SINO-INDIAN BORDER DISPUTE at AKSAI CHIN a MIDDLE PATH for RESOLUTION Colonel ®Virendra Sahai Verma
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Pierce – the American College of Greece Model United Nations | 2021
Pierce – The American College of Greece Model United Nations | 2021 Committee: Security Council Issue: The Sino-Indian Border Dispute Student Officer: Alexandros Ballis Position: President PERSONAL INTRODUCTION Dear Delegates, My name is Alexandros Ballis and I am a 11th grader at the German School of Thessaloniki and I’ll be serving as the President in this year’s Security Council. First of all, I would like to congratulate all of you on both your decision to get involved in the challenging, but at the same time, exciting world of Model United Na- tions, as well as for choosing to participate in such a great conference. I can assure you that MUN is an incredible experience, since you get the chance to involve your- selves in current affairs and issues that will define our generation, improve your pub- lic speaking and negotiating skills, ameliorate your use of the English language and last, but certainly not least, make new friends! The topics of this year’s agenda are of utmost importance. However, this study guide will focus on the third topic of the agenda, namely “The Sino-Indian Bor- der Dispute”. The dispute between China and India concerning their borders and the territorial status of several areas between those two countries is an ongoing dispute that has caused instability in the area. Seeing that there is a risk of escalation be- tween the world’s two most populous countries, also having established themselves as nuclear powers, the possibility of a war is not far away. Therefore, efficient measures that will solve the crisis as soon as possible are needed. -
Siachen: the Non-Issue, by Prakash Katoch
Siachen: The Non-Issue PC Katoch General Kayani’s call to demilitarise Siachen was no different from a thief in your balcony asking you to vacate your apartment on the promise that he would jump down. The point to note is that both the apartment and balcony are yours and the thief has no business to dictate terms. Musharraf orchestrated the Kargil intrusions as Vajpayee took the bus journey to Lahore, but Kayani’s cunning makes Musharraf look a saint. Abu Jundal alias Syed Zabiuddin an Indian holding an Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) provisioned Pakistani passport has spilled the beans on the 26/11 Mumbai terror attack: its complete planning, training, execution and minute-to-minute directions by the Pakistani military-ISI-LeT (Lashkar-e-Tayyeba) combine. More revealing is the continuing training for similar attacks under the marines in Karachi and elsewhere. The US says Pakistan breeds snakes in its backyard but Pakistan actually beds vipers and enjoys spawning more. If Osama lived in Musharraf’s backyard, isn’t Kayani dining the Hafiz Saeeds and Zaki-Ur- Rehmans, with the Hamid Guls in attendance? His demilitarisation remark post the Gyari avalanche came because maintenance to the Pakistanis on the western slopes of Saltoro was cut off. Yet, the Indians spoke of ‘military hawks’ not accepting the olive branch, recommending that a ‘resurgent’ India can afford to take chances in Siachen. How has Pakistan earned such trust? If we, indeed, had hawks, the cut off Pakistani forces would have been wiped out, following the avalanche. Kashmir Facing the marauding Pakistani hordes in 1947, when Maharaja Hari Singh acceded his state to India, Kashmir encompassed today’s regions of Kashmir Valley, Jammu, Ladakh (all with India), the Northern Areas, Gilgit-Baltistan, Lieutenant General PC Katoch (Retd) is former Director General, Information Systems, Army HQ and a Delhi-based strategic analyst. -
China and Kashmir* Buildup Along the Indo-Pak Border in 2002 (Called Operation Parakram in India)
China and Kashmir* buildup along the Indo-Pak border in 2002 (called Operation Parakram in India). Even if the case may by JABIN T. Jacob be made that such support to Pakistan has strength- ened Pakistan’s hands on the Kashmir dispute, it is difficult to draw a direct link between the twists and turns in the Kashmir situation and Chinese arms supplies to Pakistan. Further, China has for over two Perceptions about the People’s Republic of China’s decades consistently called for a peaceful resolution position on Kashmir have long been associated with of the Kashmir dispute, terming it a dispute “left over its “all-weather” friendship with Pakistan. However, from history.” Both during Kargil and Operation the PRC’s positions on Kashmir have never been Parakram, China refused to endorse the Pakistani consistently pro-Pakistan, instead changing from positions or to raise the issue at the United Nations. disinterest in the 1950s to open support for the Paki- Coupled with rising trade and the continuing border stani position in the subsequent decades to greater dialogue between India and China, this has given rise neutrality in the 1980s and since. While China has to hopes in India that the Kashmir dispute will no China’s positions on continued military support to Pakistan even during longer be a card the Chinese will use against it. Kashmir have never been military conflicts and near-conflicts between India and Pakistan, its stance on Kashmir has shifted consistently pro-Pakistan, gradually in response to the prevailing domestic, China and Pakistan Occupied Kashmir instead changing from dis- regional, and international situations. -
China's Influence on Conflict Dynamics in South Asia
USIP SENIOR STUDY GROUP FINAL REPORT China’s Influence on Conflict Dynamics in South Asia DECEMBER 2020 | NO. 4 USIP Senior Study Group Report This report is the fourth in USIP’s Senior Study Group (SSG) series on China’s influence on conflicts around the world. It examines how Beijing’s growing presence is affecting political, economic, and security trends in South Asia and the Indian Ocean region. The bipartisan group was comprised of senior experts, former policymakers, and retired diplomats. They met six times by videoconference over the course of 2020 to examine how an array of issues—from military affairs to border disputes, trade and development, and cultural issues—come together to shape and be shaped by Chinese involvement. The group members drew from their deep individual experiences working in and advising the US government to generate a set of top-level findings and actionable policy recommen- dations. Unless otherwise sourced, all observations and conclusions are those of the SSG members. Cover illustration by Alex Zaitsev/Shutterstock The views expressed in this report are those of the members of the Senior Study Group alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. An online edition of this and related reports can be found on our website (www.usip.org), together with additional information on the subject. © 2020 by the United States Institute of Peace United States Institute of Peace 2301 Constitution Avenue NW Washington, DC 20037 Phone: 202.457.1700 Fax: 202.429.6063 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.usip.org First published December 2020. -
Causes of the 1962 Sino-Indian War: a Systems Level Approach
University of Denver Digital Commons @ DU Josef Korbel Journal of Advanced International Studies Josef Korbel School of International Studies Summer 2009 Causes of the 1962 Sino-Indian War: A Systems Level Approach Aldo D. Abitol University of Denver Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/advancedintlstudies Part of the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Aldo D. Abitbol, “Causes of the 1962 Sino-Indian War: A systems Level Approach,” Josef Korbel Journal of Advanced International Studies 1 (Summer 2009): 74-88. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Josef Korbel School of International Studies at Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Josef Korbel Journal of Advanced International Studies by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],dig- [email protected]. Causes of the 1962 Sino-Indian War: A Systems Level Approach This article is available at Digital Commons @ DU: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/advancedintlstudies/23 Causes of the 1962 Sino-Indian War A SYSTEMS LEVEL APPRAOCH ALDO D. ABITBOL University of Denver M.A. Candidate, International Security ______________________________________________________________________________ The emergence of the BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India and China) nations as regional powers and future challengers to U.S. hegemony has been predicted by many, and is a topic of much debate among the IR community today. Interestingly, three of these nations have warred against each other in the past and, coincidentally or not, it was the nations that shared borders: India and China and China and Russia. -
Evaluating India-China Tactical Military Standoff Through Strategic Lens
1 EVALUATING INDIA-CHINA TACTICAL MILITARY STANDOFF THROUGH STRATEGIC LENS * Dr. Ahmed Saeed Minhas, Dr. Farhat Konain Shujahi and Dr. Raja Qaiser Ahmed Abstract India and China are two big neighbours by all respects, may it be geography, military might, natural resources, leading international engagements, armed forces in terms of quality, aspirations for global dominance, vibrant economy, plausible market and above all nuclear weapons states. India since its inception has not been under normal strategic relations with China. The international border between India and China has yet to be formalized and thus still termed as Line of Actual Control (LAC). In May 2020, the two sides had a face-off in Ladakh area having potential of spiralling up to uncontrollable limits, if not immediately, in future for sure. India under its hardliner nationalist political leadership is looking for regional hegemony with due American political, military and diplomatic support. India by strengthening its military infrastructure at Ladakh in Western Indian Held Kashmir (IHK) is suspected to build a jump-off point to check China-Pakistan Economic Corridor moving through Pakistani Gilgit Baltistan (GB) area. The tactical level Indo-China stand-off in Ladakh has strategic implications for South Asian peace and stability. Keywords: Kashmir, Line of Actual Control (LAC), India-China Rivalry, China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and Strategic Stability. Introduction ndo-China bilateral relations have come to a standstill which over a period of time I had remained veiled with limited face valued engagements at different levels. Although, in the past India and China had summit level meetings having main agenda of addressing territorial disputes. -
SINO‐INDIAN BORDER DISPUTES R R I T O R I a L D I S Analysis
Analysis No. 181, June 2013 SINO‐INDIAN BORDER DISPUTES Hongzhou Zhang and Mingjiang Li Sino‐Indian relations have been marred by their territorial disputes in the past decades. Tensions and disputes in the border region are likely to continue to occur from time to time in the foreseeable future, but the two countries have demonstrated strong political will and incentives not to allow the disputes to hijack their bilateral ties. Hongzhou Zhang and Mingjiang Li are senior research analyst and associate professor at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University respectively ©ISPI2013 1 The opinions expressed herein are strictly personal and do not necessarily reflect the position of ISPI. The ISPI online papers are also published with the support of Cariplo Introduction In April 2013, tensions erupted between India and China over their Himalayan border. India accused Chinese troops of having crossed the Line of Actual Control (LAC) by setting up camp in Indian-claimed territory. In response, Indian forces set up their own camp 300 meters opposite the Chinese facility. Initially, China attempted to play down the tensions by denying the allegations. Beijing claimed that Chinese troops had observed the agreement between the two countries since they did not cross the LAC. Facing strong pressure from the opposition political parties and media, India’s ruling government insisted on settling the incident peacefully through diplomatic means. Eventually, the dispute was peacefully resolved when both sides withdrew their troops. The incident once again highlighted the volatility of Sino-Indian relations. Understanding its volatile nature requires an exploration of the interplay of various factors: geopolitical realities in Asia, the historical legacies in bilateral ties, trade and other economic interests, domestic politics in both countries, the pursuit of common global concerns, and of course, the border disputes. -
Sino-Indian Military Build-Up Over Aksai Chin: China's Interests in A
ANALYSIS Title: Sino-Indian military build-up over Aksai Chin: China’s interests in a geopolitical context Alternative title: The geopolitics of Aksai Chin By: Sander Ruben Aarten, Research fellow at the South Asia Institute (Heidelberg University, Germany) Word count: 1986 In mid-April a Chinese army unit of 30-odd troops crossed the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in Ladakh in India and put up their tents for the night. This event, which is not an isolated incident, caused much consternation in the Indian media and symbolises the mutual suspicion that both countries have towards each other. These sentiments of mistrust are expressed in the fact that both sides have been building up their military presence along the LAC in recent years. Because both countries are rising nations which share a 3800 kilometre long border of which large parts remain disputed there is concern that increased cross-LAC tensions could become a source of potential instability. This article aims to elaborate upon the geostrategic significance of Aksai Chin for China and whether renewed tensions over this disputed land could drag both countries into war again. Like India’s struggle with Pakistan over Kashmir, the dispute over Aksai Chin is almost as old as India itself. The origins of this contention date back to the British Raj which failed to demarcate the border between its colony and China definitively. By and large, today’s border issue revolves around two main boundary designs that have been put forward by the British. One of them, the Johnson-line, places Aksai Chin under Indian control, whereas the other, the MacDonald-line, includes it in Chinese territory. -
China Builds Dam on Indus Near Ladakh Senge H Sering*
Commentary China Builds Dam on Indus near Ladakh Senge H Sering* The tail-end of Indus receives so little water that today Sindh's agriculture faces extinction. Further reduction of water will increase salinity, land erosion and sea-flooding that will severely damage the Indus delta. As a consequence, rise in water table may flood cities like Karachi and Thattha. The impact of water shortage on aquatic wildlife will be detrimental. While Pakistan is building two mega dams of Diamer and Bunji on the Indus in occupied Gilgit-Baltistan, the Chinese dam will cause water shortage for similar mega hydroelectric projects including the existing Tarbela dam that also lies on Indus. China has built a medium scale dam near Demchok, Ladakh on the River Indus. The Indus, after passing through Ladakh, Gilgit and Baltistan districts of J&K, flows through Pakistani plains and finally drains into the Indian Ocean near Thattha. The dam was located by Alice Albinia, a British journalist and author of the book 'Empires of the Indus', while tracking the source of Indus in Tibet. Except for hydroelectric installation, the structure, which has apparently stopped most of the river flow, is complete. Initially, it will generate eleven megawatts of electricity; however, given its storage capacity and gradient factor, power generation can reach well over double the initial output. * Senge H. Sering is a Visiting Fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. 136 Journal of Defence Studies China Builds Dam on Indus near Ladakh Indus is one of the longest rivers in Asia with a length of 3,180 kilometers, and 21st in the world given its annual flow and drainage area, which exceeds 1,165,000 sq. -
UN in Dialogue with China to Visit Xinjiang
UN in dialogue with China to visit Xinjiang April 10, 2021 Several governments have pressed China to allow UN rights inspectors to visit Xinjiang after raising allegations of “appalling” human rights abuses against the Uighur minority people. In news: U.K. urges China to grant UN access to Xinjiang Placing it in syllabus: Foreign Affairs Dimensions Map of Xinjiang Province Ethnic Problem Importance of the region for China Chinese initiatives in the region Problems with the Chinese policies and the UN’s position in it India and the Xinjiang Problem Content: Map of Xinjiang Province: Xinjiang, officially Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region (XUAR), is an autonomous region of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). It is located in the northwest of the country close to Central Asia. It is the largest province-level division of China and the 8th-largest country subdivision in the world, Borders: Xinjiang borders the countries of Mongolia, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan and India. The rugged Karakoram, Kunlun and Tian Shan mountain ranges occupy much of Xinjiang’s borders, as well as its western and southern regions. The Aksai Chin region, administered by China, is claimed by India. Xinjiang also borders the Tibet Autonomous Region and the provinces of Gansu and Qinghai. The most well-known route of the historic Silk Road ran through the territory from the east to its northwestern border. Ethnic Problem: Xinjiang is home to a number of ethnic groups, including the Turkic Uyghur, Kazakhs and Kyrgyz, the Han, Tibetans, Hui, Tajiks, Mongols, Russians and Sibe. Xinjiang has seen a history of ethnic tensions between the native Uighur Muslims and majority Han Chinese migrants. -
The Permanent Liminality of Pakistan's Northern Areas- the Case of Gilgit-Baltistan
Trinity College Trinity College Digital Repository Senior Theses and Projects Student Scholarship Spring 2020 The Permanent Liminality of Pakistan's Northern Areas- The Case of Gilgit-Baltistan Hamna Tariq [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/theses Part of the Asian American Studies Commons, Asian History Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, Defense and Security Studies Commons, Economic Policy Commons, Education Policy Commons, Ethnic Studies Commons, Human Rights Law Commons, International Humanitarian Law Commons, Islamic World and Near East History Commons, Legal Studies Commons, Other Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration Commons, Peace and Conflict Studies Commons, Political History Commons, Public Administration Commons, Public Affairs Commons, Public History Commons, Public Law and Legal Theory Commons, Public Policy Commons, Social History Commons, Social Policy Commons, South and Southeast Asian Languages and Societies Commons, Urban Studies Commons, and the Urban Studies and Planning Commons Recommended Citation Tariq, Hamna, "The Permanent Liminality of Pakistan's Northern Areas- The Case of Gilgit-Baltistan". Senior Theses, Trinity College, Hartford, CT 2020. Trinity College Digital Repository, https://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/theses/821 The Permanent Liminality of Pakistan’s Northern Areas: The Case of Gilgit Baltistan Hamna Tariq International Studies and Urban Studies Senior Thesis Supervised by Dr. Garth Myers and Dr. Shafqat Hussain -
THE FORGOTTEN FACT of CHINA-OCCUPIED KASHMIR Relevant For: International Relations | Topic: India - China
Source : www.thehindu.com Date : 2020-11-06 THE FORGOTTEN FACT OF CHINA-OCCUPIED KASHMIR Relevant for: International Relations | Topic: India - China Following the abrogation of Article 370 and reorganisation of the Indian State of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), a China-Pakistan tandem has emerged to internationalise the issue, including in the UN Security Council. Pakistan has feigned solidarity with the people of Kashmir and continues to train and fund separatists and terrorists. The Financial Action Task Force (FATF), the global watchdog that monitors terror financing, has retained Pakistan on its ‘Grey List’ for a good reason. China’s support for Pakistan is motivated by a desire to perpetuate its own territorial grab in the trans-Karakoram Shaksgam Tract of Kashmir. China treats the J&K issue as a “bilateral dispute left over from history” to be resolved between India and Pakistan. It has turned a blind eye to the constitutional shenanigans by which Pakistan’s so-called federal Ministry of Kashmir Affairs and Gilgit-Baltistan has acquired complete sway over Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK). It ignores Pakistan’s agenda of integrating Gilgit-Baltistan as its fifth province. Yet, China has the temerity to question the establishment of the Union Territory of Ladakh and to term it a ‘unilateral’ attempt to change “the status quo in the Kashmir region”. China has no locus standi to comment on India’s internal affairs since the erstwhile princely State of J&K acceded to India through the Instrument of Accession on October 26, 1947. Also read | China refrains from opposing Pakistan’s Gilgit-Baltistan move The Shaksgam valley in the trans-Karakoram tract, part of PoK, was handed over on a platter by a supine Pakistan to China through an illegal border agreement on March 2, 1963.