DOCSLIB.ORG

Pdf | 346.17 Kb

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Pdf | 346.17 Kb Issue 42, June 2012 FIELD BULLETIN Federalism discourse in three districts in the Eastern Tarai Background When the draft Interim Constitution of Nepal became public in December 2006 it prompted protests from many quarters, most notably Madeshis and Janajatis. The document was prepared by the Seven Party Alliance (SPA)1 and the Maoists, without broad consultations with other actors, in particular the Madhesi and other ethnic groups. Madhesi civil society groups, like the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF), the Nepal Sadbhawana Party (NSP) as well as Madhesi parliamentarians across party lines demanded explicit commitment to federalism, an electoral system which would have had a greater percentage of seats allocated on the basis of proportional representation and redrawn electoral boundaries. This would, in their view, have been a more equitable system.2 Despite the objections, the Interim Constitution was passed by the legislature‐parliament on January 15, 2007. Immediately, the MJF and the NSP organised protests demanding the amendment of the Interim Constitution and the establishment of the entire Tarai as one single province. The protests quickly spread across the Tarai and turned violent in many places.3 In response to the protests, then Prime Minister G P Koirala appeared on TV and addressed the nation twice, on January 31st and on February 7th, 2007. He guaranteed federalism, a redrawing of electoral boundaries again based on population, and the representation of Madhesis and other minority groups in elected bodies and other state organs. Protests and violence persisted and only died down after the legislature‐parliament passed the 1st amendment to the Interim Constitution on 12 April 2007. The amendment calls for the State to be ”democratic and federal”, but there was no clear commitment to ‘One Madesh’.4 After recurrent protests from January 2007 to February 2008, numerous agreements were signed between the Government of Nepal and Madhesi and other agitating ethnic groups, which assured a mixed system of elections5 and assured a federal republic through constitutional amendments. On the one hand, these agreements helped create the political climate necessary for elections, which, in the face of such concerted Madeshi protests, might otherwise have been postponed 1 The seven‐party alliance which signed the twelve‐point agreement consisted of NC, UML, Nepal Sadbhavana Party (Anandi Devi), Nepali Congress (Democratic), Janamorcha Nepal, NepalWorkers and Peasants Party and United Left Front 2 The interim constitution (Art. 63(3)) provided for a 425‐member constituent assembly with 205 elected by a first‐ past‐the‐post system (FPTP), 204 elected by proportional representation and sixteen “distinguished persons” selected by the interim council of ministers. Madhesi groups’ basic objection was that electoral constituencies are not delineated by equitable population representation. 3 NEPAL: IDENTITY POLITICS AND FEDERALISM, Asia Report No199 – 13 January 2011. International Crisis Group 4 Interim Constitution, Art. 138(1) 5 Two kinds of electoral systems were adopted for the Constituent Assembly election: (a)First Past the Post System‐ (FPTP): The system in which the one leading in the vote count is elected. (b) Proportional electoral process: A proportional election is the one where voting takes place for political parties, considering the entire nation a single election constituency. Seats are allocated based on the votes received by the political parties. Parties have to submit the list of candidates prior to the election. Federalism discourse in three districts in the Eastern Tarai indefinitely. On the other hand, it increased the expectations of many ethnic groups who laid claims on territories which often overlapped or were in direct competition with each other, a dynamic which, in 2012, has posed serious challenges to the peace and stability of Nepal and has had a direct impact on both the peace process and the drafting of the new constitution. The details of the different claims by various groups, are further discussed in the subsequent sections of this field bulletin. Elections for a Constituent Assembly (CA) were held in April 2008, forming a 601 member CA. Since then, deliberation on state restructuring has continued within and outside the CA. This field bulletin looks at how this debate took place specifically in Jhapa, Morang and Sunsari districts6. It describes the interests of the various groups agitating on the federalism issue and examines the potential for conflict between them. The bulletin does not attempt to detail or describe the internal politics of each of the groups. Rather, it maps some of the major actors in the Eastern part of the country, as well as their positions in relation to federalism, and attempts to describe some of the underlying dynamics of their competing claims. The findings are based on interactions with local level political party leaders, civil society members, community members and various ethnic outfits active in those districts. Discourse on a federal Nepal A number of proposals for a federal Nepal have been presented by different political parties and individuals and have certainly been a principal source of contention in drafting the new constitution. Initially, the proposals mainly fell into two broader categories. One category of proposals suggested a purely territorial subdivision of the country with no regard to socio‐cultural diversity, but based rather on other criteria, such as economic viability, access to international borders, natural resources or reference to previous administrative arrangements in Nepal, such as the larger ‘Morang’ or ‘Chitwan’ units which existed under the Panchayat system. The other category comprised proposals suggesting a socio‐cultural subdivision based on ethnic identity. At a later stage, most parties, groups and opinion‐makers put forward some ‘mixed’ models combining both elements of identity and viability. As no agreement could be reached on the weightage to be given to these various elements, these ‘mixed models’ were also not enough to bring the political parties to a consensus by May 27. Against this overall backdrop of the nation‐wide debate on federalism, federating the Tarai has proved particularly difficult with conflicting demands driven by various interest groups and political parties. It is important to note that the competing claims in the districts, as described below, have had a direct impact on the national level debate and the national level debate has fed back into the dynamics of the districts of the Eastern Tarai. The CA Thematic Committee on State Restructuring passed a 14 state model in November 2010 by majority voting, envisaging two Tarai provinces, of which one would include districts from Jhapa to Parsa in the east and the other the districts from Nawalparasi to Kanchanpur in the west, leaving out Chitwan, incorporated into a ‘Narayani Province’ in between the two proposed provinces.7 No consensus could be reached. On November 22nd, 2011, the State Restructuring Commission (SRC) was formed to advise the CA on the federal issue. It too could not produce a consensual proposal on federating the Tarai, just as the Thematic Committee before it. 6 These three districts are similar enough in terms of demographic attributes, political dynamics and geographical features to warrant being analyzed together. This, however, does not in any way imply on opinion on their future in a federal Nepal. 7 Restructuring of the State and Distribution of State Power Committee: Report on Concept Paper and Preliminary Draft, 2010 Page 2 of 8 Federalism discourse in three districts in the Eastern Tarai The majority of the SRC floated an 11 province model in which the Tarai is similarly divided into two provinces with the exception of Chitwan now being included in the eastern province. This proposal did not meet with wide acceptance and prompted protests across the country, particularly the Far Western region on its release in early 2012. The minority of the SRC, on the other hand, proposed a six‐state model in which Jhapa, Morang, Sunsari, Chitwan and Kanchanpur would be excluded from the Tarai provinces.8 Some observers felt that this proposal, in its own way, was a type of ethnicity‐based federalism as the districts mentioned have high proportions of Pahadi population and the proposal to detach these districts from any other Tarai provinces was seen by some as an attempt to safeguard the interests of that population. The proposals also varied on the degree of autonomy to be provided to the future provinces. Currently most discussions at the national and local level seem to concentrate on the delineation of provincial boundaries and the names of proposed provinces and there does not seem to have been much public debate on issues such as the relationship between the states and the centre, the form of governance within the provinces or even the rights of various populations within these proposed states. As the CA and constitution drafting process were key to the discussion on federalism (and resolving tensions around it), the dissolution of the CA on 27th May 2012 has added new dynamics to the whole debate; common people as well as political parties and ethnic groups are uncertain about the future of federalism, and, for that matter, the political process by which it may or may not be realized. Given that there was, in the end, no constitution, the tensions around federalism remain unresolved and unaddressed. At the time of writing there is an absence of any formal institution to deal with these deliberations and it is likely that various groups described in this Field Bulletin will resort to various forms of protest to push for their demands. As illustrated below, many of the political actors lobbied in the Constitution drafting process specifically on the interests of their respective ethnic groups (e.g. Khambhus, Limbus, Tharus, Chettri Samaj Nepal), either through political parties or through protests outside of the CA, with the political debate at times assuming a communal aspect.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Asian Centre for Human Rights
    Asian Centre For Human Rights BRIEFING PAPERS ON NEPAL ISSUE No. 3 Embargoed for : 1 September, 2009 Madhes: The challenges and opportunities for a stable Nepal 1. Introduction dispensation. The Sadbhavana Party continues to occupy one ministerial portfolio. One of the least reported, but most significant changes in Nepali politics since the 2006 People’s Movement is the These three Madhesi parties were critical in helping Madhav emergence of the ‘Madhes’ as a political force. With the Nepal form a majority government. Even now, if two of opening of the democratic space, the Madhesis, who largely these parties withdraw support, the coalition runs the risk but not exclusively live in the southern plains and constitute of losing the confidence vote on the floor of the house.6 33 percent of the population1, asserted themselves. The Madhes speak languages like Maithili, Bhojpuri, Awadhi, All these parties have come together on an anti-Maoist Hindi and Urdu2 and have extensive cross-border ties with plank, sharing the belief that the Maoists must be stopped India3. They challenged the hill-centric notion of Nepali in their quest for ‘total state capture’. They have termed the nationalism and staked claim for greater representation in alliance as a broader democratic alliance. But it is riddled the state structure.4 with internal contradictions. After a period of two and a half volatile years which IN THIS ISSUE has seen the repeated formation and fragmentation 1. INTRODUCTION .................................................... 1 of Madhesi parties, the proliferation of militant armed groups in the Tarai, and reluctant measures by 2. THE ISSUES IN MAHDES .....................................
    [Show full text]
  • Limbuwan Todays: Process and Problems
    -limbuwan today: process and problems Bedh Prakash Upreti The post-1950 spread of the Western type of education, and the new economic opportunities largely expedited by the opening of the Terai have had a tremendous impact on the traditiona12 socio-cul­ tural and political system in the Limbuwan. These forces have in­ troduced new institutions and roles, and values and behaviors to support these roles. This paper describes post-1950 socio-cultural change among Brahmin and Limbu in Limbuwan, Eastern Nepal. Only the most perti­ nent changes directly affecting the socio-cultural institutions and values of each group have been treated here. I have also tried to analyze the background and forces of change, and have presented a micro-model of change in this paper. At the end, this paper brief­ ly deals with the problems largely bro~ght about by post-1950 edu­ cational, economic, and socio-cultural changes. POST-1950 CHANGES IN BRAHMIN AND LIMBU CULTURES The following incident, which transpired during the author's boyhood, probably illustrates the types of changes that were to follow. In 1956, when I was a sixth-grade student, a new "science teacher" (a teacher who taught biology and health sciences) was brought in from Darjeeling'. We had never had a "science teacher" before and were very inquisitive about what he was going to teach. During the first day of his class, the new teacher told us that the use of ~ jal (water from the Ganges River considered by Hindus to be holy) was unhealthy and unholy as well. He also stressed the importance of wearing clean clothes, drinking boiled water, and brushing one's teeth every morning.
    [Show full text]
  • NEPAL: Preparing the Secondary Towns Integrated Urban
    Technical Assistance Consultant’s Report Project Number: 36188 November 2008 NEPAL: Preparing the Secondary Towns Integrated Urban Environmental Improvement Project (Financed by the: Japan Special Fund and the Netherlands Trust Fund for the Water Financing Partnership Facility) Prepared by: Padeco Co. Ltd. in association with Metcon Consultants, Nepal Tokyo, Japan For Department of Urban Development and Building Construction This consultant’s report does not necessarily reflect the views of ADB or the Government concerned, and ADB and the Government cannot be held liable for its contents. (For project preparatory technical assistance: All the views expressed herein may not be incorporated into the proposed project’s design. TA 7182-NEP PREPARING THE SECONDARY TOWNS INTEGRATED URBAN ENVIRONMENTAL IMPROVEMENT PROJECT Volume 1: MAIN REPORT in association with KNOWLEDGE SUMMARY 1 The Government and the Asian Development Bank agreed to prepare the Secondary Towns Integrated Urban Environmental Improvement Project (STIUEIP). They agreed that STIUEIP should support the goal of improved quality of life and higher economic growth in secondary towns of Nepal. The outcome of the project preparation work is a report in 19 volumes. 2 This first volume explains the rationale for the project and the selection of three towns for the project. The rationale for STIUEIP is the rapid growth of towns outside the Kathmandu valley, the service deficiencies in these towns, the deteriorating environment in them, especially the larger urban ones, the importance of urban centers to promote development in the regions of Nepal, and the Government’s commitments to devolution and inclusive development. 3 STIUEIP will support the objectives of the National Urban Policy: to develop regional economic centres, to create clean, safe and developed urban environments, and to improve urban management capacity.
    [Show full text]
  • Nepal's Peace Agreement: Making It Work
    NEPAL’S PEACE AGREEMENT: MAKING IT WORK Asia Report N°126 – 15 December 2006 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. APRIL AFTERMATH................................................................................................... 2 A. FROM POPULAR PROTEST TO PARLIAMENTARY SUPREMACY ................................................2 B. A FUNCTIONAL GOVERNMENT?..............................................................................................3 C. CONTESTED COUNTRY ...........................................................................................................5 III. THE TALKS ................................................................................................................... 6 A. A ROCKY START...................................................................................................................6 1. Eight-point agreement.................................................................................................6 2. Engaging the UN ........................................................................................................7 3. Mutual suspicion.........................................................................................................8 B. THE STICKING POINTS............................................................................................................8 1. Arms
    [Show full text]
  • River Culture in Nepal
    Nepalese Culture Vol. XIV : 1-12, 2021 Central Department of NeHCA, Tribhuvan University, Kathmandu, Nepal DOI: https://doi.org/10.3126/nc.v14i0.35187 River Culture in Nepal Kamala Dahal- Ph.D Associate Professor, Patan Multipal Campus, T.U. E-mail: [email protected] Abstract Most of the world civilizations are developed in the river basins. However, we do not have too big rivers in Nepal, though Nepalese culture is closely related with water and rivers. All the sacraments from birth to the death event in Nepalese society are related with river. Rivers and ponds are the living places of Nepali gods and goddesses. Jalkanya and Jaladevi are known as the goddesses of rivers. In the same way, most of the sacred places are located at the river banks in Nepal. Varahakshetra, Bishnupaduka, Devaghat, Triveni, Muktinath and other big Tirthas lay at the riverside. Most of the people of Nepal despose their death bodies in river banks. Death sacrement is also done in the tirthas of such localities. In this way, rivers of Nepal bear the great cultural value. Most of the sacramental, religious and cultural activities are done in such centers. Religious fairs and festivals are also organized in such a places. Therefore, river is the main centre of Nepalese culture. Key words: sacred, sacraments, purity, specialities, bath. Introduction The geography of any localities play an influencing role for the development of culture of a society. It affects a society directly and indirectly. In the beginning the nomads passed their lives for thousands of year in the jungle.
    [Show full text]
  • A Glimpse of Kirat-Yakthung (Limbu) Language, Writing, and Literacy
    Journal of Global Literacies, Technologies, and Emerging Pedagogies Volume 4, Issue 1, March 2017, pp. 560-593 Delinking, Relinking, and Linking Methodologies: A Glimpse of Kirat-Yakthung (Limbu) Language, Writing, and Literacy Marohang Limbu1 Writing, Rhetoric, and American Cultures Michigan State University, USA Abstract: Limbus (Limboos), who are also known as “Yakthungs” or “Kirat-Yakthung” or “Kirats,” have/had their own unique culture, language, writing, and Mundhum rhetorics. After “Nun-Paani Sandhi” (Salt-Water Treaty) in 1774 with Khas-Aryas, they (Khas- Aryans) ideologically and Politically banned Limbus from teaching of their language, writing, and Mundhum rhetorics in Yakthung laje (Limbuwan). Because of the Khas-Aryan oPPression, Limbu culture had/has become oral-dominant; Yakthungs used/use oral- Performance-based Mundhum rhetorics to Preserve their culture, language, histories, and Mundhum rhetorics. The main PurPose of this article is to discuss the develoPment of Kirat-Yakthung’s writing and rhetoric and/or rise-fall-rise of Yakthung scriPt, writing, and literacy. The essay demonstrates how Kirat-Yakthung indigenous PeoPles are delinking (denaturalizing or unlearning) Khas-Aryan-, Indian-, and Western linguistic and/or cultural colonization, how they are relinking (revisiting or relandscaPing) their Susuwa Lilim and/or Sawa Yet Hang ePistemologies, and how they are linking their cultural and linguistic identities from local to global level. In this essay, I briefly discuss delinking, relinking, and linking methodology, and how Kirat-Yakthungs are translating it into Practice. This essay demonstrates Khas-Aryan intervention and/or Khas-Aryan paracolonial intervention in the develoPment of Kirat-Yakthung writing and literacy, and Kirat-Yakthungs’ resistance for their existence.
    [Show full text]
  • A Case Study of Jana Andolan II in Nepal
    Occasional Paper: Peace Building Series No.1 FutureGenerations Applied Community Graduate School Change and Conservation PeoPle’s ParticiPation in conflict transformation: a case study of Jana andolan II in nePal Bandita Sijapati Social Science Baha February 2009 Occasional Papers of the Future Generations Graduate School explore community-based approaches to social development, health, nature conservation, peace building, and governance. Faculty, alumni, and partner organizations present their field studies and applied research. www.future.edu People’s Participation in Conflict Transformation: A Case Study of Jana Andolan II in Nepal Rise from every village, rise from every settlement To change the face of this country, rise Those who have a pen in hand, bring your pen and rise Those who can play an instrument, bring your instrument and rise Those who have a tool in hand, bring your tool and rise Those who have nothing at all, bring your voice and rise.1 I. INTRODUCTION In April 2006, there was a country-wide people’s movement in Nepal, popularly known as the Jana Andolan II,2 against King Gyanendra’s direct rule3 following a 12-point understanding reached between the Seven Party Alliance4 and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), which was leading a communist insurgency against the state. The 19-day-long Jana Andolan II5 (People’s Movement II) ended direct rule by Gyanendra, forced him to return power to the reinstated parliament, and created a conducive environment for the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the government and the rebel Maoists in November 2006. The success of Jana Andolan II in thus ending the decade-long conflict that had affected all parts of the country has thus been hailed by many as being exemplary of the ways in which engaged citizenry and communities at the local level can have an impact on the resolution and transformation of violent conflict at the national level.
    [Show full text]
  • Federalism Is Debated in Nepal More As an ‘Ism’ Than a System
    The FEDERALISM Debate in Nepal Post Peace Agreement Constitution Making in Nepal Volume II Post Peace Agreement Constitution Making in Nepal Volume II The FEDERALISM Debate in Nepal Edited by Budhi Karki Rohan Edrisinha Published by United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Support to Participatory Constitution Building in Nepal (SPCBN) 2014 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Support to Participatory Constitution Building in Nepal (SPCBN) UNDP is the UN’s global development network, advocating for change and connecting countries to knowledge, experience and resources to help people build a better life. United Nations Development Programme UN House, Pulchowk, GPO Box: 107 Kathmandu, Nepal Phone: +977 1 5523200 Fax: +977 1 5523991, 5523986 ISBN : 978 9937 8942 1 0 © UNDP, Nepal 2014 Book Cover: The painting on the cover page art is taken from ‘A Federal Life’, a joint publication of UNDP/ SPCBN and Kathmandu University, School of Art. The publication was the culmination of an initiative in which 22 artists came together for a workshop on the concept of and debate on federalism in Nepal and then were invited to depict their perspective on the subject through art. The painting on the cover art titled ‘’Emblem” is created by Supriya Manandhar. DISCLAIMER: The views expressed in the book are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of UNDP/ SPCBN. PREFACE A new Constitution for a new Nepal drafted and adopted by an elected and inclusive Constituent Assembly (CA) is a key element of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) of November 2006 that ended a decade long Maoist insurgency.
    [Show full text]
  • Chronology of Major Political Events in Contemporary Nepal
    Chronology of major political events in contemporary Nepal 1846–1951 1962 Nepal is ruled by hereditary prime ministers from the Rana clan Mahendra introduces the Partyless Panchayat System under with Shah kings as figureheads. Prime Minister Padma Shamsher a new constitution which places the monarch at the apex of power. promulgates the country’s first constitution, the Government of Nepal The CPN separates into pro-Moscow and pro-Beijing factions, Act, in 1948 but it is never implemented. beginning the pattern of splits and mergers that has continued to the present. 1951 1963 An armed movement led by the Nepali Congress (NC) party, founded in India, ends Rana rule and restores the primacy of the Shah The 1854 Muluki Ain (Law of the Land) is replaced by the new monarchy. King Tribhuvan announces the election to a constituent Muluki Ain. The old Muluki Ain had stratified the society into a rigid assembly and introduces the Interim Government of Nepal Act 1951. caste hierarchy and regulated all social interactions. The most notable feature was in punishment – the lower one’s position in the hierarchy 1951–59 the higher the punishment for the same crime. Governments form and fall as political parties tussle among 1972 themselves and with an increasingly assertive palace. Tribhuvan’s son, Mahendra, ascends to the throne in 1955 and begins Following Mahendra’s death, Birendra becomes king. consolidating power. 1974 1959 A faction of the CPN announces the formation The first parliamentary election is held under the new Constitution of CPN–Fourth Congress. of the Kingdom of Nepal, drafted by the palace.
    [Show full text]
  • Nepal's Faltering Peace Process
    NEPAL’S FALTERING PEACE PROCESS Asia Report Nº163 – 19 February 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS .................................................i I. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................1 II. CONSENSUS OR CONFLICT? ......................................................................................2 A. WHAT’S LEFT OF THE PEACE PROCESS?.......................................................................................2 B. THE MAOIST-LED GOVERNMENT: IN OFFICE BUT NOT IN POWER? ..............................................3 C. OLD NEPAL: ALIVE AND WELL....................................................................................................5 D. THE RISKS OF FAILURE................................................................................................................6 III. PEACE PARTNERS AT ODDS.......................................................................................8 A. THE MAOISTS: BRINGING ON THE REVOLUTION?.........................................................................8 B. UNCERTAIN COALITION PARTNERS..............................................................................................9 C. THE OPPOSITION: REINVIGORATED, BUT FOR WHAT? ................................................................11 1. The Nepali Congress................................................................................................................. 11 2. The smaller parties ...................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Nepal Proclaims Itself a 'Federal Democratic Republic'
    nepal Nepal proclaims itself a ‘federal democratic republic’ But whether it definitely becomes one is to be decided in April BY AJAYA BHADRA KHanaL N December 2007, Nepal’S interim legislature proclaimed itself “a federal democratic republican state.” Nepal had previously Federations Iamended its constitution to become fed- eral in March 2007, but this bill abolished the monarchy as well. For this poor, land- locked former kingdom in the mountains and foothills of the Himalayas, such a 2008 change would be a huge step. Nepal, H C sandwiched between India and China, R has few natural resources beyond quartz, hydroelectric power, timber and scenery. | MA After a 10-year civil war that drastically RY A hurt tourism and other industries, all RU parties were eager for peace. The monarchists, once one of three FEB main political forces in Nepal (along with the Nepali Congress Party and the Communists), have dwindled into a minor political movement. The monar- chy’s popularity sank after the death of King Birendra in a notorious palace mas- sacre in 2001. After his brother Gyanendra dissolved parliament and took control to battle Maoist insurgents in the civil war, human rights abuses by the government turned many against the king. The resolution in parliament that abolished the monarchy was passed by 270 votes to 3, with 56 abstentions. The vote must still be confirmed by a special PHO AP T constituent assembly to be elected on O/ April 10 to draft a new constitution. bin OD JO OD S H An unlikely choice I With an average Nepali earning less than The end of the road for Nepal’s King Gyanendra came on Dec.
    [Show full text]
  • Youth Experiences of Conflict, Violence and Peacebuilding in Nepal
    CASE STUDY ‘Aaba Hamro Paalo’ (It’s Our Time Now): Youth experiences of conflict, violence and peacebuilding in Nepal. Informing the Progress Study on Youth, Peace and Security and the Implementation of Security Council Resolution 2250. SEPTEMBER 30, 2017 Dr. Bhola Prasad Dahal Niresh Chapagain Country Director DMEA Manager Search for Common Ground, Nepal Search for Common Ground, Nepal Phone: +977 9851191666 Phone: +977 9801024762 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Case Study: Youth Consultations on Peace & Security in Nepal Table of Contents Table of Contents .......................................................................................................................................... 1 Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................................................... 3 Acronyms ...................................................................................................................................................... 4 1. Executive Summary .................................................................................................................................. 5 2. Introduction ............................................................................................................................................... 9 3. Methodology and Description of Research Activities ............................................................................ 10 3.1 Objectives, Population of the Study and Key Research Questions ..................................................
    [Show full text]