Stefan Wolff Centre for International Crisis Management and Conflict Resolution, University of Nottingham (England, UK) On

osce.org/moldova The OSCE Mission to Moldova invites to a public lecture: by Stefan Wolff Centre for International Crisis Management and Conflict Resolution, University of Nottingham (England, UK) on “Devolution in the UK: Model for Moldova?” Date: 21 May 2009 Time: 18.00 Location: Tiraspol Office of the OSCE Mission to Moldova, Str. Furmanova 1, 2nd Floor, free access. The lecture will be held in English - simultaneous translation in Russian Short biography Stefan Wolff is currently Professor of Political Science and Director of the Centre for International Crisis Management and Conflict Resolution at the University of Nottingham, England, UK. He is also an International Associate of the Liechtenstein Institute on Self-determination at Princeton University. He holds a Ph.D. in Political Science from the London School of Economics and Political Science, UK, and an M.Phil. in Political Theory from Magdalene College, Cambridge, UK. Political scientist by background, Wolff specialises in the management of contemporary security challenges, especially in the prevention and settlement of ethnic conflicts and in post-conflict reconstruction in deeply divided and war-torn societies. He has extensive expertise in Northern Ireland, the Balkans and Central and Eastern Europe, and has also worked on a wide range of other conflicts elsewhere, including the Middle East, Africa, and Central, South and Southeast Asia. Wolff’s publications to date include eleven books and over twenty journal articles and book chapters. He has extensively written on ethnic conflict and conflict resolution, including Ethnic Conflict: A Global Perspective and the conflict prevention handbook Power Sharing, Self- governance and Participation in Public Life. Wolff is frequently advising governments and international organisations on conflict resolution issues. *This Lecture is part of the OSCE Mission’s Public Lectures program. For further details please access: www.osce.org/moldova or call at: 887 813. .

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MANAGING and SETTLING ETHNIC CONFLICTS UL~CHSCHNECKENER STEFAN WOLFF Editors
MANAGING AND SETTLING ETHNIC CONFLICTS UL~CHSCHNECKENER STEFAN WOLFF editors Managing and Settling Ethnic Conflicts Perspectives on Successes and Failures in Europe, Africa and Asia Copyright © Ulrich Schneckener and Stefan Wolff, 2004 *All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles or reviews. First published 2004 by PALGRAVE MACMILLANTM 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Pal grave Macmillan division of St. Martin's Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Macmillan® is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom and other countries. Palgrave is a registered trademark in the European Union and other countries. ISBN 978-1-4039-6623-0 ISBN 978-1-137-07814-8 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-137-07814-8 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Managing and settling ethnic conflicts: perspectives on successes and failures in Europe, Africa, and Asia/ Ulrich Schneckener, Stefan Wolff, editors. p.cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. I. Ethnic conflict. 2. Conflict management. I. Schneckener, Ulrich, 1968 II. Wolff, Stefan, l969- HM1121.M33 2004 305.8---dc22 2003068934 First edition: March 2004 10 9 8 7 6 54 3 2 1 Transferred to Digital Printing 2013 CONTENTS The Contributors VlI Preface Vlll Part I. CONCEPTUALIZING CONFLICT MANAGEMENT AND SETTLEMENT Chapters 1. Managing and Settling Ethnic Conflicts Stefan Wolff 2. Models ofEthnic Conflict Regulation: the Politics of Recognition Ulrich Schneckener 18 3. Relating Human Rights, Minority Rights and Self- Determination to Minority Protection Kristin Henrard 40 Part II.
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CCAPS Conference on Constitutional Design and Conflict Management in Africa PANELIST BIOS Catherine Boone is Professor of Government at the University of Texas at Austin, specializing in comparative politics, with an emphasis on theories of political economy and economic development. She has conducted research on industrial, commercial, and land tenure policies in West Africa, where her work has been funded by the Social Science Research Council, Fulbright, the World Bank, and the Harvard Academy for International and Area Studies. She also served as President of the West Africa Research Association from 2005-2008, overseeing the West African Research Center in Dakar, Senegal. Her books include Merchant Capital and the Roots of State Power in Senegal, 1930-1985 (Cambridge, 1992), and Political Topographies of the African State: Rural Authority and Institutional Choice (Cambridge, 2003), winner of a 2005 award from the Society for Comparative Research. Herman J. Cohen is a 38-year veteran of the U.S. State Department Foreign Service. Ambassador Cohen has devoted his professional career to African and European affairs. He worked in Africa for twelve years in five countries, including three years in Senegal as the American Ambassador. His Washington assignments included four years as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for Intelligence and Research, two years in the National Security Council as President Reagan’s Senior Director for Africa, and four years as Assistant Secretary of State for Africa under President George Bush (1989-1993). Mr. Cohen was Senior Adviser to the Global Coalition for Africa from 1994 to 1998, and is currently President of the Africa-oriented consulting firm Cohen and Woods International.
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BASEES Sampler
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Chapter 2 1 Karl Cordell & Stefan Wolff (Forthcoming), Ethnic Conflict: Causes, Consequences, and Responses
Karl Cordell & Stefan Wolff (forthcoming), Ethnic Conflict: Causes, Consequences, and Responses. Cambridge: Polity. II The Study of Ethnic Conflict 1. Introduction Our approach to the study of ethnic conflict is informed by one fundamental premise: ethnic conflicts, while complex political phenomena, can be understood. Their complexity must not be confused with a difficulty, let alone impossibility, to understand. Rather, what it means is that there are lots of different things to understand. This understanding can be facilitated with the help of an analytical model that allows us to identify, categorise and group a wide range of different factors that are relevant in explaining the origin, duration and intensity of ethnic conflicts. In order to construct such a model, we proceed in several steps. First, we develop the ‘shell’ of our analytical model, drawing on an existing body of international relations literature where the so-called levels-of-analysis approach has been developed and used since the late 1950s. Second, we argue that there are three sets of theories that can provide useful insights into how it is possible to establish causal relations between the independent variables categorised within the levels-of-analysis model and specific outcomes, namely the occurrence (or lack thereof), intensity and duration of ethnic conflict and the success or failure of policies aimed at its prevention, management and settlement. The three bodies of literature we discuss are theories of international relations, of ethnicity and of inter-ethnic relations. 2. Ethnic Conflict: A definition Before embarking on this intellectual journey, it is necessary to define as precisely as possible the subject of this inquiry.
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Case of Ethnic Germans in Eastern Europe
The Impact of Post-communist Regime Change and European Integration on Ethnic Minorities: The ‘Special’ Case of Ethnic Germans in Eastern Europe Stefan Wolff 1. Introduction The collapse of communism in Central and Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union in the late-1980s and early 1990s brought with it a fundamental reshaping of social, political and economic conditions in the countries of this region. These changes also manifested themselves dramatically in a recalibration of the relationships between ethnic minorities and the titular majorities of the countries concerned. Breaking free from Soviet and communist domination, minority and majority communities reclaimed and asserted their ethnic identities and sought to establish conditions conducive to the expression, preservation and development of such identities. While the liberalisation of political systems across the region provided some of the impetus for this, it failed initially to create a situation characterised by recognition and tolerance of the wide spectrum of distinct ethnic identities and an acceptance that states must respect the rights of all their citizens to identify with a particular ethnic community without fear of discrimination. Institutional uncertainty and instability, combined with the negative consequences of economic reforms and the budgetary constraints it placed on the governments of the transition countries, exacerbated, sometimes pre-existing, ethnic tensions. The dynamics ensuing from this, at times deliberately stirred up by political entrepreneurs seeking
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There Is No Good News About Ethnic Conflict and Civil War...Or Is There?
THERE IS NO GOOD NEWS ABOUT ETHNIC CONFLICT AND CIVIL WAR...OR IS THERE? Stefan Wolff Today I want to talk to you about ethnic conflict and civil war. These are generally not the most cheerful of topics, nor are they normally associated with good news. Yet, not only is there at least some good news to be told about fewer such conflicts now than two decades ago but there is also good news in the sense that we have come to a better understanding of what can be done to further reduce the number of ethnic conflicts and civil wars and the human suffering they inflict. Three things stand out: leadership, diplomacy, and institutional design. What I will focus on in my talk is why they matter, how they matter, and what we can do to make sure that they continue to matter in the right ways—that is, how all of us can contribute to developing and honing the skills of local and global leaders to make peace and to make it last. But let’s the start at the beginning. Civil wars have made news headlines for many decades, and ethnic conflicts in particular have been a near-constant presence as a major international security threat since the end of the Cold War. For nearly two decades, the news has been bad and the images have been haunting. In Georgia, after years of stalemate we saw a full-scale resurgence of violence in August 2008 that quickly escalated into a five-day war between Georgia and Russia, leaving Georgia more deeply divided than ever.
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The European Neighbourhood Policy in Perspective Context, Implementation and Impact
The European Neighbourhood Policy in Perspective Context, Implementation and Impact Edited by Richard G. Whitman Professor of Politics, University of Bath, UK and Stefan Wolff Professor of International Security, University of Birmingham, UK 99780230_203853_01_prexii.indd780230_203853_01_prexii.indd iiiiii 33/12/2012/12/2012 88:33:52:33:52 PPMM Proof 6 Lessons from the Balkans: The ENP as a Possible Conflict-Management Tool? Stefan Wolff and Annemarie Peen Rodt Introduction The 2004 and 2007 enlargements moved the European Union (EU) closer – geographically, politically and security-wise – to a number of frozen and violent ethnic conflicts in its so-called ‘new neighbour- hood’. These conflicts include ongoing disputes in Israel/Palestine, Lebanon, Algeria, Moldova (Transnistria), Armenia/Azerbaijan (Nagorno-Karabakh), Georgia (Abkhazia and South Ossetia), Morocco/ Western Sahara, Egypt, Ukraine, Jordan and Syria. EU foreign policy- makers have in recent developments of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Common European Security and Defence Policy (CESDP)1 stressed the importance of managing these conflicts. With the 2003 European Security Strategy and the launch of the 2004 European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) the Union explicitly articulated its intention to take a more active stance in the management of violent ethnic conflicts in the ENP area (and beyond). The failed European attempts to handle the violent disintegration of Yugoslavia in the 1990s, were, according to the large majority of CFSP scholars, the first real push for European foreign policy-makers more actively to seek to develop a common EU approach to dealing with violent ethnic conflicts in the Union’s near abroad. The atrocities in the Western Balkans had illustrated the inadequacy of the tools available to the Union at the time and left the EU embarrassed.
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A Political Scientist by Background, Stefan Wolff Specialises in The
STEFAN WOLFF Stefan Wolff is Professor of International Security at the University of Birmingham, England, UK. A political scientist by background, he specialises in the management of contemporary security challenges, especially in the prevention and settlement of ethnic conflicts and civil wars, and in post-conflict reconstruction, peace-building and state-building in deeply divided and war-torn societies. He has extensive expertise in Northern Ireland, the Balkans, Central and Eastern Europe, and the former Soviet Union, and has also worked on a wide range of other conflicts elsewhere, including the Middle East, Africa, and Central, South and Southeast Asia. Bridging the divide between academia and policy-making, he has been involved in various phases of conflict settlement processes, including in Iraq, Sudan, Moldova, Sri Lanka, and Kosovo. Currently, he is involved in an advisory capacity in the settlement of the status of Transnistria, Moldova. Wolff’s publications to date include seventeen books and over twenty journal articles and book chapters. His latest monograph is Ethnic Conflict: Causes—Consequences—Responses (Polity 2009, with Karl Cordell). Published by Oxford University Press in 2006 (paperback in 2007), Wolff’s Ethnic Conflict: A Global Perspective is the first major treatment of the subject aimed at a broad general audience and has been highly acclaimed by academics, policymakers, and business leaders. His Ethnopolitical Encyclopaedia of Europe (with Karl Cordell) was published by Palgrave as the first comprehensive
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The Political Effects of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles on Conflict and Cooperation Within and Between States
The Political Effects of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles on Conflict and Cooperation within and between States David Hastings Dunn, Nicholas J. Wheeler, Stefan Wolff The use of armed and unarmed Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs/drones) by the United States and the United Kingdom has dramatically increased over the past decade. Aggregate data compiled from a range of open-access sources suggests that over 1,300 strikes have been carried out to date against enemy targets, killing almost 3,000 insurgents and nearly 500 civilians.1 From the vantage point of the intervening states, these statistics are defended as markers of military success against enemy forces. However, from the perspective of the targets of these strikes - far from the use of drones reducing the risks of insurgency and terrorism - each strike justifies substantially increasing the level of violence against US/UK forces. These clashing assessments of the political effects of drone strikes can only be understood in a context of cultural misunderstandings; for the intervening side, drones represent the latest manifestation of what Martin Shaw (2005) has called ‘risk-transfer militarism’ (the progressive reduction of risk to Western intervening forces). For the populations affected by drone strikes, they represent the unacceptable combination of Western arrogance, technological hubris, invulnerability, and exclusivist beliefs and values. Consequently, different values, belief systems, narratives, and historical contexts lead to radically different interpretations of whether US/UK drone strikes are increasing or decreasing the security of both the intervening and affected actors. Yet, the evidence on which these claims and counter-claims are being made is highly contested,2 and there is very little systematic comparative analysis of the data.
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Secessions in Europe: Between Statehood Claims and Conflict
Secessions in Europe: Between Statehood Claims and Conflict Resolution International workshop Viadrina Institute for European Studies, European University Viadrina Frankfurt Oder December 6, 2018 In spite of development of international and global power institutions, the modern state remains a powerful construct as the legitimate means of political organization and the exclusive location of political authority. Contemporary state went through a long process of institutionalization marked by the milestones like the Westphalian peace, age of the world imperial system, The Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States, decolonization, Helsinki treaty, and globalization. In spite of these four centuries, the modern state system does not fully deliver on its promise of order and security, and often leads to contestation of territorial integrity and alternative claims to sovereignty. Such claims occur within existing recognized states from groups which feel themselves excluded and prefer to aspire to their own statehood and international status. By implication, competing claims to statehood often turn to ‘frozen conflicts’, as local authorities embark upon their state-building projects despite the absence of international recognition, while still participating in peace talks. Our workshop aims to examine contemporary secession movements, statehood claims and possibilities of conflict settlement in Europe from a comparative perspective, more specifically: 1) Causes and consequences of contemporary secession movements in Europe; 2) Impact of unrecognized state-building on parent states and peace in Europe; 3) The role of external involvement into secession movements and unrecognized state-building; 4) Effects of unrecognized state-building projects on peace and security in Europe; 5) Best practices in sub-national conflict resolution in Europe.
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Approaches to Conflict Resolution in Divided Societies
Ethnopolitics Papers November 2010 | No. 5 Approaches to Conflict Resolution in Divided Societies The Many Uses of Territorial Self-Governance Stefan Wolff Professor of International Security | Department of Political Science and International Studies | University of Birmingham, UK E-mail address for correspondence: [email protected] Abstract This paper explores the multiple uses of territorial self-governance (TSG) arrangements as mechanisms of ethnic conflict management. Proceeding in several steps, I first conceptualize the meaning of TSG in the context of conflict management in divided societies and then offer a brief history of its practical usage in the period until 1990. This historical contextualization is important for an understanding of both the contemporary theory and practice of TSG as a strategy of conflict management which I examine at length conceptually and empirically in the third section of this paper, before concluding with some general observations on the utility of TSG as an approach to conflict management in divided societies. ISSN: 2048-075X Copyright © 2010 by Ethnopolitics Papers. All rights reserved. Edited by Dr Annemarie Peen Rodt, University of Southern Denmark PhD candidate Anaïd Flesken, University of Exeter We welcome contributions to and comments on Ethnopolitics Papers to [email protected]. Ethnopolitics Papers are available online at http://www.ethnopolitics.org/ethnopoliticspapers.htm Ethnopolitics Papers are supported by Exeter Centre for Ethno-Political Studies, University of Exeter http://centres.exeter.ac.uk/exceps/ Ethnopolitics Papers | No. 5 1. Introduction In what remains a classic work in the field of ethnic conflict and conflict resolution theories, Donald L. Horowitz (1985) discusses a range of structural techniques and preferential policies to reduce ethnic conflict.
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University of Birmingham Enhancing the Robustness of Causal Claims
University of Birmingham Enhancing the robustness of causal claims based on case study research on conflict zones Wolff, Stefan DOI: 10.1017/nps.2020.29 License: Creative Commons: Attribution (CC BY) Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Citation for published version (Harvard): Wolff, S 2020, 'Enhancing the robustness of causal claims based on case study research on conflict zones: observations from fieldwork in Donbas', Nationalities Papers. https://doi.org/10.1017/nps.2020.29 Link to publication on Research at Birmingham portal General rights Unless a licence is specified above, all rights (including copyright and moral rights) in this document are retained by the authors and/or the copyright holders. The express permission of the copyright holder must be obtained for any use of this material other than for purposes permitted by law. •Users may freely distribute the URL that is used to identify this publication. •Users may download and/or print one copy of the publication from the University of Birmingham research portal for the purpose of private study or non-commercial research. •User may use extracts from the document in line with the concept of ‘fair dealing’ under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 (?) •Users may not further distribute the material nor use it for the purposes of commercial gain. Where a licence is displayed above, please note the terms and conditions of the licence govern your use of this document. When citing, please reference the published version. Take down policy While the University of Birmingham exercises care and attention in making items available there are rare occasions when an item has been uploaded in error or has been deemed to be commercially or otherwise sensitive.
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