Hearing on “China's Belt and Road Initiative: Five Years Later”
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China's Economic Recovery and Dual Circulation Model
BRIEFING China's economic recovery and dual circulation model SUMMARY After a delayed response to the outbreak of the novel coronavirus in late 2019, China has expanded its sophisticated digital surveillance systems to the health sector, linking security and health. It has apparently successfully contained the virus, while most other countries still face an uphill battle with Covid-19. China emerged first from lockdown, and its economy rapidly entered a V-shaped recovery. As in 2008, China is driving the global recovery and will derive strategic gains from this role. However, China's relations with advanced economies and some emerging markets have further deteriorated during the pandemic, as its aggressive foreign policy posture has triggered pushback. This has created a more hostile environment for China's economic development and has had a negative impact on China's hitherto almost unconstrained access to these economies. The need to make the Chinese economy more resilient against external shocks and the intention to tap into the unexploited potential of China's huge domestic market in order to realise the nation's ambitions of becoming a global leader in cutting-edge technologies have prompted the Chinese leadership to launch a new economic development paradigm for China. The 'dual circulation development model' still lacks specifics but is expected to be a key theme in China's 14th Five-Year Plan (2021-2025) to be officially approved in March 2021. The concept suggests that, in future, priority will be given to 'domestic circulation' over 'international circulation'. China's more inward-looking development strategy geared towards greater self-reliance in strategic sectors requires major domestic structural reform and investment to unleash the purchasing power of China's low-end consumers and the indigenous innovation efforts to achieve the technological breakthroughs needed. -
Commercial Attaché, Embassy of Mexico the Embassy of Ireland In
Commercial Attaché, Embassy of Mexico The Embassy of Ireland in Mexico is recruiting a Commercial Attaché who will report to the Deputy Head of Mission responsible for trade and economic promotion. This is a new role and the successful candidate will be offered a one year contract, renewable for a maximum of two additional years. The key objective for the role of the Commercial attaché will be to promote Ireland’s economic interests in Mexico and to facilitate and support Irish companies wishing to enter or expand in the Mexican market, principally in the areas of agribusiness (particularly dairy), ICT (particularly software services for the telecoms industry and digital media), financial services and education. Role Profile Specifically, the new Commercial Attaché will: Cooperate with strategic partners in Mexico to identify and capture economic opportunities for Irish companies, including drafting market opportunity assessments; Expand the Embassy contact network in the agribusiness, ICT, financial services and education sectors and in other sectors as identified by the Embassy as priorities; Consolidate and expand the embassy’s information on Irish companies operating in the Mexican market or seeking to enter the market, as well as maintaining a comprehensive contacts database and networking with key Irish business people; Liaise with and support the development of the recently established Irish-Mexican Chamber of Commerce and work with the Chamber, ProMéxico, COMCE and other Mexican business organisations, as well as Irish state -
The Guangzhou-Hongkong Strike, 1925-1926
The Guangzhou-Hongkong Strike, 1925-1926 Hongkong Workers in an Anti-Imperialist Movement Robert JamesHorrocks Submitted in accordancewith the requirementsfor the degreeof PhD The University of Leeds Departmentof East Asian Studies October 1994 The candidateconfirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where referencehas been made to the work of others. 11 Abstract In this thesis, I study the Guangzhou-Hongkong strike of 1925-1926. My analysis differs from past studies' suggestions that the strike was a libertarian eruption of mass protest against British imperialism and the Hongkong Government, which, according to these studies, exploited and oppressed Chinese in Guangdong and Hongkong. I argue that a political party, the CCP, led, organised, and nurtured the strike. It centralised political power in its hands and tried to impose its revolutionary visions on those under its control. First, I describe how foreign trade enriched many people outside the state. I go on to describe how Chinese-run institutions governed Hongkong's increasingly settled non-elite Chinese population. I reject ideas that Hongkong's mixed-class unions exploited workers and suggest that revolutionaries failed to transform Hongkong society either before or during the strike. My thesis shows that the strike bureaucracy was an authoritarian power structure; the strike's unprecedented political demands reflected the CCP's revolutionary political platform, which was sometimes incompatible with the interests of Hongkong's unions. I suggestthat the revolutionary elite's goals were not identical to those of the unions it claimed to represent: Hongkong unions preserved their autonomy in the face of revolutionaries' attempts to control Hongkong workers. -
Contemporary China: a Book List
PRINCETON UNIVERSITY: Woodrow Wilson School, Politics Department, East Asian Studies Program CONTEMPORARY CHINA: A BOOK LIST by Lubna Malik and Lynn White Winter 2007-2008 Edition This list is available on the web at: http://www.princeton.edu/~lynn/chinabib.pdf which can be viewed and printed with an Adobe Acrobat Reader. Variation of font sizes may cause pagination to differ slightly in the web and paper editions. No list of books can be totally up-to-date. Please surf to find further items. Also consult http://www.princeton.edu/~lynn/chinawebs.doc for clicable URLs. This list of items in English has several purposes: --to help advise students' course essays, junior papers, policy workshops, and senior theses about contemporary China; --to supplement the required reading lists of courses on "Chinese Development" and "Chinese Politics," for which students may find books to review in this list; --to provide graduate students with a list that may suggest books for paper topics and may slightly help their study for exams in Chinese politics; a few of the compiler's favorite books are starred on the list, but not much should be made of this because such books may be old or the subjects may not meet present interests; --to supplement a bibliography of all Asian serials in the Princeton Libraries that was compiled long ago by Frances Chen and Maureen Donovan; many of these are now available on the web,e.g., from “J-Stor”; --to suggest to book selectors in the Princeton libraries items that are suitable for acquisition; to provide a computerized list on which researchers can search for keywords of interests; and to provide a resource that many teachers at various other universities have also used. -
Responsible Business Conduct and Economic Diplomacy Tools
Responsible business conduct and economic diplomacy tools June 2017 mneguidelines.oecd.org This concept note was prepared for the session on promoting responsible business conduct (RBC) through economic diplomacy tools at the Roundtable for Policy Makers that took place on 28 June 2017 within the framework of the OECD Global Forum on Responsible Business Conduct. It sets a basis for reflection and discussion on how RBC standards can be embedded in economic diplomacy. Economic diplomacy refers to government services and support provided to business in foreign markets. This can take the form of financial support such as export credits, investment guarantees and direct lending, but can also include other public services such as trade missions, capacity building activities and access to information and networks through embassies. These tools are not only instrumental to promote foreign trade and investment, but they can also be powerful levers for governments to guide corporate behaviour and support best practice on responsible business conduct (RBC). Although far from mainstream, some governments have recognised this potential and are using economic diplomacy to create incentives for business to behave responsibly. There are several reasons for this. First, governments as economic actors should not contribute to adverse impacts of business operations. Second, although trade and investment promotion is a competitive field among countries, it is in governments' interests to create a level playing field and ensure that companies are subject to fair competition and do not profit from public services with irresponsible practices. Third, insufficient attention to corporate conduct by national companies in foreign markets can negatively affect the country's image abroad. -
Economic Diplomacy in Africa: the Impact of Regional Integration Versus Bilateral Diplomacy On
MWP 2016/18 Max Weber Programme Economic Diplomacy in Africa: The Impact of Regional Integration versus Bilateral Diplomacy on Bilateral Trade Author Sylvanus Author Kwaku and Afesorgbor Author Author European University Institute Max Weber Programme Economic Diplomacy in Africa: The Impact of Regional Integration versus Bilateral Diplomacy on Bilateral Trade Sylvanus Kwaku Afesorgbor EUI Working Paper MWP 2016/18 This text may be downloaded for personal research purposes only. Any additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copy or electronically, requires the consent of the author(s), editor(s). If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the working paper or other series, the year, and the publisher. ISSN 1830-7728 © Sylvanus Kwaku Afesorgbor, 2016 Printed in Italy European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy www.eui.eu cadmus.eui.eu Abstract The paper examines the impact of two main instruments of economic diplomacy regional integration and commercial diplomacy on export flows among African states. We test whether there is any evidence of a trade-off or complementary interaction between these two instruments in trade facilitation. We compare the effects of these two instruments of economic diplomacy on bilateral trade by employing a gravity model for 45 African states over the period 1980-2005. The results show that bilateral diplomatic exchange is a relatively more significant determinant of bilateral exports among African states compared to regional integration. We also find a nuanced interaction between these two instruments of economic diplomacy: the trade-stimulating effect of diplomatic exchange is less pronounced among African countries that shared membership of the same regional bloc. -
Gunboat Diplomacy: Political Bias, Trade Policy, And
Gunboat Diplomacy Political Bias, Trade Policy, and War∗ Brendan Cooley† 13 November 2019 Abstract Countries with deep trading relationships rarely ght wars with one another. Here, I develop a theory of trade, war, and political bias, in which both trade and war are endogenous objects. Governments can rectify poor market access conditions abroad through war and subsequent regime change, in which the victorious country installs a liberal “puppet” government abroad. Trade policy bargaining is therefore conducted “in the shadow of power,” with counterfactual wars shaping the policy choices that prevail in times of peace. When peace prevails, militarily weak countries are more open to trade than powerful ones, all else equal. Equilibrium trade policies balance domestic interests against military threats from abroad. War is less likely between liberal governments because they prefer less protectionist trade policies. As a result, trade ows and the probability of peace are positively correlated in equilibrium, even though trade does not cause peace. JEL Classication Codes: D72, D74, F13, F51, F52, F54 ∗Ph.D. candidate, Department of Politics, Princeton University. Previous versions of this paper were circulated under the titles “Trade Wars, Hot Wars, and the Commercial Peace” and “Trade Policy in the Shadow of Power.” For helpful comments and discussions on earlier drafts of this paper, I thank Timm Betz, Adrien Bilal, Tyson Chatagnier, Rob Carroll, Andrew Coe, Noel Foster, Erik Gartzke, Kishore Gawande, Dan Gibbs, Joanne Gowa, Gene Grossman, -
China's Dual-Circulation Model Is a Plan for a Hostile World but A
China’s dual-circulation model is a plan for a hostile world but a catchable US Domestic production gets priority in a strategy that seeks to boost China’s ‘soft power’. Sir Arthur Lewis (1915-1991) was an economist to 2035 and to ensure its global influence? A “dual circulation” strategy, which marries the ‘external circulation’ of global from Saint Lucia in the Caribbean who was demand with the ‘internal circulation’ of domestic demand.[3] awarded the Nobel Prize in Economics in 1979 The split-economy strategy emerged from a Politburo meeting for his theories on development. His ‘dual in May last year and appears deliberately ambiguous.[4] Official sector model’ suggested that economies pronouncements since indicate the plan aims to reduce China’s can modernise without triggering inflation reliance on other countries for national-security reasons while boosting the country’s ‘soft’ global power to approach (thus because the growing industrial sector can nullify) that of the US. While the previous rebalancing aimed rely on a large supply of farm workers to to lessen China’s dependence on exports, the dual-circulation work for low, but not subsistence, wages. strategy seeks to limit China’s reliance on imports and the US- dominated global financial and trading system. The strategy’s This allows industry to earn, then reinvest, essence is prioritising domestic production, innovation and excessive profits. But one day the stream self-sufficiency. It is a call to turn China into a sophisticated of peasants dries up. When a developing manufacturing hub, form China-centred global production economy reaches this ‘Lewis turning networks that multinationals come to rely on, develop a yuan- based international financial network, and possibly turn China point’, wages growth exceeds productivity, into a military-technological complex. -
Gunboat Diplomacy of the Great Powers on the Ottoman Empire
Journal of International Eastern European Studies/Uluslararası Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, Vol./Yıl. 2, No/Sayı. 2, Winter/Kış 2020) ISSN: 2687-3346 Araştırma Makalesi Gunboat Diplomacy of the Great Powers on the Ottoman Empire: With Particular Reference to the Salonika Incident (1876) and Armenian Reform Demands (1879-80) Fikrettin Yavuz* (ORCID ID: 0000-0002-3161-457X) Makale Gönderim Tarihi Makale Kabul Tarihi 01.12.2020 08.12.2020 Abstract Throughout history, gunboat, a small vessel of a naval force, has been turned into a term of coercive diplomacy. Gunboat diplomacy, associated with chiefly the activities of the Great Powers, means the use of naval power directly or indirectly as an aggressive diplomatic instrument. It seems highly probable to see many examples of this coercive diplomacy in the world history, particularly after the French Revolution. Naturally, the Ottoman Empire, always attracted attention of the Great Powers, was exposed to this policy of the Powers. During the nineteen century, the rivalry among the European Powers on the Ottoman territorial integrity became a common characteristic that led them to implement gunboat diplomacy on all occasions. In this context, this article firstly offers a critical analysis of gunboat diplomacy of the Great Powers on the Ottoman Empire within the dimension of two specific examples: The Salonika Incident and Armenian reform demands. In addition, it aims to contribute to the understanding of gunboat diplomacy of the Great Powers and Ottoman response by evaluating it from native and foreign literatures. Keywords: European Powers, Ottomans, Gunboat Diplomacy, Salonika, Armenian, Reform * Assoc. Prof. Dr., Sakarya University, Faculty of Arts and Sciences, Department of History, Turkey, [email protected]. -
Household Questionaire
China Pear Value Chain: Implication for Smallholders Zuhui HUANG Professor and Director of China Academy for Rural Development (CARD), Zhejiang University, China Email: [email protected] Tel (Fax): +86 571 86971646 Jing ZHANG PhD candidate, China Academy for Rural Development (CARD), Zhejiang University, China Email: [email protected] Tel (Fax): +86 571 86971646 Kevin CHEN China Program Leader and Senior Research Fellow International Food Policy Research Institute, Beijing Office Email: [email protected] Fax: + 86 10 62158579 Contributed Paper prepared for presentation at the International Association of Agricultural Economists Conference, Beijing, China, August 16-22, 2009 Copyright 2009 by [Zuhui HUANG et al] All rights reserved. Readers may make verbatim copies of this document for non-commercial purposes by any means, provided that this copyright notice appears on all such copies. 1 China Pear Value Chain: Implication for Smallholders Zuhui HUANG Jing ZHANG Kevin Z. CHEN Abstract: Abstract: The objective of this paper is to describe different types of value chain, to capture value added activities of each chain, to discuss the organizational and institutional link in each value chain and its implications for the role of small farmers. We focus on two counties in Hebei and Zhejiang of China. Taking pear for example, analysis of value chain is conducted using data of representative samples of pear value chain. For each chain, value added activities, cost composition, profit distribution, organizational and institutional linkages are illustrated, and corresponding conclusions are indicated. After a systematic analysis of organizational and institutional linkage and value adding activities of every chain as well as cost-benefit analysis of smallholders, we found that: value-added of each value chain are different, smallholders hardly benefit from value chains of Hebei case. -
Bar Gets Deep-Sixed
SAVE CASH! FIND THIS WEEK’S BORO DEALS ON PAGE 9 Yo u r Neighborhood — Yo u r News® BrooklynPaper.com • (718) 260–2500 • Brooklyn, NY • ©2012 Serving Brownstone Brooklyn, Williamsburg & Bay Ridge AWP/12 pages • Vol. 35, No. 3 • January 20–26, 2012 • FREE THRILL KILLING Safer, smoother Cyclone plan has fans fuming By Daniel Bush use — and the end result will be riding the Cyclone and getting a famous since the 1920s will not The Brooklyn Paper a coaster that rides more like a few bruises,” said Josh Bauchner, be affected by the update. The legendary Coney Island Cadillac than a Jeep, according to who rides the Cyclone multiple “What made the Cyclone Cyclone will get a major overhaul Tom Corsillo, of Central Amuse- times a year. popular is not changing,” Cor- that promises a safer, smoother, ment International, the owner of Bauchner was one of many sillo said. and less rickety experience — Luna Park, which operates the coaster boosters who bemoaned Amusement experts we talked Community Newspaper Group / Kate Briquelet but roller coaster aficionados city-owned coaster. the upgrades. to were split on the upgrade’s Brooklyn Heights resident Chris Beal is angry and con- worry that the fix-up will take “It’s going to be a much But Corsillo said the Cy- impact on riders’ overall expe- fused about a garbage-covered lot on Henry Street. the thrills out of the 85-year-old smoother ride,” Corsillo told clone’s faithful had nothing to rience. File photo Callan by Tom thrill ride. us. worry about, claiming the Cy- “The average person won’t be Whoa now! A rehab of the Beginning this month, workers But some Cyclone fans say get- clone will now be safer, but still be able to tell the difference,” said historic Cyclone has fans will replace sections of the coast- ting banged around by the coaster scary — its top speed of 60 miles Jim Barber, a spokesman for the worried that it might lose its er’s wooden track that have been is a big part of its appeal. -
The New Silk Roads: China, the U.S., and the Future of Central Asia
NEW YORK UNIVERSITY i CENTER ON INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION The New Silk Roads: China, the U.S., and the Future of Central Asia October 2015 Thomas Zimmerman NEW YORK UNIVERSITY CENTER ON INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION The world faces old and new security challenges that are more complex than our multilateral and national institutions are currently capable of managing. International cooperation is ever more necessary in meeting these challenges. The NYU Center on International Cooperation (CIC) works to enhance international responses to conflict, insecurity, and scarcity through applied research and direct engagement with multilateral institutions and the wider policy community. CIC’s programs and research activities span the spectrum of conflict, insecurity, and scarcity issues. This allows us to see critical inter-connections and highlight the coherence often necessary for effective response. We have a particular concentration on the UN and multilateral responses to conflict. Table of Contents The New Silk Roads: China, the U.S., and the Future of Central Asia Thomas Zimmerman Acknowledgments 2 Foreword 3 Introduction 6 The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor 9 Chinese Engagement with Afghanistan 11 Conclusion 18 About the Author 19 Endnotes 20 Acknowledgments I would like to thank the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences (SASS) for its support during the research and writing of this paper, particularly Professor Pan Guang and Professor Li Lifan. I would also like to thank Director Li Yihai, and Sun Weidi from the SASS Office for International Cooperation, as well as Vice President Dong Manyuan, and Professor Liu Xuecheng of the China Institute for International Studies. This paper benefited greatly from the invaluable feedback of a number of policy experts, including Klaus Rohland, Andrew Small, Dr.