CARTOGRAPHY OF BEFORE i 8oo* BEFORE THE ADVENT OF yáNY discussion of the historical cartography of Pennsylvania ¿\ must recognize efforts in mapping that area, in whole or in JL· JL part, before the period of the grant to William Penn. Fol- lowing this premise, we must go back to the World Map of Gerard Kramer, better known under his latin name of Mercator (1512- 1594), published at Duisburg, Germany, in 1569. This gentleman, born in Belgium of German parents, early studied mathematics, his- tory, geography, and the art of scientific engraving, with the result that his whole life was given over to geographical studies and map- making. He, himself, drew and engraved such maps as were pub- lished over his name. Three sons grew up to be of great material assistance. The above mentioned World Map embodied all their geographical knowledge, and was the basis of his fame in cosmog- raphy, not only for the information contained, but for his new pro- jection, since known by his name. The part of this map in which we are most interested is the section known as the "East Coast of ."1 The most impressive feature is the northeast-southwest trend of mountains, a short dis- tance inland from the coast, which are given the name of "Apalchen." Kohl believes this to be the first time the Alleghany Mountains have been shown on any map.2 The distance inland and the general trend of the chain is remarkable, considering that Mercator's only prob- able basis was the reports of the expeditions of Cartier and DeSoto. The latter uses the term "Apalchen" for the mountains in the south, a term Mercator evidently transferred to his own map. * Inasmuch as the French Maps of the western part of the state and of the Ohio Valley constitute a study in themselves, no attempt is made to include them here. They, together with an annotated bibliography of the maps here treated, will be discussed in a future article. 1J. G. Kohl, "History of the Discovery of the East Coast of North America . . .," in Collections of the Maine Hist. Soc, 2d ser.; William Willis, ed., Doc. Hist of the State of Maine (1869), I. 384. 2 Ibid., 392. *55 256 HAZEL SHIELDS GARRISON July

Here, then, we have, in the middle of the 16th century, the earliest mapping of the Pennsylvania area which has survived in a similar form. The next map to be noticed is the : Discovered and Described by Qa^tain John Smithy Craven by William Hole, which was printed as ¿Map of Virginia with a Description of the Country, etc. (Oxford, 1612). It is stated by Stevens that the "last thread of the Asiatic line was expunged by Captain John Smith be- fore 1614."3 It is surely apparent that there is not indicated, in any earlier map, any portrayal of the present region that is recognizable as such. Smith claims to have led the exploration of most of the inlets of the bay, indicating the extent of such travels by crosses on his map. He says "In which Mappe observe this, that as far as you see the little Crosses on rivers, mountains, or other places have been discovered} the rest was had by information of the Savages and are set down according to their instructions."4 The part of the Pennsylvania area shown is only the lower Susquehanna, or "Sasquesahanough flu." The cross, indicating the extent of Smith's personal voyages, is only some four or five leagues up the river from the "Chesapeak Bay." The information for the rest of the river, some fifteen leagues further, including a few scattered villages, was probably furnished from the Indians. The source of the river is, of course, incorrect, and was obviously conjecture. The borders of the Susquehanna still remained the legendary home of a giant progeny. Smith's accuracy of topography was unusual and he displays a wealth of knowledge of Indian names and localities.5 The map was so care- fully and accurately detailed that it influenced many other maps up to the period when it was finally displaced by the Fry & Jefferson map of the region in the middle of the 18th century.6 The next notable effort is the work done by Peter Martensson Lindeström (1632-1691), a Swedish engineer who came to New Sweden in 1653, w^h free passage and officer's rank, but no wage,

8 Henry Stevens, Historical and Geographical Notes on the Earliest Discoveries in America, 1453-1530 (1869), *9· 4 The Generall Historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles. . . . by Captaine John Smith (Richmond, 1819, from the London ed. of 1627), I. 121. 5 For further discussion of this map, see P. Lee Phillips, "Virginia Cartography," in Smithsonian Misc. Coll, (1896), No. 1039. 6 Justin Winsor, Critical and Narrative History of America, III. 167. 1935 CARTOGRAPHY OF PENNSYLVANIA 257 in order "to see the world and gain experience."7 After his arrival, he made himself so useful in many respects as to be placed on the pay roll of the New Sweden Company in July, 1654, with the title of Engineer and Clerk of Court. His first map, that of Fort Chris- tina and the adjoining land, was sent back to the Queen on the ship Ohm, on its return, sometime in 1654. Lindeström thought the map somewhat defective in colors, but "otherwise . . . correctly drawn." This map is now preserved in the Royal Archives at Stockholm. A little later Lindeström was ordered to the explorations, by boat and horseback, of the region of New Sweden. This was done very care- fully and in considerable detail, extending to the making of many soundings in the Bay and River, the latter resulting in a chart of the bay and river with very exact sailing directions. The entire work was incorporated [1654] in his map of New Sweden,8 which is the oldest general map of Pennsylvania still existing.9 This map carries unusual detail as to land along the shores of the river and its tributary streams, even to the smallest creek. Much of the vast amount of material gathered by Lindeström on these explora- tions went into his Çeographia written in later years when illness had incapacitated him for any active work. His map of New Sweden was probably the most important accompanying the account of his ex- periences before the Commercial College of Stockholm in 1657. His calculations of latitude were exact, but in longitude he was in- accurate—a rather common fault of the early explorers, due to the inadequacy of instruments.10 The original manuscript was lost by fire, but an original manuscript copy was discovered and is now in the Royal Archives of Sweden at Oslo. The map was reproduced by Thomas Campanius Holm in his description of the Province of New Sweden in 1702.11

7 Geographia Americae . . . by Peter Lindeström; Trans, from the Original Manuscript by Amandus Johnson (1925), xix. 8 Nova S

Augustine Herrman, a Bohemian born in either between 1605 and 1608, or in 1621,12 became one of the important early cartographers of this country. His father was a merchant and íoun- cillor in Prague. Augustine's early years were spent in , where he acquired a knowledge of English, French and German, and very early took a keen interest in geography and mapmaking. In 1618, the elder Herrman was outlawed for his political activities and the family escaped to Amsterdam. After military service, Augustine entered the where he became the first to be concerned with the establishment of the indigo and Virginia tobacco trade. For some years he engaged in South American trade, and in 1643 arrived in where he became agent for the mercantile firm of Peter Gabry & Sons in Amsterdam. He soon broke with them and on the basis of what he had built up during this period and his land holdings, became the largest tobacco exporter in America. For a time he was in favor with Stuyvesant, but his signature to the "Remonstrance" to the States-General of the brought Stuyvesant's enmity upon him. This carried with it a power which ruined Herrman financially, but after 1653, when a truce of sorts was arrived at, he was back in favor with Stuy- vesant. It was during this period that he was sent to as ambassador to adjust the difficulties arising over the Dutch settle- ments in . When negotiations were finished with the Governor of Maryland, he proceeded to Virginia to gain the good will of the leaders of Virginia so that they would either ally them- selves on the side of the Dutch in the controversy, or at least not take the part of the Maryland colony. Before starting to Vir- ginia, Herrman wrote to Stuyvesant offering a plan to map the head of the bay in order to provide an accurate basis for negotiations be- tween Amsterdam and Maryland. This was apparently the first thought Herrman had of mapping this area and it is notable that it took the form of an offer for public service. Stuyvesant did not accept the offer, however, probably not feeling the need very strongly because of the remoteness of the colony. Later impelled by 12 General opinion seems to place this date between 1605 and 1608. See Andrew Mathews, ibid., 369; also D. A. B., VIII. 592. Herrman's will, however, places his birth date as 1621; See Gilbert Cope, "Copy of the Will of Augustine Herrman of Bohemia Manor," THE PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY, XV. 321-26. The former seems more nearly correct, in the light of subsequent facts. 1935 CARTOGRAPHY OF PENNSYLVANIA 259

further travels through the country and, no doubt, by Stuyvesant's lack of interest, Herrman made an offer to Lord to map his territory in return for the grant of a manor on the . Herrmanns primary motive in this offer was the desire to per- petuate his name by securing one of the hereditary titles which Lord Baltimore seemed quite willing to grant to any one able to increase his power by building up his domains. Realizing that Lord Baltimore had a very hazy knowledge of the extent of his possessions, Herrman knew that a map defining the Maryland boundaries was the easiest method of gratifying his own ambition. In this he was right, for his offer was accepted and Bohemia Manor settled in 1660. In 1684, he deeded 3750 acres of this land to the Labodists, a group of 17th Century Christian Socialists, for a settlement. This turned out to be an unwise step, for his family was disrupted by some of its members joining the group and thereafter becoming parasites on the family exchequer and good will, and also because the settlement soon caused its own extinction by internal disruptions. The section was long known, however, as the "Labodie Tract." After 128 years, the legal existence of the manor ended because the heirs quarreled over the estate. In later years, Herrman received patents for three other manors: Little Bohemia, granted soon after Bohemia Manor, and intended for the second son; St. Augustine's Manor in 1671; and Bohemia Sisters in 1682, intended for the three daughters. He was also given by the proprietor, the title of "Lord" and all the rights and privileges incident to a manor.13 That he was a wealthy man was shown by the descriptions given of his home and life and the fact that £200 sterling of his own funds went into the expenditures in- cident to this surveying and travel.14 September 17, 1663, he offered a petition for papers.15 The next ten years were involved in survey and travel necessary for the preparation of the map. All of the field work was done under the most difficult circumstances, for roads were "only spaces or **Townsend Ward, "Augustine Herman and John Thompson"; THE PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY, VII, 88-93. u Ibid., 90. 15 P. Lee Phillips, The Rare Map of Virginia and Maryland by Augustine Herrman, First Lord of Bohemia Manor, Maryland (1911). His "Denization" is given in Pro- ceedings of the Council of Maryland (1660), 398. 2ÓO HAZEL SHIELDS GARRISON July paths cleared of trees and often so narrow and obscure that it was very difficult to follow them." Although Lord Baltimore was very exacting in his demands for accuracy, the map proved to be entirely satisfactory, for he considered it "the best mapp, that was Ever Drawn, of any Country whatsoever." Evidently Stuyvesant regret- ted his previous apathy, for he tried unsuccessfully to obtain a copy of it. The delineation and printing of the map are good and clear. De- tail is considerable but in nowise confusing. Its area extends from the 40th parallel, which runs through Philadelphia, into North Carolina and westward to near the sources of the main rivers. There are some distortions, in light of our present knowledge, but the wonder is that they are so comparatively few. On the other hand, it contains many improvements over any previous map. The first map of Herrman's was published in 1670 and it continued to appear, in whole or in part, as itself or in piracies, for nearly one hundred years, until 1752. Its notable increase in detail and apparent consumption of time and labor, set it above other previous maps. Smith's map is felt by some, however to carry a greater geographic sense. Herrman's work should be valued with Smith's as representing the highest degree of accuracy and drafting coming out of the colonies during the 17th century. His was one of three exerting a marked influence on all maps of the Vir- ginia-Maryland area from the founding of the latter colony in 1634 up to 1833, when the first appointment was made of a topographic engineer.16 In many places, a lack of reliable geographical information is sup- plied by the insertion of descriptive texts, some of which will be indicated later. The map shows careful work, although Herrman complained bitterly of the "sloppy" work of the engraver, Fai- thorne. There are some county names over what is now Maryland, but no boundaries are indicated. Some sections along the coast, if correct in their detail, would indicate a change in shorelines and a filling-in since the time of Herrman's work. He apparently was fairly familiar with the Susquehanna River, its course and banks, beyond the confines of the map, because he says, "The great Sass- quahana River runs up Northerly to the Sinnicus17 above 200 miles

18E. B. Mathews, "Maps and Map-Makers of Maryland," Md. Geolog. Surv. (1898), III. 368-86. 17 Mathews thinks this may mean to the present city of Harrisburg; op. cit., 382. 1935 CARTOGRAPHY OF PENNSYLVANIA 2Ól with Divers Rivers and Branches on both sides to the East and West full of falls and lies until about 10 or 12 miles aboue the Sasqua- hana fort and then runs cleare but Downwards not Navigable but with great danger with Indian Canoos by Indian Pilots."18 In the upper right corner is an indication of mountains, having no name at- tached, but probably part of the Alleghanies. Beside them is the fol- lowing interesting observation: "These mighty High and great Mountains trenching N:E and S:W and WSW is Supposed to be the very middle Ridg of Northern America and the only Naturall Cause of the fiercenes and extreame Stormy Cold Winds that comes N :W from thence all over this Continent and makes frost. And as Indians reports from the other side Westwards doe the Rivers take their Origin all issuing out into the West Sea especially first discouered a very great river called the Black Mincquas River out of which aboue the Sassquahana fort meetes a branch Some Leagues distance op- posit to one another Out of the Sassquahana where formerly those Black Mincquas came over and as far as Delaware to trade but the Sassquahana and Sinnicus Indians went over and destroyed that very great Nation and whether that same River comes out into the Bay of Mexico or the West Sea is not known. Certain it is that as the Spaniard is possessed with great Store of Minneralls at the other side of these Mountains the same Treasure they may in proces of time afford also to us here on this side when Occupyed which is Recommended to Posterity to Remember."19 Phillips discovered, through the study of advertisements in the London Gazette, that the map was published by John Seller, the notable hydrographer. This information is given nowhere on the map. There appears an indif- ference to spelling, common among distinguished people of the day, because his name appears on the map as "Herman," whereas the spelling "Herrman," which also appears, is usually accepted.20 Phillips further declares that after a study was made of a photograph of the only original in the British Museum, "the fact became ap- parent that all the information known concerning those states was copied verbatim from it up to and somewhat after 1751."21 The Smith and Herrman maps were used geographically, through copies,

18 Phillips, op. cit., reproduction of map. 19 Ibid. 20 Ibid. "Ibid., 11. 2Ö2 HAZEL SHIELDS GARRISON July for over two hundred years, and historically, in boundary disputes between Maryland and Virginia, up to the settlement in 1894.22 Another early map of strong influence in one phase of Pennsyl- vania history, is that of Virginia, by Nicolaas J. Visscher, published in 1659.23 I¢ has ^e following title: th(ovi 7ielgii | O`{ovaeque zÄngliae nee non \ "Partis \ %)ìrginiae \ Tabula \ multis in locis emendata a \ ü\(icolao Joannis Visschero. A Dutch cartographer, Visscher (1618-1679) was of the second generation of the house of Visscher, founded in 1615 and continuing until 1717, when its plates were taken over by one Pieter Schenk. Some of the best work of the century was published over its name.24 Part of the claim to fame of the map under consideration was the fact it either influenced or was the base of many other maps, or was issued as a piracy, up to the be- ginning of the 18 th century.25 While Asher believes it possible Vis- scher's map was counterfeited from an old plate,26 he indicates that there were many corrections not appearing on earlier maps. One error, however, remained which brings the map into Pennsylvania affairs. It was used during the course of the Maryland-Virginia- Pennsylvania boundary controversy and the location of Cape Hen- lopen, on the west side of Delaware Bay, about nineteen miles further south than its later accepted location, caused some of the difficulties of that controversy.27 The agreement of this map with the one used by Lord Baltimore in respect to the location of this Cape, resulted in the decision of 1685, and the drawing of the northerly line which divided the peninsula between the Chesapeake and Delaware.28 Some attempt was made to indicate topography by showing moun- tains adjacent to "Sasquesahanough Fluvius," and while their gen- eral location was, on the west side of the river, relatively correct, their ridge-like character and general trend was apparently not

22 For further comment on Herrman, the man, see E. N. Vallandigham, "Lord of Bohemia Manor," Ne \ Under the Qreat \ Seal of 6ngland, \ to \ William Venn \ and his \ Heirs and Jlssigns> printed in London in 1681. The title of the map carries no clue as to its date: *Å ¿Map of \ some of the South and eastbounds \ "Pennsylvania \ in \ ^America j being fartly Inhabited. \ Sold by John Thornton . . . and by John Seller . . . London. It seems very apparent that this anonymous and much-discussed map of Pennsylvania has nothing to offer by way of additional information over any of the earlier maps, but was used as the convenient and necessary accompanying map for the tract used in England for purposes of advertising the Province. It is unques- tionably a piracy of the northern part of the Augustine Herrman map of 1670, with a northward extension of outline of some thirty or forty miles but with little or no extension of information. Historic- ally and from a collector's standpoint, the map may be of value 5 cartographically, it has nothing to contribute.29

AFTER THE ADVENT OF WILLIAM PENN Thomas Holme (1624-1695), the first of the important sur- veyors and mapmakers after 1681,30 was born in 1624, in England, of parents now unknown. During his young manhood, he was in military affairs, serving under Admiral Penn in 1654. In 1659, ^e was found in Ireland, probably having obtained lands there at the time of the settlement of Cromwell's soldiers in 1655. There he be- came active and important among the Friends, traveled, and met the opposition, abuse, and incarceration directed against that body. On October 4, 1681, William Penn had appointed four com-

29 For discussions of this map see Worthington C. Ford, "The First Map of Penn- sylvania," Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, LVII. 172-83; also reproduction of the map by H. S. P. from original in Charlemagne Tower collection with an editorial note by Dr. Albert Cook Myers. *°Winsor, op. cit., III. 516. 2Ö4 HAZEL SHIELDS GARRISON July missioners, William Haige, John Bezer, Nathaniel Allen, and Wil- liam Crispin, to come to America for the purposes of planning the colony and its chief city for later colonization. Crispin, the surveyor- general of this group, died in the West Indies, where the ship <¿Ämity (?) had put in after being driven off its course by storms. The party returned to England without coming to America. Thomas Holme was then appointed (April 18, 1682) as surveyor-general in place of Crispin, and the party arrived in Pennsylvania the latter part of June of that year. 31 Holme's appointment indicated him as from Ireland. He was called "Captain Thomas Holme of the City of Waterford in the Kingdom of Ireland,"32 Before Holme's ap- pointment, he had been a "first purchaser" of 5000 acres of land in the new province and a subscriber to £50 of stock of the Free Society of Traders.33 Only five days after his appointment, Holme sailed for America on the Jlmity with his family, two sons and two daughters. Another member of the party was the son of the previously ap- pointed surveyor-general, Silas Crispin, who the following year married Esther Holme. Besides coming to America with his commis- sion from William Penn, Holme was also appointed by the Free Society of Traders as one of its committee of twelve to live in the Province.34 On arrival here, Holme and his family first lived with English Friends at Shackamaxon, in the home of Thomas Fairman. The latter had already been doing some surveying and was directed to work under Holme. Without question, these facts produced a cer- tain feeling of jealousy, for Fairman sent a bill to William Penn in 1682 for the lodging of Holme and his family.35 Holme, aside from his work as surveyor-general, became active in the life of the Province. He was present at the making of most of the Indian treaties and in some had an important part. He was a member of the first assembly, which met on December 4, 1682. Between 1683 and 1685 he was elected to represent Philadelphia County in the

81 John Reed, Explanations of the Map and Liberties of Philadelphia. 32 Oliver Hough, "Captain Thomas Holme, Surveyor-General of Pennsylvania and Provincial Councillor." THE PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY, XIX. 417-27; XX. 128-31; 248-56. 83 Albert Cook Myers, ed., Narratives of Early Pennsylvania, West Ne*w Jersey and Delaware (1912). "Hough, op. cit. 85 Hough, op. cit. 1935 CARTOGRAPHY OF PENNSYLVANIA 265

Provincial Council, figured prominently on several important com- mittees, and during much of this time was president fro tern. In 1683, he was a member of a joint committee of the Council and As- sembly to draw up the new Charter or Frame of government. In 1684, he was appointed on the committee to draw up a charter for the formation of Philadelphia as a borough. And finally, in 1688, he was commissioned by Penn as surveyor-general of the Province of Pennsylvania and the three annexed counties of Newcastle, Kent, and Sussex, for life.36 In several different purchases, Holme acquired some 11,000 acres of land in the province, scattered in several dif- ferent parcels. His most important tract was the plantation of Well- Spring in Dublin Township, Philadelphia County, where he lived most of the years not spent in his "city home" at Front and Mulberry (now Arch) Streets, and where he died. At the time of his death, he had not taken up much of his land in the Liberties, probably due to continued transactions of buying and selling in the province. This was later done by Silas Crispin, his executor. So much of the life of Thomas Holme is here reviewed in order to better appreciate his importance in the early life of the province, and his public-spiritedness. Without question, his most important pieces of work were the two maps, one of Philadelphia in 1683 and one of the province in 1687. The map of Philadelphia, <¿A Tortraiture of the Qity \ of \ Thila- delfhia \ in the Trovince of \ Pennsylvania \ in \ America \ by "Thomas Holme Surveyor-Çeneral. Sold by ^Andrew Sowle in Shoreditch \ J^ondon |, is the plan made by Holme as the basis for the allotment of lands within the limits of the city. In the Conditions and Concessions37 entered into between Penn and the "first pur- chasers," the agreement was made "that a certain quantity of land or ground plat should be laid out for a large town or city," within which each purchaser would have land that "would answer to the proportion which he had bought," namely, "after the proportion of ten acres for every 500 purchased, if the †lace would allow it."*s It seems, however, that the Commissioners could find no site, fulfilling

38 Hough, op. cit. 87 For full text of the "Conditions and Concessions," see Penn. Col. Records, I. 26-29. 88 Samuel Hazard, Annals of Pennsylvania (1850), 516; Penn. Col. Records, op. cit.; The italics are the author's. 266 HAZEL SHIELDS GARRISON July other conditions laid down, that was practicable to meet this con- dition also.39 Out of this difficulty grew the "City of Philadelphia and Its Liberties/' for the solution was the laying out, after Penn's arrival, of a moderately sized town, with a large tract of land sur- rounding it. It was within this outside tract that the first purchasers were to be assigned their 2% of land provided for in the Conces- sions.40 Lots within the city were granted in proportion to the size of the tract of land taken up by purchase within the Province. The method used for assigning lots within the city was quite interesting, and should have placed the whole matter above suspicion. Examina- tion of the Holme map we have under discussion will bring out the numbering of lots, together with a variation in size and, of course, location. The assignment of location was as follows: "When the city plan was made out, two large lots were laid down for two purchasers of 20,000 acres j others to suit the purchasers of io,ooo, 5000, 1000, 500 and less, and numbered on the draft, and some mode was de- vised for drawing the names of the purchasers, with the number, of the size belonging to each. Thus William Tenny Jr., drew ü^p. i} and the Society of Free *Traders drew ¿A£ø. 5."41 Moreover, this land granted within the limits of the city was in the form of a bonus to purchasers within the Province and probably stood, in the mind of the Proprietor, as a feasible method of being sure of good settle- ment in both sections. Assignment of land in the Liberties, however, was part of the total purchase made, and deducted from the total acreage of farms, plantations, or lots taken up in the country outside. "It is assumed as a principle, of which the evidence is abundant and conclusive. That liberty lands were always considered as part of the quantity purchased and were taken out of it when the warrent issued for the country land j but the city lots were considered as appurtenant to the purchase, but no part of it. . . ,"42 The map itself is little but a plan laid out for city lots, they being numbered and varying in size to concur with the plan of allotment. The map is not oriented, but placed on the page with consideration only to the relation of con-

89 Thomas Sergeant, View of the Land Laws of Pennsylvania with Notices of Its Early History and Legislation (1838), 225. 40 Lawrence Lewis, Jr., An Essay on Original Land Titles in Philadelphia (1880), 65. 41 Smith*s Laws of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania (1810), II. 107; the italics are the author's. 42 Ibid., 108. 1935 CARTOGRAPHY OF PENNSYLVANIA 267 venience and size and shape of the page. This, however, was a com- mon fault, which continued well into the 18 th century. Holme's map of the Province: ¿Map of \ the Trovince of \ Tenn- silvania ¦ containing the three countyes \ of \ Chester Philadelphia and 'Bucks \ as far as yet surveyed and laid out the \ divisions or dis- tinctions made by the \ different coullers respects the settlements \ by way of townships. "By Tho Holme} Survey Çen.; Sold by %ob Qreene and John Thornton, in <£jondon; holds an even more im- portant place in the development of cartography in Pennsylvania. The area covered extends westward about thirty miles, but, on the scale of four English miles, gives a first impression of being more extensive. The area is laid off in plantations, farms, manors, liberty lands, and townships. The error of lack of orientation still persists. Each plat of land is labeled with the name of its owner or owners. There is no indication of topography, although an effort is made to show character of the surface by the scattering of trees to indicate distribution of forested areas. The background or basis for the dis- tribution and allotment of lands, as shown, was the foundation for the land policy of Pennsylvania and of the Land Office, which has developed into one of the best organized and best documented of such offices in the United States. The grants "were by deeds of lease and release for land in the province at large, not specifying metes or bounds or situation"^ Penn's policy was a matter of choice. "Look- ing, as he [Penn] no doubt did, to a series of relinquishments by the natives, which would place at his disposal large bodies of land, it was for him to adopt such a system for disposing of them as he thought proper. He might choose to survey his lands as soon as they were purchased, and separate them into tracts or lots, ... Or he might have them surveyed to purchasers from time to time, as they were disposed of. He adopted the latter course."44 And further "William Penn, being possessed of the absolute Proprietaryship of all the lands in the province ... to parcel them out among purchasers, to be holden of himself and heirs, by such services, customs and rents, as to him or them should seem fit, and not immediately of the crown. . . . These grants or sales have since been denominated old rights. . . . They had no location but were to be surveyed anywhere in the

48 Sergeant, op. cit., 23, 24; the italics are the author's. "Ibid., 33, 34. 268 HAZEL SHIELDS GARRISON July province. .. ."45 The absolute proprietaryship of William Penn and his heirs, spoken of above, was granted in the original charter as fol- lows: "And him, the said William Penn, his heires and assignes, by this our Royall charter, for us, our heires and successors, make, create and constitute the true and absolute proprietaries of the Countrey aforesaid. . . ,"46 The charter further granted the privilege of the establishment of townships as seemed desirable and feasible. "And Wee Doe further for us, our heires and Successors, give and grant unto the said William Penn, his heires and assignes free and absolute power to Divide the said Countrey, and Islands, into Townes, Hun- dreds, and Counties, and to erect and incorporate Townes into Boroughs, and Boroughs into Citties... ."47 This may be seen on the map in towns of New Towne, East Towne, Edgement, New Town (on Neshemenah Creek), Aston, Bethel, and others. Penn himself had interesting and apparently more far-reaching ideas than ap- peared in other colonies, as to the establishment of towns, etc. "To these first purchasers, the conditions and concessions made in Eng- land, chiefly related. Wherever they desired to sit together, and their quantity amounted to five or ten thousand acres, they were to have their lot, or township, cast together. . . ."48 And again, "it ap- pears to have been part of the plan of William Penn to have laid out the province into townships, of 5000 or 10,000 acres, and to have surveys made within the respective boundaries of such townships $ and that purchasers of large tracts might lie together j he accordingly introduced this clause into his warrants. 'According to the method of townships appointed by me.7 "49 The organization of townships seemed very important to Penn. "Since there was no other thing I had in my eye in the settlement of this province, next to the ad- vancement of virtue, than the comfortable situation of the inhabitants therein} and for that end, with the advice and consent of the most eminent of the first purchasers, ordained that every township consist- ing of 5000 acres, should have ten families at the least, to the end that the province might not lie like a wilderness as some others yet

"Smith, op. ciu, 106. 46 Charter of the province of Pennsylvania, Penn. Col. Records, I. 18. A1 Ibid., 21. 48 Smith, op. cit., 138. 49 Ibid., 140. 1935 CARTOGRAPHY OF PENNSYLVANIA 269 do, by vast vacant tracts of land, but be regularly improved, for the benefit of society. •. ."50 One of the cartographers of the 18th century whose work is among the best known, but whose life is yet obscure, is Lewis Evans. He was born about 17oo51 and had an active career as a surveyor. There are indefinite suggestions in some of his journals that he had seen much of other parts of the world before his settlement to work in Penn- sylvania. In 1750, Evans was commissioned by the General Assembly to do a map of the Province, and instructions were issued to him from that body on June 26.02 According to these instructions, the work was to be done secretly because of certain expected activities of the French in the western region. Evans accepted with certain conditions which were concerned with payment, safety, and his conduct through the new region of the west. This work produced the map apparently published in 1752, but used previous to its publication. In 1751, it was sent by the governor to the Board of Trade in London, with a letter describing the situation in the west, the dangers from the French, and with recommendations relative to a settlement, between the French and English, of the boundary in the west.53 The map was also used as the basis for instructions and advice to General Braddock, being sent in a letter from Richard Peters to Braddock's secretary, May 12, 1755.54 In February of 1755, the map had been sent to Sir John St. Clair by Governor Robert H. Morris to acquaint him with the country, relative to the French and Indian wars. St. Clair had been sent to Virginia by the King and wished plans to place before General Braddock on his arrival.55 During 1753 and 1754, Evans became involved in the Pennsyl- vania-Maryland boundary controversy. He submitted an abstract concerning the boundaries to Governor Sharpe of Maryland and was advanced £30 currency for procuring papers from New York and elsewhere to strengthen his (Evans7) assertions, besides being given

"ƒ«¿,i4i. 51 Appleton's Cyclopedia of Am. Biog. (1888), II. 383. 52 Penn. Archives, 1st sen, II. 47¯¯49; text of the instructions and conditions of acceptance. 88 Penn. Archives, 1st ser., II. 60-63. "ƒtt¿,IL3o9. 85 Penn. Col. Records, VI. 298-302. 270 HAZEL SHIELDS GARRISON July hopes, if successful, of "farther encouragement if his Scheme be ap- proved by his Lordship [Calvert]." Calvert was much displeased with the abstract because it contained "statements that do not agree with the premise of Maryland." Evans was considered, by these gentlemen, to be overbalanced in his accurate representation of na- tural features in connection with the boundary dispute, by loyalty and partisan allegiance to Pennsylvania.56 This was brought out in a letter from Calvert to Governor Sharpe of April 17, 1754: "Entre nous, I understand Mr. Evans is a man of no good Character and has been a time Serving man to the Messieurs Penn. The Map from whence the Articles of Agreement with the Late Lord and Mes- sieurs Penn was by Artificial means imposed on the Late Governor and sent by him to the late Lord.... [is] the Product of much Un- easyness to the Present Proprietor."57 Evans was paid, in all, £126. for his services, although Calvert and Sharpe were disappointed in his work in taking extracts from records at New York relating to the and Dutch and Swedish settlements thereon. Cal- vert considered him "deficient of Service" and his extracts "but a Picked Detail, Fragments and transactions of no use."58 Evans' map of 1755, Qeneral ¿Map of the ¿Middle 'British Colonies in he said "it must be observed, that all America, east of Mississippi, Lowlands, Hills and Mountains, is everywhere covered with Woods, except some interval spots, of no great extent, cleared by European Colonets. Here are no Churches, BðE. B. Mathews, "Maps and Map-Makers of Maryland," in Md. Geolog. Survey, n. 395-398. 57 Maryland Archives, VI. 49. 58 Ibid., 129. 1935 CARTOGRAPHY OF PENNSYLVANIA 27i

Towers, Houses, or peaked Mountains to be seen from afar; no means of obtaining the Bearings or Distances of Places, but by the Compass, and actual Mensuration by the Chain. The Mountains are almost All so many Ridges with even Tops and nearly of a Height. To look from these Hills into Lower Lands, is but, as it were, into an Ocean of Woods, swelled and depressed here and there, by little Inequalities, not to be distinguished one Part from another, any more than the Waves of the real Ocean."59 He proceeded, in this same work, to describe the face of the country with considerable detail and accuracy, making his findings the basis for the following recom- mendation: ". . . extent of land belonging to Confederates or Six Nations, whence it evidently appears, that all Lands now claimed by the French, are the Property of the Six Nations, and consequently, of the English their Allies." He proposed that there should be se- cured "in Time, the Country bordering on the Back of Carolina," because "supposing the French should be beaten off from the Ohio, it is ten to one they will turn their Forces, in hopes of better Fortune, to the Back of Carolina.... The Public may be amused with a notion that we have Forts and settlements there already, as represented in some Maps, published with great Authority. I can only say I wish either were true. Itinerant Trading is not a Settlementy in the Sense the English use the Word; nor a House built of Logs of Wood with- out Order or Artillery, a Garrison, or Fort in any Sense."60 In his own day, Evans' entire work was considered important and to have significant tendencies. One reviewer concludes his favorable criti- cisms with a demand for military force for use in peace as in war be- cause "at least half of commerce depends on plantations and their being protected . . . and the whole of strength and happiness depends on Commerce. Our Wealth produces Liberty, and our Wealth was produced by Trade; whatever affects the latter will lessen the former, And whenever we lose our Trade, we must certainly feel the Effects of Poverty and Arbitrary Power."61 This map of 1755 had imperfections, to be sure, conceded, by

00 Evans, Lewis. Analysis of a General Map of the Middle British Colonies in America and the Country of the Confederate Indians: A Description of the Face of the Country; the Boundaries of the Confederates, and the maritime and inland Navigations of the several Rivers and Lakes contained therein. Philadelphia printed, and sold by Dodsley, &c. in London. "Ibid. 91 Monthly Review or Literary Journal, XIV. 29—37. 272 HAZEL SHIELDS GARRISON July many, to be due to premature publication. Evans explains this at the beginning of the Preface of his ^Analysis as follows: "The Map, that these Sheets accompany, and that they are intended to explain and supply, is presented to the Public, when a longer Time was indeed necessary to have given it the Degree of Correctness that was in- tended it." He goes on to say that the state of affairs in America and the help of the Assembly have made its publication possible and ad- visable at that time. He accounts for inadequacies in mountain topography by writing: "Several Chains of the Endless Mountains which have not come to My Knowledge, and had they been so, might have filled several Places which lie vacant in the Map." Evans acknowledged that Maryland was poorly done, and he had intended to publish a better edition the next year. On the other hand, its adequacy, wealth of detail, and relative accuracy place it far above other maps of the period. It had a wide influence on cartography, as evidenced by other editions, all erroneously called "Evans Maps," some of which were issued as piracies and double and triple piracies, up to as late as 1814, when the plate of the Kitchin piracy was issued as a "new and general" map. The original 1755 edition was long used as an authority for settling boundaries and purchases. It has been said that its most striking contribution to cartography is the region of the Ohio River [inset], which was based on the explora- tions of Gist, Walker, and himself, under George Croghan,62 and which was also the basis of an effort for the colonization of that region. In the ^Analysis, Evans makes a keen statement concerning this mat- ter: "Were there nothing at Stake between the Crowns of Britain and France, but the Lands on that Part of Ohio included in this Map, we may reckon it as great a Prize as has ever yet been contended for, between two Nations." Some very interesting comments by Evans on his own map, are found in the unpublished manuscript of a letter written to Richard Peters, dated March 16,1753.63 His recognition of some present-day problems, conservation and flood-control, is seen. "Our Runs dry up apace, several which formerly would turn a fulling mill, are now scarce sufficient for the use of a farm. The Reason of which is This,

62 C. O. Paullin and J. K. Wright, Atlas of the Historical Geography of the United States (1932), 13, pi. 26. 88 "A Brief Account of Pennsylvania in a Letter to Richard Peters, Esq. In answer to some Queries of a Gentleman •in Europe. By Lewis Evans"; H. S. P. 1935 CARTOGRAPHY OF PENNSYLVANIA 273 when the country was cover'd with Woods, and The Swamps with Brush, The rain that fell was detained by These Interruptions, and so had time to insinuate into the Earth, and contribute to the Springs and Runs. . . · But now the Country is cleared, the Rain as fast as it falls, is hurried into the Rivers, and washes away the Earth and Soil of our Naked Fields, fills and choaks the Springs, and makes Shoals and Sand-banks in our Creeks and Rivers, and hence several Creeks, mentioned by Mr. Penn to be navigable, are now no longer so." On the other hand, his statement that "The Face of the Country . . . determines the Nature of the Rivers" would be open to modification today. His economic conceptions seemed far in advance of his day: ". . . what may appear a Paradox of Policy has made this Country thrive so fast, that is the Deerness of Land. In the other colonies the Land has been squandered away by Thousands of Acres at the most trifling Consideration. · . . In Pennsylvania the Land is too dear to be en- grossed and yet cheap enough to any Body that will improve it. Our surveys have been very regular almost all adjoining one another. This keeps up good Neighborhood, and husbands the Proprietaries Interest. The peoples there are thick settled, have easy intercourse, and need not want Mills, Schools and Churches."64 Evans dedicated his 1755 map to Thomas Pownall, for whom he had much respect and admiration. In fact, he was in correspondence with Pownall concerning agricultural economy and various matters brought out on the map. "In Pensylvania," wrote Evans, "the In- habitants are derived from almost all Parts of Europe, and it is therefore no Wonder that Methods so different should be pursued in their Agriculture. In general, the Land is plowed thrice before it is sownj . . ." Following this is a description of wages, incomes, prices, etc., for the farmer.65 Evans' death in New York, in 1756, while imprisoned under false slander charges preferred by Governor Morris, left his daughter, Mrs. Barry, under the stigma of that suit, and apparently struggling to make ends meet. Pownall wished and tried unsuccessfully to plan for a French edition of Evans' map, the proceeds of which would go to Mrs. Barry. He did issue a corrected edition, himself, in 1776, in which he gave Evans due credit. 64 ibid. w Letter to Thomas Pownall, March 25, 1754; Misc. MSS., I. 80; H. S. P.

VOL.LIX.—18 274 HAZEL SHIELDS GARRISON July The 1755 map was advertised widely and often in the Pennsyl- vania Çazette during 1756 and drew down unfavorable comment from some quarters. One letter, attacking Evans, appeared in the ü^ev> Tork Mercury of January 5, 1756, "representing the im- propriety of sending Forces to Virginia, the Importance of taking Fort Frontenac, and that the Preservation of Oswego was owing to General Shirley's Proceeding Thither." Franklin called Evans a "gentleman, of great American knowledge,"66 and the general feel- ing was expressed in the same journal that had so favorably greeted his ^Analysis, that he was a good geographer of his part of the world, a friend of the people, and his death a public loss.67 The single map which exerted the widest and most far-reaching influence, published in the middle of the 18th century, was that of Joshua Fry and Peter Jefferson. Both these gentlemen were ex- perienced surveyors of that part of Virginia around the Blue Ridge and were well prepared for their work. Joshua Fry was born in Somersetshire, England, in the late 17th century, educated at Oxford and in 1728 became master in the school at Williamsburg, which afterwards became William and Mary College, and later acceded to the chair of Mathematics. He became a member of the House of Burgesses, was justice of the peace and county surveyor of Albemarle County in 1745, served on a commis- sion appointed to settle the Virginia-North Carolina boundary line, was a member of the Governor's Council in 1750, and was appointed to treat with the Indians at Logstown in 1752. His work as county surveyor brought him in close touch with Peter Jefferson, holding similar positions, and for some five years they were engaged in the surveys and explorations necessary for the production of their notable map. This experience gave Fry so intimate an acquaintance with the frontier and such close knowledge of the character of the Indian, that he was appointed to the command of the expedition against the French in 1754. He died, May 31, 1754, while leading his forces to Ohio, and was succeeded by George Washington, who was at the time chief military aide to Fry. Peter Jefferson, the father of Thomas Jefferson, born in 1708, February 29, was blessed with an avid desire for knowledge which ™ Franklins' Works, Jared Sparks, ed., IV. 326. 67 Monthly Review or Literary Journal, XV. 302. 1935 CARTOGRAPHY OF PENNSYLVANIA 275

pushed him to make up his meager early education by wide reading and study. His settlement in Albemarle County in 1738 marked the beginning of a long and active public service. It was during this time that he and Fry began their association and work together. Jef- ferson was a man of strong physique, a good mathematician, and skillful surveyor. He died in 1757. Their map of 1751 carried many inaccuracies, as did all those of this early period. However, it seems certain that the information portrayed represents the finest degree of knowledge of the time. Both men were said to be possessed of very keen judgment as to relative distances and areas. Their work was obviously highly credit- able and left its mark on subsequent map-making of the area for many years.68 Nicholas Scull, who was surveyor-general of Pennsylvania from 1748 to 1761, was born about 1700. Before he was thirty years of age, he was active in councils between the provincial government and the Indians, often acting as interpreter.69 On August 22, 1735, he became a landholder in Philadelphia, and in later years appeared as a taxpayer in Berks County.70 In 1754 and 1756, he became also, by different purchases, a landholder in Northampton County.71 He was commissioned as sheriff of Philadelphia from 1744 to 1746,72 and later, from 1753 to 1755 of Northampton County.73 On June 10, 1748, he was commissioned surveyor-general to succeed William Parsons, and continued in this office until 1761.74 It was during his holding of this office, on January 25, 1757, that he issued a certificate as to the authenticity of the so-called Indian Walk purchase.75 He stated that he accompanied the men who performed the "walk" and considered the contract "fairly performed" and felt that all those closely concerned, Indians and representatives of the province, seemed well satisfied. On October 21, 1758, a Council was called at the home of Nicholas Scull, by Conrad Weiser, between the chiefs

°*Mathews, op. cit., 391-94; Appleton's Cyclopedia of Am. Biog., II. 557. 68Penn. Col. Records, III. 303-05, 344; IV. 743. 70 Penn. Archives, 3d ser., XXIV. 46; XVIII. 120. 71 Ibid., XXVI. 166, 167. 72 Penn. Col. Records, IV. 748, 782; V. 55. 73 Ibid., V. 662; VI. 144, 638. "Ibid., V. 274. 75 Ibid., VII. 399¯¯4oo. 276 HAZEL SHIELDS GARRISON July of the Six Nations and "their Nephews" the , to which members of the Pennsylvania Council were also invited. This Con- ference was for the purpose of reaching agreements between the Indian groups, and also for voicing, on the part of the Cayuga Chief, the unfair treatment on the part of the English.76 This is ac- counted for by one writer who has studied the matter quite carefully. He says: "The favors he [Scull] had received from the proprietaries in several ways and to which he was still beholden as surveyor gen- eral, were too strong for his better judgment, but there was perhaps a still stronger tie to bind him to Thomas Penn. He had prepared just then a large map of the Province, which he had dedicated to Thomas and Richard Penn, . . . which the former was expected to patronize liberally. ... It was undoubtedly the first correct map published of the Province on a large scale, embracing more than half the present area of the State."77 Of the six depositions taken regarding the Walk, SculPs was the only one entered in the minutes of the Conference, because most favorable to the proprietaries. The others, being unfavorable, were transmitted to England, but kept in great secrecy here. Scull was one of the first members of Franklin's Juntoy and in Franklin's list of the members is classed as a man who "loved books and sometimes made a few verses."78 Some of his ran- dom verses are still extant in his own hand.79 Aside from his work as surveyor, SculPs knowledge in this line is evidenced in two different ways. In 1752 he entered into discussion with Richard Peters regarding the methods of one Mr. Jack (prob- ably in England) on finding the Meridian.80 It would seem that Mr. Jack was arguing a great circle to be a parallel of Latitude, which Scull could not conceive of. But while Scull could not, from his standpoint, concede this argument, he was willing to concede that Jack, by his superior knowledge of mathematics and his different sort of instrument, might be able to prove his point.81 The second evi- dence of his technical knowledge is shown by his ¿Map of the Im- proved Tart of the Trovince of Tennsylvania of 1759. This map 76 Ibid., VIII. 2n~2i2. 77 William J. Buck, History of the Indian Walk (1886), 175. 78 Sparks, Life of Franklin, I. 82. 79 Among SculPs field books is one containing some of his verse; H. S. P. 80 Penn. Archives, 1st ser., II. 73. 81 Presumably this was in relation to the circle boundary dispute with Delaware. 1935 CARTOGRAPHY OF PENNSYLVANIA 277 takes in the area of Philadelphia, Bucks, Northampton, Berks, Chester, Lancaster, Cumberland, and York Counties of that period. Its area extends northward to a line just north of "Wioming" and westward to a line extending north-south just beyond Fort Cumber- land. Neither latitude nor longitude is indicated on the map, but a statement is printed near the lower right corner as to the latitude and longitude of Philadelphia. Scull states on the map also that very- particular care has been taken as to accuracy and that the areas of the Northeast Branch and the West Branch are from draughts of surveys furnished by Major Shippen. Considerable cultural detail is em-' bodied in the eastern half of the map, such as location of churches and meetings, locations of farms of well-known inhabitants, manors, mines, mills, etc. The frontier of SculPs period was evidently the continuous ridge of the Kittatinny Mountains, from the Delaware to Fort Loudoun, made obvious by the lack of cultural details beyond this "line." York County is significant in the fairly large amount of detail included. Roads are unusually well shown, the reason, as noted by Scull on the map, being that "most all the Roads that are laid down in it have been actually surveyed and measured lately with great exactness: so that the Distances of Places may safely be de- pended on." All the forts of that period are clearly located. In this connection, an interesting notation is made with respect to Fort Cumberland, in Maryland, and the Maryland-Pennsylvania bound- ary: "The Author of this map in placing of Fort Cumberland has fol- lowed Fry and Jefferson j but is of Opinion that whenever the Line is run between Pennsylvania and Maryland it will pass to the south- ward of that Fort" On copies that are reproduced, there are indications, in the south- western portion, of manuscript notations having been made on a printed copy, probably on the first edition for later editions. The author has not seen an original copy of any sort. One of the out- standing features of this map is the amount of detail embodied with- out loss of clearness, which was, of course, a fault of some of the earlier maps. Also, the degree of accuracy is increased. Nothing can be found concerning the early life and training of William Scull until the period of his early manhood. One writer states he was one of five sons of Nicholas Scull, all of whom were 278 HAZEL SHIELDS GARRISON July surveyors,82 William, himself, however, states, in a letter to Joseph Reed of the Pennsylvania Council, dated January 26, 1780, that he was "brought up in the surveyor-general's office under his grand- father Nicholas Scull."83 It would seem that the latter statement would be the one to settle his relationship to the surveyor-general. Like many others connected with the business of surveying in the province he took advantage of opportunities of obtaining desirable land, and we find that in 1765 he had 355 acres surveyed for himself in Cumberland County.84 In 1773, he obtained land in Sunbury (Northumberland County),80 in 1774, 300 more acres in North- umberland County,86 and in 1767, a plot in Northampton County.87 In 1775, he became sheriff of Northumberland County.88 He was in the Geography Department of the Continental Army under General Washington, assisting Robert Erskine who was geographer and sur- veyor-general.89 In 1778, he was released and later sought to return to Pennsylvania in the surveying field.00 In 1770, William Scull published a ¿Map of the Trovince of Tennsylvaniay which was itself based largely on the previous work of Nicholas Scull and in turn, became the base for later maps. This map covers the entire area of the province, "not only of the improved Parts of the Province of Pennsylvania, but also of its extensive Frontiers, never before laid down with any certainty or Resemblance to Truth."91 Roads and trails were accurate and in greater detail than in earlier maps, especially west of the Susquehanna. Latitude and Longitude are not indicated on the margins, but a note is given of that of Philadelphia. Forts in the western section, not having ap- peared on any previous map of the province, are very noticeable here. One of the most interesting features is the notation relative to the southern boundary, run by Mason and Dixon, of which he says "... considered as a Boundary, that line should have extended no farther 82 Appleton*s Cyclopedia of Am. Biog., V. 445. • Penn. Archives, 1st ser., VIII. 94. "Penn. Archives, 3d ser., XXIV. 760. "Ibid.,XXV.296. *'Ibid., XXV. 301. 87 Ibid., XXVI. 168. **Penn. Col. Records, X. 271. »D. A. B., VI. 181. 90 Penn. Archives, 1st ser., VIII. 94. 91 See note by Scull, on z77o ed. of map. 1935 CARTOGRAPHY OF PENNSYLVANIA 279

West than somewhere about the Line AB [indicated on the map, and now the western boundary of Maryland] or the true meridian of the 1st Fountain of Potomack, which is the Western Boundary of Maryland. Pennsylvania by the Royal Grant is then entitled to run due South by the Line AB for about 50 miles to the Beginning of the 40th Degree, and then West to the End of 5 degrees from Dela- ware."92 Hereby, Scull seems to have precipitated himself into the controversy.03 He gives credit for assistance to several men, among them Joseph Shippen, Maclay, Biddle, John Lukens, whose draughts and observations he used.94 One of the early hydrographic cartographers must be mentioned here, although his production was limited. Joshua Fisher (1707- 1783) was, by trade a hatter in Lewes, Delaware. From 1732 to 1734, he was coroner of Sussex County,95 and in 1784, he was com- missioned justice of the peace of York County.96 He was self- educated in mathematics and became deputy-surveyor of Delaware. He apparently had a farm near the shore of the lower Delaware Bay, because in the winter of 1779-80, his son, Thomas, was captured by a press-gang from the crew of a British war vessel, lying near Cape Henlopen, and held on board, with a negro slave, as hostage for the immediate delivery of 100 bullocks. Needless to say, the terms were agreed to, and the bullocks driven across the ice on Christmas Day.97 By 1756, Fisher was established in a general business in Philadel- phia, having every imaginable object as stock-in-trade. Advertise- ments, appearing from time to time in the Tennsylvania Qazette give an almost incredible list of these goods. During the period of the Revolution, when many people in Philadelphia were under suspicion, the Fishers seem to have been closely watched. Finally, March 5, 1779, a letter, from one of the sons to another brother in New York, was intercepted and held as evidence of Tory-ism. The sons, Thomas "Ibid. 98 This belief, on the part of Scull, may have been based on the fact that at about this time it was undecided whether Maryland should start her western boundary at the "first fountain" of the South Branch of the Potomac. See James Velch, Mason & Dixon's Line (1857), 48-58; especially note p. 54. "Ibid. 95 Penn. Col. Records, see index. "Ibid. 97Pusey, "History of Lewes, Delaware," in Papers of the Hist. Soc. of Delaware (1903), XXXVIII. 26. 280 HAZEL SHIELDS GARRISON July and Samuel, refused to take an oath of allegiance because they were Quakers and were apprehended, pending official orders for their disposition. Joshua was too ill for removal from his home. No in- criminating papers were found and after he gave promises of al- legiance, the charges were removed. The sons, however, with a large group of Quakers, were exiled to Winchester, Virginia.08 Samuel, who had become very ill by the summer of 1781, was or- dered released on the payment of costs of the prosecution, and the secretary of the Supreme Executive Council was ordered to transmit a pardon." The chart of the Delaware Bay and River was Joshua Fisher's great contribution. He had been urged to do the work because of his intimate familiarity with the intricacies of navigation, both from his own experience and that of his brother-in-law, one of the official pilots. In 1756, having completed his first manuscript for publica- tion, he was asked by Governor Morris to postpone this until such time as it might be safer. It was feared copies might fall into the hands of the French, and furnish them with the means of navigation to Philadelphia. Fisher did not believe this possible, for he was sure the information given on the map, even if it fell into the hands of the enemy, would effectively discourage anyone from attempting the hazardous navigation of the bay and river without pilotage. On this basis, he urged that copies of the map, already published, be delivered to the men who had subscribed £100 for the expenses.100 Details shown on this map, or preferably, chart, include place names along the shore, indication of the character of the shore, outlets of creeks, harbors, shoals and sand-bars, and ship channels through the bay and up the river to Philadelphia. Soundings are indicated in feet and fathoms, and anchorage sites by small anchors. The major navigation risks are shown, but it is probably the lack of intricate de-

98 Penn. Col. Records, XI. 283-309; Penn. Archives, 1st ser., VII. 225, 291. For the story, from the standpoint of the prisoners, see Thomas Gilpin, Exiles in Virginia: with observations on the conduct of the Society of Friends during the Revolutionary War, comprising the Official Papers of the Government relating to that period, Ijjj-i'/'j8 (Philadelphia, 1848). This work contains the journals of the people exiled to Virginia, protests, account of treatment, etc., with a refutation of all the accusations against them. 00 Penn. Col. Records, XIII. 13. 100 Penn. Archives, 1st ser., II. 592-93. 1935 CARTOGRAPHY OF PENNSYLVANIA 28l tail, impossible to include, that made Fisher believe the map would be of no value to the French in reaching Philadelphia. Inasmuch as no map previous to this had been adequate, even for the use of pilots, Fisher's work was a distinct advance in the charting of the Delaware Bay and River, and a pioneer effort in hydrographic charting. Reading HowelPs early life seems to be veiled in obscurity, for the author has been unable to find even the inclusive dates of his life. From 1781 to 1793, we find records of his acquiring land in Chester, Luzerne, and Northumberland Counties.101 Together with Timothy Matlack and William Dean, he explored, surveyed and made drafts of the rivers Delaware and Lehigh, for on February 11, 1790, the treasury was drawn on for about £159 to pay them.102 On February 9,1790, he applied to the Supreme Executive Council for permission to "delineate the North boundary line under the authority of the State." He claimed that this grant would answer the purpose of the act to establish and confirm the boundary line between Pennsylvania and New York, passed September 29, 1789, without incurring any expense to the public.103 On April 16, 1790, he was appointed as one of three commissioners to explore the country near the headwaters of the Delaware, East Branch of the Susquehanna, Lehigh, and Schuylkill Rivers.104 On the same date, an order was drawn on the treasury in HowelPs favor for £200, being part of the sum of £300 granted by the Assembly "to enable him to proceed in the work he has undertaken of compiling a map of this State."105 He apparently had been at work on this map for at least two years, for on Novem- ber 10, 1788, he wrote to Edmund Physick, enclosing a manuscript outline map, showing and describing the "exact figure and shape of the state" as it would be represented on his large map.106 HowelPs is the first map of Pennsylvania, following the inde- pendence of the United States: <^í ¿Map of the State of "Pennsylvania "By %eading Howell MDCCXCIL Many facts are here shown cartographically for the first time: the exact boundary lines of the 101Penn. Archives, 3d ser., XII. 429; XXIV. 226; XXV. 180. 102 Penn. Col. Records, XVI. 278. 108 Penn. Col Records, XVI. 275. 104 Ibid., 319. 105 Ibid., 337. 106 Penn—Physick Correspondence, I., 1682-1788; H. S. P. 282 HAZEL SHIELDS GARRISON July state on all sides, including the recent triangle purchase, county seats, donation and depreciation lands. Two important topographic features, which had not appeared previously, he located here: the beginnings of underground streams, and the location of minerals. While his topography is far in advance of other work done in the 18 th century, one receives an erroneous impression that most of the rivers run through deep canyons, because of the indication of steep- sided banks. Let us summarize the outstanding features of each of the maps discussed here. In the Mercator map is the simple and general loca- tion of the major mountain range, shown for the first time on a general map. The work of Captain John Smith represents the first successful attempt to show detail and gives the earliest map of part of the New World that did not carry an Asiatic line. Lindström's map was the first to chart, with any degree of accuracy, the waters and shores of the Delaware Bay region. Herrman contributed to progress by his accuracy, added detail, and interpretation of geo- graphic features. Visscher's work, because of its accuracy and correc- tion of errors on some earlier maps, exerted considerable influence. Thomas Holme made the first distinctive map of the province of Pennsylvania, for which he pioneered in surveying, and, by the system of distribution of the land, laid the foundation for the land office. Lewis Evans advanced far beyond previous work, because of his skill in offering advice, cartographically, for purposes of coloniza- tion, military tactics and movements, agricultural development, building of roads, and related problems of colonization. The ac- curacy, minute care and wealth of detail in his work were responsible, largely, for its long-felt influence. Fry and Jefferson put forth the finest degree of accuracy of their period. Nicholas Scull denoted the frontier rather carefully, increased in accuracy and in giving detail without confusion. Scull, a surveyor by profession, gave the public more accurate details based on surveying than Evans. This, however, should not discount the accuracy of Evans, for he received help, in this respect from Scull. Evans, on the other hand, as pointed out, far surpassed Scull in his abilities of application and interpretation. Wil- liam Scull extended the frontier in 1770 from the eastern Kittatinny Ridge to the western Alleghany Ridge and the Monongahela- Youghiogany Valley. He also greatly improved the representation 1935 CARTOGRAPHY OF PENNSYLVANIA 283 of topographic features. Joshua Fisher gave us the first real hydro- graphic chart of the entire Delaware region. The frontier of Reading Howell, in 1792, was extended to the confines of the state, because it was the first state map. This fact, made possible the depiction of several other cultural and political details not available before. Sev- eral details of topography also appear for the first time. In all of these maps may be seen a steady and continuous progress and ad- vance in cartographical development. Harrìsburg HAZEL SHIELDS GARRISON