Journal of Political Inquiry at New York University, Spring 2014 Issue

FORECASTING ’S FUTURE POLICIES AND POLITICS

Jonathan Grady

Abstract: A series of games solved for Bayesian Perfect Equilibria on Egypt’s future policies and politics is offered. The model indicates the current military junta, piecemeal democratization, and a radicalized opposition are all expected to continue. Western friendly policies associated with the Mubarak regime, i.e. the 1979 Camp David Peace Accord between Egypt and Israel, counter-terror intelligence and operations assistance, are forecasted to continue. A game attempting to solve the Egyptian political crisis following the 2011 revolution is also presented. It offers a solution to secure more democratic concessions from the Egyptian government, credibly promoting a future democratic Egypt: Aligning moderate elements of the opposition closer to the military, away from more radical elements of the opposition, notably the , maintained credible hope for more democratic reforms.

Introduction the Egyptian people. Unfortunately, my I offer an assessment of likely applied game theoretic analysis does not developments in Egypt over the next few offer much support for the idea of years based on a game theoretic analysis that substantive democratic change. The examined the strategic interplay of 16 predictions drawn between January and players, including diverse sources of mid-March, 2011 have thus far been correct, political influence inside and outside of suggesting that the data used to analyze the Egypt. The model that was used (Bueno de Egyptian case are likely to be reliable. Mesquita 2009, 2011), has a track record of approximately 90 percent accuracy and is, Table 1 displays my assumptions therefore, likely to provide a useful window regarding who the key players are; their on Egypt’s future. Unfortunately, the picture position on the form of governance (1); it paints is not uplifting. position on relations (2); their potential influence; salience for the issue; and their The Egyptian revolution during resolve to stick to their position (low values) spring 2011 was hailed as an opportunity for or to seek consensus whatever its contents democratization from the autocratic (higher values). The variables are defined in Mubarak regime. Many saw in the populist the appendix, as well as the meaning of uprising hints about what was to come for positions on the issue scale.

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Table 112

Players Influence Position Salience Resolve Barack Obama 40 (1) 10 (2) 0 20 (1) 8 (2) 15 John McCain 5 (1) 10 (2) 0 30 (1) 8 (2) 15 John Kerry 6 (1) 10 (2) 0 25 (1) 8 (2) 15 Joseph Lieberman 4 (1) 10 (2) 0 30 (1) 8 (2) 15 Hillary Clinton 8 (1) 10 (2) 0 40 (1) 8 (2) 15 Field Marshall Hussein Tantawi 75 0 95 20 Lt. Gen. Sami Hafez Enan 47 0 95 20 Muslim Brotherhood 32 100 85 40 Al-Ghad Party 19 60 85 20 Sheik Yusuf al-Qaradawi 15 100 85 15 Abdel Nouri New 22 40 85 20 Hossam Badrawi NDP 16 0 85 20 Phillipe Maystadt EIB President 6 (1) 10 (2) 0 30 (1) 8 (2) 15 Angela Merkel 15 (1) 10 (2) 0 25 (1) 8 (2) 15 David Cameron 14 (1) 10 (2) 0 30 (1) 8 (2) 15 Nicolas Sarkozy 14 (1) 10 (2) 0 25 (1) 8 (2) 15

1 For variables whose numerical value does not change between games, the values solely listed apply to both games. 2 It is important to point out the model is also designed to calculate for exogenous ‘shocks.’ It models the effect of players leaving the game/switching positions. Implicit in the analysis is the calculation done for players like Sarkozy, being defeated in the recent French presidential election, the two generals stepping down, etc.

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The equilibria derived from my Egypt. However changes in important application of the multi-player game solved factors, namely age, the economic crisis in for Bayesian Perfect Equilibria shows the Egypt, and a reduction in foreign aid Egyptian military as not interested in receipts caused him to lose support, making democratizing Egypt. Indeed, its interest is it impossible for him to maintain office. Age to stifle democratization in order to maintain has a unique effect on incumbency prospects. their ability to extract monies for its own Although leader survival generally increases profit and to secure its hold on positions of with age, eventually age turns against power. The military have and will be both survival prospects. This happens when the de facto and de jure most powerful in questions arise among key supporters about Egyptian politics. The Muslim Brotherhood, whether they will continue to receive the though claiming to be interested in optimal mix of public and private goods that democratization, is more likely to renege have led them to support the current leader according to the analytic results. The in the first place. Once key coalition Brotherhood seems to be using initial members believe that they are at serious risk participation in the democracy movement as of losing these benefits after the leader a means to gain power and use it as a tool passes they become open to alternative for their future prospect of running Egypt. leadership options. Essentially, they hedge According to the applied game theoretic their bets. Specifically, faced with analysis, the Muslim Brotherhood is uncertainty about the future flow of goods, expected to become an increasingly coalition members look to healthier potential radicalized opposition force (See Figure 1). leaders that can more reliably continue to The leaders of the West, particularly provide these goods. Egypt’s senior military President Obama, Prime Minister Cameron officers enjoy pocketing goods from the and Chancellor Merkel, will be more budget, state industrial and financial interested in extracting Egyptian policy institutions that are not easily calculable by concessions salient to their own voters rather observers. , a senior member of than in promoting a true democratic ’s NDP party, provides a government. The moderate opposition useful example of the goods that key members in Egypt are expected to lose Egyptian coalition members to Hosni significantly in the upcoming elections and Mubarak received. He held more than 60 to become a marginalized voice in Egyptian percent of market share in the Egyptian steel politics. None of this bodes well for the industry through his Al-Ezz Dekheila Steel future of democratic competition. Company.3 Hosni Mubarak was over eighty-two The Lead up to the Egyptian Revolution The Egyptian revolution came as a 3 Richard Leiby, “The Rise and Fall of Egypt’s Most Despised Billionaire, Ahmed Ezz,” Washington surprise for most academics. Hosni Mubarak Post, April 9, 2011: enjoyed nearly thirty years in office and was http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the-rise- entrenched in his position as president of and-fall-of--most-despised-billionaire-ahme d-ezz/2011/03/29/AFVgNG9C_story.html

3 Journal of Political Inquiry at New York University, Spring 2014 Issue years old at the time of the revolution and Egypt has been one of the largest recipients there were rumors that he was afflicted by of US foreign aid, behind only Israel in cancer. After the revolution, Mr. Mubarak’s foreign aid receipts. It is not a coincidence lawyer disclosed that he was, in fact, either that the foreign aid came after the suffering from stomach cancer. 4 This is peace accord with Israel. Prior to signing the likely to have been known by members of peace accord, Egypt virtually received his inner circle. His age and deteriorating nothing from the United States; afterwards it health made his supporters, namely senior saw an exponential spike in contributions military officers, question his viability as a from the US. A recent Pew Research Center future leader of Egypt, which meant that the poll found that over half of want goods they received under his charge were to end peace with Israel.5 The use of foreign also in doubt. aid has been effectively given to keep Egypt The economic crisis did not help his at peace with Israel. A recent Gallup poll political survival prospects either. Most of found that nearly three quarters of Egyptians the people affected by the economic crunch favor ending American foreign aid to felt in Egypt were not part of Mubarak’s Egypt.6 Why would Egyptians favor cutting coalition of key backers. However, en masse foreign aid from the US? Without these they would be able to have a credible chance foreign aid contributions, the Egyptian to overthrow the government. In 2010, it government would be at the very least was estimated that Egypt had a 9 percent incentivized to have icy/hostile relations unemployment rate and had 20 percent of its with Israel. Foreign aid has been a tool to population underneath the poverty line extract policy concessions from Egypt that (Central Intelligence Agency). The bleak are conducive to the interests of the United prospects for the average Egyptian with a States and the security of the region. government indifferent to their harsh Since 1979, Egypt has maintained fairly existence made it quite tempting to put good relations with Israel, as it recognized regime change in motion. Whether or not its right to exist, acted as a mediator they succeeded in overthrowing Hosni between Israel and its Arab neighbors and Mubarak depended on the response by the aided the US and other Western countries in Egyptian security forces. Their response intelligence and counter-terror operations. It would ultimately depend on foreign aid did so because providing these benefits to coming into Egypt. the US in exchange for aid left it better off Perhaps, the least understood and one of than engaging in policies that would have a the biggest factors fueling the revolution negative effect on the amount of foreign aid was the foreign aid given (or, more particularly, not given) to Egypt. Since 1979, 5 Pew Research Poll April 25, 2011: http://pewresearch.org/pubs/1971/egypt-poll-d emocracy-elections-islam-military-muslim-brothe 4 “Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak Has Stomach Cancer,” rhood-april-6-movement-israel-obama BBC News, June 20, 2011 6 Gallup Poll February 6, 2012: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-1 http://www.gallup.com/poll/152471/egyptians- 3845484 oppose-economic-aid.aspx

4 Journal of Political Inquiry at New York University, Spring 2014 Issue it received. Egypt received an average of ties with its neighbor. The reduction of two billion dollars per year since the Camp foreign aid altered its expected utility David peace accord.7 Most of the aid was calculus of following policies salient to the spent on the military. The military used it United States and Israel. It then became both as a mechanism to secure defense more desirable to side along the lines more funding and to enrich senior officers. responsive to the Egyptian populace and its Having the money funneled into the military Arab neighbors. The reduction in foreign aid strongly entrenched Mubarak politically as became a major problem for Mubarak. The the military helped suppress freedoms of money from the aid was used to enrich his speech, press and assembly throughout his cronies and keep them in line. tenure. It was essentially a free resource Without the money, he would not be good that strengthened Mubarak’s hold on able to keep them sufficiently content, and power by giving him sufficient capital for they would look for other potential leaders private goods allocations that would keep to deliver them the money they need. It is no him in power and create a loyalty norm surprise that during the revolution the against domestic challengers. Egyptian security forces stood by as Early in 2010, Hosni Mubarak’s protesters congregated and chanted their future political prospects began to unravel. calls for Mubarak to go. As the military was The Obama administration elected to cut shopping for their new man to replace foreign aid in half. 8 In a costly signal Mubarak, a large influx of foreign aid came response during a trip to in pouring in from the US and Europe.1011 The February, the Egyptian foreign minister, concern over losing prized policy , referred to Israel as an concessions from Egypt made Egypt a very “enemy” and stated that Egypt would back salient issue for policymakers during the Syria and Lebanon should Israel attack spring and prompted the military to get the either over a transfer of scud missiles. 9 aid back with added interest. Following the peace accord, Egypt had not This concern was due to the engaged in any saber rattling with Israel of opposition groups in Egypt that did not want this magnitude and had enjoyed amicable to maintain the current status quo Egyptian policies with the West. The more moderate

7 “Factbox: Most U.S. Aid to Egypt Goes to Military” members of the Egyptian opposition groups, Reuters, January 29, 2011: http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/01/29/us-eg ypt-usa-aid-idUSTRE70S0IN20110129 10 Nicole Gaouette, “Clinton Announces $2 Billion of 8 Hadeel Al-Shalchi and Lee Keath, “US Aid Cuts Hit New Egypt Aid in ,” Bloomberg, March 15, 2011: Egypt's Democracy Groups,” The Boston Globe, April http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-03-15/clin 18, 2010: ton-announces-2-billion-of-new-egypt-aid-in-cairo-v http://www.boston.com/news/world/middleeast/a isit.html rticles/2010/04/18/us_aid_cuts_hit_egypts_democra 11 Sebastian Moffett, Nathalie Boschatand, and William cy_groups/ Horobin, “G-8 Pledges Aid to Egypt, Tunisia,” Wall 9 Roee Nahmias, “Egyptian FM calls Israel 'enemy.'” Street Journal, May 29, 2011: Ynet News; April 25, 2010 http://online.wsj.com/article/SB1000142405270230456 http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-38806 3104576353392663048626.html 73,00.html

5 Journal of Political Inquiry at New York University, Spring 2014 Issue for example Ayman Nour and Abdel Nouri, The research aim of predicting wanted neutral ties with the US and the Egypt’s political future was to predict the West, and therefore leave the peace treaties future structure of the Egyptian government. established with Israel in doubt. The more The structure of government would dictate radical members of the Egyptian opposition, the distribution of power amongst the notably the Muslim Brotherhood, wanted a competing factions within Egypt. The more aggressive foreign policy with Israel, distribution of power would influence how which could have increased the likelihood of much power each group would have and if conflict and potentially destabilized the that power held would be sufficient to region. In order to remain in power and extract desired policies. continue reaping its benefits, the military The following scale shows the was thus incentivized to find an optimal positions of the players regarding their position relative to Western and opposition desired structure of the Egyptian demands. government. They are placed relative to Egypt’s Future Politics each other.

Form of Government Scale

(60) Islamic (0) Military (10) Some (40) Liberal (100) Islamic Popular Junta concessions Democracy Theocracy Democracy Power Mohammed (Status Quo) structure Abdel Nouri Ayman Nour Badie remains Tantawi, Enan Western Muslim El-Ghad Party etc. players Brotherhood

The positions range from military junta government preferred from the one the to the establishment of Islamic theocracy. military prefers. The Western position is to Following the revolution, Egypt was a de call for some form of Egyptian facto military junta, so it was coded as the democratization, effectively serving political status quo (0). The Western players, notably rhetoric for respective domestic audiences. Obama, Sarkozy, Cameron and Merkel are A democratic Egypt would make the placed allowing some minor democratic extraction of select policies from Egypt concessions, but nothing substantive enough untenable, but the appearance of an to make real change towards emerging democratic Egypt serves political democratization in Egypt (10). Their weak rhetoric and still provides desired policy.12 lexicographic preference for democracy creates the small shift in the type of 12 It is worth noting observation of calls from Western leaders for Egypt to democratize, however

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The moderate opposition groups are key players’ power in Egypt jockeying over coded as promoting liberal democracy (40), a 15 round game. The sum of the Western including Abdel Nouri of the New Wafd players influence displays the cumulative party, and Islamic popular democracy (60), power of the West in the region. Ayman Nour of the El-Ghad party. The Muslim Brotherhood is coded for establishing an Islamic theocracy (100). The Muslim Brotherhood does not hold an interest in promoting democracy in Egypt. Using backward induction by means of Extended Nash Equilibria, the ends that Badie and the Muslim Brotherhood seek, such as initial participation in the democratic process, are within the Muslim Brotherhood’s optimal equilibrium pathway to achieve a credible probability of running the Egyptian government and crafting it to its preferences. The overture of engaging in a democratic election is a guise to facilitate the Muslim Brotherhood’s entrance to power in Egypt. This analysis later proved accurate during President Morsi’s attempts to consolidate power in Egypt.

Figure 1 displays the result of the these are non-credible signals. The failure (or stifling actions) to promote Egyptian democracy in Egypt has not prompted Western leaders to take substantive actions measures Egypt to truly democratize. There have been no major votes at the UN General Assembly, UN Security Council, economic sanctions against Egypt or its leaders, substantive withdrawal of foreign aid, invoking the ‘coup clause,’ a provision to eliminate aid in the American foreign aid agreement with Egypt, has not been exercised, expelling Egyptian diplomats, pulling diplomats out of Egypt or any other substantive measure meant to provide a cost for the Egyptian government for not democratizing. The actions precipitated against countries like Libya, Syria or Iran have in no way been applied to Egypt. The rhetoric against Egypt is no more than cheap talk. What is substantive of the West’s position is the lack of action. The Western stance on Egypt was placed largely on this consideration.

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Figure 1

The initial increase in Western military as the most powerful player in the influence allows Tantawi and Enan to grow country, backed by foreign aid contributions. in power. This can be attributed to the influx The West is second most powerful, largely of additional foreign aid receipts to the as a result of foreign aid as well. Egyptian regime. However, at round 7, For further explication of the Tantawi and Enan begin to decline in power, opposition’s radicalization, Nouri and Nour whereas Badie’s power continues to grow. lose power after round 3 while Badie The observation of substantial Western becomes stronger (See Figure 2). The influence and the lack of democratization moderate groups gain power as a result of are effectively undermining the regime and the initial appearance of a democratizing moderate opposition groups. These factors Egypt. However, the presence of Western are causing moderate followers to radicalize involvement and the conclusion that out of frustration. As a result, Badie gains democratization will not come as expected more followers from within the opposition causes large segments of the moderates to movement. The game shows the Egyptian radicalize.

Figure 2

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Based upon the shift of positions concession to the opposition to mitigate throughout the game, the Egyptian military radicalization, which also engenders useful acquiesces to Western preferences and political rhetoric to Western leaders for their opposition demands to allow some domestic audience. Badie’s position softens democratic reforms (See Figure 3). The in order to capitalize on moderates in military offers a small democratic response to the lack of democratization.

Figure 3

At round 7, the game ends with some before it can progress further. The model democratic reforms (24), but these measures indicates that the combined power of the are piecemeal; the current power structure West and military leadership will dominate remains largely intact. The game ends at the politics in Egypt. This influence will round 7 because observing that their power dictate the desired structure of government, will substantially diminish, enabling Badie which will be a military junta with the to overtake them, incentivizes the Egyptian trappings of a democratic country. military players electing to end the game

Egypt’s Future Relations and Policies with the West

Form of Relations Scale

(60) Improved (0) Maintain relations; with (40) Neutral (100) Stronger relations with Increased foreign aid stance in partnerships regional regional receipts region adversaries i.e. Iran adversaries Egyptian Military Abdel Nouri Ayman Nour Mohammed Badie Western Players New Wafd El-Ghad Party Muslim Brotherhood Muslim Brotherhood Party

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A second study was conducted to military to maintain current relations with predict what the relationship between Egypt more aid (0). Moderate Abdel Nouri’s New and the West would look like following the Wafd party prefers Egyptian neutrality (40) revolution. The implication of what such a and less moderate Ayman Nour’s El-Ghad relationship would look like, along with the Party prefers an improvement in relations structure of government, determines how with Western adversaries in the Middle East, salient particular issues for the West will be i.e. Iran. The Brotherhood seeks to develop a to the Egyptian government. The relations greater partnership and ties between Egypt positions were again scaled relative to each and Iran. Prima facie, the Brotherhood and player’s position. Within this game, the Iran are strange bedfellows, having opposing positions range from maintaining worldviews of Islam, though sharing Egyptian-Western relations to stronger stronger preference orderings in opposition Egyptian-Western adversary relations, an to the current Western influence in the alternative to the status quo. A converging Middle East. position develops between the West and

Figure 4

Previous to round 5 when the deal is coincides with a radicalization of the made, Enan loses power and eventually the opposition. The costs associated with the West follows suit (See Figure 4). The West government structure and its policies and Egyptian military players capitalize at become increasingly difficult. The West and this point in time to secure the optimal military would rather end the game earlier outcome. The West and military could before this can occur. By shifting his continue the game to have Badie come position closer to better relations with the closer to their preferred lexical preferences, West, Badie is effectively undermining the however the model indicates they do not current Egyptian regime. He is becoming (See figure 5). Why? Badie’s rise in power more powerful as a result of offering the

10 Journal of Political Inquiry at New York University, Spring 2014 Issue most viably distant choice from the military. the government. Badie and the Muslim His popularity rises again in this case as the Brotherhood become the preferred Egyptian opposition is frustrated with the candidates for such a role. Radicalization lack of substantive democratization. The occurs in the opposition as the game everyday Egyptian essentially wants a voice continues. distant in position from the military to express his/her anger and frustration over

Figure 5

The game ends with the military and generate more radical followers for the the West agreeing to maintain current Muslim Brotherhood. Combining this study policies by increasing aid (15), an estimate with the first one, Egypt is predicted to later proved accurate by increased foreign maintain peace with Israel and continue aid receipts in the subsequent months and aiding in counter-terrorism intelligence years following the revolution with Western gathering and operations with the United friendly policies continuing. The cost is States and other Western powers. These increasing because of the growing domestic policies are not without costs, however. The costs associated with increasingly unpopular costs of a nascent robust radicalized Egyptian domestic policies and severe civil opposition, inflaming the region and unrest. A moderate increase in ties translates engendering a potential breeding ground for to an increase in foreign aid receipts to radicalized sympathizers antithetical to offset higher costs. Remember the military Western consideration are particularly relies on foreign aid receipts to maintain worrisome prospects given that Egyptians incumbency. Regardless of attempts to are rather educated for global standards. stymie radicalization of the opposition, the With this prediction in mind, it is observation of the status quo with the West, worthwhile to note some, prima facie, with respect to substantive policies, as well overtures towards democratization following as a largely status quo government, will the Egyptian revolution. Formalized

11 Journal of Political Inquiry at New York University, Spring 2014 Issue relations with Iran and a brokered whether or not there was a possible solution reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas are that would allow Egypt to democratize. worthwhile examples. While these instances However, this solution would require the of departure from the status quo of Egyptian West to receive desired policy extractions affairs may seem troubling for the Western and continued military incumbency because observer, yet promising for an Egyptian of the inherent structural effects in the game tired of the policies from the Mubarak era, that preclude democratic growth without they are examples of cheap talk signals. The these assenting players. The policy needed actions are piecemeal democratic to achieve this optimal balance hinged on concessions giving the Egyptian people the supporting moderate opposition groups and appearance Egypt is democratizing; compelling them to adjust their positions essentially they are attempts to mitigate closer with the military. Surely this was not domestic political costs. The relations ideal, however its outcome is better than a enjoyed by Egypt with Iran were friendly country of voiceless millions and violent during Mubarak’s tenure without de jure mass outbursts observed today. The model representation in Tehran. Recognition of offered a beneficially constructive relations with Iran is only dressing in this alternative. The model indicated that case. Furthermore, the brokered moderate opposition groups who shift their reconciliation was offered in 2009 only left position closer to the military would be able out Hamas at the negotiating table. This to have a relevant say in Egyptian politics, instance was during the Mubarak regime as rather than become marginalized. well. Consistent with the analysis, the The game was modified by shifting democratic concessions observed are only Nouri’s position from supporting a liberal minor and piecemeal. What is a costly signal democracy (40) to supporting minor is the Egyptian military’s entrenched democratic concessions (20). This can be position against true democratization in done because it is within his resolve range, Egypt, i.e. freedom of speech, assembly and since he has acquiesced to demands made by press. These necessary conditions to the government in the past. His New Wafd establishing democracy are not being met party aided Hosni Mubarak’s NDP party and their absence is signaling how far appear as legitimate by participating in fixed democracy will take hold in Egypt. elections without boycott. His resolve is also shifted to become firm to reflect the position Solving Egypt’s Political Problem shift and coded (2). Observe the shifting In light of Egypt’s inability to relations between the major power holders democratize, the question was raised in Egypt.

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Abdel Nouri’s Position Shift Form of Government Scale

(20) Moderate (60) Islamic (0) Military (10) Some (100) Islamic democratic popular Junta concessions Theocracy concessions democracy Power Mohammed (Status Quo) structure Abdel Nouri Ayman Nour Badie remains Tantawi, Enan Western Muslim New Wafd Party El-Ghad Party etc. players Brotherhood

Figure 6

By supporting minor democratic The outcome of having the military grant concessions along the lines of the West and more democratic concessions (26) with a Egyptian government positions, giving strong moderate opposition maintains the political cover to the West and Egyptian possibility of a more democratic country in government, Nouri undermines Badie’s the future. Coupling Badie’s loss of power radical stance. The end result is the game and the rise of the moderates like Nouri with ending at round 6 with more democratic a more democratic government structure concessions than the predicted outcome (26). creates a scenario where the West and The game ends when the Egyptian military military would be willing to continue ceding players begin to lose power similar to the more democratic concessions. There is a predicted outcome. The military would still very doubtful outlook of a democratic Egypt be the dominant force within the without this shift. government, and its policies continue, To further explicate the difference however the added democratic concessions for Nouri between the predicted outcome would not be possible without Nouri’s shift. and the engineered one, observe the

13 Journal of Political Inquiry at New York University, Spring 2014 Issue following chart representing the amount of power he holds in each scenario (See Figure 7).

Figure 7

Nouri is far better off adopting this concerns in Egypt and the greater Middle policy than staying the course with the East are abated because the potential for a predicted one. Indeed, the engineered radicalized Egyptian opposition is outcome offers a very visible shift in power eviscerated in the given scenario. The for the opposition movement. This offer human and economic costs associated with incentivizes Nouri to accept the deal, Egypt’s political turmoil are being making him a relevant figure in Egyptian substantially mitigated. politics, rather than becoming marginalized. A scenario develops that could Practical Assessments and Future credibly improve the everyday Egyptian’s Implications wellbeing; the leadership has the incentive The model paints a bleak picture of to shift the proportion of public to private Egypt’s future. There will be observations of good allocative spending towards a higher the military dominating the country’s proportion of public good allocations. With politics on one end of the the exception of the Muslim Brotherhood in and a robust, radicalized opposition on the the engineered outcome, all the players other end. The model predicts that the improve, further stymieing opposition international policies from the Mubarak radicalization in Egypt. The result supports regime should continue for the foreseeable fledgling democratic reforms and the hope future. The 1979 Camp David Peace Accord for further democratization remains a should remain. The Egyptian government credible prospect. A more democratic should also be responsive to Western government can be hoped for. Security security concerns in the region. The public

14 Journal of Political Inquiry at New York University, Spring 2014 Issue responses from the Egyptian government, aid the Muslim Brotherhood against the though, should be carefully analyzed military. The radicalization of the opposition because Egypt is engaging in policies and its discontent with the government may making it appear less responsive to Western prove to become a potential future breeding consideration to mitigate an antagonized ground for radical extremists. It becomes a opposition. However, stifling potentially dangerous situation, since democratization and continuing policies Egyptians are rather wealthy and educated conducive to Western consideration are for global standards. signaling of its actual position. The New challenges lie ahead for policy military’s reliance on foreign aid receipts is in the Middle East. This model paramount to maintain incumbency. The demonstrated that democracy could indeed option to elect for continued foreign aid be promoted in Egypt while balancing receipts are through continuing Western policies salient to Western concerns. Yes, friendly policies. As a result, the politics of the range in democracy is not ideal, however Egypt will be extremely sensitive, to say the maintaining a credible hope for democracy least. is better than nothing. The economic and The average Egyptian is facing human costs being observed in Egypt could economic hardship and holds the hope Egypt have been greatly mitigated if the solution would democratize. A democratic Egypt provided by the model guided policymakers. would be more responsive to the welfare of The costs of radicalization abroad are salient its citizens than the autocratic Mubarak because they can return back home. regime. Unfortunately, the model suggests Applications in game theoretic modeling in the autocratic government structure from the the future can provide possible avenues to Mubarak regime will continue into the new promoting democracy while taking into government. This, in turn, suggests the better account internal and external political economic prospects for the average concerns in other countries. The use of game Egyptian may not improve anytime soon, theoretic modeling indicates a more positive since Egypt’s autocratic leaders are not and pragmatic direction can be taken in structurally incentivized to promote a high Middle Eastern politics. This, I believe, proportion of public goods for the general should be highlighted and implemented, populace. The bleak future for the average since we have the tools to do so available for Egyptian will help fuel discontent against our use. the military, radicalize the opposition, and

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Appendix

Form of Government Scale

(60) Islamic (0) Military (10) Some (40) Liberal (100) Islamic Popular Junta concessions Democracy Theocracy Democracy Power Mohammed (Status Quo) structure Abdel Nouri Ayman Nour Badie remains Tantawi, Enan Western Muslim New Wafd Party El-Ghad Party etc. players Brotherhood

Form of Relations Scale

(60) Improved (0) Maintain relations; with (40) Neutral (100) Stronger relations with Increased foreign aid stance in partnerships regional regional receipts region adversaries i.e. Iran adversaries Egyptian Military Abdel Nouri Ayman Nour Mohammed Badie Western Players New Wafd El-Ghad Party Muslim Brotherhood Muslim Brotherhood Party

Abdel Nouri’s Position Shift Form of Government Scale

(20) Moderate (60) Islamic (0) Military (10) Some (100) Islamic democratic popular Junta concessions Theocracy concessions democracy Power Mohammed (Status Quo) structure Abdel Nouri Ayman Nour Badie remains Tantawi, Enan Western Muslim New Wafd Party El-Ghad Party etc. players Brotherhood

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Figure 1

Figure 2

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Figure 3

Figure 4

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Figure 5

Figure 6

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Figure 7

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