harsh therapies. From their research, they concluded that disease was localized and heroic medicine was ineffective.5 Theories of these physicians reached American medical journals through the few Americans studying in Paris. Although some doctors reacted favor­ ably, most rejected the teachings o f the Paris school. Until the middle o f the nine­ teenth century, a majority o f physicians continued to operate on a vague humoral thesis.6 Laymen, in addition to doctors, objected to the harsh cures o f the orthodox physicians. The Thomsonians was the largest dissenter sect. Founded in the early 1800’s by Samuel Thomson, a New Hampshire farmer, this group o f “ irregulars” argued that doctors were unnecessary since every person could be his or her own physician. Thomson’s New Guide to Health was therefore written in the non­ technical language o f the common man.7 Thomson believed disease had one cause, that being loss o f body heat. Through a course o f six botanic remedies, the heat could be restored and disease eliminated.8 Other forms o f alternative medicine included homeopathy, hydropathy, and eclecticism. Homeopathy, founded by Samuel Christian Hahnemann (1775-1843), asserted that whatever drug caused the symptoms o f a certain disease in a healthy person would cure the same disease in a sick person. In contrast to Thomson’s doctrine o f egalitarianism, the practice o f homeopathy stayed in the hands of skilled physicians.9 Hydropathy, as its name suggests, consisted of a variety o f water cures. Wet towel wraps, complete and partial baths, and a liquid diet consti­ tuted the treatment.1 0 Eclecticism was founded by Wooster Beach in 1829 as an independent, yet parallel, movement to Thomsonianism. Beach borrowed from all medical systems. Although their cures were mostly botanic in nature, the eclectics did not hesitate in employing harsh orthodox remedies when effective.11 A variety of “ empirics” also abounded during the early nineteenth century. These doctors lacked any formal training, practiced with no medical theory, and obtained their cures by a “ hit or miss” system. They often proclaimed their abilities in newspapers.1 2 Cancer doctors, one type of “ empiric,” specialized in the treatment o f cancer using secret remedies which were usually botanic. Also con-

R131 A1 15 V7 N02 004 DR. WILLIAM A. LINDSAY 5

sidered quacks by orthodox physicians were the unschooled “ yarb and root” doc­ tors, known as Indian doctors, who used only indigenous roots and herbs to cure disease.13 In the midst o f these controversies, Lindsay emerges as an orthodox physician who occasionally deviated from accepted theories and therapies. Lindsay had little respect for sectarian practitioners. His contempt for cancer doctors is evidenced in the case o f a Mr. Beard:

Other physicians were called, one o f whom pronounced it cancer & as is usual with this class of Empirics, gave the patient high prospects of a cure, at the same time denouncing all others who had treated his case as ignorant & un- principaled. but this “ cure all” o f a “ cancer cognomen christener” acquired for himself but a cobweb standing for emince [sic] & skill in this case, for as might have been expected his escarotics, only added torment [‘torture’ written above] to suffering—and under this treatment in a few weeks Mr. B[eard] was releived of all suffering by death no doubt much assisted by his official acqui­ sition by the servises of of his friend Mr. Cancer Doctor.14

In a similar manner, Lindsay derided local women who made “ loud pretentions to stopping blood” by terming them ignorant witches.1 5 Lindsay’s own medical theories closely parallel the doctrines of Edinburgh physician William Cullen and Philadelphia surgeon John Syng Dorsey. Cullen’s theories of nervous tone, debility, and the curative power of nature figure promi­ nently in Lindsay’s practice. Lindsay, like Cullen, believed the nervous system had a role in disease. In a case o f tetanus, for example, Lindsay wrote that the patient’s finger was affected with “ high toned nervous and spasmodic Ecacerbations [sic] .” 16 Referring to a woman suffering from phlebitis, Lindsay commented: “ Fever had supervened[;] great nervous irritation pervaded the general system.” 17 At the onset of debility Lindsay employed the mild remedies suggested by Cullen to relax spasms in the “ tone.” His references to “ vis Medicatrix natura” [sic], or the curative powers of nature, are testimony to Lindsay’s mild therapies. Lindsay used “ various soothing & Anodyne Medicines” such as opium, camphor (a narcotic and anodyne), and cicuta or hemlock (a narcotic) when “ nervous irritation” arose in a case of phle­ bitis.18 Similarly, Lindsay believed amputations should be delayed until “ the general system shall have begun to acknowledge its debility & ask the assistence of Tonics.” 1 9 Like William Cullen, Lindsay did not, however, trust solely in nature or mild drugs. When blistering, purging, bloodletting and emesis could relax “ tonal spasms,” Lindsay employed these remedies without hesitation. While Lindsay’s general medical theories resemble those of William Cullen, his surgical techniques and theories parallel the work of John Syng Dorsey. Dorsey believed an understanding of inflammation “ essential to every practitioner of surgery.” 20 Inflammation, encompassing what today is termed infection, often accompanied wounds or fractures. According to nineteenth century physicians, inflammation terminated in one of the following: complete healing or adhesion of the severed parts (called resolution), the formation of pus, the growth o f tumors, or death o f the surrounding parts (mortification).21 The surgeon’s major task was to lessen the “ inflammatory” action, thereby preventing the formation of pus and increasing the probability o f healing. General remedies such as bleeding, purging and a light diet employed with remedies such as scarification, leeching and cold appli­ cations were considered effective in decreasing inflammatory action. In some cases,

R131 A1 15 V7 N02 005 6 INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY

however, physicians considered the formation o f pus inevitable and even desirable. To induce suppuration, surgeons applied bread or ground linseed poultices to the affected area. When pus formed, the abscess was lanced.22 Effecting a cure in certain diseases required inducing and regulating inflammation. Surgeons, for ex­ ample, often induced inflammation to produce a cure for hydrocele. It was believed that when the inflammation was sufficiently great, the sides of the tunica vaginalis adhered, causing the obliteration of the sack containing the water.23 Lindsay was well acquainted with this theory of inflammation. After operating for hydrocele, inflammation followed and Lindsay employed bloodletting, aperients (mild laxatives), and soothing poultices to regulate the inflammation. Despite his efforts, Lindsay failed to produce a cure. Suppuration occurred, and in accordance with Dorsey’s teachings, Lindsay opened the abscess.24 In another case, which Lindsay termed “ emphysema,” signs o f inflammation were also present:

And some days after this [treatment] from an increased action o f the pulse and o f pain in the throrascic [sic] cavity, & that there was rather an indication o f inflamation taking place in the Lungs, depletion was resorted to, and for a short time the patient was put on Tinct Digitalis [a diuretic & narcotic] and antimonials [a preparation o f antimony] ,25

Like Dorsey, Lindsay believed suppuration necessary in some cases. One of Lind­ say’s patients exhibited symptoms o f tetanus and Lindsay, probably believing tetanus was a localized disease and that suppuration could remove the “ poison,” applied a light bread poultice to the wound.2 6 In diseases of the mammary glands, Lindsay also applied a bread poultice to the breast to induce suppuration.2 7 Once inflammation was remedied, the surgeon could proceed to correct struc­ tural disorders such as fractures, wounds and tumors. Many surgical techniques employed by Lindsay were recommended by John Syng Dorsey. To close wounds, Lindsay used Dorsey’s adhesive straps (pieces o f linen spread with waxy ointment). Lindsay’s reduction o f hernia, artery ligations and trephining operations all closely follow the procedures of Dorsey. Occasionally Lindsay ignored the writings of Cullen and Dorsey and relied upon his own experience to guide him.28 It was when Lindsay used experience to enhance his understanding of a particular case that he often excelled as a physician. Lindsay, however, could sometimes abandoned all medical theories for a “hit or miss” approach. When recommended cures failed and past observations proved irrelevant, Lindsay indiscriminately employed any remedy which seemed to promise a cure. These cures, disavowed by orthodox physicians, were eclectic in nature. Without qualm, Lindsay borrowed from botanic physicians, cancer doctors and hydropaths. But Lindsay’s most innovative treatments were a result o f observation and experimentation. From experience, Lindsay concluded that the puncture method of treating hydrocele was ineffective. Recommended by Dorsey, this method entailed first evacuating the water in the scrotum with a trocar and then injecting a solution o f wine and water. Dorsey believed the puncture method produced a sufficient degree o f inflammation to destroy the sack containing the water. Dorsey also regarded this treatment less painful than the incision method.29 Initially, Lindsay accepted the puncture method:

We proceeded to the operation & succeeded without any difficulty in drawing off the water, which we followed by the injection of tepid fluid (dont now

R131 A1 15 V7 N02 006 DR. WILLIAM A. LINDSAY 7

recollect which was made use of, wine & water, or Brandy & water) keeping it within the scrotum until considerable pain, & some sickness, were induced. This was the first time I had operated, or witnessed an operation in this way & was induced from the good authority on the subject to hope it would have been successful for a period of something like 4 or 5 years was of the im­ pression such was the fact.3 0

After observing that puncture failed to cure hydrocele, Lindsay substituted his incision method. The five-inch incision made in the distended scrotum to release the water produced a greater degree of adhesive inflammation than puncture, Lind­ say believed, thus assuring obliteration of the sack containing the water. Lindsay contended his mode of operation was less painful and protracted than puncture. Since puncture often failed to provide permanent relief, the patient was obliged to endure several operations. Also, Lindsay preferred the scrotum be opened so that the testes could be viewed, and removed immediately if diseased or cancerous.31 Lindsay’s procedure for setting fractures also reflected his empiricism. While treating a compound fracture o f the ulna, he discovered a more effective way of immobilizing a broken limb than the usual method o f splints and bandages. Lindsay sewed two pieces of cloth together into a “ stay case.” He then placed several corset splints inside the case, adjusted the apparatus snugly around the limb, and secured it with bandages. Lindsay initially used a “ stay case” only for compound fractures but eventually found it useful for simple fractures: “ I was induced to this change [to a stay case] from the circumstance of some displacement in the fractured bone being now discovered, which required a reseting. With the effects of this stay case dressing I was much pleased. . . .” 32 Lindsay also adapted his stay case to more difficult fractures. In a case of a compound comminuted fracture of the tibia and fibula, Lindsay first applied the stay case of splints and then placed properly cut pieces of pasteboard on either side o f the leg. Finally, he fastened the stay case and paste­ board with bandages and placed the lower portion o f the leg inside a box.3 3 Lindsay’s empiricism extended beyond innovations in the treatment of hydro­ cele and fractures. Lindsay concluded from observation that stitches, in addition to adhesive straps, should be employed for deeply incised wounds. Using both techniques, according to Lindsay, resulted in a complete reunion o f the severed parts. In comparing two similar cases involving foot injuries, Lindsay noted that when stitches were employed with the adhesive straps, normal healing resulted.3 4 Empiricism also determined for Lindsay the proper time to perform an ampu­ tation:

It is difficult to to [sic] learn, or acquire it from books, of course for ourself to undertake it to record any thing like special or correct principles, on this difficult subject might be considered presumptuous. Without reference to what my reading has been, would say, we must draw our decision from all circum­ stances of the case.3 5

When demarcation between living and dead parts appeared and when fever subsided, then amputation could be performed. Lindsay’s conclusions, derived from experi­ ence, bore close resemblance to recommendations of leading nineteenth century physicians.3 6 Lindsay’s theories on Caesarian sections, too, were gleaned from experience rather than texts:

In cases where the child in this presentation is evidently large, where after

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removal o f the arm, by a proper effort we fail in altering the position, or fail in bringing down a foot, would not the Caesarian operation be Justifiable? To turn, seems generally to result in failure; & so far as my experience goes, to succeed by dissection & removal of the child by piecemeal is, in my opinion, equally doubtful, hence it would seem that in many cases the caesarian section would be a Justifiable practice before the removal o f the arm as it would seem to promise as much if not more, to save the life of the Mother, than the usual practice attended by the usual delay in these cases, and it would promise abundantly more so far as the life o f the child is concerned.37

Many doctors would have agreed in theory with Lindsay’s comments on Caesarians, but few such operations were performed because of the high mortality rate.38 Although most o f Lindsay’s remedies were either accepted orthodox treat­ ments or products o f relatively careful observation, some of his cures were selected arbitrarily. During a crisis, Lindsay employed any remedy which would alter the patient’s condition. Eclectic in nature, these cures resembled the remedies o f sect­ arian practitioners. Lindsay extolled the virtues o f these remedies, but offered little explanation of their purported effectiveness. When obliged, Lindsay borrowed cures from cancer doctors, hydropaths, and even the botanies. To cure cancer o f the testes, for example, Lindsay employed the recommended escharotics: lunar caustic and red precipitate.3 9 When these drugs failed, Lindsay administered sheep sorrel, a remedy indirectly imparted to him by a cancer doctor.40 With the hydropaths, Lindsay believed in the effectiveness of partial baths for the cure o f tetanus, phle­ bitis, and whitlows.4 1 For phlebitis, Lindsay submerged the affected limb in a hot decoction o f hops to reduce the inflammation and pain.42 Evidence o f Lindsay’s use o f botanic medicine can be seen in his poultices o f comfrey, flaxseed, oak and slippery elm.43 The tenets o f orthodoxy were also compromised by Lindsay in his vending of packaged nostrums. Most allopaths in the early nineteenth century scorned patent medicines. In 1828, the New York State Medical Society publicly denounced their sale and use. As part o f a campaign against quackery the New York Society, along with the Philadelphia Medical Society, disclosed the contents o f these drugs.44 When offered patent medicines, N. A. Chamberlain, a physician from Goshen, Indiana, wrote: “ I make no use o f any secret or patent medicines in my practice whatever. . . ,” 45 Lindsay, however, not only sold and endorsed various patent medicines but also marketed his own nostrum, “ Dr. Lindsay’s Vegetable Tonic and Efficacious Remedy in Fever and Ague.” Lindsay asserted his patent medicine was an excellent tonic for dyspepsia and general debility, and also cured a wide variety of fevers.46 Yet, despite these occasional deviations from orthodoxy, Lindsay was essentially an allopathic physician. His use of sectarian practices was sporadic, and his cures basically orthodox in nature.

II

Early nineteenth century physicians differed widely not only in their theories o f medicine but also in their educational backgrounds. While some received an excellent medical education in Europe, others bypassed all formal training. In the eighteenth century the best medical instruction could be obtained in Edinburgh, Leyden and Oxford. By the early nineteenth century, Paris had emerged as the leading center o f medicine. Excellent clinical facilities, as well as the most prominent physicians and surgeons, could be found there. Candidates for a degree from the

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✓ * Faculte de Medecine were required to attend clinics, take oral examinations, write a thesis, and apprentice four years under a practicing physician. Most Americans who studied in Paris attended classes and clinics to enhance their experience, but did not receive medical degrees. In the 1830’s scholars frequenting Paris’ twelve hospitals could hear lectures on disease and receive clinical training. Each day students, accompanied by a physician, visited patients and observed professors performing operations and autopsies.47 Available also to Americans studying abroad were private lectures on a variety o f subjects. The number of Americans studying in Paris, however, was small in comparison to the total number of American medical school graduates. Most doctors suffered the deficiencies of an American medical education. Medical schools in the United States often lacked clinical facilities, adequate libraries, and anatomical specimens. Admissions were open, terms were short, and graduation requirements minimal. To receive a doctorate, the average student attended classes three to four months a year for two consecutive years and ap­ prenticed three years with a practicing physician. Despite the general low quality of medical education, certain universities offered better training than others. Eastern schools such as Harvard, Columbia and the University of Pennsylvania had the advantage o f well-trained professors and clinical facilities. Many schools, however, fell woefully short of providing adequate medical training.48 Few medical students received sufficient clinical experience. Colleges in rural areas lacked clinical resources, and although close to hospitals, some urban colleges did not require clinical instruction. Even when the need for experience in hospitals was recognized, few schools made attendance at these sessions mandatory. In 1846 it was estimated that only one in eight medical students in New York applied to visit hospital patients.4 9 Medical school administrators insisted that mandatory clinical instruction would lower enrollments. Professors at schools in the Midwest believed clinical experience unimportant to country practice since rural communities lacked hospitals. Scarcity of anatomical materials was also a chronic problem in most medical schools.50 In 1840 only half o f the schools required dissection o f the human body.51 Although the number of medical schools and their graduates increased rapidly from 1810 to 1840, many early nineteenth century doctors lacked any formal training.5 2 Some physicians, such as Lindsay, established a practice after taking a few medical courses and completing an apprenticeship. Most sectarian practitioners, as well as self-trained “ empirics,” dispensed with both courses and apprenticeships. Accurate statistics on the educational backgrounds o f midwestem and Indiana physicians are unavailable, but existing evidence suggests that formally trained, degreed physicians were a minority. Barnes Riznik, in a study o f 896 physicians practicing in 163 New England towns between 1790 and 1840, estimated that as late as 1840, only one-third of these physicians had graduated from medical school. In Litchfield County, Connecticut, located close to the Yale and Berkshire medical schools, less than 20 percent of the practicing physicians had medical degrees.53 In their work on midwestem physicians, R. Carlyle Buley and Madge Pickard con­ jectured that prior to 1840, three-fourths o f midwestem physicians received only an apprenticeship training.54 It is consistent, therefore, that Lindsay’s education was limited. In the early 1800’s while in Ohio, Lindsay apprenticed under Dr. Robins o f Mad River and Dr. John Steele of Dayton.55 This apprenticeship, combined with one year of lecture courses at the Ohio Medical College in Cincinnati, constituted Lindsay’s medical training.56 Although superior to many midwestem medical schools, the Ohio Medical College, according to William Norwood, was not “ in a place of leadership

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in the west.” Students attending the Ohio Medical College could, however, receive clinical experience at the Commercial Hospital and Lunatic Asylum.57 The respected Daniel Drake had taught at the college, but left before Lindsay matriculated. While Lindsay’s medical education was deficient, he was still among the probable minority o f Indiana physicians who had attended medical classes.

Ill

In addition to differing in their theories of disease and educational back­ grounds, nineteenth century physicians also had varying types and amounts of surgical experience. The quality and quantity o f this experience influenced the extent o f their practice. For the most part, surgery was more advanced in eastern cities. Surgeons there performed operations to the virtual exclusion o f dispensing drugs and treating other ailments. Easy access to hospitals in large cities encouraged the development o f surgery as a separate profession. Physicians in the East could consult with some o f the leading surgeons, such as Valentine Mott and John Syng Dorsey. Anatomical material was also more plentiful in the East. In both New York and Massachusetts, unclaimed paupers and convicted felons could be dissected. Indiana, like most states, had no dissection legislation.58 While eastern physicians were ligating aneurysms, removing bladder stones, and excising tumors, most coun­ try doctors were lancing abscesses, extracting decayed teeth and setting fractures. Hospital facilities in Philadelphia, Boston and New York allowed doctors there to perform or witness a variety o f operations. The Pennsylvania Hospital opened in 1752 exclusively for the care of the sick. In one year soon after, the hospital admitted 89 patients with diseases ranging from cancer to dropsy. A ma­ ternity ward opened in the Pennsyvlania Hospital in 1803, providing physicians with clinical experience in obstetrics.59 In Boston and New York, physicians could frequent the Massachusetts General Hospital and the New York Hospital to witness surgeries.60 Although Cincinnati had a hospital, most midwestem cities lacked institutional care for the sick. The first attempt to build a hospital in Indiana did not come until 1845.61 In larger eastern cities, significant advances were being made in surgery. Valen­ tine Mott (1785-1865), renowned for his vascular surgery, ligated approximately 130 large vessels during his career as a surgeon in New York and medical professor at Columbia.62 John Syng Dorsey (1783-1818), author of a surgical text and professor at the University o f Pennsylvania, performed a variety o f operations but was best known for his ligation of the external iliac artery.63 Another professor at the University of Pennsylvania, Philip Syng Physick (1768-1837), gained fame for his lithotomies, or removal o f bladder stones, and other surgical innovations. Physick developed the buckskin suture, a primitive stomach pump, and instruments for tonsillectomies and bladder drainage.6 4 While most surgical innovators resided east o f the Appalachians, a few mid­ westem physicians were recognized for their skill. Ephraim McDowell (1771-1830) o f Danville, Kentucky, successfully performed the first ovariotomy in 1809.6 5 Physicians such as Francois Marie Prevost (1771-1842) o f St. Louis and John Lamb­ ert Richmond o f Cincinnati successfully performed Caesarians.6 6 The majority of midwestem doctors, however, performed only an occasional, routine operation. Physicians in large eastern cities remained the leaders in surgery. When compared to surgical advances in the East, therefore, Lindsay’s oper­ ations were neither unique nor spectacular. In his three extant journals, Lindsay recorded performing or witnessing 66 operations. These cases, combined with those

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probably recorded in the one missing volume, would suggest that Lindsay performed or witnessed perhaps 100 or more surgeries from 1822 to 1850. And it should be noted that Lindsay recorded only his more important cases, excluding minor surgery for wounds, abscesses, and simple fractures.67 But during thirty or more years of medical practice, Lindsay witnessed only four difficult births, four cases o f traumatic tetanus, and two cases of severed foot arteries.68 In 1839, Lindsay reduced a luxation o f the lower jaw which was a “ noval case never before having seen this dislocation.” 6 9 Likewise, “ dropsy” o f the external reproductive organs and his own wife’s case o f uterine hemorrhage were unique in Lindsay’s experience.7 0 Because o f his limited experience and education, Lindsay was sometimes not a highly skilled or adept surgeon. In one operation for hydrocele, Lindsay wounded the patient’s testes with his scalpel.7 1 In another case, Lindsay’s failure to properly secure a ligature after a castrotomy almost hastened his patient into the nether­ world.72 Lindsay referred frequently to various orthodox authorities such as John Dorsey, John Bums, Thomas Denman, Nathanial Chapman and Andrew Mathias, but with the exception of Dorsey, Lindsay’s understanding of these experts was in­ complete.73 After performing several embryotomies, Lindsay questioned why physicians resorted to Caesarians so infrequently in difficult births. Had Lindsay more than a superficial knowledge of Denman’s work on midwifery, he would have known that Denman avoided performing Caesarians because the procedure usually resulted in the death of the mother.74 Even Lindsay’s knowledge o f Dorsey’s surgical work was sometimes imperfect. In two o f Lindsay’s trephining cases, a protrusion and swelling of the brain (known as “ fungus cerebri” ) occurred. In both cases Lindsay excised this “ growth,” demonstrating his ignorance of the nature of fungus cerebri. If Lindsay had been familiar with Dorsey’s remarks on the subject, he would have realized that fungus cerebri was part of the brain itself and employed the recommended poultices.7 5 Lindsay was, however, a willing student and a relatively careful operator who regarded his mistakes as future cautions to himself. When Lindsay accidentally cut a patient’s deltoid muscle while removing a tumor, he noted: “ This I must confess was rather awkard o f me & should another case similar present should be more care­ ful not to be guilty of the like blunder.” 76 Similarly, during an operation for hydrocele Lindsay’s assistant allowed the trocar to slip and shoot fluid into the cellular tissue o f the scrotum. Regarding this mistake Lindsay wrote: “ Such a result should, & no doubt would have been avoided, had the necessary precaution been used in keeping the trocar within the sack or Tunica vaginalis. This I trust will ever be a lesson to me in the future operations should I operate on this plain.” 7 7 Lindsay often made comparisons to determine whether a particular remedy should be used again or discarded. After treating two cases o f dropsy, Lindsay defended his treatment of cupping:

As it regards cupping in the latter case, am well satisfyed as to the good effects of this also. And altho’ these operations are deemed hazardous by some writers on the subject, so far as my experience goes, must say there is little danger in the majority o f cellular infiltration. I have performed the operations o f punc­ turing, scarification, & cupping on many patients during my 14 or 15 years of practice. And in no instance has gangrene, or any untoward symptoms re­ sulted.7 8

Had cupping been clearly unsuccessful, Lindsay would have abandoned the remedy. Lindsay reviewed past surgeries not merely to justify his actions but to determine whether a similar operation should be employed in the future. In a case involving cas-

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trectomy where the patient died three years after the operation, Lindsay reflected:

Whether it was the most Judicious course to remove the Testis, there no doubt will be a difference o f opinion. I beleive my reading does not furnish a similar or a parallel case. The removal seemed to us [Dr. W. Mount o f Eaton, Ohio and Lindsay] to be the most preferable to a radical cure o f hydrocele, in this case, and after this lapse of time [5 years], & much reflection, beleive I have nothing to regret, or to charge myself with, unless it be that o f securing the Spermatic artery so badly perhaps the ligature might have been in some way faulty, or in its application not well adjusted.7 9

For like reasons, following an amputation Lindsay occasionally dissected and examined the pathological limb. After removing a man’s leg, Lindsay inspected the limb and found the knee joint “much affected, corroded & curious.” He concluded that the amputation was justified since “ to have restored him to health with an anchylosed Joint, would have required much greater demand on the constitution, (And the vis Medicatrix natura) than could, reasonably, have been furnished. . . ,” 80 Lindsay ultimately determined the effectiveness of his remedies by maintaining contact with his patients after they left his care. The condition of former patients is noted by Lindsay throughout his journals: “ My patient was dismissed as cured & so long as I was acquainted with my patient afterwards had no return of the disease [cancer o f the testes] .” 81 In another case, Lindsay wrote: “ In 4 or 5 weeks time my patient had nearly recovered & is still livng in the enjoyment o f good health [5 years later]____” 8 2 IV

Lindsay’s faults were characteristic o f rural practitioners. Most lacked a sound medical education and few had experience with difficult surgical cases. Of Lindsay’s associates only John T. Plummer and Jabez Percival were well known, and even then Plummer’s reputation resulted from his writings on horticulture and agriculture, and Percival’s reputation was primarily local.83 Lindsay’s professional contacts were therefore usually inexperienced. In a case o f arm presentation in birth, Lindsay wrote: “ . . .1 do not recollect the report of authors on the subject, but among a large circle o f my professional acquaintances for many years, I recollect very few (indeed not anyone) who has had a single case of arm presentation.” 8 4 A few rural doctors had contact with prominent physicians. Indiana physician Asahel Clapp of New Albany traveled East to visit William P. Dewees and William E. Homer. Clapp also communicated with Daniel Drake o f Cincinnati.8 5 Calvin Jones, a physician in rural North Carolina, actively corresponded with Benjamin Rush, Philip Syng Physick and others.8 6 These men, however, were not representative o f midwestem physicians in general. The latest surgical techniques, as well as current medical findings, often re­ mained unknown to rural doctors. Physicians located outside urban areas had little time to specialize. They treated disease, dispensed drugs, and performed the requisite surgery. Much o f their time was taken with travel by horseback, often over un­ improved roads.8 7 Lindsay recognized the inadequacies o f rural practice:

I do not conclude that such cases [o f arm presentation] must necessarily be fatal but owing to the delay and the protraction that generally attends this presentation, particularly in country practice, it too often happens that a degree o f prostration and inflammation follows which carries o ff the patient in the end.8 8

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The delay to which Lindsay referred resulted not only from the difficulty of travel but also from the inexperience of midwestem physicians. Given the inherent deficiencies of rural medicine, it is unfair to compare Lindsay exclusively to eastern physicians. Lindsay obviously was not as experienced or well-educated as his urban brethren. Comparison with midwestem physicians, specifically Indiana physicians, is more appropriate. When compared to doctors in Indiana, Lindsay emerges as an experienced and innovative practitioner. Lindsay possessed more surgical expertise, a wider network of professional contacts, and a larger set o f medical instruments than his typical counterpart. On balance, Lindsay performed more complex surgeries than most physicians in Indiana. During eight month’s practice Lawrence Albert Johnson of Rossville extracted a splinter from the eye, operated on a man’s finger, performed 43 vene­ sections or bloodlettings (considered minor surgery), and delivered five children.89 In 1831, Jabez Percival of Lawrenceburg performed one operation and 23 blood­ lettings, set three fractures, delivered ten children, and removed one tooth. The following year he performed one amputation, bled 10 patients, removed one tumor, set one fracture, pulled two teeth, passed a catheter eight times, and delivered 18 children.90 Percival’s surgeries were more varied because he practiced in Lawrence­ burg, a relatively large city. Asahel Clapp o f New Albany recorded little surgery beyond an occasional fracture.9 1 In contrast to these physicians, Lindsay treated a wide variety of complicated and unusual disorders such as a compound comminuted fracture of the tibia and fibula, a parturition case o f twins involving one breech and one arm presentation, and a congenital umbilical hernia. Locally considered an expert in surgery, Lindsay was often sought for consul­ tations. Clement Ferguson o f New Paris, Ohio, called on Lindsay after his own attempt to stop the hemorrhage from a patient’s radial artery failed.92 Lindsay’s expertise in hydrocele cases was especially respected by patients and practitioners. One hydrocele patient “ had been brot from a distance to the neighborhood of Richmond to receive my professional attentions.” 9 3 Another hydrocele patient who “ resided about 25 miles beyond Indianapolis” came to Richmond in 1834 to see Lindsay. While other physicians were willing to treat the patient for five dollars, he “ insisted on me [Lindsay] operating for $25 which he prefered giving me rather than be operated on by either of the others at the pitiful low fee & observed from what he had learned of me as an operator, he would pay $25 ‘as cheerfully as eat his dinner.’ ” 94 Trephining (operating to remove foreign matter or pieces of bone from the brain) was another of Lindsay’s specialties. When patients o f a Dr. Trout of Germantown and Thomas T. Butler of Economy required trephining operations, both requested Lindsay’s assistance.9 5 Lindsay not only consulted in numerous cases, but sought the advice of other physicians himself. By maintaining a network o f professional contacts, Lindsay could observe the techniques of fellow practitioners. In a case o f congenital um­ bilical hernia, Lindsay noted: “ This being, with me, an unusual case, my friend Dr. Griffith was sent for before any attempt was made at reduction.” 9 6 And Lindsay commonly consulted other physicians before performing surgery: “ So soon as I suspected the bones to have become thus extensivley affected Dr. Dubois & Treon were called in council, & at a second meeting Dr. Espich of Germantown was call­ ed.” 97 Lindsay sustained this network of professional associates throughout the thirty years of practice described in his journals. His contacts with other physicians is admirable since intense rivalries and competition among many midwestem doctors often impeded communication. Lindsay was also distinguished from many other rural physicians by his large set of medical instruments. Few midwestem physicians approximated his holdings:

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The equipment o f the country doctor was simple: mortar and pestle, a set of balances, some home-made splints and bandages, a few drugs, possibly a small assortment of instruments, perhaps a pewter bedpan, a few simple syringes, and pewter or crockery hot-water bottles. . . .By the late 1830’s most of the better equipped doctors also carried a stethoscope, a set o f tooth forceps, and a few obstetrical instruments. Naturally the doctor had a horse and saddle bags. In the abscence o f complicated equipment for diagnosis, he relied upon his fingers, eyes, ears, and nose. . . .9 8

To determine the quality of Lindsay’s medical instrument collection, it was necessary to compare his holdings to those o f other rural Indiana physicians. Estate records o f the following six Indiana counties from 1820 to 1840 were surveyed: Fountain, Henry, Hamilton, Marion, Delaware and Hendricks. Criteria for choosing doctors’ estates was based on the listings o f medical equipment in the inventory. Classified as physicians’ inventories were records showing lancets or any type of surgical instrument, more than one medical book, medical saddle bags, or drugs. The presence of surgical equipment or a lancet would imply subscription to orthodox theories. Those persons possessing drugs and apothecary equipment to the exclusion o f lancets and surgical equipment were assumed to be druggists, and thus eliminated from the study. From these estate records, nine physicians’ inventories were identi­ fied. Quantification o f these nine records reveals four doctors owning surgical equipment and one possessing “ medical bags, box and all the apparatus.” The term surgical equipment might have referred to a variety o f medical tools, but because of the limited amount o f surgery performed in Indiana, it probably referred only to a lancet or instruments necessary for minor operations such as scissors, needles, saws and knives. In three of the four estate records where surgical equipment was listed, no lancet appeared. Therefore, it is likely that surgical equipment may have included a lancet in these cases. Four o f the doctors (or 44 percent) had lancets, but if those owning surgical equipment are included, as well as the doctor owning the apparatus (assuming a lancet was included in this grouping), then eight doctors owned lancets. Six doctors (or 66.6 percent) had some type of dental equipment, either a tooth forceps or a turnkey. Only one out of the nine doctors had a catheter or cupping glasses, and only three o f the nine (or 33 percent) had a syringe. The absence or abundance of various types o f instruments indicates the types o f surgery occurring in central Indiana at this tim e ." The expense and unavailability of medical instruments generally prohibited physicians from acquiring numerous tools. Upon beginning his career, Malthus Ward, a New York physician who came to Hindostan, Indiana, could afford only a turn­ key, a few needles, and a pair of scissors.100 Lindsay, in contrast, had a large variety o f medical equipment, including a case o f trephining instruments.101 He also had a pair of forceps and other “ instruments belonging to the case of the Accouchier.” 102 Lindsay never itemized these other obstetrical instruments, but he probably owned those instruments necessary to perform an embryotomy: a crotchet, blunt hook and perforator.103 Lindsay performed “ the operations o f puncturing, scarification, & cupping on many patients” and therefore owned a scarificator and cupping glasses.10 4 Lindsay also had a lancet, since he bled patients and punctured abscesses. For his hydrocele operations Lindsay employed a trocar. In removing an arm from a fetus he used a probe pointed bistory (a blunt knife with either a curved or straight edge).105 The amputations Lindsay performed required at minimum a knife, a saw and needles. Lindsay’s collection o f medical instruments was exceptional

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for a physician in rural Indiana at this time. His variety o f tools gave him an oppor­ tunity to perform difficult surgeries available to few of his counterparts.

V

William A. Lindsay was an orthodox physician who followed accepted, yet conflicting, allopathic theories. In retrospect, he was neither the highly skilled, urban specialist nor the inexperienced backwoods hack. As a cautious and dedicated physician, Lindsay overcame the deficiencies o f country practice to achieve respect­ ability within a limited sphere. Unlike some midwestern doctors, he gained no fame for his minor medical innovations. His few unnoticed contributions to surgery faded with the passing of heroic therapy. Lindsay, however, had a role in medical history. His willingness to deviate from orthodox therapy served as an example to his col­ leagues. It was the collective contribution of doctors similar to Lindsay that helped lead to the demise of monistic theories and the growth o f scientific medicine.

NOTES

1 Richard Harrison Shryock, Medicine and Society in America: 1660-1860 (New York, 1960; reprint, Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1975), 50-51. Shryock is one o f the best sources for a general history o f early American medicine. 2 Ibid., 51, 63-64. 3 Arturo Castiglioni, A History of Medicine (trans. and ed. by E. B. Krumbhaar, New York: Jason Aronson, 1975), 584-85. Cullen, unlike Hoffman, believed trusting solely to the curative powers o f nature and mild drugs resulted in “ very inert and frivolous remedies.” Cullen asserted that bloodletting, purging, and use o f opium and Peruvian bark could be employed effectively to relieve spasms in the “ tone.” [William Cullen, First Lines o f the Practice o f Physic, Vol. I (New York: Samuel Campbell, 1743), xxii], 4 Shryock, Medicine and Society, 67-72. 3 Ibid., 124-25. By using the numerical method, the famous Paris clinician Pierre Louis determined the effectiveness o f bleeding and purging in pulmonary tuberculosis. After a six-year study, he concluded that bloodletting was ineffective in the cure o f the disease. [Joseph F. Kett, The Formation of the American Medical Profession: The Role of Institutions, 1780-1860 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968), 156]. ® John Duffy, The Healers: The Rise o f the Medical Establishment (New York: McGraw- Hill Book Company, 1976), 98. 7 Samuel Thomson, A New Guide to Health, or Botanic Family Physician, Containing a Complete System of Practice. . ., 2nd ed. (Boston: E. G. House, 1825), 5-6. 3 These six botanic medicines were to be given in numerical order. An important first step in Thomson’s system was restoring the patient’s body heat through the internal use o f lobelia inflata and cayenne pepper. Hemlock bark, witch hazel leaves, and bayberry then were adminis­ tered to cleanse the stomach o f its poisons. Once the body heat was restored and the system cleansed, Thomson gave his patient tonics (Thomson, New Guide, 38-65). Ironically, Thomson’s doctrine resembled the orthodox therapy o f first removing the poisonous fluids from the body and then restoring the system to health with tonics. Neither the Thomsonians nor the allopaths recognized this similarity [William G. Rothstein, American Physicians in the Nineteenth Century: From Sects to Science (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University, 1972), 143 ] 9 Rothstein, American Physicians, 152-55. I® Marshall Scott Legan, “ Hydropathy in America: A Nineteenth Century Panacea,” Bulletin o f the History of Medicine, Vol. 45 (1971), 269, 274-75. 11 Kett, Formation of the American Medical Profession, 105; Ronald L. Numbers, “ The Making o f an Eclectic Physician: Joseph M. McElhinney and the Eclectic Medical Institute o f Cincinnati,” Bulletin o f the History o f Medicine, Vol. 47 (1973), 156-57. 12 Kett, Formation of the American Medical Profession, 97; Rothstein, American Physi­ cians, 35; Robert Hooper, A New Medical Dictionary; Containing an Explanantion of the Terms of Anatomy, Chymistry, Physiology. . . (Philadelphia: E. & R. Parker, 1817), 288-89. 1*1 Madge E. Pickard and R. Carlyle Buley, The Midwest Pioneer: His Ills, Cures, and Doctors (New York: Henry Schuman, 1946), 36.

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Lindsay removed part o f the tumor by excision, but the growth returned. At that point, the patient consulted a cancer doctor [Case of Mr. Beard, Sarcomatous Tumor of the Nose, Journal no. 3 (1839), 30-31], The numbers 1, 3, and 4 appear on the outside of Lindsay’s journals and hereafter any reference made to these works will be to Journal no. 1, 3, or 4. The date after the journal number is the recorded date, not the date on which the operation was performed. 12 Case o f Samuel Woods, Castrotomy, Journal no. 1 (21 December 1836), 65. Case o f Hired Hand o f Mr. W. Woods, Amputation o f Finger, Journal no. 3 (11 March 1839), 32. 77 Case o f Mrs. Badon, Phlebitis, Journal no. 3 (1 1 January 1837), 106. Case o f Solomon Harris, Castrotomy, Journal no. 1 (1836), 72; Case o f Mrs. Philip Hewit Phlebitis, Journal no. 1 (11 January 1837), 102-03. 19 Case o f Solomon Harris, Castrotomy, Journal no. 1 (1836), 73. 20 John Syng Dorsey, Elements of Surgery, for the Use of Students, with Plates, Vol. I (Philadelphia: Edward Parker & Kimber & Conrad, 1813), 4. 21 Ibid., Vol. I, 8. 22 Ibid., Vol. I, 9-10. 22 Ibid., Vol, II, 107; Case of Mr. Reynolds, Hydrocele, Journal no. I (17 December 1836), 41 ;Case of T. Johnson, esq., Hydrocele, Journal no. 1 (20 December 1836), 47. 2<* Case o f John Elliott, Hydrocele, Journal no. 1 (1836), 9. 22 Case o f W. King, Sr., Emphysema, Journal no. 3 (11 March 1839), 50. 2® Case o f William Young, Tetanus, Journal no. 4 (29 May 1841), 95. 27 In the case o f a Mrs. Crocker, Lindsay recommended the light bread poultice be used “ as long as matter continued to discharge” from the breast [Journal no. 4 (29 May 1841), 99]. To treat another case o f “ diseased breast,” Lindsay used a variety o f poultices but finally found the light bread and sweet milk one most effective [Journal no. 3 (1839), 113). 22 Nineteenth century physicians distinguished between good and bad empiricism. The empiricism they favored was Baconianism. Francis Bacon (1561-1626), the founder o f this empiri­ cal philosophy, believed scientists should base their study exclusively on observation, avoiding all hypotheses. Although most nineteenth century physicians followed some vague theory of medi­ cine and did not experiment, they insisted that their work rested on Baconianism [George H. Daniels, American Science in the Age of Jackson (New York: Columbia University Press, 1965), 63-85]. 29 Dorsey, Elements o f Surgery, Vol. II, 107. 30 Case of Benjamin Moore, Hydrocele, Journal no. 1 (17 December 1836), 36. 2 ^ Case o f T. Johnson, esq. Hydrocele, Journal no. 1 (20 December 1836), 46-49. 22 Case of Jacob Shaw, Fractured Arm, Journal no. 4 (28 November 1839), 9. 22 Case o f Joseph Cochrane, Compound Comminuted Fracture o f the Tibia and Fibula, Journal no. 4 (21 October 1840), 43. 2^ Case o f Jacob Delawta, Splitting Foot with Axe, Journal no. 1 (1837), 89-90. 22 Case o f Solomon Harris, Castrotomy, Journal no. 1 (24 December 1836), 71-72. 22 Philadelphia surgeon William Gibson’s theories on the proper time for amputation were almost identical to Lindsay’s views [William Gibson, The Institutes and Practice o f Surgery: Being the Outline o f a Course of Lectures (Philadelphia: Carey, Lea &Carey, 1827), 403-04]. 27 Case of Mrs. Thornton, Arm Presentation, Journal no. 4 (30 November 1839), 23-24. 22 Secondary infection was common in Caesarians. Thomas Denman, an English midwife, never performed a Caesarian, believing the usual result was death o f the mother [Jane B. Donegan, Women and Men Midwives: Medicine, Morality, and Misogyny in Early America (Westport, Con­ necticut: Greenwood Press, 1978), 46]. The French midwife Baudeloc believed such operations should be performed only in cases o f deformed uteri and extra-uterine pregnancies [William P. Dewees, ed., An Abridgement of Mr. Heath’s Translation o f Baudeloc's Midwifery (Philadelphia: Bartram and Reynolds, 1807), 59 0]. Between 1822 and 1877, it was estimated that only seventy- nine Caesarians were performed in the United States (Duffy, The Healers, 141). 29 Case of John Elliott, Diseased Testes, Journal no. 1 (1836), 9-11. The two recommended cancer treatments were excision and application of active caustics (Gibson, Elements o f Surgery, Vol. I, 214). Case o f John Elliott, Diseased Testes, Journal no. 1 (1836), 11-13. 4 2 *47 Unlike the hydropaths, Lindsay did not use cold water. He saw, however, the effectiveness o f their system o f partial bathing. 42 Case o f Mr. Clemner’s Son, Tetanus, Journal no. 1 (10 January 1837), 94 ; Case o f Mrs. Philip Hewit, Phlebitis, Journal no. 1 (11 January 1837), 100-01. 72 While Lindsay applied a simple comfrey poultice to a fractured arm, he used a poultice of

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elm, Peruvian bark, charcoal, and yeast “ prepared in a decoction o f Dogwood, Slippery Elm, & Oak Bark” in a case o f tetanus [Case o f Peter Kepler’s Daughter, Fracture o f Humerus, Journal no. 4 (1840), 80;Case o f Mr. Clemner’s son, Journal no. 1 (January 10, 1837), 94]. 44 James Harvey Young, “ American Medical Quackery in the Age o f the Common Man,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Vol. 5, No. 4 (March, 1961), 588-89. 4° N. A. Chamberlain, Goshen, Indiana, to Dr. J. W. Chamberlain, Michigan City, Indiana, 10 April 1837, Joseph W. Chamberlain Papers, Indiana Historical Society, Indianapolis, Indiana. 4® Indianapolis Indiana Journal, 4 April 1837;Ibid., 5 August 1837. 47 Russell M. Jones, ed., The Parisian Education o f an American Surgeon: Letters o f Jona­ than Mason Warren (1832-1835), (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1978), 12-15. 4® William Frederick Norwood, Medical Education in the United States Before the Civil War (Philadelphia: University o f Pennsylvania Press, 1944; reprint, New York: Arno Press, 1971), 403-06. 4® Campbell Stuart, “ The Actual Condition o f the Medical Profession in this Country; with a Brief Account o f Some o f the Causes Which Tend to Impede Its Progress, and Interfere with Its Honors and Interests,” New York Journal o f Medical History (1846), 151-71 in Gert H. Brieger, Medical America in the Nineteenth Century: Readings from Literature (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1972), 67. 50 Norwood, Medical Education, 181. 51 Russell M. Jones, “ American Doctors and the Parisian Medical World, 1830-1840,” Bulletin o f the History o f Medicine, Vol. 47 (1973), 51. 5^ Twenty-six medical schools were founded between 1810 and 1840 [Martin Kaufman, American Medical Education: The Formative Years, 1765-1910 (Westport, Connecticut: Green­ wood Press, 1976), 40 ], A few o f these schools such as the Christian College of New Albany, Indiana, were not even authentic. The college president issued diplomas to the highest bidder 40 days after the school was founded (Pickard and Buley, The Midwest Pioneer, 141). With more and more medical schools the number o f graduates subsequently multiplied: YEAR NUMBER OF G 1769-1799 221 1800-1809 343 1810-1819 1,375 1820-1829 4,338 1830-1839 6,849 1840-1849 11,128 [John S. Billings, “ Literature and Institutions,” in Edward Clarke, et. al., A Century of American Medicine, 1776-1876 (Philadelphia: Lea 1876), 359, as cited in Rothstein, American Physicians, 98], 55 Barnes Riznik, “ The Professional Lives o f Early Nineteenth Century New England Physicians,” Journal o f the History o f Medicine and Allied Sciences, Vol. 19 (1964), 1-2. 54 Pickard and Buley, The Midwest Pioneer, 120. 55 “ Lindsay, Earl o f Balcarras, Scotland,” an unpublished genealogical account of the Lindsay family written by one o f William Lindsay’s daughters, in the private collection o f Helen Louise Graham Silvey, Sacramento, California. 55 Matriculation records at the University o f Cincinnati Library indicate that Lindsay was enrolled at the Medical College o f Ohio from 1825-1826, but did not graduate. Lindsay’s daughter had asserted in her genealogical account o f the family that Lindsay graduated from a medical college in Columbus. The only orthodox school there at the time was Starling (founded in 1848). This later became the Ohio State University College o f Medicine. Lindsay, however, was not listed among the graduates o f Starling (The Ohio State University College o f Medicine, Vol. I: 1834-1934). 57 Norwood, Medical Education, 306-09. 58 Massachusetts’ first dissection law (1784) provided that the bodies o f those persons killed in duels or executed for killing others in duels could be used for anatomical study. New York followed Massachusetts’ lead and in 1789 passed a law giving surgeons the bodies o f those persons sentenced to death. The Massachusetts’ legislature revised its dissection law in 1830, adding unclaimed paupers to the list o f possible anatomical specimens [Francis R. Packard, History o f Medicine in the United States, Vol. I (originally published 1931; reprint ed., New York: Hafner Publishing Company, 1963), 298-306]. 59 Ibid., Vol. II, 194-225. At the Massachusetts General Hospital from 1822 to 1850, doctors performed 173 amputations including 88 thigh amputations, 60 leg, 12 arm, and 13 forearm [J. Mason Warren,

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“ Recent Progress in Surgery,” Medical Communications o f the Massachusetts Medical Society, Vol. 10 (1864), 299, as cited in Rothstein, American Physicians, 252], 6* In 1845, Dr. Livingston Dunlap and Dr. John S. Bobbs petitioned the Indianapolis city council for a hospital. The council approved their request and work was to begin in January, 1846. A smallpox epidemic interrupted construction, but by 1849 the building was completed. Unfortunately, the hospital remained unfurnished since the required funds were unavailable. During the Civil War, the building was used as a military hospital (Pickard and Buley, The Mid­ west Pioneer, 147). 62 Mott also gained fame for ligating a branch o f the innominate artery, or first branch o f the aorta. The patient, a 57-year old sailor, suffered from an aneurysm o f the right subclavian artery (Packard, History o f Medicine, Vol. II, 1055-56). 66 The external iliac artery is formed from a branch o f the aorta and it passes through the pelvis. It eventually becomes the femoral artery. Dorsey’s patient, Alexander Patton, was diag­ nosed by other physicians as suffering from a tumor in the right groin. Upon examination, Dorsey found that the tumor was in fact an aneurysm. Dorsey tied the iliac artery to reduce the aneurysm [John Syng Dorsey, “ Of Femoral and Inguinal Aneurisms,” Elements o f Surgery, Vol. II (Phila­ delphia, 1813), 180, as reprinted in A. Scott Earle, ed., Surgery in America: From the Colonial Era to the Twentieth Century, Selected Writings (Philadelphia: W. B. Saunders, 1965), 44-46], 64 Physick’s fame as a lithotomist spread after he removed 1,000 bladder stones from Chief Justice John Marshall. His buckskin sutures were used for tying difficult aneurysms. A crude stomach pump was devised by Physick when two children faced impending death because of an overdose of laudnum. Physick inserted a flexible catheter down the esophagus to the stomach and then attached a pewter syringe to the other end to withdraw the contents [D uffy, The Healers, 131-32; Philip Syng Physick, “ Account of a New Mode of Extracting Posionous Substances from the Stomach,” Eclectic Medical Repertory, Vol. 3, (1812), 111, reprinted in Scott, Surgery in America, 40-41J. 66 McDowell’s first ovariotomy patient was Mrs. Jane Crawford. Mrs. Crawford rode 60 miles to McDowell’s home. Once there, McDowell found she was not pregnant, as had been thought, but suffered from a large ovarian cyst. McDowell successfuly removed this cyst. He performed the same operation again in 1813 and 1836 on two black women [Ephraim McDowell, “ Three cases of Extirpation o f Diseased Ovaria,” Eclectic Repertory, Vol. 7 (1817), 242-44, as reprinted in Brieger, Medical America, 166-68; Packard, History o f Medicine, Vol. II, 1133]. 66 Duffy, The Healers, 141-46. 67 In the introduction to his journals, Lindsay stated he would enter only some o f “ the most important cases o f Surgery which have occured in my practice,” as well as “ other cases o f disease hereafter besides those under the department o f Surgery” [Journal no. 1 (13 April 1836), first unnumbered page]. 66 The four difficult births Lindsay attended or witnessed were arm presentations. The mother died in two of these cases (Journal no. 4, 11-26; Journal no. 4, 38-40). Referring to William Young’s case o f tetanus, Lindsay wrote: “ This case on the next page o f Traumatic Tetanus is the 4th o f this character that I now recollect having met with in my practice” [Journal no. 4 (29 May 1841), 9 3 ], The three other cases o f tetanus include those o f Shady Henderson, Mr. Clemner’s son, and Daniel Rue [Journal no. 4 (7 July 1840), 32-37; Journal no. 1 (10 January 1837); Daniel Rue’s case contained in a missing journal volum e]. In a case o f Miss Wright’s severed foot artery, Lindsay noted: “ This was the 2d time only agreeably to my present recollection that I had been called to take up an artery o f the fo o t” [Journal no. 4 (8 July 1840), 3 0 ]. His first patient was Edward Webster who wounded a branch of the anterior tibial artery with a foot adze [Journal no. 4 (27 November 1839), 1-4]. 69 Case o f Nathaniel Lewis’ Daughter, Luxation o f the Lower Jaw, Journal no. 4 (1 Dec­ ember 1839), 27. 76 in the case o f his wife, Lindsay noted'- “ so far as I recollect neither my reading or long practice furnish me with a similar or parallel case” [Case o f Rhoda A. Lindsay, Uterine Hemor­ rhage, Journal no. 4 (23 October 1840), 74-75]. Likewise in a case o f “ cellular infiltration o f the external organs of generation,” Lindsay wrote that this was a “ novel case having never before witnessed any thing like it before” [Case o f Mrs. M------k, Journal no. 3 (1839), 105]. 71 Case o f Joshua Bond, Hydrocele, Journal no. 1 (1836), 22. 72 Case of Solomon Woods, Hydrocele and Castrotomy, Journal no. 1 (21 December 1836), 63-68. 76 John Burns (1774-1850) and Thomas Denman (1733-1815) were both English midwives. Nathaniel Chapman (1780-1853) was a well known Philadelphia physician who authored books on materia medica and hydrophobia. Andrew Mathias, also o f Philadelphia, wrote on the effects o f

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mercury on the body. 74 Case o f Mrs. Thornton, Arm Presentation, Journal no. 4 (30 November 1839), 23-24; Donegan, Women and Men Midwives, 46. 15 Case o f Mr. Moseby, Skull Fracture, Journal no. 1 (1836), 6-7; Case o f John Jay’s son, Skull Fracture, Journal no. 3 (1839?), 1-5; Dorsey, Elements o f Surgery, Vol. I, 284. The nature of “ fungus cerebri” was often disputed. Some believed it was formed from coagulated blood and others felt it was vascular tissue from the brain. While most doctors such as Dorsey recommended light dressings and pressure be applied to the “ tumor,” others suggested caustics and excision as a last resort (Gibson, Institutes and Practice, Vol. II, 142-43). 78 Case o f Reuben Grimes, Adipose Tumor on Shoulder, Journal no. 1 (7 January 1837), 77. 77 Case o f John Clark, Hydrocele, Journal no. 1 (21 December 1836), 62. 78 Case o f Mr. Fouts’ son, Hyrdocele, Journal no. 1 (12 December, 1836), 31-32. 79 Case o f Samuel Woods, Hydrocele and Castrotomy, Journal no. 1 (21 December 1836), 67. 80 Case o f Matthew Frank, Femoral Amputation, Journal no. 1 (1836), 17-18. 87 Case o f John Elliott, Diseased Testes, Journal no. 1 (1836), 11. 82 Case o f Joshua Bond, Hydrocele, Journal no. 1 (1836), 23. 88 John T. Plummer (1807-1865) was a graduate of Yale Medical College and practiced medicine in Richmond, Indiana. In addition to his interest in medicine, he studied natural history, horticulture, geology, meteorology, and chemistry. He made several contributions to agricultural and scientific journals [William DePrez Inlow, “ The Indiana Physician as Geologist and Natu­ ralist,” Indiana Magazine o f History, Vol. LVI, No. 1 (March 1960), 11-19; John T. Plummer papers, Earlham College Library, Richmond, Indiana], Jabez Percival (1759-1841) was president o f the district medical society o f Lawrenceburg and practiced in many parts o f the country before settling in Lawrenceburg in 1801 [History o f Dearborn, Switzerland, and Ohio Counties (Chicago, 1885). 165-67], &4 Case o f Mrs. Thornton, Arm Presentation, Journal no. 4 (30 November 1839), 19. 85 Asahel Clapp diary, 4, 7, 8, 9 April 1831, folder 8, pp. 6-8, Manuscript Division, Indiana State Library, Indianapolis, Indiana. William P. Dewees (1768-1841) was well known for his writings on women’s diseases. William Horner (1793-1853) was an anatomist and surgeon. 88 Thomas P. Jones, “ Calvin Jones, M. D.: A Case Study in the Practice of Early American Medicine,” North Carolina Historical Review, Vol. 49 (1972), 64. 87 in central Indiana doctors rode on horseback, day and night, seven days a week. While the doctor averaged only one or two trips a day, the trips were many times long and unpleasant. Daniel Drake estimated that early physicians traveled twelve to fifteen miles per day [Daniel Drake, Discourses Delivered by Appointment, Before the Cincinnati Medical Library Association, January 9 and 10, 1852 (Cincinnati: Moore and Anderson, 1852), 52]. ®8 Case o f Mrs. Thornton, Arm Presentation, Journal no. 4 (30 November 1839), 19. Dr. Lawrence Albert Johnson account book, Rossville, Indiana, 1837-1838, Manuscript Division, Indiana State Library, Indianapolis, Indiana. 99 Dr. Jabez Percival account book, Lawrenceburg, Indiana, 1830-1841, Indiana Historical Society Indianapolis, Indiana 97 Asahel Clapp diaries, 1819-1840. 99 Case o f John Mackey, Severed Radial Artery, Journal no. 3 (10 March 1839), 22. 98 Case of Joseph Fouts, son, Hydrocele, Journal no. 1 (12 December 1836), 26. 94 Case o f T. Johnson, Hydrocele, Journal no. 1 (20 December 1836), 49-51. 95 Case o f Charles Osborn, Skull Fracture, Journal no. 3 (1839), 7 ; Case o f Joseph Edgar- ton’s son, Skull Fracture, Journal no. 3 (10 March 1839), 16. 98 Case of Mrs. Maxwell, Congenital Umbilical Hernia, Journal no. 1 (1836), 4. 97 Case o f Mathew Frank, Femoral Amputation, Journal no. 1 (1836), 17. 98 Pickard and Buley, The Midwest Pioneer, 99-100. 99 The doctors’ inventories used in this study include: Simon Yandes (1832) Fountain County, John Elliott (1833) Henry County, Caleb Garrett (1832) Hendricks County, William T. Sanders (1835) Fountain County, Samuel Givan (1835) Marion County, Thomas Evans (1833) Hendricks County, Loring A. Waldo (1837) Delaware County, Chester Granger (1829) Hamilton County, and Josiah Record (1835) Marion County. Not all the men in this study were listed in county histories, census records, or newspapers as doctors. This does not mean, however, that they were not physicians. Some doctors moved frequently and left few records. Another problem with quantifying probate records is the ambi­ guous terminology. The type and quantity o f medical instruments in a “ set o f surgical equip­ ment” is unknown. Despite these limitations, these estate records can give us new insights into the holdings o f early Indiana physicians.

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100 Malthus Ward to Ezra Bartlett, 27 November 1815, as quoted in William Barlow and David Powell, “ Malthus A. Ward: Frontier Physician, 1815-1823,” Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, Vol. XXX, No. 3 (July 1977), 287-88. 101 Case o f Joseph Edgarton’s son, Skull Fracture, Journal no. 3 (10 March 1839), 17. A Dr. Trout o f Germantown asked Lindsay to consult in this case, “ with instructions to take my case o f Trephining Instruments along with m e.” 102 Case o f Mrs. Thornton, Arm Presentation, Journal no. 4 (30 November 1839), 11. 103 if delivery were impossible, the child was destroyed in the womb (called embryotomy). The most common type o f embryotomy was a craniotomy in which the child’s skull was crushed. The brain was first pierced with a long pair o f scissors (called a perforator). With a crotchet, or claw-shaped hook, the physician tore apart the plates o f the skull. A blunt hook was used then to grasp the dead fetus. 104 jy[r Fout’s son, Hydrocele, Journal no. 1 (12 December 1836), 32. 1®® Case o f Mrs. Thornton, Arm Presentation, Journal no. 4 (30 November 1839), 18.

Katherine McDonell is a research historian at Conner Prairie Pioneer Settle­ ment. She expresses her gratitude to the museum and its director James B. Cope for their support and cooperation while writing these articles. She also thanks its As­ sociate Director, Robert D. Ronsheim, and its Senior Historian, J. Lauritz Larson, for their editorial comments. Indianapolis, IN 46202 IN Indianapolis, Quarterly History Medical Indiana Society Historical Indiana 315 West Ohio Street Street Ohio West 315 emt o 3864 No. Permit Indianapolis, IN Indianapolis, opoi Org. Nonprofit U.S. Postage Postage U.S. PAID

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INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Volume VII Number 3

September, 1981

R131_A1 _I5_V7_N03_001 The Indiana Medical History Quarterly is published by the Medical History Section of the Indiana Historical Society, 315 West Ohio Street, Indianapolis, Indiana 46202.

MEDICAL HISTORY SECTION COMMITTEE

CHARLES A. BONSETT, M.D. Chairman and Editor 6133 East 54th Place Indianapolis, Indiana 46226

ANN G. CARMICHAEL, M.D. Ph.D. Asst. Editor 130 Goodbody Hall Bloomington, Indiana 47401

JOHN U. KEATING, M.D. 8415 Washington Blvd. Indianapolis, Indiana 46240

KENNETH G. KOHLSTAEDT, M.D. 645 East 80th Street Indianapolis, Indiana 46240

BERNARD ROSENAK, M.D. 5405 Greenwillow Road Indianapolis, Indiana 46226

DWIGHT SCHUSTER, M.D. 6510 N. Chester Ave. Indianapolis, Indiana 46220

WILLIAM M. SHOLTY, M.D. 1831 Lilly Road Lafayette, Indiana 47905

W. D. SNIVELY, JR., M.D. R. R. 1, Box 277 Evansville, Indiana 47712

MRS. DONALD J. WHITE 7218 Sylvan Ridge Road Indianapolis, Indiana 46240

The Committee invites the contribution o f mansucript material relating to the practice o f medicine in Indiana - letters from or to physicians, diaries, case books, etc. Identified pictures o f 19th century Hoosier doctors or medical meetings are also being sought. Objects relating to medical practice are desired for the Museum. Please write to Dr. Charles A. Bonsett, Chairman, Medical History Section, Indiana Historical Society, 350 W. Ohio Street’ Indianapolis 46202. Copyright 1981 by the Indiana Historical Society

COVER. George P. Edenharter, M. D., the 11th superintendent o f the Central Indiana Hospital for the Insane was honored in 1923 for his 30 years of devoted service to the institution.

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Dr. Charles Hazelrigg of Central State Hospital has compiled this issue of the Quarterly. From his collection of annual reports, documents, photographs, news­ paper articles, and interviews with former patients and employees, he has focused on five of the former superintendents and other staff members of the hospital. The reader of the Quarterly will want to review Dr. Hazelrigg’s first article on the hospi­ tal which appeared in Volume VII Number 1, March 1981 o f the Quarterly. The Annual Reports from Central State Hospital to the Governor havebeen the primary factual source for these articles.

NEWS AND NOTES In the December 1980 Quarterly, it was stated that Lindsay’s term “ phacelous” was not a word (p. 21, note 38). Dr. William A. Stark of Michigan City, Indiana informed the Quarterly that “ phacelous” is actually a misspelling of the word “ sphacelous,” defined as a collection o f gangrenous or necrotic tissue. We would like to thank Dr. Stark for this contribution and encourage similar responses.

CENTRAL STATE HOSPITAL

Since the opening of the Indiana Hospital for the Insane, now known as Central State Hospital, several articles have been written about the conditions and treatment within the hospital. One of the best known articles appeared in Adventures in Social Welfare by Alexander Johnson in 1923. Reminiscing about his forty years o f social work in the state of Indiana, Johnson speaks o f the hospital: “ Things certainly had been pretty bad. The condition of the Central Hospital for the Insane was one of the causes of Cleveland’s defeat for president in 1888. The hospital had been investigated in 1887 and the 790 pages o f testimony had disclosed an incredible amount o f fraud; corruption; abuse o f patients; a conspiracy of officers, trustees and contractors to rob the state—and the party that was in control was so discredited that it lost the next election. If the 15 votes of Indiana, instead of going to Harrison had gone to Cleveland, he would have been elected. That investigation had been one o f the causes leading to the creation o f the Board of State Charities. The Central Hospital had just changed hands and a new man chosed solely on his merits, had been appointed under conditions which gave him a free hand and he was laboring hard and successfully to improve the administration. To talk about Central Hospital and Northern Hospital as “ Augean stables” was an absurd anachronism. That term might well have been applied to the Central Hospital in 1887, but that stable had been flooded out.” Other articles were published about the hospital and General Harrison who had been nominated as the Republican candidate for the presidency. The campaign ended with a Republican victory. The prominent but powerless Democratic super­ intendent of the hospital (William Fletcher); the numerous accounts o f the hospital from “ the smell of the tainted meat to seeing the maggots in the butter; and hearing the blows of the brutal attendants upon the backs of the patients; and their screams as the scalding water was poured upon them” all played a vivid role in the General Assembly and in the election of a Hoosier as the President o f the United States. From November 21, 1848 to October 31, 1859, there were 1,753 patients admitted to the hospital. The occupations listed for the male patients ranged from farmers, laborers, merchants, blacksmiths, physicians, coopers, gunsmiths, daguerrean artists, dentists, tinners, to no occupations. The female patients had occupations of house workers, school girls, teachers, tailoresses, mantua makers, milliners, and paper makers. Their probable causes of insanity as diagnosed at the time are listed in the following tables.* 3

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17

TABLE NO. III.

Probable Causa of Insanity in 1,753 Casa. * j 1 1 Probable Causes of Insanity. ♦J o Females, H Males.

U nknotvn...... 228 141 87 Physical Disease...... 148 67 81 Religious.Excitement and Anxietion...... ICG 00 76 Coustilutionul...... G6 81 34 Puerperal...... 103 106 Disappointment in Love...... 08 84 34 Domestic Bereavements...... 126 82 94 Ewileusv...... 47 83 14 Spiritual Kuppings...... 55 87 18 Intemperate Drinking...... 49 49 .'•a Fatigue and Anxiety...... 28 15 18 Musturbution...... 51 49 £ Excessive Use of Tobacco...... 27 16 11 Intense Application...... 35 31 4 Loss of Sleep and Exposure...... 84 16 18 Domestic Dissensions...... 59 18 41 Ill Treatment front Relatives...... 20 5 16 Abuse from Drunken Husbands...... 32 32 Followed Fever...... 42 22 20 Suppression of the Menses...... 36 36 Loss of Property ...... 29 24 5 Cessation of M etises...... 09 22 Jealousy...... 80 9 21 Disappointed Ambition...... 17 13 4 Mania a Potu...... 7 7 Seductions...... 11 11 Defective Education and Dissipation...... 10 5 6 Dyspepsia...... 10 6 4 Spinal Irritation...... 11 6 6 Injur}’ to the Head...... 18 16 2 Pulmonary Disease...... 7 7 Fright...... 14 6 8 Excessive Lactation...... 5 6 Excessive Use of Quinine...... 5 4 1 Husbands in California...... 3 3 False Accusations...... 9 6 Financial Difficulties...... 80 82 4 Coup de Soliel...... 6 6 1 I. R .— 2

*Table III taken from Annual Reports o f the Commissioners and Superintendent o f the Indiana Hospital for Insane, (October 1859).

R131 A1 15 V7 N03 004 CENTRAL STATE HOSPITAL

18

TABLE NO. I ll—Continued.

Probable Causes o f Insanity •» 1,753 Cast*.

Probable Causes of Insanity. Females. Males. Total.

O 1 1 8 2 1 8 i 2 2 2 7 4 8 4 8 1 7 8 4 4 4 2 2 3 •. . 8 & 5 4 2 2 3 2 1 3 o 1 8 2 1 1 1 ... »> 1 1 0|>i>

Total...... ,...... 1753 866 887

R131 A1 15 V7 N03 005 6 INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY

John Evans, M. D.*

After graduating from medical school in Cincinnati, Ohio, Dr. Evans moved to Attica, Indiana in 1839. He became appalled at the treatment of the insane in the state and led a campaign to establish a hospital devoted to treating the insane. After receiving state permission and appointment, Dr. Evans recommended the 160 acre Bolton farm for the state’s first hospital for the insane. After the con­ struction of the hospital was completed to the point of receiving the first admissions on November 21, 1848, Dr. Evans decided to pursue his parttime teaching career in Chicago, Illinois. Dr. Evans was a founder o f the city of Evanston, Illinois and a principle founder of Northwestern University. Within nine years after leaving Indianapolis, Dr. Evans decided to give up his practice o f medicine and teaching. He accepted the appoint­ ment of territorial governor of Colorado by President Abraham Lincoln. Later in Colorado, Dr. Evans became involved in building railroads, building the University of Denver, and was mainly responsible for Denver being the capitol of Colorado. Dr. Evans was truly a pioneer in Indiana, Illinois, and Colorado. He died on July 3,1897.

*See, the Journal o f the Indiana State Medical Association Medical Museum Notes, (February 1977).

R131 A1 15 V7 N03 006 CENTRAL STATE HOSPITAL 7

James Athon, M. D.*

Dr. James Athon became the third superintendent o f the hospital in 1853. His tenure had all the problems of the past superintendents and more. He believed insanity was curable in proportion to the inverse ratio of its duration. With this philosophy, he encouraged admission of the insane by their relatives or friends at an early period and not postpone or delay their teatment. Dr. Athon insisted on being provided with a series of admission, prescription, letter and account books for keeping a clear and methodical record of transactions. He wanted an exact and detailed exhibition of current expenses. Secondly, he wanted to introduce a system which would give a history of the patient from day to day, from admission to discharge. This record included the patient’s condition, complexion, height, temperature, color of hair, eyes, etc. —a medical history. As a physician, Dr. Athon believed there were no specifics for insanity. He prescribed conium and iron in cases o f insanity where there was anemia. The iron prepartions provided the best tonics of the time. To relieve pain and procure sleep, he judiciously prescribed the opium drugs. Emetics and purgatives were used in expelling vitiated matters from the stomach and bowels. Dr. Athon believed proper diet and exercise were necessary in restoring the natural secretion o f the alimentary canal. Almost without warning, the unexpected happened. On April 3, 1857, the Board of Commissioners of the Indiana hospital for the Insane were told that the General Assembly failed to make the necessary appropriations and that the insane could no longer be supported in the hospital. Dr. Athon had no alternative but to give immediate notice to the clerks of the counties to remove their patients from the hospital as soon as possible. The whole number of discharges were 303 patients.

R131 A1 15 V7 N03 007 8 INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY

At a called meeting on April 21, 1857, the Board o f Commissioners formulated guidelines to be utilized by the hospital. One such rule was that the county must pay the additional expense o f the hospital for the treatment and maintenance of such patients, including the salaries of the assistant physicians and wages o f attendants. This arrangment did not work as well as the majority had expected or predicted. Only a few counties could afford the expenses. By October 5, 1857, the hospital was given the assurance that money could be drawn from the treasurer for the support of the institution until the meeting o f the General Assembly. This enabled Dr. Athon to reopen the wards for treatment o f the insane Indiana citizen. After serving as superintendent for more than eight difficult years, Dr. Athon was elected and served as the Secretary of State from 1863 to 1865. He died in Indianapolis on October 25, 1875.

*See, Annual Reports o f the Commissioners and Superintendent o f the Indiana Hospital for the Insane, (November 1853).

William B. Fletcher, M. D.*

R131 A1 15 V7 N 0 3 008 CENTRAL STATE HOSPITAL 9

Dr. Fletcher was bom in Indianapolis on August 18, 1837. He graduated from the College of Physicians and Surgeons in New York in October o f 1859. During the Civil War, he was placed in charge of the secret service with the staff of General J. J. Reynolds and was captured while on detached duty. After two attempts at escape, Dr. Fletcher was court-martialed, condemned to death and ordered to be executed. Fortunately, he was reprieved by General Robert E. Lee pending a further investi­ gation. His identity as a special prisoner was lost to the Confederates, and he later was placed in a hospital near Richmond, Virginia, where he was paroled in March of 1862. After the war, Dr. Fletcher studied medicine in Europe and later became a professor at the Indiana Medical College. In 1882, Dr. Fletcher was elected a state senator from his county on the Democratic ticket. In 1883, Dr. Fletcher was made superintendent of the Indiana Hospital for the Insane. During the four years of leadership o f the hospital, he made numerous changes. He promptly reduced the medicinal agent o f whiskey diluted with water or cod liver oil from a hospital consumption o f three gallons a day to a pint a day. For that class of patients who had a lack of appetite, he supplied extra malt beer. By the end of his tenure, he abolished all alcoholic beverages. Dr. Fletcher stopped the secret burials of patients and held public funeral services conducted by the hospital chaplain. He felt moral force was stronger than physical restraints and abolished the use o f cribs, restraint chairs, camisoles, wrist­ lets and anklets. He avoided the use of the word “ cured” and discharged patients as “recovered” or “improved.” The need of a female physician was very obvious, and during the second year as superintendent, Dr. Fletcher hired Dr. Sarah Stockton as assistant physician. Dr. Fletcher provided the people o f the hospital with a school system. Subjects such as arithmetic, grammar, geography, music and German were taught to 175 pupils. He saw a need to provide dental care to the patients of the hospital. Several days a week a dentist would travel to the hospital to do dentistry. Dr. Fletcher placed a man and his wife in charge of a ward as attendants for the first time. It was so successful that within three years he had eight wards in the Department for Men with the same supervision. During this period he called attention to political abuses taking place in the State Hospital System, a moral act which would cost him his job as superintendent, but which ultimately eliminated the possibility of such abuses from recurring. After serving as superintendent o f the hospital, Dr. Fletcher opened a private sanitarium in Indianapolis in 1888 for the treatment of mental and nervous diseases. He died on April 25, 1907. *

*See R. French Stone, M. D. Biography o f Eminent American Physicians and Surgeons, 1894.

R131 A1 15 V7 N03 009 10 INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY

George F. Edenharter, M. D.*

George F. Edenharter was bom in Piqua, Ohio, June 13, 1857. At the age of 21, he moved to Indianapolis and he graduated from the Medical College of Indiana in 1886. In 1904, in recognition of his ability and distinguished service in the cause of humanity and his efforts in behalf o f higher medical education and research work, Wabash College conferred upon him the degree of Master o f Arts. Dr. Edenharter was elected Medical Superintendent o f the City Hospital (Indianapolis) in December of 1892, where his administration was so remarkably successful that in April 1893, he was asked to direct the work at the Central Hospital for the Insane as superintendent. He held this position until the time of his death on December 6, 1923. Dr. Edenharter served his thirty years assuperintendent in a most successful way. It was a period of growth for America and Dr. Edenharter saw to it that the hospital grew and expanded with the times.

*Forty-Fifth Annual Report o f the Trustees and Superintendent o f the Central Indiana Hospital for the Insane for Fiscal Year Ending Oct. 31, 1893.

______R131 A1 15 V7 N03 010 CENTRAL STATE HOSPITAL 11

Max Bahr, M. D. *

Max Bahr graduated from Shortridge High School of Indianapolis, then earned his M. D. degree from the Central College of Physicians and Surgeons in 1896. After a residency in Washington, D. C., he became employed as the exteme at Central Indiana Hospital in April of 1898. After deciding to make psychiatry his specialty, he furthered his education by receiving a degree of Doctor of Psychological Medicine at the University of Berlin in 1908. He returned to the staff of Central Indiana Hospital as clinical psychiatrist until his appointment as superintendent in 1923. Dr. Bahr conducted the first clinical courses for lawyers in forensic psychiatry in America. He published numerous articles and made many scientific accomplish­ ments. During his association of fifty-four years with the hospital, Dr. Bahr saw many changes in the treatment of the mentally ill. The following are a few of these changes: he witnessed the replacement and remodeling of old buildings, the addition of facilities for medical care, the equipment of operating rooms, the construction of amusement halls, the development of pathological laboratories for carrying on research, the introduction of occupational therapy departments, and the malaria therapy of paresis program. Dr. Bahr was a gentle, understanding man. He routinely visited the wards of the hospital expressing kindness and concern for his patients. He devoted his life to helping and caring for his fellow man. He retired from the hospital in March of 1952.

*One Hundred and Fourth Annual Report o f the Board o f Trustees and Superintendent o f Central State Hospital for the Fiscal Year Ending June 30, 1952.

R131 A1 15 V7 N03 O il 12 INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY

Charles Wright, M. D. was superintendent o f the hospital from 1889 to his death in 1892. Dr. Wright is seated with his wife, son and daughter-in-law.

Charles Wright, M. D. at his desk, c. 1890.

R131 A1 15 V7 N 0 3 012 CENTRAL STATE HOSPITAL 13

Central Indiana Hospital for the Insane n o t ic E

GEORGE F. EDENHARTER M. D.

Notice

R131 A1 15 V7 N03 013 14 INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY

Medical Staff, c. 1899. Dr. Max Bahr seated.

Surgical procedure in the operating room of the Sick Hospital. Picture taken c 1903. Note: the anesthetist dripping ether on the mask. Dr. Max Bahr point ing to patient’s left leg.

R131 A1 15 V7 N 0 3 014 CENTRAL STATE HOSPITAL 15

Medical Staff, 1924: L to R seated Ed Alvis, M. D., Max Bahr, M. D., N.

Kaiser, M. D. Standing: Howard Norris, M. D. and Harry Colburn, M. o ^

Central State Hospital Police staff o f 1924. Mr. Reed (holding hat) was the chief.

R131 A1 15 V7 N03 015 16 INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY

Day room scene o f Ward 3 of the Women’s Building in 1924. Note electric lights along with gas lighting from ceiling.

Ward scene of Ward C o f the Men’s Building. Taken December 1924.

R131 A1 15 V7 N03 016 CENTRAL STATE HOSPITAL 17

Beauty Shop, April 1932.

The 40th anniversary of Max Bahr, M. D. with the hospital. Seated on Dr. Bahr’s right is Dr. Walter Bruetsch, pathologist.

R131 A1 15 V7 N03 017 18 INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY

A canteen was availble to the patients and employees o f the hospital in the early 1900’s.

Canteen scene o f 1975.

R131 A1 15 V7 N 0 3 018 CENTRAL STATE HOSPITAL 19

Dr. Ernest Martin was an assistant pathologist from 1906 to 1932. Taken in the Histology Room of the Pathology Building.

The Pathology staff o f July 1937, included Mrs. Truitt Brown, Dr. Walter Bruetsch, Mr. Truitt Brown and Mrs. Isabelle Henry. The two gentlemen in the front row were patient assistants.

R131 A1 15 V7 N03 019 20 INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY

Dr. Charles Gregg was the first full time resident dentist for the hospital. Taken December 1939.

Psychiatric attendants for the Department of Women.

R131 A1 15 V7 N 0 3 020 CENTRAL STATE HOSPITAL 21

Occupational Therapy room for women patients.

Occupational therapy for the male patients was located in the basement of Cornelius Mayer Hall. Note the man seated at the “ foot powered” jig saw cutting a piece of wood.

R131 A1 15 V7 N 03 021 22 INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY

Occupational therapy in basement o f Cornelius Mayer Hall, July 1975.

Male patients enjoying a movie in the Sick Hospital, c. 1960.

R131 A1 15 V7 N 0 3 022 CENTRAL STATE HOSPITAL 23

Patient dance in the grove, c. 1950. Writing on drum “ C. Stuart for Stude- baker.”

Ward dining room for geriatric patients in Women’s Building.

R131 A1 15 V7 N03 023 nin itrcl oit Nnrft Org. Nonprofit Postage S. U. Quarterly History Medical Indiana Society Historical Indiana Indianapolis, IN 46202 Indianapolis, IN Indianapolis, 46202 IN Indianapolis, 1 et hoSre PAID Street Ohio West 315 emtN. 3864 No. Permit

R131 A1 15 V7 N03 024 INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Volume VII Number 4

December, 1981

R131 A1 15 V7 N 0 4 001 The Indiana Medical History Quarterly is published by the Medical History Section of the Indiana Historical Society, 315 West Ohio Street, Indianapolis, Indiana 46202.

MEDICAL HISTORY SECTION COMMITTEE

CHARLES A. BONSETT, M.D. Chairman and Editor 6133 East 54th Place Indianapolis, Indiana 46226

ANN G. CARMICHAEL, M.D. Ph.D. Asst. Editor 130 Goodbody Hall Bloomington, Indiana 47401

JOHN U. KEATING, M.D. 8415 Washington Blvd. Indianapolis, Indiana 46240

KENNETH G. KOHLSTAEDT, M.D. 645 East 80th Street Indianapolis, Indiana 46240

BERNARD ROSENAK, M.D. 5405 Greenwillow Road Indianapolis, Indiana 46226

DWIGHT SCHUSTER, M.D. 6510 N. Chester Ave. Indianapolis, Indiana 46220

WILLIAM M. SHOLTY, M.D. 1831 Lilly Road Lafayette, Indiana 47905

W. D. SNIVELY, JR ., M.D. R. R. 1, Box 277 Evansville, Indiana 47712

MRS. DONALD J. WHITE 7218 Sylvan Ridge Road Indianapolis, Indiana 46240

The Committee invites the contribution of mansucript material relating to the practice of medicine in Indiana — letters from or to physicians, diaries, case books, etc. Identified pictures of 19th century Hoosier doctors or medical meetings are also being sought. Objects relating to medical practice are desired for the Museum. Please write to Dr. Charles A. Bonsett, Chairman, Medical History Section, Indiana Historical Society, 350 W. Ohio Street, Indianapolis 46202. Copyright 1981 by the Indiana Historical Society

Cover: Harvey Washington Wiley, Indiana physician and father of the 1906 Pure Food and Drug Act. Photo from Indianapolis Star, August 2 2 ,1 9 2 9 .

R131 A1 15 V7 N04 002 IN THIS ISSUE

This issue of the Quarterly features the “Lindsay-Stipp Debate” by Dr. Ann Carmichael, this being a follow-up on the material from the Lindsay Notebooks presented in previous issues by Katherine Mandusic McDonell. Dr. Carmichael is Assistant Professor of History at Indiana University’s Bloomington Campus, and associate editor of the Q uarterly. The exchange of verbal barbs in the columns of the local newspaper was not an unusual occurrence in Indiana during the 1830’s and 1840’s, particularly where a physician was concerned. Differences of medical opinion often led to heated contro­ versy, in which the adversaries not infrequently maligned each other’s character. In Dr. Carmichael’s article, the controversy develops not from a difference in medical opinion, but from a personality clash of two individuals, who failed in their effort to establish a partnership. On occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the Pure Food and Drug Law of 1906 the Post Office Department issued a commemorative stamp honoring its author, Hoosier physician, Harvey W. Wiley. The seventy-fifth anniversary of this event (1981) passed without mention of Dr. Wiley or his important contribution. Raymond H. Stutzman, a former FDA employee in Indianapolis, provides the second article for this issue of the Quarterly in which he tells of this remarkable physician and his work. Finally appears a short article about a remarkable physician, Arthur J. Phinney, from Muncie, who as an amateur geologist formalized requisites for a gas field by studying Muncie’s booming gas field. Florence Yeager from Ball State University contributed this piece.

NEWS & NOTES

The Indiana Historical Society’s William Henry Smith Memorial Library was endowed in 1922 by Delavan Smith, publisher of the Indianapolis N ew s, as a me­ morial to his historian father. Quarters for the Society’s collections of Indiana and Old Northwest Territory history were finally established in 1934 in the then-new Indiana State Library, and the Library and Society headquarters were transferred to their present location in the State Library annex in 1977. This note begins a dis­ cussion of our collection of medical hsitory sources to acquaint readers of the Medical History Quarterly with our holdings. The Library has, over the years, amassed a respectable collection of medical history sources. While no specific collecting policy has been developed for medical history, a certain amount of Indiana and area-related medical sources came into the collection before 1974. When the Medical History Committee of the Society was formed in the Spring of 1974, the Library began to make more systematic pur­ chases aimed at recreating the types of sources available to the typical nineteenth- century rural doctor. Collecting efforts have picked up for medical history sources in the past few years, spurred partly by Kathy McDonell’s research at Conner Prairie. Her use of the Library’s collection made us aware of the potential research value of the sources we have here, yet we also became aware of the gaps in the collection.

3

R131 A1 15 V7 N04 003 4 INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY

Dr. Charles Bonsett and Dr. Ann G. Carmichael have offered assistance and recommendations for strengthening the collection. Additionally, our efforts to acquire relevant medical history sources are known to a number of dealers, who now keep us in mind when appropriate materials become available. While medical history is not one of our primary collecting areas, we are con­ fident that our efforts will continue to serve the needs of medical history research­ ers, as our collecting policies are broadening from the former emphasis on exclu­ sively nineteenth-century materials. We invite all who are interested to come in and explore what we have to offer. The Library is open 8:15-5:00, Monday through Friday, with Saturday hours of 8:30-4:00 between September and May.

INDIANA AND AREA-RELATED MATERIALS

Board of physicians of the 2nd medical district of Indiana. Constitution and bye­ laws. Jeffersonville: printed at the office of the Indianian by I. Cox, 1820.

This 10-page pamphlet bought in 1936, is the first purchase of medically- related material recorded by the Indiana Historical Society. It represents the self- imposed regulations by a governing body of physicians in the 2nd judicial district. This organization, like the better-known one at Vincennes, was founded in 1817 in response to the 1816 General Assembly “Act to regulate the practice of physic and surgery.” Byrd & Peckham’s Indiana Imprints 1804-1853 (Indianapolis: Historical Bureau, 1955) locates only this copy among the 255 institutional and private collections surveyed. No mention of this society is given in G.W.H. Kemper’s M edi­ cal History of Indiana. It might be an interesting research proposition for someone to attempt to locate more information or records for the 2nd medical district society. LINDA CARLSON SHARP

The medical investigator: devoted to the botanic practice of medicine. Horace T.N. Benedict, ed. Bloomington: Christian Record office, 1847.

Nineteenth-century medical practice was often a battleground for differing treatment theories. Perhaps the most noted dispute over treatments revolved around John Armstrong’s recommendations for fever cures. Armstrong advocated the use of purgatives, bleeding, and administration of calomel in large doses; his views were supported by such notables as Joseph Parrish and Benjamin Rush of Philadelphia, then the leading location for medical study in the United States. Armstrong’s views were reflected in teaching during the first quarter of the nineteenth century, and were generally regarded as valid by most trained physicians in practice. Horace Benedict, however, subscribed to botanic medicine and less traumatic treatments of disease. He practiced botanic medicine in Springville, Lawrence County, Indiana, and used his journal to advocate his position.

A number of medical journals besides The medical investigator were published in Indiana and the surrounding regions during the nineteenth century. The Library presently has scattered holdings of: The Cincinnati medical repertory (1868-1871; Library has v. I only) North-western medical and surgical journal (Chicago, Indianapolis, 1848-1850) Western lancet (Cincinnati, 1842-1916; Library has parts of vols. 1, 3, 9, 10, 14).

R131 A1 15 V7 N04 004 NEWS AND NOTES 5

Daniel Drake. Systematic treatise, historical, etiological, and practical, on the principal diseases of the interior valley o f North America, as they appear in the Caucasian, African, Indian, and Esquimaux varieties of its population. Cin­ cinnati: Winthrop B. Smith, 1850. 2nd series: Philadelphia: Lippincott, Grambo & Co., 1854.

Dr. Daniel Drake, founder of the Medical College of the University of Cin­ cinnati in 1819, was highly regarded by his colleagues and by fellow residents of Cincinnati as a practiced writer, historian, and essayist. His interests ranged from railroads and canals to education and libraries, and included involvement with many civic projects sharing these concerns. Drake is, however, best-known for his efforts to establish Cincinnati as a major medical center, his views on medical education, and his Principal Diseases of North America (its sometime-quoted short title). His study of diseases in this region of the United States contains a wealth of detailed information concerning many non-medical topics. Drake’s analysis of disease patterns among various segments of the population is marked by careful observations. The volume was updated and reissued in 1854 two years after his death in 1852.

Other medical history sources pertinent to Indiana and the surrounding states are available in the Library; many are uncatalogued pamphlets, to which access can be gotten (with help from the Library staff) through the accession files. A forthcoming issue of the Medical History Quarterly will contain further information on the Library’s book collection, as well as various manuscript col­ lections in the Library’s holdings and the types of information which can be found in manuscripts.

R131 A1 15 V7 N04 005 THE LINDSAY-STIPP DEBATE

Ann G. Carmichael*

Non-medical critics of medicine in the 1830’s and 1840 s pointed to the “commercialism” of physicians. Medical colleges germinated all over the country, many of them operated for profit. Degrees could be plucked easily from the young sprouts.1 Many students spent less than a year in “training” before setting out a shingle of their own. Most states were reluctant to restrict this free trade in diplomas. After all, these years of Jacksonian democracy nurtured a society unwilling to regulate com­ petition in any way. Medical schools set up by groups of doctors seldom required any community funds to support them at the business of educating new physicians. Proprietary medical schools and proprietary doctors seemed to suit the ideal, “lais­ sez-faire” philosophy of the day. Even doctors agreed that the situation was desper­ ate. Writing in 1846, F. Campbell Stewart, a respected New York physician and educator, lamented the general lack of respect accorded the medical profession by the electorate:

The action of the representatives of the people in the legislatures of some of our states, proves likewise that our profession is not held in high estimation; these gentlemen seem, by their course of action, to desire to cast down and destroy every barrier of protection which had been raised by their predecessors and considered by them to be quite as essential to the welfare of the people generally as to our interests. In some instances they have succeeded in throwing the practice of medicine open, and making it free to all who choose to engage in it, without requiring from them any guarantee of their capability to treat disease, or affording to the people the slightest protection from impostors who, by arrogating the title of phy­ sician, may with impunity pursue a course of chance practice calculated to produce the most serious consequences to their health and endanger the lives of those who submit them­ selves to their care.2

In these same years the challenges to “regular,” heroic medicine were translated into sects successful at convincing prospective patients that the bleed-and-purge tradition was empirically bankrupt. And it is their proliferation that Stewart la­ ments. More pleasant remedies, such as the Thomsonian’s “friendly botanic” medi­ cines and the homeopaths’ infinitely diluted drugs gained in popularity over the castor oil and calomel regimens of older medical systems. Sectarians offered alter­ native journals, schools and societies as well.3 The self-proclaimed “Indian healers” or the itinerant preacher-physicians apparently did not even need the trappings of professional status to earn a living in these years. Proprietary medical schools nationally reached a peak in the 1840’s; sectarians reached peak numbers in the 1850’s. But the commercial climate that they repre­ sented was pervasive by the 1830’s, and the problems it could create for ordinary practitioners is well illustrated in the ambition of Dr. William Lindsay. Lindsay was as sensitive to the economic stimuli of the day as he was to the war between medical philosophies and practices. The newspaper debate which is reproduced in this issue of the Quarterly testifies to the difficulty of a provincial surgeon establishing an economically successful practice in a larger city. In previous issues of the Q uarterly, Katherine Mandusic McDonell has set forth a detailed, carefully researched history of Lindsay, together with editions of some of his surgical cases.4 From her work we learn that Lindsay was clearly a

6 I______R131 A1 15 V7 N04 006 LiNDSAY-STIPP DEBATE 7

conscientious and reasonably well-educated physician in his day, better than average among midwestern surgeons, but “ecle Tic” in his approach to medical problems. It is not clear from our perspective why s ich a man spent most of his life moving from one small town to another. He was a rather poor businessman, often resorting to newspaper advertisements to collect his fees, but this alone could not have moti­ vated his constant pilgrimages. It is also unlikely that surgical failures, of which cases he speaks occasionally in his Journals, led to his professional wandering. He was careful to call in other medical experts from the community when he con­ fronted a difficult case. Furthermore, his surgical repertoire did not resemble the quack of the day who specialized in but a few procedures. While we may never be able to exclude other, family reasons for his moves, his brief relocation to Indianapolis in 1837 does show well how the free market of medicine lured the surgeon away from a steady, if humble, career in Richmond. He quickly opened a drugstore to extend his expected profits, just as he had done in Richmond. Perhaps rashly, he advertised immediately his own elixer for ague to compete with other nostrums. Within the year he was accused both of copying another product and marketing it under his own name (Document 1), and of adding arsenic to the mixture, that is, falsely advertising his as a “vegetable” tonic (Docu­ ment 6). Lindsay first announced the tonic to Indianapolis readers on 11 March 1837. By 24 May he had joined forces with a Dr. George W. Stipp, in the businesses of medicine and drug sales.5 During the summer their advertisements for linaments and potions and gadgets beckoned the Indianapolis infirm to the establishment of Wm. Lindsay & Co., (Document 2 is an example). Stipp himself had been in practice for several years, advertising his practice first in the summer of 1834, and occasion­ ally taking on a partner. Stipp was free to associate himself with a new man in town by February 1837.6 According to Stipp, Lindsay abandoned the practice of surgery and even the drug store “to be a gentleman large,” walking about Indianapolis “cane in hand,” (Document 6). Lindsay does seem to have spent some of his professional time consoling the penniless, engaging in philanthropic tasks which could not have brought profits to the partnership (Document 3). By the winter of 1837/38 he had left the city, apparently seeking windfall profits of his own by selling apples in Arkansas. His Johnny Appleseed venture was a disaster. He boarded a steamboat called the Tecumseh at Little Rock, and was immediately engaged as physician to the ailing Captain Gunter. The captain’s smallpox rash erupted just after Lindsay came aboard with “a lot of freight.” While the steamer waited at Webber’s Falls for the river to rise, Lindsay himself was becoming ill. Justifiably angry passengers en­ couraged the new captain to set Lindsay off the boat. He narrated his miseries in the third person:

It should not be thought strange that he was now almost in despair and that the fond en­ dearing recollections of friends & of home more than 1000 miles distant by the route he had come should involuntary croud themselves on his mind, and the near approach of night­ fall and the gloomy prospect of being compelled to spend the night in the forest, without any refreshments, cold & chilled as he was from his being drenched an hour or two pre­ viously in the rain, without any means of striking or kindling himself a fire & if property should be worthy of consideration when death was staring such an individual in the face, he had some $1500. at prime cost of freight & produce on board the boat he had been the day before so unceremonsiouly and precipitately expelled, without even the evidence of a receit for it from the Capt. or Clerk, and to have spent such a chilling night in the situation he was now in. . . ?

R131 A1 15 V7 N04 007 8 INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY

Katherine McDonell’s “Dr. William A. Lindsay: Innovator, Physician, and Entrepreneur,” in the March 1980 issue of the Indiana Medical History Quarterly (vol. 6, no. 1), summarizes the financial disasters behind Lindsay’s Indianapolis sojourn. The debate reprinted here, between Lindsay and Stipp, makes interesting reading apart from Lindsay’s own story. It was a vituperous, name-calling dissolution of their brief partnership, and the vitriolic rhetoric of these two physicians is re­ produced chiefly to entertain readers today, as it must have the readers of the Indiana Journal in 1838. But also the debate serves to illustrate the public character of medical practice in Jacksonian America. With a large variety of healers competing for the same patients, Lindsay felt compelled to push himself constantly before the public eye. “Medicine for sale” lured Lindsay to the marketplace, and time and again the market disappointed his ambitions. The Journals, as McDonell suggests, may have been Lindsay’s nemesis after the Indianapolis fiasco. Many of the entries, including the long description of the smallpox/apple venture, were written in the winter of his discontent (1838/39). But perhaps even then, writing so clearly for an audience he imagined might purchase his book, his memoirs were only chasing after yet another market, a never-found, popular, “gentle Reader.”

NOTES

1 For this period of American medical history see in general Richard H. Shryock, Medicine and Society in America, 1660-1860 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1960), 117-66; John Duffy, The Healers: A History o f American Medicine (Urbana, 111.: University of Illinois Press, 1979), 109-28 and 180-88; and Madge E. Packard and R. Carlyle Buley, The Midwest Pioneer: His Ills, Cures, and Doctors (New York: Henry Schuman, 1946). ^ F. Campbell Stewart, “The Actual Condition of the Medical Profession in this Country; with a Brief Account of Some of the Causes which Tend to Impede Its Progress, and Interfere with Its Honors and Interests,” edited by Gert H. Brieger in Medical America in the Nineteenth Century: Readings from the Literature (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1972), 62-74, 64-65. ^ On the sectarians see Guenter B. Risse, Ronald L. Numbers, and Judith W. Leavitt, eds., Medi­ cine Without Doctors: Home Health Care in American History (New York: Science History Publi­ cations, 1971). 4 See especially her introductory biography, “Dr. William A. Lindsay: Innovator, Physician, and Entrepreneur,” Indiana Medical History Quarterly, 6 (March 1980), and her evaluative essay, “William A. Lindsay in Perspective,” ibid., 7 (June 1981). ® All biographical details are elaborated by McDonell in “Lindsay: Innovative Physician.” 6 The earliest advertisement I find by George Stipp is 4 July 1834, in the Indiana Democrat weekly. Stipp and a Dr. McCarty advertised their partnership in medicine and surgery in the Indiana Democrat, 24 July 1835; and Stipp was once again announcing solo practice in the Indiana Journal during February, 1837. ^ William A. Lindsay, Journals, Indiana State Library, Indiana Division, Journal 3, pp. 57-62 and here, 73-74.

DOCUMENT 1

The Indiana Journal 21 April 1838

COUNTERFEITERS DETECTED

Wm. Lindsay & Co., apothecaries of Indianapolis, have been detected imposing upon the public a base counterfeit of the “GARDNER’S LIN AMENT.” The external appearance of their preparation is even calculated to deceive, being a fa c sim ile to the g en u in e. The only mode of detecting the counterfeit is the want of the signature of James C. Glascoe, of the firm of Glascoe and Harrison, written on the wrapper,

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and a stamp of the Lion and Mortar on the seal of the bottle. The Genuine Gardner’s Linament is prepared only by the subscribers, as the following certificate will show. Notice—I hereby certify that I have sold to Glascoe & Harrison the only Genu­ ine Recipe for manufacturing “GARDNER’S CELEBRATED VEGETABLE LINA­ MENT,” (as prepared by my husband Jas. Gardner, who is now deceased,) and I also certify that none else have any knowledge of the receipe but them. They, therefore, are the only constituted and authorized proprietors.

MARY GARDNER

The proprieters deem it necessary to state further, that there are many other pre­ parations lately got up for a similar purpose as the said counterfeit, in order to deceive and mislead the public for mercenary views, by substituting analogous names.

GARDNER’S CELEBRATED VEGETABLES LINAMENT

The most valuable remedy ever discovered for the cure of Sprains, Bruises, Cuts or Wounds, Corks Chafes or Galls, Film in the Eye, and every external complaint to which Horses are liable. ALSO—For the human Flesh, it excels in the cure of Burns or Scalds, Flesh Wounds, Rheumatic Pains, swelling of the Glands of the Throat, in Croup, Ague in the Face, Ring worms and Titters, Painful Tumors, &c. It has also been recommended with signal success, by numbers of the most respectable Physicians in this city, for the Sore Throat attending Scarlet Fever, so prevalent the last winter.

DOCUMENT 2

The Indiana Journal, 2 September 1837

CURE OF HERNIA OR RUPTURE

The subscribers would inform those laboring under the above debility that they have the right for applying and vending the ELASTIC SPRING PATENT ‘TRUSS,’ which is warranted; when well fitted arid properly worn, to cure all kinds of re­ ducible hernia. It cures by causing reunion of the fascia and ruptured integuments. The Truss will be furnished at a certain price; or applied on the condition of “no cure no pay.” Those who have suffered under this distressing disease for years, will best appreciate the advantages of the Truss—all afflicted would do well to avail themselves of a cure. For sale by

WM LINDSAY & CO. June 17,1837

DOCUMENT 3

The Indiana Journal, 11 November 1837, p. 3

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INFORMATION WANTED

A female somewhat advanced in life, and much afflicted by disease, disappointment and suffering, has lately arrived in this place. She is from the state of New Jersey, Bergen county. Her name is MARY ALPEEL. Since she set out from N.J. on pursuit of her children, has been bereaved of a husband, to whom she had been united by a second marriage, whose name was NICHOLAS ALPEEL. Her first husband was by the name of WILLIAM CAMBLE, by whom she had four children, whose names are JAMES, SARAH JANE, JOHN AND WILLIAM. Last October five years ago, her children all grown, her eldest son JAMES, having a wife and three children, her daughter also married, to a man by the name of John Crouse, and had two children, with their families accompanied by her two younger sons, then single, set out for the Western country. Some 15 or 18 months ago Mrs. Alpeel received a letter from her eldest son James Camble that he resided somewhere between Indianapolis and Noblesville, la., which letter was mailed at the former place. By this letter, the relatives of James Camble and his wife then reading in N. Jersey, were informed that some of the members of this family who had moved in company from N.J. had again removed still farther westward. As this letter was more particularly, or in part, directed to the parents and family of Camble’s wife, and being retained by them, it is only from memory that Mrs. Alpeel now is able to give any account of what this letter contained, and now is at a loss to state where those of her children that had again removed, had gone to, and is not certain whether to the Wabash, the Choctaw Purchase, or the neighborhood of Natchez, Mississippi. On the reception of the above letter, so soon as Mr. and Mrs. Alpeel could arrange matters, they set out from N.J. with the intention of finding the residence of James Camble. But on the road somewhere in the state of Ohio, this unfortunate female as before stated, was sepa­ rated from her husband by the hand of death. By this misfortune and consequent delay, what little means she had set out with, was now nearly exhausted. For in consequence of a loss by fire, this family some short time previous to their setting out for the West had been reduced from a state of moderately easy circumstances to that of almost destitution. This was not all. Mrs. Alpeel having buried her com­ panion, on compounding with her creditors, was reduced to the necessity of travel­ ing on foot, by the fatigue and exposure of which situation, she was soon overtaken by a severe attack of sickness, and has been some months in reaching this place. At Dayton, Ohio, where she was confined to her bed some time, by the assistance of the benevolent citizens of that place, she has been enabled to reach Indianapolis, in the stage. But her state of health was such, that she was obliged to stop by the way, and was four or five weeks in reaching this place, a distance of about 105 miles. Since here diligent inquiry has been made for her children, particularly for the family of her son James Camble, whom she hoped to have found in the neigh­ borhood of this place, or Noblesville, in an adjoining county. But as yet not the least information of him or any of his children has been obtained. The writer of this has a letter from a gentleman of Dayton, Ohio, from a respectable source, which taken in connection with some papers in her possession, all seem to corraborate that this much afflicted female is a woman of respectability, and consequently, that the foregoing narrative on herself and family must be substantially correct. Should this reach the eye of any of her children, or of her relatives, it is hoped immediate measures will be taken to restore her to their society. Since her arrival here, she has, of course been entirely dependent on the hospitality of strangers; and such must continue to be her situation until assisted by her relatives or friends. Since here she

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has been taken care of at the Washington Hall, at Mr. Browning, whose family have taken much pains to render her comfortable; and so far as possible to console her mind, under the heavy disappointment of not finding any of her children. The Noblesville Newspaper is respectfully requested to give this one or two insertions. Also all editors in the Western part of this State, throughout Illinois, Missouri, Mississippi, and the Mississippi Valley.

W. LINDSAY, Attending Physician Indianapolis, la., 9th Nov. 1837

DOCUMENT 4

The Indiana Journal, (weekly), 12 May, 1838 INDIANAPOLIS, 7th May, 1838 TO THE PUBLIC, AND MORE ESPECIALLY TO THE CREDITORS OF THE LATE FIRM OF W. LINDSAY & CO.

It would be useless longer to conceal the truth of the matter that I am unable at the present time to pay the debts against the late firm of W. Lindsay & Co. which I frankly acknowledge I agreed to do on purchasing out the interest of Dr. G. W. Stipp, my late partner, a few days ago. From the time my writ of injunction was laid on my late partner on the 12th April, until sustained by the court on the 2d day of the present term, he has shown by his acts, as well as public declarations, that he intended to do everything in his power against the concern and to hasten my entire ruin. On purchasing him out I had a hope that if creditors would be indulgent I should be able to continue the business; and so soon as an invoice should be taken, then in a state of progress, it was my intention to have addressed a circular to the creditors of the late concern, giving an exposition of the amount of the debts as nearly as could be ascertained from the irregular and deranged state of the Books, including the invoice of stock on hands, together with the probable amount of available debts owing the establishment; proposing that should they wish it, they or I would appoint a receiver, either to go on, or to wind up, as should be deemed most advisable. Unfortunately for my interests, confidence, which had been on the wane some time, now seemed entirely gone. And Dr. Stipp under the mask of pretended friend­ ship to creditors, but really to be avenged on me for preferring the writ of injunction, had taken great pains to increase the general panic, and urged them at every corner of the street to rush on the concern and secure themselves while they might, or should have it in their power, and almost with the same breath, made his boast that when my drugs were under the hammer, he would have friends who would purchase my whole stock for him with a few hundred dollars. —To have assigned at this stage of my difficulties seemed to me to promise speedy destruction, as now there were already judgments, executions and claims in a train for collection, sufficient to have sacrificed my whole concern: —so to prevent a complete crash I have sold o u t- believing that in time as the notes become due (having sold on time,) I shall be enabled to do much more towards meeting liabilities than in any other way. To me this is a sad reverse of fortune. Only twelve months ago I was at Rich­ mond in this state, and owned a fine property there, where I had for several years sustained myself in a general practice, and had acquired a reputation as a surgeon,

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particularly. My road to ease & Independence seemed clear. When I left, to say my prospects there would warrant the net sum of $1000 a year over & above meeting the current expenses of a large family, I feel confident my friends at Richmond would readily admit was rather under than over the pounds of probability. It was held out to me by way of inducement to come here that the liberal business of something like $20,000 a year might be confidently anticipated, in the sale of drugs at liberal profit.— And that a much more profitable practice in the pro­ fession might as confidently be anticipated with Dr. Stipp, than I had been doing in Richmond. As it regards my individual or private debts they fortunately do not amount to much. And I feel confident that I shall be able to meet them, but for these I shall have to ask for some further indulgence. And if this meet the con­ currence of this class of creditors the favor shall be duly appreciated. As fast as collections can be made by my agent, Mr. G. B. Holland, all debts shall be met as far as can be done. I feel conscious of having done the very best I could. And with the purest intentions of making the very best disposition in my power of my Drug Store, for the ultimate benefit of creditors, I have disposed of it. I have sold out my stock of drugs to Dr. SMITH, who is now associated with me in the practice of the profession. Dr. Smith from his industry and perseverance, and having retained the services of Mr. D. Craighead, a young man of moral worth, and eminent qualifications as a practical druggist, and as an accountant, will, I feel confident conduct the establishment well. And I have every confidence that Dr. Smith will be enabled to meet his paper as it falls due. As it regards my partial failure, I should hope for some extenuation and in­ dulgence, at least among my acquaintances here at home, from the fact that this state of things has been induced by the reckless manner of my late partner in man­ aging the late firm concern; who in conducting the business seems to have acted out his doctrines or principles which I have heard him avow, viz: that it was more honorable to fail in an attempt to make a fortune on a large scale than to succeed, or do a safe business, in a small way. On purchasing out the interest of my late partner as he had kept the books, I was quite at a loss and uninformed what the amount of the liabilities were. And as before hinted the books do not show, neither does Dr. Stipp pretend to know what the debts are. At one time he has put them at $4000, and again at $5000, or between that and $6000. So much for his abilities as an accountant and book keeper. I now appeal to my agent, Mr. G. B. Holland, for the truth of my assertion, that the books in many instances show great irregularity and are grossly incorrect. And it happens to be the fact that all the errors are in his own favor. And an idea strikes me very forcibly which at least appears to me to be inferential, that if he has made as many blunders over the money drawer, as have come to light in the matter of keeping the books and converting firm debts to his private and individual interest without having charged himself on the books, it is not a matter of much surprise that the establishment should fail. On commencing business with him, I proposed that a cash and sale book should be kept, but in this matter, as in many others, he overruled me. His reply was “that it would be too much trouble.” He might have said that it would not suit his convenience. From the commencement of our partnership he was all the time pressed for cash to meet his private debts. And his individual matters are in some instances blended with those of the late firm in such a manner that to say the least of them, they appear grossly suspicious. I might say “above suspicion. ” The large way in which he went into the preparation of medicines, and certain

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preparations last winter, during my absence from home, is one great cause of the failure. And so far as merit or demerit may be chargeable for the preparation of an article, for which I am held up to the public in a somewhat responsible and degrading light, he not being known in the firm of W. Lindsay & Co., Dr. Stipp is entitled to all the credit or odium consequent. I have ever given my voice against infringing on the rights of others in preparations of this character. AND I DO MOST POSITIVELY AND UNEQUIVOCALLY DECLARE THAT I HAVE NO PERSONAL KNOWL­ EDGE OF THE COMPOSITION OF ANY PREPARED IN THE ESTABLISH­ MENT, OTHER THAN THAT OF MY TONIC PREPARATION FOR GENERAL DEBILITY AND CURE OF AGUE, CHILL, AND FEVER &c„ BEYOND THOSE OF OFFICINAL, OR FOUND IN THE USUAL FORMULARY OF THE DRUGGIST AND IN THE DISPENSATORY OF THE SHOPS. The bragadocio letter written by G. W. Stipp to Glascoe and Harrison of Cincinnati, which was first published in the Cincinnati Gazette, over the signature of W. Lindsay & Co., and under the heading of “Frankly Admitted,” or “Acknowl­ edged,” and going the round of the state, was written without my knowledge or agency. As was the controversy growing out of it, including the scurrilous com­ munication which over the late firm’s name made its appearance in the Journal week before last. The liberty taken by G. W. S. to write these communications under the late firm name of “W. Lindsay and Co., was entirely unwarrantable. It is a duty I owe many of those in arrearages with the late firm of W. Lindsay & Co., to state that no settlements made by G. W. Stipp, are of any validity or of legal force since the period of my serving a writ of injunction on him, vis: the 12th of April last, although he may, as has been detected, have dated his receipts back. On purchasing out his interest in the late firm the books were transferred to me; and all the debts which they claim due the late firm must be collected without respect to persons. Claims that individuals may have against G. W. Stipp alone, will not be admitted as an offset against firm debts.

ma 12-30 W. LINDSAY

N. B. Since purchasing out Dr. Stipp’s interest in Drugs, and the Books, I find the establishment not worth any thing near what he represented it to be worth. And if certain offsets claimed, he allowed, the books will fall far short of being worth their face, as he has converted a great many of the best accounts to his private benefit, and the payment of his individual debts.

Indiana Journal 19 May 1838, p. 3

“NOTICE”

All persons indebted to the late firm of Wm Lindsay & Co., either by note, book or otherwise, and also those having medicines on commissions, deposite or otherwise, are all hereby cautioned against settling their accounts with Dr. George W. Stipp. The said G. W. Stipp has been detected in settling accounts of the firm of W. Lindsay & Co. and placing the same to his individual benefit, notwithstanding he has sold his entire interest to the late firm of W. Lindsay & Co. There has been no notes belonging to the firm, given up by Dr. Stipp; nor has there been any satisfactory account given of them. All those interested will be on their guard.

R131 A1 15 V7 N04 013 14 INDIANA MEDICAL HISTORY QUARTERLY

I have sold the whole stock of drugs and medicines to Dr. P. Smith, including all the medicines that are distributed on commission or deposit, that were not sold on the 5th instant. Those who may have medicines on commission, will please make out lists of the articles now on hand, and forward them to Dr. P. Smith, as all sold by them preserves to the 5th instant, will be placed to my credit and all sold after that time, to the credit of Dr. Smith.

W. Lindsay Indianapolis May 19,1838

DOCUMENT 5

The Indiana Journal 19 May 1838

CAUTION

The public are cautioned against purchasing a promissory note given by me to George W. Stipp for $650, dated 30th April 1838, payable at the Indianapolis Branch of the State Bank of Indiana, once a year after date, as the note was ob­ tained by said Stipp by fraud and misrepresentation. The note on the face purports to be made by me to James Morrison, and was by him endorsed in bank to Stipp. Mr. Morrison in the transaction was and is really only my security, and had, nor has any interest except as such security. The note was made in consideration of the sale by Stipp to me of his interest in the drug establishment of Wm. Lindsay & Co., to which he was a partner, and of his transfer of the books, accounts, notes &c. of the firm. Stipp, at the time of the giving of the notes, represented the accounts on the books to be correct, whereas it now appears that he has in numerous instances charged the firm what it never had, and in as many other instances received from debtors to the firm the amount of their accounts, without giving them any credit. The avails he has applied to his own private purposes; and as our settlement, and the giving of the note in question was based upon the faith of his representations, that the accounts on the books both against the firm and its customers were correct, and he having been the bookkeeper, and as errors (and palpably fraudulent ones) have been already discovered to more than the amount of the note of $ 6 5 0 ,1 am determined not to pay a cent of it unless coerced by law.

W. LINDSAY May 19-31.)

DOCUMENT 6

The Indiana Journal 26 May 1838

TO THE PUBLIC, AND THE CREDITORS OF W. LINDSAY “Facts speak louder than words”

The false, libelous and slanderous publication, over the signature of “W. Lind­ say,” (a “surgeon of some celebrity,”) in the Indiana Journal of the 12th inst., demand a few facts and passing remarks in self defense. With W. Lindsay’s private character, his prospects at Richmond, or any other place, I feel no disposition to meddle, as they did not appear upon the invoice that

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h e exhibited, of his effects, that were put in the firm of W. Lindsay &Co., and therefore never meddled with, or thought them worth invoicing. And I would not notice him even now, were it not for the purpose of exposing his fraudulent trans­ actions and further, to convict him of willful falsehood, and vile slander. His pathetic appeal to his creditors for indulgence, effects me not, and if they think proper, after all the evidence of fraud, that is manifest in the disposition he has made of the firm debts, I am sure I am contented. The communication sepa­ rate from vanity, egotism, and falsehood is mere flummery, in which the public nor creditors can have any interest whatever. This man (W.L.) is surely his own worst enemy, and appears determined to make himself supremely ridiculous and highly notorious. The history of this (to me) unfortunate partnership, I feel well assured, will afford but a dry morsel to many, but to put things in their proper light, a short and succinct statement may not be uninteresting to some. About one year ago at the repeated , u rgen t and pressing solicitations of W. Lindsay and his friends / was at an ungarded moment induced to ^ive him an interest in my practice and Drug Store, upon the promise and belief that h e would be able to put in a capital equal to my own, so soon as he could dispose of property sufficient. How well that promise was fulfilled the sequel will prove. W. Lindsay on the 3d of last June put in as capital an assortment of old drugs, Patent Medicines, furniture and “Davy Crocket Tooth­ ache D ro p s” to the amount as by himself invoiced of $1,600 and drew from the concern since that time about $500 in cash, which was charged when known, blunders over the money-drawer, excepted. At the same time I had on hand in a new and well selected assortment of drugs, paints, &c. a stock of eastern cost and carriage of the value of $2,150. Cash put in by me since that time upwards of $1200, and house rent, boarding and other means, to the value of about $1000, making the amount of my investment about $4,350, and I have drew from the firm about $900, leaving a balance in my favor of, over that of W. Lindsay of upwards of $2,350. You will perceive by this statement that all the interest W. L. had in the firm was only $1100. To have made his capital equal to mine, he, would have had to advance the sum of $2,350, which it appears from his own h o n est confession h e was neither able or willing to do, for he frankly admits that he is not able even now to pay his private debts, which I have no doubt is true. That I have blended my private transactions with the firm is true, so far as advancing money to pay firm debts and no further. Sometime last Nov., “an idea struck him very forcibly,” (and its well for his brains there was only one) that he could make money by retailing apples and apple trees in the south part of Arkansas Territory, and off he put on a wild goose chase with a cargo of appletrees and apples, to make his fortune. In this hazardous busines he employed what little individual capital and credit he had, much to the injury and prejudice of our joint business. I used my endeavors to dissuade him from it, but all to no effect. You will perceive by the attention and watchfulness of W. Lindsay, to the business of the firm, that “his confidence was on the wane, and nearly all gone” when I inform you, that he was not absent from here more than six months out of the ten, that we were doing business together, and at no time more than five months. You will also perceive by his close attention to business, that the interest of the creditors has been this only wish that is not grateful & now disturbs his rest. From the time he came to this place first, until his return from his apple tree trade, he was of no earthly benefit to the firm in any particular, never being willing to either attend to practice or assist in the store, but took it upon himself to be a gentleman large. This

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is the same W. Lindsay that has manifested so much interest to secure creditors in their demands, and whose “confidence” in me “had been on the wane for some time,” while he was wasting his time and the money he borrowed, much to the prejudice of our business. About the first of April last W. Lindsay made his second appearance upon this part of the theatre cane in hand, much worsted in his means. On his return home, I requested him to comply with his contract and make his capital equal to mine, and then for the first time I learned that he was unable to meet his indi­ vidual debts, and no prospect of his being able or willing to comply with his engage­ ments to me. Under this state of the case a partner who would not labor for the interest of the firm, or who had not or was not willing to comply with his engage­ ments, I thought was worth but little to me, or any body else, and therefore propose to buy or sell out, divide the stock and debts, or if that could not be done, to wind up the concern and close the firm. To all these fair and reasonable propositions he thought proper to decline, and on the 12th day of April last under the solemnity of an oath, prayed for the court to grant him an injunction to say my “further meddling with the firm effects, that his only object was to secure the payment of our debts, and that there was sufficient firm effects to do the same and leave a large surplus for partners.” The court granted his iniquitous prayer, by which you will perceive that our creditors prospects our g o o d . A few days after the court appointed a receiver to take possession of the firm effects. In a few days, I was so well convinced that by this course not more than o n e debt of the firm would ever be paid, the effects consumed by the expenses of the course then pursuing and at the earnest solicitation and request of the council of Lindsay, I sold my interest to him for less than one- fourth upon the pledge and promise that the property of the firm would be held sacred for firm debts, and that in no event was W. Lindsay to sell or fraudulently pretend to sell the firm property, unless by consent of creditors. In my sale to W. Lindsay, he obligated himself to save me harmless from the debts of the firm. He (W. L.) complains of my informing creditors of his course and advising them to secure themselves. In reply to this charge of trying to injure him, the facts of the case will be my only defence. In less than 48 hours after I had disposed of my interest, which was upon the pledge of his attorney, for the faithful performance of his client, that the goods were to remain subject to the will of the creditors, Lindsay sells out to one Peter Smith, an irresponsible individual, a jack of all trades, such as a ro ot doctor, preacher, cobler, shoemaker, farmer, and gun smith—an individual that is not nor never will be worth the powder that would blow the hair off his head—who has been for years unable to pay his debts, and is now some seven or eight hundred dollars behind, a stock of Drugs and Glassware that would invoice Ten Thousand dollars, for the sum of T h ree Thousand, payable in four years with­ out interest and security. What do you think is the character of the sale to Smith?— Why I will tell you. The sale to Smith is a foul fraud upon creditors, and one that I have not the least doubt is not worth sixpence in law. Peter Smith no more owns the stock now in his possession, than his namesake Judge Peter the barber. An other low falsehood is stated by Lindsay, respecting the correctness of the books. This comes with a bad grace from him , after he “h o o k e d ” the books and kept them long enough in his possession to make any alterations he liked or wished. I had been sick about six weeks before I sold out, and during that time, and until W. L. h o o k ed the books, I had no control over them. If the books are not as correct as books generally are, they have been so made since they left my pos- sission. I am charged with recklessness in the management of the concern, to which

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I neither plead guilty or not guilty, but aver one thing, that I could have paid all the partnership debts with ease out of the debts due and stock on hand, but this did not suit the gentleman, as he was entirely unable to pay his private debts, and thought this the best opportunity to secure means to pay them. The charge that I was pressed for my individual debts is untrue, one he will knew to be false, and in no instance blended my private business with that of the firm, only when I made advances to pay firm debts. The “fairly inferential” about the “money drawer” comes with a poor grace from an individual who had to open it as often as “m y late p a rtn er” and some of his family, when either myself or any of the young men were about the store. If money was taken from the drawer in an improper manner, he would do well to make the first inquiry at his ow n house, and of his own self and others. These are matters that the public are not interested in, and I only name the circumstances to repel the base, cowardly, and dastardly manner in which the attack was made. None but a blackguard and midnight assassin, a slanderer and libeller, would condescend so low. I close by informing the creditors of the late firm of W. Lindsay & Co. that when I sold out my interest in the concern, there was stock on hand and debts due the firm to double the amount of debts owing. I offered to guarantee the payment of creditors, but no, that did not suit his design. P. Smith was to be his tool, to effect his purpose, and that purpose it is “fairly inferential,” is to swindle creditors. Until the effects are assigned to secure the payment of the firm debts, I would urge creditors to push their claims. I urge it in justice to myself as well as them, believing that it is the firm determination of W. Lindsay and his tools, to swindle creditors out of their dues. More if required. GEO. W. STIPP. May 14,1838 P.S. —As it regards the virtues of the patent preparations prepared by the late firm of W. Lindsay & Co., I have nothing to say at this time, only that Dr. Lindsay’s Ague Medicine and Tonic for general debility, has “a rsen ic” in its composition. This appears to be the only article that he is willing to indorse and therefore I will let the community know a part of its composition.

DOCUMENT 7

The Indiana Journal, (weekly), 2 June 1838, p. 3

TO THOSE WHOM IT MAY CONCERN. “Facts speak louder than words” - Elijah “Facts are stubborn things”

The false, libelous and slanderous publication over the signature of “George W. Stipp,” in the Journal of last week, demands a few facts from a person who is totally disinterested. In presenting these facts to the public, it must be particularly understood that I have no motive whatever in taking either the part of Dr. Lindsay or of Dr. Stipp, excepting to let the truth on both sides be known. I further affirm that I have not been solicited or requested by Dr. Lindsay to give these statements, but on my own responsibility, fearless of any consequences. I do say and know, that his publication of last week is false, basely false, and well he knows it. But “facts speak louder than words.” I will meddle with nothing but facts. I will take his communication from

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beginning to end as follows: 1st. He says, “About one year ago, at the repeated, urgent, and pressing solicit­ ations of W. Lindsay and his friends, I was at an unguarded moment induced to give him an interest in my practice and drug store, upon the promise and belief that he would be able to put in a capital equal to my own, so soon as he could dispose of property sufficient.” This is false. On the contrary it was at the repeated, urgent, and pressing solicitations of G. W. Stipp and his friends, and by the inducements and prospects that G. W. Stipp portrayed to Dr. Lindsay, that induced Dr. Lindsay to join him partnership. These facts can be proved by referring to letters from Dr. S. to Dr. L. 2d. He says, “W. Lindsay on the 3d day of last June, put in as capital, an assortment of old drugs, patent medicines, &c. to the amount by himself invoiced of $1600. (Dr. Stipp in his calculation entirely forgot to mention Dr. L’s credits, and some 3 or $400 cash loaned him (S.) for his individual use.) This is false. Dr. L. invoiced his goods at Richmond at the time he packed them up to remove to this place. He invoiced them so far only as to take a memorandum of the goods, without setting any prices to them. They were opened here and compared with the memo­ randum by me, and I know this memorandum to be correct; it was rather diminished than increased. They were then entered in the invoice book by Dr. Stipp—valued and priced by him, (excepting a very few articles that Dr. Stipp was not acquainted with the value of.) Without saying how correctly it was done by Stipp it amounts to $1353. [1833?] 3d. He says, “Lindsay has drawn from the concern since that time about $500 in cash.” This is false. All the cash received from the concern by Dr. L. and his family, does not amount to $265. 4th. He says, “I had on hand a new and well selected assortment of drugs, paints, &c., a stock at eastern costs and carriage of the value of $2,150.” This is false. As to the quality of his stock. It was no better, and I believe much inferior to Dr. Lindsay’s. His (Dr. S.’s) invoice according to his own prices and arrangements, does not amount to the sum he represents it to be ;and let me assure you, his invoice is false, basely false. In many cases he entered the same item twice, and in some cases he invoiced articles that was not in his stock. Had these been made his stock would have been in value much under Dr. L.’s. 5th. He says, “cash put in by me since that time about $1200.” This is false. It is true the books would show credits in his favor to a considerable amount, but much under the amount he presents it to be. But how were those credits obtained? Has he not in several instances borrowed money, and gave W. Lindsay & Co.’s notes for the same, and then gave himself credit for the same money put into the firm by himself! He has given himself credits by transferring accounts from the books of Stipp & McCarty to the books of W. Lindsay & Co., and since selling out his interest to Dr. Lindsay, he has had those same accounts from the books of Stipp & McCarty. 6th. He says, “I have blended my private transactions with the firm is true, so far as advancing money to pay firm debts, and no further.” This is false, positively false. He has settled his own debts, and he has settled debts of Stipp and McCarty by giving notes of W. Lindsay & Co., and never charged himself with the same. Since he sold his interest to Dr. L. he has settled firm accounts and given receipts in the name of W. Lindsay & Co. 7th. He says, “I had no control over the books for six weeks previous to the time the injuncction was laid,” (which was on the 12th day of April.) This is false. The books will show his own hand writing up to the evening of the 11th day of April.

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8th. He says, “If the books are not as correct as books generally are, they have been made so since they left my possession.” It is true that the books are basely false, and it is equally true that G. W. Stipp has made them so. As to any insinuations that Dr. Stipp made in regard to Dr. L. and his family fraudulently meddling with the money drawer, they are without the slightest foun­ dation. As regards the charge of fraud against Dr. L. in disposing of the establish­ ment to Dr. Smith, I can say that I believe it to be a bona fid e sale, and also believe it to be sold under existing circumstances at its value. From the recommendation which I received of Dr. Lindsay at Dayton, before ever seeing him, and from an acquaintance since the connexion of Dr. L. and Dr. S., (I having been in the establishment during the whole time of this connexion,) I consider it due to the character of Dr. Lindsay to say that I believe that he acted with the most honorable and pure motives for the present and ultimate benefit of creditors. At a Forced sale, the establishment probably would not have realized one thousand dollars, and it was Dr. Stipp’s determination that sales should be forced. He has expressed himself to me in these words, “I will get some persons to push their claims and have the whole stock sold under executions for cash. I will then have a person to buy it for me (Stipp) then we will see who will pay the debts.” On the subject of Dr. W. Lindsay’s Tonic Prepartion, a more injurious and unprincipled act, Dr. Stipp could not have been guilty of, than the charge he has made with regard to it. It is well known by the profession, that there is a preparation known by the name of Fowler’s Solution, “which has been an efficient preparation and has had and still has the confidence of the Profession as a valuable medicine as a tonic, and particularly in the treatment of ague, chills and fevers &c. Dr. W. Lindsay’s formula or recipe, as given and left by himself on starting to the South last fall, did not call for this or any other preparation of the mineral, but Dr. Stipp took the liberty to add a small portion of Fowler’s Solution, on his own responsibility, and without Dr. Lindsay’s consent or knowledge. But out of respect to Dr. Stipp’s character (bad as it is,) I should hope he made this addition in full faith and belief that it would be an improvement. Should this statement of the case be doubted, I have a copy of the recipe presented by Dr. Lindsay, above referred to, which “as facts speak louder than words,” will show for itself. And this is the very same Blixam Doctor that never done anything but what was honest, just, and right, both in the eyes of man and in the eyes of the law.—More if required. D. CRAIGHEAD June 2,1838

N. B. If any further proof should be wanting, as to the truth of the above state­ ments, books and papers can be produced, together with the evidence of those with whom he has settled firm accounts, and applied the same to his own use. I do hereby certify that there was no appearance of any alterations having been made in the books of Wm. Lindsay & Co. whilst in the hands of Dr. Wm. Lindsay. Indeed I am perfectly satisfied in my own mind, that any suspicion of the kind is entirely without foundation, and was prompted by malice alone. G. B. HOLLAND June 1,1838

R131 A1 15 V7 N04 019 HARVEY WASHINGTON WILEY A Famous Hoosier and “The Father of Pure Food”

by Raymond H. Stutzman

1981 marked the 75th Anniversary of the Federal Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act. Few people know that this law, formerly known as the Pure Food and Drugs Law of 1906, was passed mainly through the efforts of a Hoosier from southern Indiana - Harvey Washington Wiley. Dr. Wiley was bom in Kent, Indiana near Madison in 1844. He attended Hanover College for a short period before enlisting in the Union Army when he was 20 years old. He served in Tennessee and returned to Hanover soon after the assassination of President Lincoln. Following graduation from Hanover in 1867, Wiley taught Latin and Greek at Butler University in Indi­ anapolis while working on his MD degree at the Indiana Medical College in Indi­ anapolis. After receiving a degree in medicine in 1871, Wiley was named professor of Chemistry at I.M.C. He studied a year at Harvard, then returned to Indianapolis in 1873. This was a turning point in his career that was destined to redirect hisattention from medicine to chemistry. He became a chemistry professor at Purdue when the school opened, then spent nine years at West Lafayette. Dr. Wiley scandalized the Purdue faculty and community by purchasing a nickel plated roadster bicycle, with a high front wheel and a small back wheel. He rode through the streets of Lafayette wearing a bicycle uniform with knee britches, over the bridge across the Wabash and up to the University, frightening horses, attracting attention, and grieving the hearts of the staid President and Professor, as well as members of the Board of Trustees. He was called before the board at which time he was chastised for this grave offense. Dr. Wiley resigned from Purdue to become Chief Chemist for the U.S. Department of Agriculture in Washington. Dr. Wiley’s services as Chief Chemist for USD A were along three distinct lines of work; the first was his chemical study of our sugar producing crops - sorghum, maple, sugar cane and the sugar beet. These studies of Dr. Wiley marked the dawn of the modem sugar industry. His second great contribution to American Chemistry was his work on standardizing and improving the method of agricultural analysis. Finally, his work in securing the passage of the 1906 Pure Food and Drugs Law will always rank as one of his outstanding accomplishments. At the turn of the century, food production moved from the home kitchen to the factory. This change brought about complex problems, including chemical preservation of foods, toxic colors and primitive sanitary practices. One incident in the early 1900’s sounds familiar today. Dr. Wiley had convinced President Theodore Roosevelt of the harmfulness of one food additive and, encouraged, had moved on to the next one. That additive was saccharin. Dr. Wiley told President Roosevelt that saccharin was “highly injurious to health.” In his autobiography, Dr. Wiley described President Roosevelt’s response. “When I said this,” Wiley wrote “he turned upon me, purple with anger, and with clenched fists, hissing through his teeth said: ‘You say saccharin is injurious to health? Why, my doctor gives it to me every day. Anybody who says saccharin is injurious to health is an idiot’.” In 1902, Wiley captured the attention of the entire country by establishing a volunteer “Doctor Wiley’s Poison Squad” of twelve young men who agreed to eat only foods treated with measured amounts of chemical preservatives, with the object of demonstrating whether these ingredients were injurious to health. Strenuous opposition to Wiley’s campaign for a federal food and drug law came

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from many food manufacturers, as well as the makers of patent medicines who were then the largest advertisers in the country. Many of these men thought they would be put out of business by federal regulation. But others supported Wiley, and the final vote in Congress was almost unanimous. Now 75 years later, the Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act, though amended time and again to meet changing times, still basically requires that foods are pure and wholesome, safe to eat and produced under sanitary conditions, drugs are safe and effective for their intended uses and that all shall be honestly and informatively labeled - very much like Harvey Washington Wiley insisted. At his graduation from Hanover College in 1867, Dr. Wiley made this profound statement in his commencement address, which in 1981 still expresses the mission of the U.S. Food and Drug Administration in its enforcement of the Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act - “We are carefully to preserve that life which the author of nature has given us, for it was no idle gift.”

A R131 A1 15 V7 N04 021 A PHYSICIAN-GEOLOGIST IN THE GAS BOOM ERA

By Florence Yeager (interview with Walter H. Pierce)

When the natural gas boom started in East Central Indiana in the late 1880’s a Muncie physician played an unusual role. The physician, Arthur J. Phinney, an accomplished amateur geologist, observed and studied borings and records of the Indiana Natural Gas Field during that period. Walter H. Pierce, Ball State Uni­ versity geology researcher stated “Dr. Phinney developed advanced concepts of the trap, reservoir, and pressure aspects of the gas field. He became Indiana’s first subsurface geologist! He worked at geology in spare moments, but Dr. Phinney’s work was of such high quality that he attracted the attention of John Wesley Powell, then director of the United States Geological Survey.” Powell, who had already gained fame for his dangerous 900-mile journey down the Colorado River and through the Grand Canyon by boat, was so impressed with Dr. Phinney’s series of reports on the Indiana Natural Gas Field that he sent W. J. McGee to visit the physician during the fall of 1887. “One of Dr. Phinney’s most striking contributions was his list of requisites for a gas field,” noted Pierce. “He listed six requirements. The only thing missing is what the geologists know as a carrier system—permeable rock through which oil floats on water.” The physician was one of the first geologists to state that hydrostatic pressure—the weight of resting water—played a role in gas migration. “Dr. Phinney initiated the study of the gas field at his own expense, but Powell’s interest got him an appointment as U.S. geological surveyor for the Indiana Gas Field,” Pierce discovered. “Arrangements were made to publish his completed work. The task took three years.” John B. Patton, present Indiana state geologist, believes Dr. Phinney’s paper on the Indiana Gas Field was “one of the earliest and best in the annals of petroleum geology.” Pierce does not know how this remarkable physician became interested in geology. “He was bom in Geauga County, Ohio, in late August, 1850, lived to be 92 years of age, but spent only 15 of those years doing geologic research. During all of those 15 years, he kept up his medical practice and was more productive than many highly trained geologists.” Dr. Phinney’s education offers no clue to his interest in geology. He received his high school education at Geauga Seminary and attended Oberlin College for a year before going to Allegheny College, Meadville, Penn., for an additional two years of study. He concentrated on science and mathematics during his early education. He taught common school until 1875, when he started his medical studies at the age of 25. He attended the College of Wooster and Western Reserve Medical School. Then he entered Pulte Medical School, Cincinnati, and was graduated in 1877. Known as a very precise man, the physician-geologist described the early Eaton well with great attention to detail. “The gas has some odor,” wrote Dr. Phinney, “though not very unpleasant, it burns without smoke, and is thought to be free of sulfur. The roar produced by the escaping gas can, under favorable conditions, be heard a distance of two miles. A two-inch pipe was extended from an elbow at the top of the casing to a point 18 feet above the derrick, or 90 feet from the ground. Another two-inch pipe was extended horizontally from the elbow about 60 feet from the well. “Both pipes were furnished with a T giving four places for escape of

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the gas,” he continued. “When lighted, the flame from each was about 10 feet long. The light could easily be seen from Muncie, 12 miles south, and I was told that it had been seen 20 miles.” At the time Dr. Phinney wrote this, he was 36 years of age and the acknowl­ edged expert on the geology of the region. According to Pierce, Dr. Phinney became the authority on the geology of East Central Indiana. His understanding of the entrapment of hydrocarbons was probably further advanced than that of most geologists of his time. His description of the Trenton Gas Field may be the earliest description of a carbonate stratigraphic map. Dr. Phinney made the first structural contour map of the entire state of Indiana, the first map of the Trenton Gas Field, and the second color geologic map of Indiana. In 1892, at the age of 42, Dr. Phinney put geology aside. He sold his col­ lections of fossils, minerals and land shells which numbered greater than 17,000. These were all classified and labeled. Possibly he wanted to simplify his life and devote more time to medicine. It was geology’s loss. He was more productive than many professional geologists, Pierce believes. Dr. Phinney continued to practice in Muncie until 1907 or 1908 when he moved to Indianapolis, practiced a few years and then retired. The last few years of Dr. Phinney’s life were spent in the Masonic Home at Franklin. Dr. Phinney’s wife died in 1923 and their only daughter Louise died in 1940—two years ahead of her father. All three are buried in Muncie’s Beech Grove Cemetery. The graves of Dr. Phinney and his daughter do not have markers.

Florence Yeager, from Muncie, Indiana, works at the Ball State University News Bureau

. R131 A1 15 V7 N04 023 Indiana Medical History Quarterly U. S. Postage S. U. Quarterly History Medical Indiana Indianapolis, IN 46202 Indianapolis, IN Indianapolis, Org. Nonprofit 46202 IN Indianapolis, Society Historical Indiana 1 Ws hoSre PAID Street Ohio West 315 emtN. 3864 No. Permit

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