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NIMBY ism volume 17 issue 1.5 Trisha Logan & all our contributors, THANK YOU.

urban magazine summer 2014 NIMBY ism 2 urban magazine summer 2014 volume 17 issue 1.5 2 3 acronym NIMBY meaning NOT IN MY BACK YARD implication NOT IN MY BACK YARD

urban magazine summer 2014 NIMBY ism 4 FROM THE EDITORS The phrase “Not In My Backyard” and it’s colloquial acronym “NIMBY” are commonplace in the vocabulary of urban planners, both in academia and in the professional practice of the discipline. The phrase is used to describe the attitudes of residents that understand the requirement for a public good, but do not personally want to sacrifice their neighbourhoods to allow said good to be carried through. The implication of NIMBY-ism is of people who value their own neighborhood above the overall welfare of the , and as such, is naturally a point of contention for planners who treat this attitude as an obstacle to their processes.

Treating NIMBY-ism in this way undermines the pride residents take in their neighborhoods. This sense of attachment to one’s neighborhood as perhaps the ultimate goal of practitioners working to shape the built environment becomes secondary to development - specifically developments that are planned to benefit the public at large. How do we rationalize and quantify the residents’ understanding of a neighborhood when it competes with our understanding, as practitioners, of the same neighborhood?

The brief for this issue’s articles was to profile a City neighborhood with the goal of portraying what differentiates the neighborhood from others in the city and allows it to be defined as a discrete part of the city. If this was to be discerned, our hope was that a cursory understanding of the root of the deep neighbourhood pride demonstrated by New Yorkers can be gleaned.

Love, URBAN Magazine

urban magazine summer 2014 volume 17 issue 1.5 4 5 neigh·bor·hood noun (plural neighborhoods)

british english I neigh·bour·hood

a district, especially one forming a community within a town or city

the area surrounding a particular place, person, or object

the set of points whose distance from a given point is less than (or less than or equal to) some value

synonyms

vicinity, environs, purlieus, precincts, vicinage, district, area, locality, locale, quarter, community, neighborly feeling & conduct

origin

from the old english nèahgebùr, from nèah ‘nigh, near’ + gebùr ‘inhabitant, peasant, farmer’

urban magazine summer 2014 NIMBY ism 6 Jordanna

LACOSTE Upcoming Planning Efforts & Their Effects

Ariana

BRANCHINI Micro-Neighborhoods

Daniel

HEWES An Ever-Evolving Neighborhood

Sharon

MOSKOVITS Preserving Maritime & Industrial Manufacturing

Becca

BOOK Placemaking & Assimilation

The

INTERNET Names

Peter

ERWIN Imagining When it Thrived

urban magazine summer 2014 volume 17 issue 1.5 6 7 Jordanna Lacoste In 2008, the Department of City Planning (NYC DCP) proposed a rezoning plan for the neighborhood of Gowanus in Brook- lyn. The neighborhood – which surrounds the notorious Gowanus Canal, now designated a Superfund site by the Environmental Protec- tion Agency (EPA) – has long been character- ized by its industrial nature and low-density, diverse makeup. The original proposal by the DCP included rezoning 25 blocks along the ca- nal to allow for more mixed use and residen- tial development. While it called for preserving the industrial nature of the neighborhood, the introduction of additional residential develop- ments would no doubt have threatened many industrial and light manufacturing businesses. GOWANUS In 2009, after the EPA placed the Gowanus Ca- nal on the Superfund National Priorities List, the DCP shelved the proposal. Now, with the canal cleanup projected to begin in 2015 and a host of developers looking to capitalize on the neighborhood’s trendy appeal, the City is look- ing to reopen the planning and rezoning effort in Gowanus.

Like much of the Southwest Brooklyn water- UPCOMING front sites, the Gowanus neighborhood is heav- ily industrial. Today, much of this has been rel- egated to light industrial and manufacturing businesses, such as artisan food production facilities, small wood shops, artist workspaces, PLANNING and entertainment businesses. These small, in- dependently owned light industrial businesses are thriving in the neighborhood. However, with rapid changes occurring in the neighbor- ing areas of Carroll Gardens, Red Hook, and EFFORTS & Slope, and the recent real estate boom in Brooklyn, developers are now looking to build new residential developments in the neighbor- hood. A rise in new ‘hot spot’ businesses, res- taurants, and bars in the area – including a THEIR new Whole Foods, the Bell hall, and the Royal Palms Shuffleboard Club – are attracting new crowds to the neighborhood and sparking interest from developers looking AFFECTS — to capitalize on these growing trends. Some of

urban magazine summer 2014 NIMBY ism 8 urban magazine summer 2014 volume 17 issue 1.5 9 the major upcoming developments include the trial businesses in areas that have a large in- Lightstone Group’s 700-unit rental complex dustrial presence by providing tax credits and at 363 and 365 Bond , and the Hudson incentives that help these businesses remain Company’s 790,000-square-foot mixed-use competitive against real estate pressures. In- development at Smith and Fifth , slated dustrial businesses can provide valuable high- to open in 2017. wage, low-skill jobs for many New Yorkers, and the current landscape in Gowanus has allowed The new Gowanus planning effort – spear- for independent entrepreneurs to open up new headed by City officials and organized by the businesses and thrive. New planning efforts Pratt Center for Community Development, will likely undermine the industrial presence who are serving as the planning consultants in the neighborhood, pushing out local busi- for the project – is once again looking to make nesses due to sky-high rents spurred by new the neighborhood friendlier to mixed-use de- development interests. velopment. This effort would no doubt strain the flourishing industrial businesses in the The of the Gowanus neighborhood, neighborhood. After several invitation-only which is designated M1 and includes light in- planning meetings, the Pratt Center for Com- dustrial uses, storage facilities, and wholesale munity Development organized several public services, has helped keep the neighborhood hearings regarding this new planning effort, primarily industrial. However, should the area termed the ‘Bridging Gowanus’ series. At the be rezoned, much of the current landscape in third meeting, the most recent of the ‘Bridging the area will likely change. Upscale residen- Gowanus’ series, there was a clear sense that tial developments are already underway and residents were concerned with the future of the industrial businesses are not the only victims neighborhood if no limits are set for new de- of these upcoming changes. The very nature of velopment projects. Residents also feared that the neighborhood – a diverse community with affordable housing might be used as a tool by primarily low-density development – is also at developers to push through new development risk. Residents fear an increase in rents and in the neighborhood. Throughout , overwhelming traffic will forever change their residents demanded more transparency for up- neighborhood. Hopefully, the concerns of resi- coming high-rise development projects. dents are considered throughout this process, and Gowanus will keep a semblance of its cur- The meetings and the new planning efforts in rent and unique nature in the future. Gowanus bring up some issues and debates that have been occurring around other his- torically industrial areas of Brooklyn. With the Brooklyn real estate boom and development interests in East Brooklyn skyrocketing, the industrial nature of many Brooklyn neighbor- hoods is being threatened. Some incentives are being provided to keep Gowanus primar- ily industrial. The neighborhood is part of the JORDANNA LACOSTE is a 2015 Master’s of Urban Southwest Brooklyn Industrial Business Zone Planning Candidate at . She (IBZ), which was created under the Bloomberg has been working on a plan for preserving New administration in order to incentivize indus- York City’s maritime industries during her trial business creation within the allocated IBZ summer internship at the Pratt Center for areas. The purpose of IBZs is to foster indus- Community Development.

urban magazine summer 2014 NIMBY ism 10 Ariana Branchini Novelty and diversity are key elements that keep New York City a vibrant center of inno- vation. These qualities are encapsulated in the city’s many neighborhoods, villages and ethnic enclaves. And now – due to limited land and sky-high real estate prices – smaller and more specialized micro neighborhoods put these qualities on full display. Throughout the city’s five boroughs, small districts typically limited to a one to three block area are being carved out of larger neighborhoods. Micro neighbor- hoods are the boutique to the neighborhood’s department store or the food truck to the lo- cal 50-seat restaurant. Often, these sections of the city crop up as the result of newcomers changing or revitalizing an area. But how long can New York sustain this spatial rebirth, and who will want it? Micro neighborhoods are an expression of the city’s ingenuity and they ap- peal to a fad-centric culture. They are a space to innovate, but they may also be a symptom of the larger gentrifying forces sweeping the city.

New York City has long been known as a fast paced, exciting, and ever-evolving city famous for its patchwork of neighborhoods. In the five boroughs, the city’s neighborhoods range from ethnic enclaves to business districts and spe- cialty zones. Spatial boundaries in New York exist in some cases as strictly drawn, formal borders that lend their names to an acronym- NEW YORK defined neighborhood. ’s NoHo/ SoHo distinction is an easy example, or the “Triangle Below Canal,” known more common- ly as . Areas attached to a particular industry, such as the Garment District or the MICRO Financial District, are as well known as larger boundaries, such as the Upper . His- tory also plays a role in neighborhood naming in New York City – Midtown East’s Murray Hill takes its name from the successful 18th century NEIGHBOR- Quaker merchant Robert Murray who helped establish the area around his estate. The Land- mark Preservation Commission is responsible for the city’s 110 historic districts, many of HOODS — which are centered on landmarks. However, urban magazine summer 2014 volume 17 issue 1.5 11 informal and often changing neighborhood desig- known as “Little Guyana” and the neighbor- nations also exist. In a trend-setting city churning ing Jackson Heights has one of the largest con- out fads like the cronut faster than a commuter can centrations of Indian immigrants in New York get from Williamsburg to Chelsea, it’s not surpris- City. and Brooklyn are also home ing to see new shops and activities changing even to new micro neighborhoods based around di- the most established neighborhood. Seemingly as a verse ethnic and cultural heritages. Vestiges of result of New York’s pricey and limited real estate Eastern European immigration are visible in options, micro neighborhoods are cropping up in Brooklyn’s “Little Odessa,” located in a section every borough. New monikers can be an opportu- of , while a few miles north in nity for the entrepreneurs to make the most of the Greenpoint, locals fight gentrifying forces in an city’s limited land and provide diverse opportuni- effort to maintain “Little Poland”. The ripple ties to its diverse inhabitants. effect of Manhattan’s land values has spurred the reincarnation of once peripheral parts of Today, New York-based publications have named the city. If this trend enables greater recogni- hundreds of micro neighborhoods across the city’s tion and access to public resources for these five boroughs. One of the first and most famous neighborhoods’ residents, few would complain micro neighborhoods is a small three-block stretch that micro neighborhoods and neighborhood on , part of the larger neighborhood change have caused a harmful disturbance. of SoHo. Names now recognizable throughout the However, if these neighborhoods become more whole city and even the country, including fash- popular to young and higher earning newcom- ion designer Marc Jacobs, as well as the original ers pushed out of Manhattan by its exclusion- Magnolia Bakery, were key to this micro neigh- ary prices, sustaining a living in New York City borhood’s explosive popularity. These attractions may become even more unattainable for most. created a stir among locals and visitors alike, and soon Bleecker between West 11th and West 10th The micro neighborhood phenomenon can be emerged as one of the most popular and expensive explained by high real estate prices and limited real estate options for chic businesses and their land availability in a city with few remaining customers. The speed of this growth was unprec- options for physical growth. However, larger edented at the time, and the phenomenon contin- questions are emerging when considering ues well over a decade later. In some cases micro the trends of neighborhood change centered neighborhoods are simply a case of renaming a around New York’s most expensive and elite neighborhood or granting it a new acronym moni- sections of Manhattan, and now Brooklyn. ker such as “SpaHa” for Spanish or MiMa Can a city survive on buzz alone? If change for in an attempt to rebrand and diversification of neighborhoods continue an area. at this rate, can anyone maintain meaning- ful community ties? Micro neighborhoods are While some cases of rebranding and specialization contentious uses of the limited space in New speak more directly to the influx of luxury pref- York City. Perhaps they are a catalyst for trans- erences in one of the world’s most expensive cit- forming larger sections of the city (for better or ies, the after effects of this phenomenon are also worse), and maybe they are even contributing visible in the less swank-oriented enclaves of the to a larger sense of innovation and cultural at- outer boroughs. As Manhattan’s and the traction. While all of these changes take place, Lower become higher-end and less im- some things New Yorkers value may be forced migrant friendly, outer borough micro neighbor- to change as well, including their own ability to hoods pay tribute to a new wave of ethnic enclave. be a part of the neighborhood. Change is inevi- For example, Richmond Hill in is now table, and in many cases welcome. But rapid,

urban magazine summer 2014 NIMBY ism 12 unrelenting transformation and reincarnation Daniel Hewes of neighborhoods may eventually become a dif- ficult reality for residents and incumbent busi- ness owners.

MIDTOWN MANHATTAN AN EVER EVOLVING NEIGHBOR- ARIANA BRANCHINI is a 2015 Masters’ of Urban Planning Candidate at Columbia Univeristy. She is interested in the issues surrounding international planning, particularily ideas of place-making in different cultural contexts. HOOD — urban magazine summer 2014 volume 17 issue 1.5 13 There is a new taking shape in New buildings that still remain are lasting examples York City, and Midtown Manhattan is at the of the first wave of high-end build- center of this change. Long-time residents of ings in Manhattan, including the Osborne, the area can easily identify the new additions , the Parc Vendome and the Ritz to the skyline over the last decade. New resi- Tower, to name a few. These are among the few dential and office towers are continually being landmarked buildings along this bustling and constructed to meet the growing demand for evolving street. Rizzoli Bookstore, which was housing and office space in the area. In a city one of the most iconic and historic bookstores with an expected population of over 9 million in Manhattan, wasn’t so lucky. The 109-year- by 2030, changes to established neighborhoods old structure was demolished in April 2014 af- and new developments are inevitable. No mat- ter the site failed to gain individual landmark ter the weight of local groups or the relative status. Not surprisingly, the two neighbor- power of real estate developers, any New York- ing buildings were also sold and demolished, er will say that these changes are simply a fact sparking speculation as to what new tower will of life in the city. eventually be erected in its place.

Midtown Manhattan has witnessed a steady In April of 2009, construction for the building pace of development over the past few years. known as ‘’ began on a lot between 6th was completely transformed and 7th Avenue, starting what will no doubt be when the Time Warner Center was constructed a total transformation of the Midtown skyline. in 2004. Hudson Yards is being marketed as The building can be seen as a prime example of the new center of the city, with completion slat- the changes taking place along in ed for 2018. The Midtown East Rezoning could Midtown. One57 is a towering 1,004-foot high lead to numerous state-of-the-art development mixed-use development. It has also been the projects through the selling of by subject of several highly publicized controver- the City. Midtown has historically been a mix sies over the past few years. Before it was even of residential, business, and commercial clus- built, the 11,000 square foot penthouse sold ters. While the sections closer to the Hudson for over $90 million to the prime minister of River are more heavily residential, areas along Qatar; and during Superstorm Sandy, a crane 5th Avenue are more commercial and business that was completing the top of the building oriented. collapsed, forcing nearby residents and busi- nesses to evacuate for 2 weeks. No matter the There’s no better example of the changes oc- context, One57 has certainly become a conver- curring in Midtown Manhattan than on 57th sation starter for the neighborhood. This build- Street. This wide, two way corridor slices ing has exposed many long-standing tensions through the heart of Midtown Manhattan between the neighborhood and developers due and is home to famous and historical attrac- to the lack of community input evident in the tions such as , Steinway Hall, the project’s development. , the Arts Students League, and Tiffany & Co. Stretching from the Hudson to The disputes between neighborhood residents the , 57th Street spans 2 miles and and developers don’t end with One57. Farther runs through several distinct neighborhoods down on 57th Street, one block west of One57, with their own unique mix of commercial, new construction is also occurring on a lot be- residential and retail uses. Additionally, this tween and 7th Avenue. This lot is street has historically been at the forefront of slated to be the home of the new Nordstrom high-end real estate for the wealthy. Many of Tower, which will dwarf One57 by over 500

urban magazine summer 2014 NIMBY ism 14 urban magazine summer 2014 volume 17 issue 1.5 15 feet. Just north of this site, on another empty the Department of City Planning (DCP) was lot along 58th Street and South, in attendance. With over 500 residents pres- there will soon be a 920-foot high, ultra-ex- ent and strong representation from political clusive residence on Central Park South, argu- leaders and academics, the absence of the DCP ably one of the most sought after addresses in raised many questions. In the meeting, Gary the city. On the East Side, along , Barnett, President of Extell, minimized any four other super-towers are being constructed potential impact his towers will have in the fu- that are projected to be completed in the next ture. His answers were quick and scripted, and decade, three of which are over 1,000 feet in repeatedly stated that these new towers will be height. Paul Goldberger of Vanity Fair stated in entirely beneficial to the surrounding neigh- his article “Too Rich, Too Thin, Too Tall?” that borhood, yet failed to specify how. “four of them are on 57th Street alone, which day by day is becoming less of a boulevard de- Community engagement and consideration fined by elegant shopping and more like a can- should not be treated as an inconvenience or yon lined by high walls.” an additional step; it has to be something in- ternal to the development process, especially In early 2014, the Municipal Arts Society when no communication between the parties (MAS) released a report titled “The Accidental is mandated. With a track record of being non- Skyline,” outlining the effects that these tow- participatory, the city is shaping into a metrop- ers will have on the neighborhood, and even olis void of public input and opinion. included a shadow study for Central Park. Con- cerning the buildings, MAS stated, “The cur- The skyline for midtown will forever be rent generation of contenders are hyper-tall, changed by a handful of buildings that are be- super-slender towers that are, for the most ing erected simultaneously along a stretch of part, as-of-right, meaning that environmental five avenues across one street. This fairly con- review and public input are not required.” This centrated group of buildings will alter the heart can be problematic considering the permanent of the city forever. However, a lack of commu- effect these buildings will have, not just on nity input in these projects has left the public Midtown, but the entire city. There is currently silent throughout the process. Community par- no regulation requiring that developers and ticipation and input is at the heart of bridging landholders engage with the community and private and public interests. Private pressures residents regarding new development projects. push large-scale development into the hands of a powerful few. If changes are occurring that Community Board 5 held a town hall style are void of community engagement, will meeting in the winter of 2013, a rare oppor- continue to be shaped at the expense of those tunity for residents to voice their opinions re- who call these neighborhoods home. garding recent changes to the neighborhood and hold the developers accountable for the impacts these structures will have on the area. Members of every level of local government – DANIEL HEWES is a 2015 Master’s of Urban Planning , State Senator Candidate at Columbia University. As a New York Liz Kruger, Assemblyman Richard Gottfried City native, Daniel has experienced first hand the and City Councilman Corey Johnson – gave issues affecting city’s neighborhoods. Through his remarks. The panelists included architects, work in local and state politics, he has been drawn journalists, heads of conservancies and non- to issues of social inequality & community profits, however not one representative from development.

urban magazine summer 2014 NIMBY ism 16 17 Sharon Moskovits Just east of the Ikea in Brooklyn, nestled be- tween the Erie Basin, Gowanus Bay, and Slip, sits the Gowanus Bay Ter- minal (GBX) – a 30-tenant at the heart of the neighborhood of Red Hook, Brooklyn. The site, owned by entrepreneur John Quadrozzi, Jr. of Quadrozzi Urban Enter- prises, offers a hint of the neighborhood’s past, one where maritime and industrial industries spanned the waterfront of Red Hook, and most of Southwest Brooklyn. The site of GBX centers mainly on the concrete business, and also in- cludes other industries with a strong focus on water-based transport. In light of the quickly evolving landscape of Red Hook and the high value of waterfront properties, GBX is but one of a select group of sites in the neighborhood that is set on preserving not only the region’s past, but also the well-paying industrial and RED HOOK maritime jobs that have long serviced the local community.

Surrounded by water on three sides, Red BROOKLYN Hook has always had a strong connection to the water. The neighborhood began as a fifty- acre marshy island, separated from the rest of Brooklyn, but grew as neighboring areas were PRESERVING leveled and filled. Its proximity to water and its location just over one mile south of lower Man- hattan made Red Hook ideal for maritime in- dustries. The construction of the Atlantic Basin in the 1840s and the Erie Basin in 1869 further MARITIME & established this focus in Red Hook. Until the 1950s, the area was dependent on grain trade via the Erie Canal and from the Midwest. INDUSTRIAL Maritime industries in the region declined by the 1940s and 1950s, marking a shift in the neighborhood. This, coupled with the con- struction of the Brooklyn Queens Expressway MANUFAC- and the Brooklyn Battery Tunnel, saw the rise of more truck-based transport, thus isolating Red Hook from the rest of Brooklyn and New York City. The expressway created a physical TURING — barrier by separating the neighborhood from urban magazine summer 2014 volume 17 issue 1.5 17 urban magazine NIMBY ism 18 the rest of the borough. $55,000 per year and manufacturing jobs pay an average of $59,000 per year. With an an- With limited subway access – the closest sub- nual median income of $25,000 in Red Hook, way station to Red Hook is the Smith/9th it is important that these jobs be preserved and Street Station, which is roughly a 10-minute geared towards hiring local residents. walk from the very edge of the Red Hook – the neighborhood remains fairly isolated. Despite Properties such as GBX are not only focused on this seeming inconvenience, many residents preserving the past, but on helping the commu- prefer the isolation, citing a stronger neighbor- nity at large. GBX has a locally focused hiring hood character that has been fostered by this policy that prioritizes local hires and requires separation. Yet, even this has not been a deter- that all tenants contribute a percentage of their rent for rapid changes to the neighborhood. rent to community organizations. It is this The once working class neighborhood, with a model that will most benefit Red Hook in the high proportion of its population living within long run. GBX was also the subject of a recent the NYCHA Red Hook Houses, is now trans- first year planning studio that evaluated and forming – or “gentrifying” – at nearly the same proposed the expansion of the site, with the rate as surrounding Brooklyn neighborhoods. goals of increasing waterfront access to neigh- Ikea moved in a few years ago, Fairway Market borhood residents; securing more high-wage, is now a mainstay, and the streets north of Van low-skill maritime and industrial jobs for the Brunt Street are scattered with high-end bou- community; providing adequate job training tiques and restaurants. Amidst these changes, services for residents; and highlighting the the importance of preserving the neighbor- area’s maritime past. The proposal included a hood’s established industrial and maritime publicly accessible waterfront park and dou- past cannot be understated. bled the amount of space for both industrial uses and maritime transport docks. The studio Red Hook is an ideal location for manufacturing project also encompassed a strong community and industrial industries; its proximity to high- focus, through the distribution of surveys and way access makes it convenient for truck-based a community meeting, and the proposal was transport, and its waterfront access ideal for specifically geared towards serving the needs maritime uses. With this combination of local of local residents. Many attendees at the com- freight transportation, Red Hook has been able munity meeting cited increasing well-paying to successfully attract manufacturing compa- industrial and maritime jobs, as well as mari- nies that provide high-paying blue-collar jobs. time and waterfront historical programming, A large proportion of the neighborhood is still as elements they would like prioritized on the comprised of these industries and the neigh- site. borhood’s waterfront lies within the Southwest Brooklyn Industrial Business Zone (IBZ). The At a time of rapid growth and change through- IBZ seeks to preserve and protect these in- out Brooklyn and New York City, it is important dustries amidst increasing economic pressure to not forget the city’s rich history. GBX and to develop the waterfront for residential use. other similar industrial properties are helping Given the high rate (19.8%) and to preserve that past and remain a small re- relatively low education level throughout much minder of the city’s historic connection to the of Red Hook, these industries—along with the waterfront and maritime activity. For neigh- appropriate job training services – are vital to borhood’s such as Red Hook, these industries the community. According to the Bureau of La- not only offer a glimpse into the area’s histo- bor Statistics, maritime jobs pay an average of ry, but also provide greater opportunities for urban magazine 19 jobs and job training for local residents. While Becca Book waterfront property values continue to soar throughout New York City, specific focus must be made to preserving these industries and histories in New York City.

This article is based on research and a report compiled by the Spring 2014 Gowanus Bay Terminal studio group.

Studio members were Daniel Hewes, Houman Saberi, Kellie Radnis, Olivia Jovine, Phil Betheil, Sharon Moskovits, Wei Guo & Yuheng Cai. FLUSHING QUEENS PLACE MAKING &

SHARON MOSKOVITS is a 2015 Master’s of Urban Planning Candidate at Columbia University. She was also a member of the Spring 2014 Planning Studio ASSIMILA- involving Gowanus Bay Terminal. As a New York City native, Sharon has always been deeply invested in preserving the historic nature of the city and foster- ing sustainable growth that centers on community involvement. TION —

urban magazine summer 2014 NIMBY ism 20 According to US Census statistics, Queens Immigration and Nationality Act represented is the most ethnically diverse county in the a radical change in immigration policies, most country, and the most diverse urban area in notably the skills requirement, which favored the world. Flushing has proved to be a bastion doctors, lawyers, and engineers – members of this diverse population; 53.5% of all neigh- of an “urban bourgeoisie.” This lead to a rap- borhood residents are foreign-born, the third id growth in the numbers of South and East highest proportion of any neighborhood in the Asian immigrants to the , many city, and significantly higher than the citywide of whom obtained education at home. average of 36%. This diversity can be traced back to the very founding of Flushing. The area A second wave of diversification in the cultural rapidly diversified following the Post-Immigra- landscape has occurred since the 1980’s, solidi- tion & Nationality Act in 1965 and Post-Cold fying Flushing as an epicenter of the immigrant War , when a large Chinese and Ko- community. A large part of this shift has been rean population settled in Flushing. Today, the attributed to Taiwanese immigrant and real area is home to a vibrant economy lead by a di- estate developer, Tommy Huang, who bought verse array of business and supported by vari- many properties in the 1980’s recession and ous well-established cultural organizations. made them accessible to Asian entrepreneurs. Its economic success has drawn the eye of the He developed low-rise residential units with city and developers who plan to construct a street level retail space – a familiar and pre- large shopping complex in Flushing, which will ferred typology for Taiwanese small business be home to national retailers. This project sets owners that encouraged their adaptation to the us at a critical juncture to question how politi- new community and allowed their businesses cians, city agencies, and of course planners can to flourish. This innovation catalyzed a chain best interface with immigrant communities. of immigration from East Asia and led to the blossoming of the Asian immigrant communi- Founded in 1645, Flushing was the first per- ty in the area. The influx of Taiwanese business manent settlement in Queens. The history of owners changed both the ethnic makeup of the religious acceptance can be traced back to the neighborhood and its income demographics. original town charter, which included provi- In 1980, Flushing was a predominantly Anglo- sions explicitly protecting religious freedom. Saxon area that was in decline, with over 50% This respect for religious plurality was chal- of all businesses closed. Huang’s investments lenged by a later governor and residents orga- catalyzed a wave of ‘migrant ’ that nized to protect the religious minorities of their changed Flushing into the diverse town. John Bowne, a Quaker imprisoned for center we see today. practicing his beliefs, became a leader of this movement. In fitting tribute to his memory, These waves of immigration have not just the street in Flushing bearing his name is now ethnically diversified Flushing, but have also home to ten places of worship representing con- guided its rapid growth and expansion, mak- gregations from around the world. Community ing it the fourth largest central business dis- members often refer to Flushing as the ‘birth- trict in New York City. This trend is anchored place of religious freedom.’ However, this self- by a strong network of local small businesses proclaimed air of religious acceptance became - nearly ninety percent of which have fewer strained after the Immigration and Nationality than 10 employees. The aspirations of recent Act of 1965 led to a large influx of non-western immigrants helped increase the number of immigrant groups, which many Anglo-Saxon small businesses and average income in Flush- residents feared would be inassimilable. The ing, even as the economy in other areas of the urban magazine summer 2014 NIMBY ism volume 17 issue 1.5 21 country suffered during the economic reces- Flushing, which was founded with the goal of sions of the early 90’s and 2008. Total wages, representing the collective needs of small busi- jobs, rent levels, home values, and school en- ness owners in the Flushing community. This rollment levels have all increased within the has proven to be a unique task, as these busi- last decade in Flushing, overcoming trends of nesses are closely associated with the diverse the Great Recession and outpacing job growth array of ethnic groups and communities that in Queens and New York City as a whole. This populate the area. In order to be a functional, trend was largely supported by growth in the equitable organization, and also to garner the number of small retailers, food services and appropriate attention from the broader city health care providers, which account for nearly government, it was deemed necessary to form 29% of total employment in the area. an organization that would unite the many het- erogeneous groups that make up Flushing. Sig- Despite New York’s reputation as the arche- nificant language and cultural barriers had to typal ‘melting pot’ for global immigrants, little be overcome to unite the organization within assistance is available for recent immigrants the community, and networking with various or residents with limited English proficiency. religious organizations and other centers of The growth and economic success of Flush- immigrant life assisted in doing so. ing has occurred largely without assistance or acknowledgement from the city government. “Because Flushing is so diverse you can’t have Little research has been done to determine the cookie cutter model of economic develop- why the area is prosperous, and little effort has ment ... you really need to understand the com- been made to tailor economic development and munity as a network of different cultures... city planning initiatives to the diverse popula- unlike other economic development organi- tion groups within New York City. It was not zations, we very much center our organizing until 2003 with the Equal Access to Health around different faiths, cultures and languages and Human Services Act that the city govern- in Flushing and we try and really have a grass- ment proved their willingness to work with roots understanding of how those communities groups of different ethnic backgrounds. This operate and what makes them different, and act helps fulfill the often quoted Title VI of the how you effectively provide services that are Civil Rights act of 1964, which states that “No tailored for that community.” person in the United States shall on the ground John Choe, 2013 of race, color or national origin, be excluded in participation in, denied the benefits of, or sub- The economic growth of Flushing has caught jected to discrimination under any program the eye of the city and developers hoping to receiving federal benefits.” The Act mandates capitalize on this growing market. In hopes of that all official notices and government ser- encouraging further economic growth in the vices offered in New York City be available in area, “Flushing Commons,” an $850 million Arabic, Chinese, Haitian Creole, Korean, Rus- mixed use development was approved in 2010. sian and Spanish. The city sold off large tracts of a five-acre -mu nicipal parking lot to TDC Development Cor- Researchers spoke with John Choe, who was poration/Rockefeller Group, who has approval the chief of staff for NYC Comptroller John Liu to construct 620 residential units and 185,000 when this act went into effect. Choe interprets square feet of retail space. “One Flushing” has this legislation as the first step in a long begun a discussion that questions whether to culturally sensitive law enforcement in New these decisions are being made with input from York City. Choe now heads the organization One immigrant groups. Present debates and chal-

urban magazine summer 2014 NIMBY ism 22 lenges center widely on the loss of free park- section in all of New York City. Transportation ing facilities for business owners. Although a capacity must first be addressed to allow for series of community benefit agreements were continued economic growth. drafted between the developer, the city, and lo- cal residents – including phasing the project, Flushing has provided a home, an economic in- allowing parking onsite during construction, cubator, and a center for culture and accultura- and provisions for small business outreach ser- tion for many immigrant groups in New York vice – these agreements contain very little lan- City. Creating a separate space for immigrants guage that is legally enforceable. Recent city- supplies them with many services and a unique wide elections create additional uncertainty as community. This assists in acculturation to whether the de Blasio administration will through creating connections and ties between enforce the various concessions established new immigrants and their better-established with Bloomberg representatives. colleagues – both integrating them into the lo- cal community and legitimizing their efforts Although the project has been delayed due to towards establishing a unique neighborhood the recession, it is clear that its realization will with many characteristic businesses. In Flush- greatly alter the face of the Flushing small busi- ing this process is even more complex, as there ness eco-system. TDC Rockefeller hopes to at- is not a clear ‘host community’ – the majority tract large, nationwide retailers as tenants, un- of the neighborhood’s population are relative der the pretense that these ‘big-box’ stores will newcomers, primarily East Asian. not compete with local small businesses for customers. However, these reassurances have Flushing Commons has the potential to create been largely unfounded. While TDC Rockefell- new jobs and much needed housing, including er announced that the project would have ‘no affordable housing that will serve the growing adverse impact’ on existing businesses, an as- center of Flushing; however, the proposal large- sessment of the Environmental Impact Review ly fails to incorporate the voices of the small by researchers at Hunters College shows that business owners who established the vibrant the developers under-represented the number economy that distinguishes Flushing today. of businesses in Flushing by one half, ignoring From undercounting businesses to reneging many ‘second story‘ professional and person- on community benefits agreements, developers al service providers. By neglecting to include have failed to sufficiently account for the needs these businesses, TDC Rockefeller presented a and aspirations of the largely immigrant based simplified snap shot of the local Flushing econ- community in the area. While complying with omy as one composed only of ethnic grocery the terms of the agreement established with stores, restaurants and specialty retailers. the community in 2007 would assuage some of the negatives of this development, this ex- Development will likely further strain the al- ample exposes larger, systemic concerns. The ready crowded transportation network that underrepresentation of immigrant businesses serves the area. The Flushing Main Street Sta- in the original EIR, as well as the difficulties in tion is the busiest New York City Transit sub- bringing the needs of a culturally diverse group way station outside of Manhattan and the 10th of business owners to the city’s attention, dem- busiest in the entirety of the New York City onstrates a lack of understanding of the unique subway system. Automobile infrastructure is way in which immigrant communities have also pressed for space, vividly demonstrated at and will continue to contribute to American the intersection of Main Street and Roosevelt cityscapes. Avenue, which is now the third busiest inter- urban magazine summer 2014 volume 17 issue 1.5 23 urban magazine summer 2014 NIMBY ism 24 As New York City and the country as a whole and enhance immigrant community formation become host to an increasing number of immi- and integration, or they can frustrate these ef- grants, many lessons can be learned through forts, negatively affecting community social the challenges and successes of Flushing. Plan- and spatial organization. ning efforts need to continue to develop cultur- ally sensitive services and initiatives to better This article is based on research and a report target services to underserved segments of written for Professor Irazabal’s Fall 2013 the population. By communicating with well- Transnational Planning class. established community and religious groups with a large immigrant constituency, we can The report’s co-authors were Elizabeth develop more inclusionary planning practices Martin-Cohn & Hannah Fleischer. that attempt to serve and strengthen immi- grant subgroups, historically ones of the most vulnerable populations. Identifying and de- veloping relationships with nodes in the im- migrant community will become increasingly important. In this way we can overcome many cultural and language boundaries that have limited the amount of input immigrant groups have had in the development of urban space. In a rapidly diversifying nation, the only way to design an urban environment that meets the needs of its inhabitants is to make use of the already established centers for dispersal of in- formation and culture.

These established centers that bring communi- ties of immigrants together exist in many dif- ferent spaces throughout New York City, the US, and the world. What should be noted is that the immigrant community and its associ- ated centers of connection have different physi- cal and social manifestations depending on the spatial context within the urban fabric. What we currently see in Flushing is not the same as what is occurring in downtown Manhattan within . The social and spatial for- mations of communities – whether they take BECCA BOOK is a dual Master’s of Urban Planning the form of informal social networks, com- and Masters of Architecture Candidate at Columbia munity centers, religious spaces, or distinctive University. Becca is currently an intern for housing and business typologies – each form Sustainable Urbanism International, a Bangalore as a result of the interaction between the im- based planning non-profit and Columbia research migrant community and itself, the larger com- lab, where she is developing a plan for heritage munity that it finds itself within, and its spatial based development of several Indian towns. She location and physical surroundings. Planning believes in using the power of good design to solve efforts can foster the creation of these spaces ecological and social problems. urban magazine summer 2014 volume 17 issue 1.5 25 Inwood Tenderloin East Bronx Kips Bay Theater District East Morrisania NAMES East Tremont Le Petit Senegal Toy District Eastchester TriBeCa Edenwald OF Lincoln Square Triangle Below Canal Edgewater Park Little Brazil Street Fieldston Little Germany Fordham NEW Little Italy Turtle Bay Harding Park Little Senegal Two Bridges Loisaida Union Square YORK Highbridge MANHATTAN Madison Square Hunts Point Alphabet City Uptown Indian Village Manhattanville Viaduct Valley Kingsbridge Marble Hill ViVa Kingsbridge Heights Park Wards Island Lacona Brookdale Meatpacking District Washington Heights Longwood Midtown Marble Hill Central Harlem Midtown East West Harlem Melrose Chelsea Midtown West Morris Heights Chinatown Murray Hill Yorkville Morris Park Civic Center NoHo Morrisania Clinton BRONX Mott Haven Columbus Circle Nolita Mount Eden Village NoMad Mount Hope Diamond District North of Houston Bainbridge North Bronx Downtown Manhattan North of Little Italy Baychester North Brother Island North of Madison Bedford Park North New York East Village Peter Cooper Village Belmont North Riverdale Photo District Bronx River Northeast Bronx Financial District Bronxdale Northwest Bronx Five Points Randalls Island Bruckner Norwood Flat Iron District Castle Hill Olinville Flower District Central Riverdale Orchand Beach Fort George Rose Hill Chimney Sweeps Parkchester Gas House District San Juan Hill Islands Pelham Bay Garment District Silk Stocking District City Island SoHo Clason Point Pelham Gardens South of Houston Co-op City Pelhan Islands Seaport Concourse Hamilton Heights Spanish Harlem Concourse Village Morris Strivers’ Row Cooperative City Island Hudson Heights Country Club Hudson Yards Stuyvesant Town Courthouse Riverdale Harlem Sugar Hill East Schuylerville Hell’s Kitchen Sutton Place Downtown Bronx Soundview

urban magazine summer 2014 NIMBY ism 26 27 Edgemere Oakland Gardens East Williamsburg South Brother Island Electchester Old Howard Beach Eastern Brooklyn South Riverdale Elmhurst Ozone Park Farragut Southeast Bronx Far Rockaway Pomonok Fiske Terrace Southwest Bronx Floral Park Queens Village Flatbush Spuyten Duyvil Flushing Flatlands The Blauzes Flushing Chinatown Fort Greene The Hub Hills BROOKLYN Fulton Ferry Forest Hills Gardens Admiral’s Row Georgetown Throgs Neck Barren Island Gerritsen Beach Tremont Fresh Meadows Bath Beach Gowanus Twin Island Fresh Pond Bay Ridge Gravesend University Heights Glen Bedford Greenpoint Van Village Glendale Bedford-Stuyvesant Greenwood Heights Van Nest Hamilton Beach Bensonhurst Wakefield Hammels Bergen Beach Homecrest Hillcrest Beverley Square East Kensington Westchester Square Hollis Beverley Square West Little Odessa Williamsbridge Hollis Hills Beverley Squares Little Poland Woodlawn Holliswood Boerum Hill Madison Yankee Stadium Howard Beach Borough Park Manhattan Beach Howard Park Brighton Beach Mapleton QUEENS Hunters Point Brooklyn Heights Marine Park Jackson Heights Brooklyn Navy Yard Midwood Arverne Jamaica Brownsville Mill Basin Astoria Jamaica Center Bushwick New Lots Astoria Heights Jamaica Estates New Utrecht Auburndale Jamaica Hills Canarsie Northern Brooklyn Bay Terrace Kew Gardens Caroll Gardens Northwestern Brooklyn Bayside Kew Gardens Hills Central Brooklyn Ocean Hill Bayswater Koreatown Chinatown Beechhurst Laurelton City Line Park Slope Bellair LeFrak City Clinton Hill Pigtown Belle Harbor Linden Hill Cobble Hill Plum Beach Bellerose Lindenwood Columbia Street Prospect Lefferts Blissville Little Egypt Waterfront District Gardens Briarwood Little Neck Prospect Heights Breezy Point City Crown Heights South Broad Channel Malba Cypress Hills Red Hook Cambria Heights Maspeth Ditmas Park Sea Gate City Line Meadowmere Down Under the Sheepshead Bay College Point Middle Village Manhattan Bridge South Park Slope Corona Murray Hill Overpass Southeastern Brooklyn Ditmars Neponsit Downtown Brooklyn Southern Brooklyn Douglaston North Corona DUMBO Southwestern Brooklyn Downtown Flushing North Shore Towers Dyker Heights Startett City Dutch Kills Northeastern Queens East Flatbush Stuyvesant Heights East Elmhurst Northwestern Queens East New York Sunset Park

urban magazine summer 2014 volume 17 issue 1.5 27 Sunset Industrial Park New Drop Peter Erwin Vinegar Hill New Springville Weeksville Oakwood White Sands Ocean Breeze Williamsburg Old Place Windsor Terrace Old Town Wingate Pleasant Plains Wyckoff Port Richmond Wyckoff Heights Prince’s Bay Randall Manor Richmond Valley STATEN Richmondtown ISLAND Rosebank Rossville Annadale Saint George Arden Heights Sandy Ground Arlington Shore Acres Arrochar Silver Lake Bay Terrace South Beach St. George Brighton Heights Stapleton Bulls Head Stapleton Heights Castleton Corners Sunnysie Charletson Tot Hill Chelsea Tompkinsville Clifton Tottenville Concord Tottenville Beach Dongan Hills Travis Egbertville Ward Hill EASTHARLEM Elm Park Westerleigh Eltingville West New Brighton Emerson Hill Willowbrook Woodrow MANHATTAN Graniteville Grant City Great Kills Greenridge Grymes Hill IMAGINING Hamilton Park Heartland Village Huguenot Lighthouse Hill Livingston The Official, WHEN IT Manor Heights Professional, Mariners Harbor Technical & Colloquial Meiers Corners Names of New York Midland Beach City Neighborhoods by New Brighton Borough THRIVED —

urban magazine summer 2014 NIMBY ism 28 In most parts of New York City, buildings clamor 115th and 116th Streets contained the institutions over each other to be seen. In the Financial Dis- that formed the backbone of the community, such trict, gothic towers peer around glass and steel the historic Italian Savings Bank and the East Har- – as though competing for the atten- lem Health Center, later Public School 57. In its tion of incoming ships – while the Brooklyn and first decade, the theatre experienced a series of Manhattan Bridges eagerly usher commuters into fires caused by acetate film, and a $10,000 robbery the fray of the work week. In Midtown, contem- in 1927 that was reported in national newspapers. porary office buildings and palatial condominiums No matter the event, the Cosmo was constantly in loom over Central Park in one of the world’s most the headlines when East Harlem’s population was memorable . Even in Harlem, the neon at its peak. lights of the Apollo Theatre and Sylvia’s Restau- rant are beacons to visitors along . The Cosmo continued to be a landmark for Puerto But while famous landmarks and national brands Rican and Dominican residents who moved into promote much of New York, historic buildings idle East Harlem during the middle of the Twentieth inauspiciously in East Harlem, where shopkeepers Century. Records show that Celia Cruz and Tito and vendors incrementally change the streetscape. Puente performed at the Cosmo before rising to fame (the two later performed for audiences at Visitors to East will observe an assem- ). The Cosmo also showed bly of sooty awnings and vendors’ carts belonging Spanish-Language films until its closing in the to fast food restaurants, funeral parlors, butchers, 1980s. and discount salesmen. often plays, though mostly from car radios. While the The façade of the theatre still features three closed street is lively, the neighborhood comprises around arches and terra cotta and limestone detailing. An 65 percent of the residents that it once did. Many enormous marquis adorned the theatre, but was buildings are resigned to vacancies in the upper replaced by a standard retail awning. Most im- floors. Still, residents know that their buildings pressive of all, the building had a roof garden that are also historic. In East Harlem, one should walk was open to the public. While some of the origi- along 116th Street with an eye trained above the nal interiors likely survive, they are hidden behind awnings, at the facades, friezes and ornaments of dropped ceilings and plaster walls. The building forgotten landmarks. The history and character of currently houses a large clothing store. the neighborhood is often hidden in plain sight. East Harlem is a beautiful neighborhood, but un- One example of a landmark in disguise is like many areas in New York, it does not strive to be the historic Cosmo Theatre building. Located along seen. The neighborhood’s layout is a legacy of the the south side of 116th Street between Lexington real estate speculation that occurred there when and , the Cosmo Theatre was built transit lines were expanded in the early Twentieth in time for the release of the original film adapta- Century. Much of the area is made up of residential tion of Oliver Twist in 1922. The impressive design blocks that were constructed all at once had a 1,500 person capacity and featured a stage by speculative developers. But as 116th Street grew for live performances as well. The theatre helped into a popular commercial strip, property owners form the epicenter of East Harlem for more than vied to build the grandest facades and marquees. fifty years. It was located only a few doors from the The former Cosmo Theatre is one of these trea- corner of 116th Street and Third Avenue, or “Lucky sures from the neighborhood’s gilded age. There Corner,” where New York’s first progressive poli- are dozens more inspiring buildings and fascinat- ticians stood on soap boxes and rallied for union ing stories to be uncovered in a day’s walk around rights and immigration reform. Several blocks of East Harlem. urban magazine summer 2014 volume 17 issue 1.5 29 urban magazine summer 2014 NIMBY ism 30 PETER ERWIN is a 2015 Master’s of Urban Planning Candidate at Columbia University concentrating on housing and urban development, and a 2014 NYC Community Planning Fellow. His research and work experience relate to how public policy affects the design quality and financial feasibility of affordable housing.

sharon MOSKOVITS content editor ushma THAKRAR design editor daniel HEWES asst. content editor

This issue of URBAN Magazine was set in a modified Georgia and Mission Gothic type families urban magazine summer 2014 volume 17 issue 1.5 31 [email protected]