Albania Political Briefing: a President and His Political Melodrama Marsela Musabelliu

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Albania Political Briefing: a President and His Political Melodrama Marsela Musabelliu ISSN: 2560-1601 Vol. 27, No. 1 (Al) March 2020 Albania political briefing: A President and his political melodrama Marsela Musabelliu 1052 Budapest Petőfi Sándor utca 11. +36 1 5858 690 Kiadó: Kína-KKE Intézet Nonprofit Kft. [email protected] Szerkesztésért felelős személy: CHen Xin Kiadásért felelős személy: Huang Ping china-cee.eu 2017/01 A President and his political melodrama Introduction The President of the Republic of Albania, Ilir Meta, is present in the Albanian political scene since 1991. By all considerations, he has been a pivotal figure for the country as well an extremely polarizing one. Raised and acclaimed politically in the lines of the Socialist Party (PS), he distanced himself from the historic leader of the PS, Fatos Nano, and created the Socialist Movement for Integration (LSI) in 2004 - by irrevocably fragmenting the Albanian Left and creating so a third political force. As to date, he holds a record for being the youngest person in Albanian history to have served as Prime Minister; at the age of 30, he was PM from 1999 to 2002. He went on being Minister of Foreign Affairs from 2002 to 2003 and again from 2009 to 2010; held positions as Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Economy, Trade, and Energy and Chairman of the Parliament of Albania from 2013 to 2017. In 2020, Ilir Meta, calls for popular gathering against a Government who’s votes elected him President in 2017, with the majority of votes in Parliament controlled by the Socialists. The “covenant” To all Albanians, this word recalls the first “covenant” on March 2nd, 1444, held in Lezhë. It was the covenant of the Albanian Princes under the leadership of national hero Skanderbeg, in the war against the Turkish invaders. On February 19th, 2020, the President the President of the Republic calls for a similar act against the Government of his own country. From the Presidency, Meta announced a "covenant" with the people and promised that the institutions will be returned to them, to this end a protest would be held on March 2nd. He stated: “There is an ongoing Coup d’état from the Government itself. Today, this building is the only castle unfortunately, but unbreakable and unstoppable for the protection of the Constitution.” It is becoming en vogue for Albanian politicians to recall glorious historical figures and moments to incite the mases, justify their actions, and perhaps try to idolize themselves or their agenda. The invitation to citizens to manifest for them to restore constitutional order and give back institutions to the people seems like a call for revolution. However, are Albanians sympathetic to these calls for actions - calls coming from a person in power for 30 years, against a system that he helped build himself? Does the President have the moral grounds to call for action? The President represents the national unity of the country; the same is calling for revolt. 1 On the other hand, the situation is a total legal dead-end. Whatever measures are taken, from President Meta or from Prime Minister Rama, all scenarios in paper actually bring nowhere. Scenario one: President issues a decree that dissolves the Parliament, if the Parliament does not comply, the Constitutional Court should decide - but there is no quorum in the Constitutional Court. Scenario two: the Parliament dismisses the President, if the President does not comply, the Constitutional Court should decide – again, there is no quorum in the Constitutional Court. Until there is a fully functional Constitutional Court in Albania, no legal solution can be served, so the fix should be achieved politically. An Albanian March of marches? A march, a rally, a mass gathering of Albanians - the President called it everything except a protest. In the afternoon of March 2nd, Meta went out of his office into facing a crowed, that he had publicly summoned for weeks. As soon as he stepped on the podium, he knelt down in front of the attendees and made a symbolic gesture: an eagle with his hands. At the opening of the gathering, some students displayed a large Albanian flag while the National Anthem was playing in the background. He called for a “Red and Black Spring” and unlike the opposition protests of one year prior, there were no signs of political parties’ flags or symbols. At this rally, the only key figure was President Ilir Meta, while the opposition remained in the shadows, but they were there. The leader of the Democratic Party (Basha) and Meta’s wife, now leading the Socialist Party for Integration (Kryemadhi), took very good care of not giving party-line nuances to this rally. The highpoint of the event was Meta signing decree against the Law that stripped the President of his power to swear by new Constitutional Judges; furthermore, citizens were asked to join him when signing another decree the one on potentially dissolving Parliament. As extreme as it seem, the President can do it, dissolve the Parliament with a decree, if it will be actually enforced, that is another issue; asking citizens to join him on March 15th, so that he could give some pathos to what he is intending to do is another step in trying to legitimize his will. Meta also accused the international community and their representatives present in Albania, that for years they functioned as a criminal organization and that they “gambled” with the sovereignty of the country. He also threatened that if the majority and the international community would not take this decree seriously, he would storm into the Parliament, which he claims to be illegitimate. 2 Meta's political protagonism was obvious and the scene/attention was all his’ – he was threating and directly challenging Prime Minister Edi Rama with this move. Rama on the other hand, with a total negligence stated that the President will never dissolve the Parliament and continued by adding that these behaviors of Meta are nothing new. In fact, in June 2019, the president did the same thing by issuing a decree for annulment of the Local Elections date, and yet no other institution considered it. Some called the President paranoid, some called him preposterous and to the rest this is just another public “tantrum” with political shades. The issue is not the rally per se; the implications and potential ramification of this event in the political scene are numerous and might end in reshuffling the major figures and shifting balances in many aspects. Is there a chance of resizing and reshaping the Albanian opposition after the Presidency is “radicalized” and calls for extreme measures? Meta’s protagonism and his position as the sole initiator of this rally placed him in the spotlight once again. For many years now, Albanian analysts have argued that the limited powers of the Presidency do not fit with the “political appetite” of the current president. Indeed, Meta is much more active than the competences that his office would allow. The Presidency of the Republic in Albania has been (from 1997 onwards), mostly appointed to some unifying, subtle and complaisant individuals whose job was mainly ceremonial. However, this is not the case for Meta, his actions are louder and his rhetoric has no precedents. The presence of the leader of the opposition Basha in the rally, as well as the presence of his predecessor, Berisha, made the Democratic Party (PD) an accessory to the call for action from the President and demonstrated to the country that the biggest opposition force is now following, but shouldn’t they lead? In fact, the PD is the second largest political party as of last elections aft: PS 764,750 votes or (48%), PD 456,413 votes (28%) and LSI, which is also the party that Meta created 225,901 votes (14%). So, with this numbers in mind it is obvious to ask, why is Basha complying? As speculations and rumors started to flow recently, discontent for a non-active Basha is visible since years; some went even further as to assume that the future of the Albanian (united) opposition will be in the hands of the current President Meta. As all assumptions remain open to interpretations, for the time being it is only fair to state the opposition is united again, displaying a unified front against Edi Rama and his Government. Even though this unified front seems more a “marriage of convenience rather than love”, it will be interesting to see how they political interests will converge in the near future. 3 What this rally actually initiated is a shift of the political dialectic from the opposition vs. the majority, to the President vs. the majority. The fact that there were no political signals in the event does not make it less of a political display. In many agree that the country is in a constitutional crisis that by its very nature requires urgent solutions. The very urgency of resolving this crisis will somehow determine the severity or normality with, which the country will go to the next parliamentary elections. Conclusions (To be continued) The calls for action from the Albanian President were displayed on daily bases and the entire machinery for assembling people for a rally was ready to go until March 9th, when the first cases of COVID-19 were confirmed in the country. As it should, the attention shifted and immediate measures from the Government entered in force within 24-hours; all education institutions were shut down, within 48-hours the majority of public recreational areas were shut down as well and of course all the future rallies, gatherings, large grouping of people, etc. As the country is in total lockdown, the rally intended for March 15th, is not happening.
Recommended publications
  • Protecting Lake Ohrid
    Newsletter No 7, March 2018 Project funded by the European Union Protecting Lake Ohrid TOWARDS STRENGTHENED GOVERNANCE OF THE SHARED TRANSBOUNDARY Photo: Albert Cmeta NATURAL AND CULTURAL HERITAGE OF THE LAKE OHRID REGION IN THIS ISSUE 1 Foreword by Albanian Minister of Tourism and Environment, Mr. Blendi Klosi It is a real pleasure to share with all readers of this newsletter the wonderful news about the Albanian 2 Albania submitted its Nomination Dossier Government, who submitted on 1 February 2018 the of the Lake Ohrid region Nomination Dossier to extend the existing mixed World Heritage property 'Natural and Cultural Heritage of the 3 Cultural Components of the Lake Ohrid Ohrid region' to the Albanian side of the lake. region Nomination Dossier Lake Ohrid is one of the oldest lakes in South East Europe and one of the most important regions regarding 4 Interview with Venera Domi, Ambassa- the biodiversity and old human settlements in the dor/Permanent Delegate of Albania to whole continent. This region is already listed as a UNESCO Cultural and Natural UNESCO World Heritage property. Two-thirds of Lake Ohrid, located in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, is since 1979 inscribed on the World Heritage List as the 5 Photo Album/50 winners #OurlakeOhrid property 'Natural and Cultural Heritage of the Ohrid region'. This region has the social media contest status of a protected area of the 5th category. It is a protected landscape and part of transboundary Biosphere Reserve for Albania and former Yugoslav republic of 6 Interview with Nikola Paskali, one of the Macedonia.
    [Show full text]
  • Elections in the Western Balkans: Fragile Progress in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia
    Elections in the Western Balkans: Fragile Progress in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia Graduate Policy Workshop January 2017 Authors Edward Atkinson, Nicholas Collins, Aparna Krishnamurthy, Mae Lindsey, Yanchuan Liu, David Logan, Ken Sofer, Aditya Sriraman, Francisco Varela Sandoval Advisor Jeff Fischer CONTENTS About the WWS Graduate Policy Workshop ........................................................................................iv Acknowledgements ..............................................................................................................................iv Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 1 Albania ................................................................................................................................................... 2 Background and Context .................................................................................................................. 2 Description of Electoral and Political Processes and Institutions ................................................... 3 Electoral and Political Issues ............................................................................................................ 4 Electoral Process Vulnerabilities .......................................................................................................................... 4 Political Process Vulnerabilities ...........................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Albania: the State of the Nation 2001
    ALBANIA: THE STATE OF THE NATION 2001 25 May 2001 ICG Balkans Report N°111 Tirana/Brussels Table of Contents MAP OF ALBANIA……………………………………………………………………………….i EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS…………………………………...ii I. INTRODUCTION........................................................................................... 1 II. RELATIONS WITH ALBANIA’S BALKAN NEIGHBOURS ................................ 2 A. Kosovo ................................................................................................. 4 B. Montenegro.......................................................................................... 6 C. Macedonia............................................................................................ 6 III.ALBANIAN-GREEK RELATIONS.................................................................... 9 A. The Local Elections in Himara............................................................ 11 B. The State of War ................................................................................ 13 C. Repairing the Damage ....................................................................... 13 IV. INTERNAL POLITICAL AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENTS ............................... 15 A. The Socialist Party ............................................................................. 16 B. The Democratic Party ........................................................................ 16 C. The New Democratic Party ................................................................ 17 D. Emigration ........................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Hemr. Ilir META
    Bank of Albania Annual Conference BANKING DEVELOPMENTS AND FINANCIAL MARKET INFRASTRUCTURE The role of structure, size and market infrastructure in risks mitigation and nancial intermediation SPEAKERS’ BIOS Gent SEJKO Governor Bank of Albania Mr Gent Sejko is the Governor of the Bank of Albania and Chairman of its Supervisory Council, as of February 2015. He was voted in as Governor by the Parliament of the Republic of Albania on 5 February 2015, upon the Decree of the9 President of the Republic of Albania. Mr Sejko graduated from the Faculty of Economics, University of Tirana, in 1991, in industrial economics. He earned a Master’s degree in International Accounting and Financial Management (MAcc) from the University of Glasgow, Scotland, in 1997, with his thesis on the “Role of banks and privatisation of banks in economies in transition”. Mr Sejko started his banking career in 1992 as Head of Credit Division of the National Commercial Bank. Then he worked as an Inspector at the Supervision Department of the Bank of Albania, until 1998, while pursuing his post-university studies. During 1998-2000, Mr Sejko worked for Deloitte & Touche as senior auditor and consultant, responsible for the management of audit procedures. In the years 2001-2002, he worked for the American Bank of Albania as Head of Internal Audit and Compliance Division, and engaged in extending the branches network of the bank. During 2002-2004, Mr Sejko returned to the Bank of Albania’s Supervision Department as Head of Division for on-site examinations. In the period 2004-2010, he held a number of managing positions at Raiffeisen Bank such as Head of Division for the Internal Audit, Compliance and Relations with the Government, Director General of Raiffeisen Leasing, and Head of Corporate Banking.
    [Show full text]
  • Deliverable T2.1.1 Collection of Primary and Secondary Data
    “Development of an innovative network for the promotion of extroversion of agro-food companies in Adriatic – Ionian Area” Collection of Primary and Secondary Data This report was prepared for and submitted to the “INNOVAGRO” Project by: “This document has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Union. The content of the document is the sole responsibility of the Technical University of Crete and can under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the European Union and/or ADRION Programme authorities”. © Copyright by the “Innovagro” project Collection of Primary and Secondary Data The “INNOVAGRO” partnership consists of: Name Role Country Chania Chamber of Commerce and Industry Lead Partner Greece Region of Crete Partner 2 Greece Technical University of Crete Partner 3 Greece Network of the Insular Chamber of Commerce Partner 4 Greece and Industry of the European Union Province of Potenza Partner 5 Italy E-institute, institute for comprehensive Partner 6 Slovenia development solutions Italian Confederation of Agriculture Partner 7 Italy Union of Chambers of Commerce and Industry of Partner 8 Albania Albania Chamber of Commerce and Industry of Serbia Partner 9 Serbia University of Basilicata Partner 10 Italy History Changes Version Date of Issue Document Title Author(s) Controller Number 1.0 23/7/2019 E. Grigoroudis T. Tsimrikidis ©INNOVAGRO Page 1 Collection of Primary and Secondary Data Table of Contents List of Abbreviations ........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Rule of Law Reforms in the Western Balkans (2018)
    RULE OF LAW REFORMS IN THE WESTERN BALKANS Valeska Esch Olga van Zijverden (eds.) In cooperation with: The Aspen Institute Germany wishes to thank the German Federal Foreign Office for its sponsorship of the “Aspen Regional Dialogue Western Balkans 2018“ through the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe. The mission of the Aspen Institute Germany is to im- prove the quality of leadership through dialog about the values and ideals essential to meeting the challenges fac- ing organizations and governments at all levels. Over its forty-five-year history, Aspen Germany has been de- voted to advancing values-based leadership – to creating a safe, neutral space in which leaders can meet in order to discuss the complex challenges facing modern socie- ties confidentially and in depth, with respect for differing points of view, in a search for common ground. This publication includes conference papers and pro- ceedings of Aspen Germany’s Western Balkans confer- ence in 2018. The Aspen Institute’s role is limited to that of an organ- izer and convener. Aspen takes no institutional position on policy issues and has no affiliation with the U.S. or German governments. All statements of fact and expres- sions of opinion contained in all Aspen publications are the sole responsibility of the author or authors. For further information about the Aspen Institute Germany, please write to Aspen Institute Deutschland e.V. Friedrichstraße 60 10117 Berlin Germany or call at +49 30 80 48 90 0 Visit us at www.aspeninstitute.de www.facebook.com/AspenDeutschland www.twitter.com/AspenGermany Copyright © 2018 by The Aspen Institute Deutschland e.V., all rights reserved.
    [Show full text]
  • Revista Euromediterranean Nr. 3
    BOTIM I UNIVERSITETIT MESDHETAR TË SHQIPËRISË EUROMEDITERRANEAN Revistë periodike shkencore 3 Dhjetor 2012 Tiranë, Dhjetor 2011 © UMSH PRESS EUROMEDITERRANEAN Revistë shkencore Botim i UNIVERSITETIT MESDHETAR TË SHQIPËRISË Nën Drejtimin e Akad.Asoc. Prof. Dr Anastas ANGJELI Bordi i Nderi Kryeredaktor Prof.Dr.Arben Put MA. Ilir HEBOVIJA Prof.Dr.Artistotel Pano Prof.Dr.Sabah Hilmija Prof.Dr.Ilia Kristo Redaktorë Shkencore Prof.Dr.Emin Riza MA.Nevila RAMA Prof.Dr.Vasil Tole MA.Kriton KUÇI Bordi Drejtues-Shkencor -Editorial Kryetar Prof.Dr.ANASTAS ANGJELI Akademik i Asoc. Anëtarë Prof.Dr.Kosta Bajraba Prof.Dr Ilia Kristo Prof.Dr. Esmeralda Uruçi Prof.Dr. Stefan Çapaliku MA. Ben Blushi Prof.Asoc. Mimoza Manxhari Prof.Dr.Orfea Dhuci Dr. Hysen Çela Dr. Altin Hoti Dr. Fatos Ibrahimi Dr.Skender Demaliaj MA. Gjergj Teneqexhi MA. Ardian Petollari MA. Nevila Rama MA Jona MARASHI MA. Ilr Aliaj MA.Besnik Leskaj MA. Kriton Kuci MA. Etleva Vertopi MA.Merita Myftari MA. Emilio Cika Kopertina Quick Advertise Faqosja: Dafina Stojko © UMSH PRESS Shtypyr: GEER, 2012 PËRMBAJTJA DREJT SHQIPËRISË SË ZHVILLUAR: SKENARË LIGJORE DHE FINANCIARË PËR ZHVILLIMIN E BUJQËSISË DHE SISTEMIT BANKAR Anastas ANGJELI Universiteti Mesdhetar i Shqipërisë Ilir BARJABA Stanford University Kristaq GJYLI Universiteti i Tiranës ........................................................................................................ 7 KOMPANITE BULLGARE PERBALLE KRIZES GLOBALE 2008-2009 Donika ANDREEVA University of National and World Economy, Sofia, Bullgari ...................................
    [Show full text]
  • Ligjvënësit Shqipëtarë Në Vite
    LIGJVËNËSIT SHQIPTARË NË VITE Viti 1920 Këshilli Kombëtar i Lushnjës (Senati) Një dhomë, 37 deputetë 27 mars 1920–20 dhjetor 1920 Zgjedhjet u mbajtën më 31 janar 1920. Xhemal NAIPI Kryetar i Këshillit Kombëtar (1920) Dhimitër KACIMBRA Kryetar i Këshillit Kombëtar (1920) Lista emërore e senatorëve 1. Abdurrahman Mati 22. Myqerem HAMZARAJ 2. Adem GJINISHI 23. Mytesim KËLLIÇI 3. Adem PEQINI 24. Neki RULI 4. Ahmet RESULI 25. Osman LITA 5. Bajram bej CURRI 26. Qani DISHNICA 6. Bektash CAKRANI 27. Qazim DURMISHI 7. Beqir bej RUSI 28. Qazim KOCULI 8. Dine bej DIBRA 29. Ramiz DACI 9. Dine DEMA 30. Rexhep MITROVICA 10. Dino bej MASHLARA 31. Sabri bej HAFIZ 11. Dhimitër KACIMBRA 32. Sadullah bej TEPELENA 12. Fazlli FRASHËRI 33. Sejfi VLLAMASI 13. Gjergj KOLECI 34. Spiro Jorgo KOLEKA 14. Halim bej ÇELA 35. Spiro PAPA 15. Hilë MOSI 36. Shefqet VËRLACI 16. Hysein VRIONI 37. Thanas ÇIKOZI 17. Irfan bej OHRI 38. Veli bej KRUJA 18. Kiço KOÇI 39. Visarion XHUVANI 19. Kolë THAÇI 40. Xhemal NAIPI 20. Kostaq (Koço) KOTA 41. Xhemal SHKODRA 21. Llambi GOXHAMANI 42. Ymer bej SHIJAKU Viti 1921 Këshilli Kombëtar/Parlamenti Një dhomë, 78 deputetë 21 prill 1921–30 shtator 1923 Zgjedhjet u mbajtën më 5 prill 1921. Pandeli EVANGJELI Kryetar i Këshillit Kombëtar (1921) Eshref FRASHËRI Kryetar i Këshillit Kombëtar (1922–1923) 1 Lista emërore e deputetëve të Këshillit Kombëtar (Lista pasqyron edhe ndryshimet e bëra gjatë legjislaturës.) 1. Abdyl SULA 49. Mehdi FRASHËRI 2. Agathokli GJITONI 50. Mehmet PENGILI 3. Ahmet HASTOPALLI 51. Mehmet PILKU 4. Ahmet RESULI 52. Mithat FRASHËRI 5.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 LIGJVËNËSIT SHQIPTARË NË VITE Viti 1920 Këshilli Kombëtar I
    LIGJVËNËSIT SHQIPTARË NË VITE Viti 1920 Këshilli Kombëtar i Lushnjës (Senati) Një dhomë, 37 deputetë 27 mars 1920–20 dhjetor 1920 Zgjedhjet u mbajtën më 31 janar 1920. Xhemal NAIPI Kryetar i Këshillit Kombëtar (1920) Dhimitër KACIMBRA Kryetar i Këshillit Kombëtar (1920) Lista emërore e senatorëve 1. Abdurrahman Mati 22. Myqerem HAMZARAJ 2. Adem GJINISHI 23. Mytesim KËLLIÇI 3. Adem PEQINI 24. Neki RULI 4. Ahmet RESULI 25. Osman LITA 5. Bajram bej CURRI 26. Qani DISHNICA 6. Bektash CAKRANI 27. Qazim DURMISHI 7. Beqir bej RUSI 28. Qazim KOCULI 8. Dine bej DIBRA 29. Ramiz DACI 9. Dine DEMA 30. Rexhep MITROVICA 10. Dino bej MASHLARA 31. Sabri bej HAFIZ 11. Dhimitër KACIMBRA 32. Sadullah bej TEPELENA 12. Fazlli FRASHËRI 33. Sejfi VLLAMASI 13. Gjergj KOLECI 34. Spiro Jorgo KOLEKA 14. Halim bej ÇELA 35. Spiro PAPA 15. Hilë MOSI 36. Shefqet VËRLACI 16. Hysein VRIONI 37. Thanas ÇIKOZI 17. Irfan bej OHRI 38. Veli bej KRUJA 18. Kiço KOÇI 39. Visarion XHUVANI 19. Kolë THAÇI 40. Xhemal NAIPI 20. Kostaq (Koço) KOTA 41. Xhemal SHKODRA 21. Llambi GOXHAMANI 42. Ymer bej SHIJAKU Viti 1921 Këshilli Kombëtar/Parlamenti Një dhomë, 78 deputetë 21 prill 1921–30 shtator 1923 Zgjedhjet u mbajtën më 5 prill 1921. Pandeli EVANGJELI Kryetar i Këshillit Kombëtar (1921) Eshref FRASHËRI Kryetar i Këshillit Kombëtar (1922–1923) 1 Lista emërore e deputetëve të Këshillit Kombëtar (Lista pasqyron edhe ndryshimet e bëra gjatë legjislaturës.) 1. Abdyl SULA 49. Mehdi FRASHËRI 2. Agathokli GJITONI 50. Mehmet PENGILI 3. Ahmet HASTOPALLI 51. Mehmet PILKU 4. Ahmet RESULI 52. Mithat FRASHËRI 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Albania 2019 Crime & Safety Report
    Albania 2019 Crime & Safety Report This is an annual report produced in conjunction with the Regional Security Office at the U.S. Embassy in Tirana, Albania. The current U.S. Department of State Travel Advisory at the date of this report’s publication assesses Albania at Level 1, indicating travelers should exercise normal precautions. Overall Crime and Safety Situation The U.S. Embassy in Tirana does not assume responsibility for the professional ability or integrity of the persons or firms appearing in this report. The American Citizens’ Services unit (ACS) cannot recommend a particular individual or location, and assumes no responsibility for the quality of service provided. Please review OSAC’s Albania-specific page for original OSAC reporting, consular messages, and contact information, some of which may be available only to private-sector representatives with an OSAC password. Crime Threats There is considerable risk from crime in Tirana. The Albanian government is making a concerted effort to improve the country’s law enforcement capabilities and reduce corruption. Organized crime has a noted impact on Albania, with a network of criminal organizations involved in drug trafficking, extortion, bribery, money laundering, prostitution, and human trafficking. Recent crime statistics indicate a decrease in numerous violent crime categories; this includes murder/attempted murder, robberies by force, and armed robberies. Street crime is fairly common in urban areas, predominantly at night. The most notable crimes are burglaries, theft, and domestic violence claims. If confronted by armed assailants, comply with demands. Sexual assault and harassment is an issue mostly in the smaller towns. The victims tend to be females walking alone.
    [Show full text]
  • Journal Unit
    GCMIGRATION Journal No. 1 Monday, 10 December 2018 Journal of the United Nations Intergovernmental Conference to Adopt the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration Marrakech (10 - 11 December 2018) Official meetings Monday, 10 December 2018 General Assembly Intergovernmental Conference to Adopt the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration 09:00 to 13:00 1st plenary meeting [webcast] Plenary Hall 1. Opening of the Conference [item 1] 2. Election of the President [item 2] 3. Opening statements [item 1] His Excellency Nasser Bourita, President of the Conference His Excellency António Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations Her Excellency María Fernanda Espinosa Garcés, President of the General Assembly Ms. Cheryl Perea, founder of OneChild and representative from the migrant community Mr. Erol Kiresepi, Chief Executive Officer of Santa Farma Pharmaceuticals and representative from the private sector 4. Adoption of the rules of procedure (A/CONF.231/2) [item 3] 5. Adoption of the agenda (A/CONF.231/1) [item 4] 6. Election of officers other than the President [item 5] (continued on page 2) 18-20785E 18-20785E Think Green ! Please recycle GCMIGRATION Journal No. 1 Journal of the United Nations Monday, 10 December 2018 7. Outcome of the Conference (A/CONF.231/L.1 and A/CONF.231/3) [item 10] 8. Organization of work, including the establishment of subsidiary organs, and other organizational matters (A/CONF.231/4) [item 6] 9. Credentials of representatives to the Conference: Appointment of members of the Credentials
    [Show full text]
  • World Vision Albania Submission to the UN Committee on Economic
    World Vision Albania Office Phone: +355 4 241960 1/2/3 | Office Fax: +355 4 241964 Main office address: Rr."Asim Vokshi”, Kompleksi "Usluga" P 13 Katesh, Kati 2, Tirana, Albania Secretary, Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights UNOG-OHCHR 1211 Geneva Switzerland E-mail: [email protected] September 2013 World Vision Albania Submission to the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights on the occasion of the consideration of the second – third periodic reports of Albania during the Committee’s 51st session. Introduction World Vision is a child focused relief, development and advocacy organization working in more than 100 countries, including in ten EU countries and a number of countries of the EU Neighborhood and Enlargement Policy area. World Vision has worked in Albania since 1999, when thousands of Kosovars flooded in to Albania’s territory to flee Serb military advancements; some 450,000 Kosovars sought refuge in Albania.1 After the crisis response, WV developed its program based on the needs of the Albanian community with a development and advocacy approach initially covering only a few areas of the country. Soon the World Vision program in Albania grew to cover 10 districts (Elbasan, Vlora, Lezha, Kurbin, Tirana, Durres, Shkodra, Librazhd, Dibra and Korca) employing 300 staff and impacting the lives of 32.000 children with its specific programs on education, child protection, health, economic development and youth. At the national level the organization is an active advocate for child rights in the education and child protection areas, operatingwhenever possible in partnership with other NGOs and agencies, as well as through the National Coalition for Child Rights (BKTF) being one of its most active members.
    [Show full text]