Brian Martin, for nonviolent struggle (: War Resisters’ International, 2001)

Chapter 5

An effective military depends heavily on effec- join in. Therefore, the struggle cannot have tive communication, including transmission of commanders in the military sense, since obedi- commands, coordination of actions, transmis- ence to orders cannot be enforced. A nonvio- sion of information about enemy activities and lent struggle can, however, have leaders. Noted about the progress of battles, among others. To examples include Mohandas Gandhi, Martin serve the needs of military communication, Luther King, Jr. and Aung San Suu Kyi. In massive investments are made into research, these and other cases, leaders have influence development and production of communica- through their example, intelligence, commit- tion systems. For example, specially designed ment and charisma. But it is not wise to satellites are used to collect information about depend too strongly on such individuals to enemy installations. Massive computer systems provide guidance. Many nonviolence leaders are used to decipher foreign and domestic take a front-line role, participating in civil telecommunications. Satellites are also used to disobedience and other confrontations with the detect enemy missile launches, and special opponent. They may be arrested, imprisoned or facilities are ready to transmit orders to launch killed. In general, they are much more nuclear attacks. Military are vulnerable than military commanders, who designed to be highly secure and to enable usually stay away from the fighting. Therefore, transmission of commands even when some nonviolent activists must be prepared to con- channels have been incapacitated. tinue the struggle effectively in the absence of Communication is even more central to their most experienced and knowledgeable nonviolent struggle, but the type of communi- members. All of this means that as many cation most useful for nonviolent struggle is people as possible should be ready and able to quite different than for military purposes. In analyse the situation, initiate action, make the military, the role of the commanding offi- decisions and in general carry on the struggle. cer is central: that person must have reliable For these reasons, nonviolent struggle is best information and be able to issue commands. served by a decentralised, interactive and This explains why there is so much attention to cooperative system of communication, deci- maintaining secure communications to the sion-making and action.1 This provides a very commander-in-chief in the face of attack. different set of priorities for science and tech- Extraordinary efforts—bomb shelters, special nology than military agendas. telephones, personal guards—are used to The following sections examine a number of protect commanders, especially in times of communication media: television, radio, cas- crisis. Ordinary soldiers are trained to obey, not settes, newspapers, leaflets and the under- to take independent initiatives. Soldiers who ground press, telephone and fax, the post, disobey orders are usually subject to severe conversations and meetings, and computer penalties; in wartime, they may be executed. networks. In each case, I comment on the In a nonviolent struggle, participation must value of the medium for nonviolent struggle be voluntary: there is no way to force people to and on ways in which this value might be Communication 43 increased. When giving case studies, I try to methods for nonviolent struggle, they might provide some context for the role of communi- well be willing to participate by hindering cation technology which, in every case, is only efforts by aggressors to control television and one component of a complex struggle in which by enabling popular concerns to be broadcast. social factors are of central importance. The Redesigning broadcast facilities and making chapter concludes with a general assessment of advance preparations could aid the use (or the types of communication technology most interruption) of television in a nonviolent likely to be useful for nonviolent struggle, struggle. For example, broadcast facilities could drawing on theoretical considerations as well as be designed so that technicians, staff or even the case studies. viewers could interrupt transmission in case of a hostile takeover. Some means would be necessary to prevent use of this facility in Television “normal” times, such as the need for a consid- Television is an enormously powerful medium. erable number of people to enter codes. Broad- Most people in western societies watch it for cast facilities could be designed so that, in case many hours each week. Furthermore, there is a of emergency, a special signal indicating a great deal of trust in the image of reality pre- hostile takeover was transmitted along with the sented on the TV screen, more than in news- picture. Special tapes could be produced— papers for example. dealing with methods of nonviolence, ways to There is very little opportunity for participa- undermine control of television by aggressors, tion in the production of broadcast television. etc.—and stored safely for transmission in case It is essentially an autocratic medium. A very of emergency. few people make decisions about content, Heavy consumption of broadcast television which is then transmitted to a large audience. makes a society more vulnerable to takeover. Furthermore, the television image is quite an For long-term security based on nonviolent artificial and manipulated production. Few techniques, the role of television should be people are aware of the tremendous effort that reduced. If most people are active transmitters goes into shaping each moment on the screen. rather than just receivers of messages, then Producing a high-quality television programme there is less possibility for manipulation and requires a lot of skill, equipment and money. central control. This means that experienced professionals Occasionally, television broadcasts inadver- produce most programmes, especially the ones tently aid nonviolent struggle, as in East that most people prefer to watch. Germany. From 1945, East Germany was For these reasons, television is ideal for ruled by a communist dictatorship. Secret rulers. They can influence popular perceptions police monitored activity in all spheres of life. by appointing or controlling a small number of However, West German radio and television television executives and producers. Dictator- broadcasts were readily received throughout ships are only willing to allow television that is East Germany, giving an attractive—indeed under their control. It is no surprise, then, that perhaps unrealistically attractive—picture of one of the prime targets in military coups is life under capitalism. In 1961, the border with television stations.2 Precisely because it is an West Germany was walled off to prevent undemocratic medium, it is highly useful to emigration. aggressors. Hence, it is important to develop Under the ’s new policies in ways to subvert or disable it when a hostile the late 1980s, there was no longer a guaran- takeover occurs. Many television journalists, tee of armed intervention to support client producers and technicians are sympathetic to states in Eastern Europe. On 11 September popular movements. If they are aware of 1989, Hungary opened its borders with 44 Technology for nonviolent struggle

Austria. East Germans, by going “on holiday” independence for Algeria was inevitable, began to Hungary, could escape to the west. As word negotiations with the independence move- spread, including via news on West German ment. French generals in Algeria, bitterly radio and television, the initial trickle of opposed to this course of action, staged a coup emigration became a torrent. At the same time, on the night of 21-22 April 1961. There was there were public rallies against the regime in even the possibility that they might lead an East German cities. Initially attracting only a invasion of . few people, in the space of weeks the rallies Opposition to the coup was quickly demon- were attended by hundreds of thousands. News strated in France. There was a national one- of the growing open dissent was again provided hour strike and massive rallies. After vacillating by West German mass media. In the face of a few days, de Gaulle made a passionate plea massive emigration and enormous protests, for troops to refuse to join the rebels. Mean- East German leaders resigned. The regime while, in Algeria the rebelling generals failed to collapsed in the face of nonviolent expression gain the support of the troops, many of whom of opposition.3 were conscripts. Troops heard de Gaulle’s If television is produced locally for small broadcast on transistor radios that they had audiences, its vulnerability to takeover is refused to turn in as instructed. Many soldiers reduced, especially if there are numerous inde- just stayed in their barracks. Others reported pendent channels. For the purposes of nonvio- for duty but purposely failed to do it. About lent resistance, a multitude of locally controlled one-third of the fighter aircraft were flown out broadcasts is the direction to go.4 But the of the country, never to return. The coup technical skills and costs to produce high collapsed after four days without a shot being quality programmes are significant obstacles to fired against it.5 such a goal. The most prominent example showing the power of radio for nonviolent struggle is the Czechoslovak resistance to the Soviet-led Radio invasion in 1968. During 1967 and 1968, communist rule in was rapidly In an examination of nonviolent struggle, large liberalised, a process supported throughout the and powerful radio stations with many listeners country. This was a severe threat to the Soviet are similar to television stations. They are rulers, who organised an invasion of the coun- prime targets for an aggressor, since they can be try in August. Military resistance would have controlled by a few people and have an been futile and there was no help from the enormous influence. A long-term goal in devel- West. Instead, there was a spontaneous oping a social defence system should be to nonviolent resistance to the invasion. People replace such radio stations by interactive poured out onto the streets. They talked to the communication media. In the meantime, invading soldiers and quickly convinced many preparations should be made to be able to of them that the Czechoslovak cause was just. broadcast resistance messages or, if necessary, The Czechoslovak military had set up a shut down big stations in the event of a threat. sophisticated radio network to be used in the Looking over some of the historical in- event of a NATO invasion. It was used instead stances of nonviolent struggle suggests a more by citizens to broadcast messages of resistance, positive role for radio. One case is the collapse to warn about impending arrests, to counsel the of the Algerian generals’ revolt in 1961. In use of nonviolent methods, to tell where troops Algeria, an armed struggle for independence were headed, and to call a meeting of the from France was waged from the mid 1950s. It Czechoslovak communist party. It took a week was met by severe repression by French troops. before the radio resisters could be shut down. French president Charles de Gaulle, seeing that Communication 45

But the Soviets did not obtain their initial the general value of radio, which is likely to be objective—setting up a puppet — of more value to an aggressor. until April 1969.6 The strengths and limitations of radio are The Czechoslovak radio network had been also suggested by the long history of clandestine set up by the Czechoslovak military to survive radio.7 In countries where control an invasion from Western Europe; this net- all mass communication, it is commonplace for work was put at the service of the people’s dissident groups to set up their own radio nonviolent resistance, with spectacular results, stations, sometimes broadcasting from a especially given that the full story of the strug- nearby country or sometimes from secret—and gle could be heard on the airwaves in nearby moveable—locations within the country. countries. How is it that a technological system Clandestine radio of this sort is an indication designed by the military for centralised control of the lack of free communication. But there turned out to be so useful for nonviolent are many more clandestine radio stations run struggle? by governments, usually by spy agencies. Many The answer to this question is that a cen- of these are “black” stations, pretending to be tralised communication system such as radio, from a resistance movement and aiming to television or the press can be useful to a destabilise a government. This means that a nonviolent resistance when there is virtually large proportion of clandestine broadcasting is complete support for the resistance and, of disinformation. Much more can be said about course, the system is controlled by the resis- clandestine radio, and there are some tance. The Czechoslovak people were united, fascinating stories. The important point here from workers to top party officials, against the concerns radio stations: sometimes they can be Soviet invasion. Therefore, the radio system, in useful for a nonviolent resistance, but often the hands of the resistance, was a powerful they seem of greater use to powerful groups tool. It didn’t matter too much which particu- seeking to manipulate public opinion rather lar Czechoslovaks were making the broadcasts, than respond to it. because there was such widespread agreement Big radio—large, powerful stations with about the aims and methods of resistance. For many listeners—is only one sort of radio. There example, when the Soviets brought in jamming are also a number of other possibilities. equipment by rail, this information was passed Community radio, in which a station is run to the radio stations, which then broadcast an with a great deal of participation from local appeal to halt the rail shipment. Rail workers people, and in which the power and range of shunted the equipment onto a siding. It is the broadcast is limited, is much more suited to obvious that if even a single person listening to a resistance.8 If a city has thousands of the broadcasts had alerted the Soviets, they community radio stations rather than a dozen could have avoided this delay. Eventually they dominant stations, it is much better situated to brought in jamming equipment by helicopter. resist a takeover. The greater the diversity of Although a centralised communication stations, the more likelihood that some of medium such as radio can be useful to a them will be willing to take a stand. nonviolent resistance in these special circum- Even more valuable for nonviolent struggle stances, the technology of electronic broadcast are radio systems that are cheaper and that remains a vulnerability for the resistance. Once transmit to only a few people. Citizens band or the Soviets took over the Czechoslovak radio CB radio is mainly used for person-to-person network, this brought the active, public phase communication, and is ideal. Even more of the nonviolent resistance to a rapid end. valuable is short-wave radio, since it can be The occasional value of central radio broad- received thousands of kilometres away. It casts to a resistance can be misleading about would be impossible to shut down communica- 46 Technology for nonviolent struggle tion out of a country if every household had a use the technology, the less likely anyone is to short-wave radio, supplemented by many be targeted. The introduction of public short- “public short-waves,” namely short-wave radios waves would reduce the risk still further. available for anyone to use, like public Even better protection is possible using telephones. packet radio. A computer is attached to a radio Short-wave radio was important in the transmitter. A message is typed into the resistance to the Fiji coups in 1987. Fiji became computer, which is then transmitted in digital independent of Britain in 1970. The Alliance form to a receiver. No one can simply “listen Party, led by Ratu Kamisese Mara, controlled in.” To decipher the message, a suitable parliament until 1987. In that year, a computer programme would be required. Even coalition of the National Federation Party and greater security would be provided by putting the newly formed Labour Party won the the message into code. The packet radio election. Six weeks later, there was a military transmission can be sent up to a ham radio coup led by Lieutenant Colonel Sitiveni satellite, which saves the message and trans- Rabuka. The coup was justified by the false mits it later, perhaps halfway around the claim that the rights of the majority Melane- world. Packet radio has enormous potential sian Fijians were under threat; the real effect of value to a nonviolent struggle. the coup was to check the challenge to the One other vulnerability of radio is electric- chiefs of Eastern Fiji who had exercised power ity. All large transmitters and most small via the Alliance Party. But by using the transmitters and receivers depend on electricity, rhetoric of ethnic problems, Rabuka was able usually delivered through the grid. For the to justify the coup in the eyes of many Fijians smaller systems, this vulnerability can be easily and outsiders. reduced. Electricity can be provided by genera- Censorship of the media within Fiji was tors—such as an automobile engine—or imposed. However, since Fiji is composed of batteries. For example, a laptop computer and many islands, short-wave radio is widely used transmitter for packet radio can easily run on and, after the coup, provided direct access to batteries. There is also the possibility of radios foreign news. In the complicated political situa- running on very tiny amounts of power, that tion after the coup, the loyalties of the Fijian can be supplied by batteries, solar energy, or people, and also of governments and people just a wind-up spring such as for a manual overseas, were wooed. For example, Australian alarm clock.10 In the 1960s, Victor Papanek trade unions banned the loading or unloading and Richard Seeger designed a cheap (9 cent) of ships going to or from Fiji. The Rabuka radio receiver for the Third World, based on a regime applied pressure on the Fiji trade union used juice can and parafin wax.11 leaders to say that their rights were protected; In summary, there are a number of ways to after a few assurances were provided, the make radio facilities more useful to nonviolent Australian bans were suspended. Meanwhile, struggle. As with television, radio broadcast Fiji Labour Party leaders tried to mobilise facilities could be designed so that technicians, support from other governments, to little staff or even viewers could interrupt transmis- avail. 9 sion in case of a hostile takeover. Broadcast One potential limitation of radio is that it is facilities could be designed so that, in case of possible for anyone to listen in. Therefore, emergency, a special signal was transmitted using short-wave radio to send a message could along with the normal signal indicating a lead to the sender being tracked down and hostile takeover. Special tapes could be arrested. But this is more likely if only a few produced—dealing with methods of nonvio- people have access to short-wave transmitters. lence, ways to undermine control of television The more people who have access and skills to by aggressors, etc.—and stored safely for Communication 47 transmission in case of emergency. Informa- successor theocratic regime led by Khomeini tion and kits for building small radio transmit- was also highly repressive.) ters and amplifiers can be disseminated. Cheap, In 1991, a video cassette, combined with simple-to-use, durable and reliable CB and television, helped expose Indonesian atrocities short-wave radios could be designed and mass in East Timor. The former Portuguese colony produced. The short-wave radios in particular of East Timor was invaded and occupied by the could be designed for smuggling into countries Indonesian military regime in 1975. There was with repressive governments. Encryption for continued resistance to the occupiers, both person-to-person radio transmissions can be nonviolent civilian resistance and an armed developed. guerrilla struggle. Indonesian troops were highly brutal. As well as torture and killings of civil- ians, the search and destroy missions against Cassettes the guerrillas led to widespread starvation. The Use of audio and video cassettes creates less of United Nations condemned the invasion and a vulnerability than broadcast radio and televi- occupation, but never took any action against sion, since people use different cassettes. them. Cassettes are similar to books, in that a rela- Indonesian authorities controlled almost all tively few people produce them, but there is a communication channels. News of resistance considerable diversity and lack of central and atrocities against the civilian population control over producing them. With inexpensive only reached the outside world via travelers or video cameras, it is now possible for many emigrés. A short-wave transmitter in northern more people to produce video cassettes. Australia, used to communicate with the East Audio cassettes played a role in the Iranian Timorese guerrillas, was shut down by the revolution of 1978-79. The Shah of Iran Australian government. began his rule in 1953. His regime seemed In November 1991, foreign journalists invincible. With enormous oil revenues, he observed a massacre of hundreds of East created a massive military . Secret Timorese engaged in a nonviolent protest in police terrorized the population through torture Dili, the capital of East Timor. One of the and killings. The regime was actively supported journalists, British film-maker Max Stahl, by the government and was not recorded the events on videotape, which was opposed by the governments of Israel, the smuggled out of the country. This documenta- Soviet Union or most Arab countries. This tion caused an international scandal. Although apparently overwhelmingly powerful govern- there had been many previous massacres ment was brought down by mass nonviolent witnessed by East Timorese who later left the action, triggered by religious opponents. The country, these did not lead to much publicity, speeches of Ayatollah Khomeini, in exile, were partly because of categorical denials by Indone- circulated on cassette tapes. Funerals, held forty sian authorities. It was the testimony of days after deaths, became protests. When foreign, independent journalists and of video- police opened fire and killed mourners, further tape which turned the 1991 Dili massacre into funerals were held. Opponents burned pictures a public relations disaster for the Indonesian of the Shah in front of spy cameras of the occupiers.13 secret police. Tens of thousands of nonviolent demonstrators were shot dead by troops. Eventually sections of the military defected, Newspapers and the regime quickly collapsed.12 (It should Large daily newspapers are enormously influ- be said that although the Shah’s regime was ential. Authoritarian governments normally toppled largely by nonviolent methods, the control newspapers directly or subject them to 48 Technology for nonviolent struggle censorship. This is illustrated by the case of the electronic form. Thus there might be many Emergency in . The Indian government thousands of “editors” from whom a person led by Indira Gandhi was widely seen as could select. As well, the skills required would be corrupt and unresponsive. A mass movement made straightforward enough so that new developed around the popular figure of people could step in without too much trouble. Jayaprakesh Narayan, and this appeared to With such a system, an aggressor could not provide a political threat to the government. easily take over the press. It is also necessary for On 26 June 1975, Indira Gandhi declared an wire services to be diversified. At the moment, Emergency. Thousands of people were impris- four international services provide most stories oned, parliament was muzzled, and the press published by the western press. If, instead, there was censored. For the first few days, the elec- were thousands of small international services, tricity supply to key newspapers was cut off. control over the orientation of stories, by Financial pressures were applied to those that whatever means, would be much more difficult. refused to toe the government’s line. However, large newspapers will not be Control of information was a key feature of abandoned or replaced easily or quickly, so in the Emergency. There was enormous resistance the meantime it would be useful to have ways to the government, but groups in different parts to resist aggressors. Printing presses could be of the country knew little of each other. Major designed so that they could be shut down by demonstrations, with up to half a million operators in the face of a takeover and so that people, were not reported and hence unknown a special symbol is printed on every page elsewhere. Some newspapers capitulated whenever the press is used against the wishes of quickly to the censorship requirements, whereas the editors and printers. Wire service terminals others resisted in various ways. The could be designed so that messages go auto- international press was a key force of opposi- matically to a range of other locations. tion; correspondents found innovative ways of getting around censorship. When foreign digni- Leaflets and the underground press taries refused to visit India, this hurt the regime; visits by British political figures It is easy for an aggressor to take over a few Margaret Thatcher and Michael Foot were large printing presses, because only a few people used for propaganda purposes by the regime. are required at crucial locations in the process. In 1977, Mrs Gandhi called elections, By contrast, small local means for printing perhaps believing her own government’s leaflets, posters and newsletters are difficult to censorship-created propaganda about her control. Anyone with a microcomputer and support. In spite of continued (though relaxed) printer can produce high-quality leaflets censorship, the opposition Janata Party was quickly and easily. The photocopier is even elected. Thus the Emergency came to an end.14 more powerful. A handwritten notice can be Because large newspapers are so easily reproduced in the hundreds or thousands. controlled by a few owners and editors, they The power of dissident publications in the are not a good communication medium for a resistance to the Nazis in occupied Europe is social defence system. In the long term, it described by Jacques Semelin: would be better to aim at systems of dispersed The central role of the underground press publication. For example, wire service stories in the general development of institutional might be directly received, at low cost, in resistance must be emphasized. The exis- numerous small communities. There, any tence of the underground press must not be interested person could select a bundle of sto- considered as just one element among ries, compile and edit them if necessary, and others in resisting Nazism. It does not make them available to others—in printed or belong in the same category as sabotage, Communication 49

intelligence activities, protest marches, and to produce a leaflet for a political meeting, a so on; nor was the underground press a sports event or a sale of goods—the community simple instrument of counter-propaganda in is very well prepared to continue communi- the psychological war carried on by rival cating in a crisis. powers. This press was the central axis To aid nonviolent struggle, cheap, durable around which internal resistance move- and reliable copiers could be designed for use in ments could organize and develop. It was as poor countries. In the case of countries under if the resistance needed an initial ideologi- cal basis in order to develop combat repressive rule, such copiers could be smuggled structures. Early resisters therefore distrib- into the country in various ways, by tourists or uted pamphlets, bulletins, and various through commercial trade. Copiers could be newspapers to formulate the values for developed that can be operated even without which they were fighting Nazism. The mains electricity. This might be through underground press operated out of convic- batteries or through an optional muscle- tion rather than from the desire to dissemi- powered system. nate information. Its function was not only Some governments and companies, con- to address those whom it wanted to rally to cerned about the leaking of vital documents, its cause, but even more to convince and have sought the development and introduction assert a collective self on the basis of which of photocopiers that leave some mark on each the new ideological order—that of the copied page indicating its source. Generally occupation—could be rejected.15 speaking, such technology is far more useful to One vulnerability of small printing opera- an aggressor than to the nonviolent resistance. tions is electricity. One solution is to have reserve power through generators. Another is Telephone and fax manual typewriters and hand-operated copiers using specially-prepared originals, which were The telephone is, in many respects, an ideal quite common until the 1980s. communication medium for nonviolent strug- In rich countries, photocopiers are found in gle. It cannot be used by a single person to send almost every office and in a number of homes. messages to a large number of passive recipi- Their role as a basis for community resistance ents, but rather it is most suited for conversa- to aggression could be fostered by setting up tions between two people. True, it’s possible to communal printing facilities in every street or have conference calls, but these become apartment block, with access to a number of unwieldly with more than a handful of people. means of producing and copying leaflets and Since telephone is so useful for communica- newsletters. The more people who have used tion in a nonviolent struggle, the general aim equipment to produce information for local should be to keep the system going. Aggressors use, the more difficult it becomes for any are unlikely to shut down an entire telephone aggressor to control communication centrally. system because society depends on it so In highly authoritarian states, such as the much—including the aggressors. There are old Soviet Union, freely available photocopy- some important vulnerabilities in telephone ing was a mortal danger to the state. Guards systems that deserve attention. were posted over photocopiers to ensure that no First, it is possible to cut off certain phones, unauthorised copying occurred. This sort of either an individual phone or all those in a control inhibited free communication and whole building or suburb. Aggressors might consequently prevented development in a want to cut off telephones used by the resis- number of fields, from science to the economy. tance, and the resistance might want to cut off By making production and distribution of telephones used by the aggressors. In most information a part of everyday life—whether cases, it would not be so difficult to get around 50 Technology for nonviolent struggle this problem: people can find other phones. to a different phone and thus hide the location Furthermore, with mobile phones the lines or identity of the caller. become less important. Generally, resisters seek As well as such practical on-the-spot tech- to keep open lines of communication, including niques, there are a number of technological communication with the aggressor, so it is not approaches worthy of investigation. Secure desirable to cut off telephones. It would be methods of putting telephone messages into important to keep in contact with technicians code—encryption—would make surveillance to encourage them to oppose attempts to shut more difficult. Telephone systems could be down phones. designed so that taps are impossible without Second, and more important, is the possi- alerting the callers. They might also be bility of telephone surveillance.16 This is quite designed so that, in an emergency, no single easy to do, especially with new electronic person could cut off phones. (In ordinary times, switching systems. Surveillance of conversa- technicians often need to cut off phones for tions, however it is done, is labour-intensive: quite legitimate purposes.) someone has to listen to the conversations long Another issue is caller number identification: enough to make sense of them. This applies the ability of the person called to see and even when there are computer systems with capture electronically the phone number of the voice recognition that are programmed to keep caller. Arguably, in some cases in an emergency track of conversations only when certain key it is useful for people to be able to make words are mentioned. Furthermore, the system anonymous phone calls. On the other hand, can be easily foiled if people know the key the aggressor may try to disrupt the resistance words and agree not to use them—or to use by feeding lots of misleading information into them all the time!—in their conversations. the resistance networks, in which case caller If there are only a few resisters, surveillance number identification would be useful to the can be used to keep track of them. If, on the resistance. More investigation and the running other hand, large numbers of people join the of simulations would help in deciding in what resistance, mass surveillance becomes impossi- circumstances caller number identification ble. would be an advantage for a nonviolent resis- Surveillance becomes even less useful if the tance.18 resistance operates without secrecy, as many Fax run on telephone lines, but nonviolent activists recommend. If rallies and are different in two ways: they transmit a civil disobedience actions are announced to the printed document rather than sounds, and the authorities beforehand, surveillance is rather recipient does not need to be there for the pointless. transmission to occur. Fax is a decentralised Nevertheless, telephone surveillance, even communication system and has many similari- when it is quite infrequent and gains little ties to both the post and computer networks. useful information, is very important psycho- Generally speaking, fax is quite useful to the logically. Many people are frightened enough resistance. “Secure” transmissions—sending a to reduce their activism. Therefore, antisur- fax that can only be printed when the receiver veillance measures are important. Cordless and puts in a code—are now possible with some fax cellular phones should be avoided, since their machines. The main improvement for fax transmissions can easily be picked up by radio would be encryption, so that messages cannot scanners, as some public figures have discovered be intercepted en route. to their embarrassment.17 One easy method is to use other telephones, especially public The post telephones. Another is to use the “call forward” mechanism on some phones, to bounce a call Communication 51

The postal system is a global communication addresses, putting one letter inside another, and network which is generally quite useful for various other techniques. nonviolent activists. A government seeking to There are a few technological systems that monitor the post cannot hope to open and are relevant. One is automatic sorting of letters inspect every piece of mail without large by postcode. If this is used in some way to help amounts of labour and considerable disruption monitor the post, the machines could easily be of everyday life. Therefore the usual procedure disabled. In any case, it would be an interesting is selective monitoring of mail: intercepting, problem to design such equipment so that it reading and sometimes confiscating mail sent provided no advantage for any group wishing by or to particular targeted individuals or to monitor the post. Another issue is the sur- organisations. In order to achieve this, it is veillance of postal workers using videocameras helpful for all mail in a country or region to be and other apparatus. Such surveillance could routed through a single central post office. be used by agents of an aggressor to detect To get around monitoring of the post mostly postal workers supporting the resistance. For requires organisational rather than technologi- the purposes of nonviolent resistance, it would cal means. The more that collection, sorting be best to get rid of technology that puts and distribution of mail are done locally, the workers under surveillance. more difficult it is for any group to monitor or intercept the post. Also, the more decentralised Conversations and meetings are the authority structures within the postal service, the more difficult it is for an aggressor In spite of all the technological advances, face- to take control using only a few trusted staff. If to-face conversations remain one of the very there are several, rather than just one, postal best means of communication. Also quite services—such as competing private carriers— useful are meetings, whether this involves 3, 30 then it becomes more difficult to take central or 300 people. The smaller the number of control. people in a meeting, generally, the more each It is significant in this regard that most person can contribute and the fewer opportuni- governments have tried to monopolise postal ties there are for manipulation or domination. delivery by outlawing, heavily taxing or tightly It may be worthwhile for an aggressor to send regulating private delivery services. In the observers or arrange for surveillance of mass historical development of the post, this was meetings of hundreds or thousands of people. done in order to raise revenue and to prevent But monitoring of hundreds or thousands of enemies from communicating without the small meetings becomes impossible. ruler’s knowledge.19 This shows that secure and It might seem that technology is largely reliable postal delivery—not easily monitored irrelevant to face-to-face conversations, but centrally—is of great value to nonviolent this is not so. Modern technology has greatly opponents of tyranny. increased the capacity for surveillance, for More fundamental than formal ownership example by electronic listening devices.20 Inves- of postal services is the attitude of postal tigations are needed into convenient, low-cost workers. If they are sympathetic to the resis- ways of avoiding or foiling such surveillance. tance, then they can ensure that important letters or parcels are delivered without inspec- Computer networks tion. They are also in a good position to deliver messages from the resistance along their deliv- Computer networks are a powerful means of ery routes. It’s also possible for the resistance to communication most suitable for nonviolent avoid interception by using false names and struggle.21 Such networks are interactive and cannot easily be dominated by a small number 52 Technology for nonviolent struggle of users. Information on the network is trans- electronic messages. The system administrator mitted by telephone lines and, indeed, com- in charge of local networks has the capacity to puter networks are very similar to telephone monitor or cut off the accounts of individuals. systems. There are several major differences. Hackers are able to surreptitiously enter other First, computer networks deal mainly with text people’s computer files or to read their mes- rather than voice. Second, it is much easier to sages.24 There is also the less elegant method of save, copy and distribute text via computer tapping telephone lines and deciphering networks than via phone. Third, the skills and computer-generated data that is being trans- investment required to become a skilled user of mitted. computer networks are much greater than to System administrators are key individuals in become a proficient user of the telephone. computer networks. If they support the resis- The first two factors generally make com- tance, then the networks become a powerful puter networks a more powerful means of tool for resistance. But system administrators communication, from the point of view of could also serve the aggressor, whether as a nonviolent struggle, than the telephone. The result of sympathy, bribery or intimidation, for third factor considerably reduces its value. As example by monitoring messages from certain the price of computers declines and the soft- individuals or by closing down their accounts. ware for hooking into networks becomes more Therefore, it would be useful to design networks user-friendly, computer networks will become so that the power of system administrators is more and more valuable as a people’s commu- limited, either permanently or just in emergen- nication technology. cies. Computer networks—collectively called Another solution to the problem of surveil- “cyberspace”—will undoubtedly play an in- lance is encryption of messages, namely putting creasing role in communication in crisis them into code. There are various ways to do situations. They have been used to send alerts this, including some extremely powerful about human rights violations, to mobilise encryption techniques that also give a highly opposition to vested interests and to provide reliable way of verifying the sender’s identity: information to activists opposing repressive an electronic signature. regimes. For example, computer networks have There was an enormous controversy over been used for communication by the peace the US government’s promotion of a system of movement in former Yugoslavia,22 to resist the encryption designed by the National Security 1991 Soviet coup23 and to organise publicity Agency (NSA), a multi-billion dollar spying about persecution of minority groups in Iran. enterprise focussing on electronic communica- Computer networks have several vulnerabili- tion. The NSA’s proposed encryption system— ties, again similar to the telephone. If the commonly associated with one of its compo- telephone system is shut down, so is most nents, the Clipper Chip—relied on a system of computer communication. But this is not so coding that could be deciphered using informa- likely because, like the telephone system, tion obtained from two specified organisations, computer networks are used more and more for given the permission of legal authorities. Some functions such as commercial transactions. sceptics, though, did not trust the claims of the Therefore, anyone who shut down the net- NSA, and believed that the agency designed works would risk alienating a large proportion the and Clipper Chip so that all of the population, including powerful organisa- messages could be read by the NSA.25 tions. Generally speaking, secure communication Another key problem with computer net- is valuable to a nonviolent resistance, which works is surveillance, namely logging into therefore would be better served by unbreakable particular accounts or intercepting particular encryption. The most popular system outside Communication 53 the government is called Pretty Good Privacy or PGP.26 It reportedly has been used by Communication in nonviolent action guerrillas in Burma and dissidents in Russia. There may seem to be some contradiction The acknowledged pioneer of nonviolent here, in that many proponents of nonviolence action was Mohandas Gandhi. Gandhi was argue against secrecy. For example, they inform not a systematic theorist, but rather developed police and other relevant authorities about his ideas in conjunction with his campaigns, details of their planned nonviolent actions. first in South Africa and then in India. They argue that openness reduces fear and Gandhi’s writings and practice provided much hence the possibility of violence by authorities, of the inspiration for later development of nonviolent action theory and practice.27 and that this approach is the best way to win 28 more supporters. Gandhi believed in the power of truth. He However, this opposition to secrecy is quite felt that truth could communicate directly to compatible with support for confidentiality and the heart of an oppressor. He called his method privacy in other circumstances. The point is of struggle “satyagraha,” which literally means truth-force but can also be translated as that the nonviolent activists choose to 29 communicate their plans for rallies, strikes or meaning nonviolent action. occupations to others. This is quite different It is possible to go so far as to argue that the from eavesdropping on friends having a essence of satyagraha is communication: personal conversation. Encryption of telephone whereas violence, as a form of communication, is a monologue, nonviolence tries to turn a or computer communication is roughly similar 30 to ensuring the confidentiality of a private talk. conflict situation into a dialogue. Although There are quite a number of developments this is only one interpretation of satyagraha, it that would make computer networks even highlights the close connection between more effective for nonviolent struggle. Com- communication and nonviolence. The connec- puter systems could be designed so that certain tion can also be argued directly in terms of a Gandhian theory of nonviolent communica- powers of the system administrator are over- 31 ruled when a certain percentage of users enter a tion. designated command designed for emergencies. For Gandhi, truth was not just a linguistic Computer systems designed for business or construction. It had to be present in the lives of scientific purposes could be adapted so that, in its advocates, through their humility, - the event of emergency, resistance messages sion, good works and willingness to suffer for could be hidden within the usual data. Princi- the cause of justice. The key issue here is the ples and methods of nonviolent resistance on power of such truth, or truth-in-life, to achieve computer networks can be developed. a better society. Computer networks can be prepared for How can such truth be communicated? In resistance. For example, important data can be his campaigns, Gandhi was always careful to stored in remote locations. Names and ad- first try conventional channels, such as making dresses of key activists can be protected, for polite requests of officials to change their example by being embedded in larger lists. policies which were causing suffering or lack of Contingency plans to use other computers, freedom. If this did not work, he would then, other accounts and other networks can be quite openly, initiate a campaign utilising prepared. Emergency messages and sequences nonviolent methods, such as marches, boy- of action can be prepared. Simulations of resis- cotts, or undertaking illegal activities. These tance communication in emergencies can be methods might be interpreted as a form of run, and the results used to redesign systems for coercion, albeit nonviolent coercion. Gandhi, more effective operation in such situations. though, conceived nonviolent action as a method of conversion, of “melting the heart” 54 Technology for nonviolent struggle of the opponent. When the oppressors saw the westerners; in turn, some of the latter had links suffering that was willingly accepted by the with British colonial decision-makers. nonviolent activists—known as satyagrahis— An interesting connection can be made they would recognise the satyagrahis’ com- between Gandhi’s idea of satyagraha and mitment to their cause and be converted to Jürgen Habermas’s theory of communicative it.32 action, in particular his “ideal speech situa- This was Gandhi’s theory, but his cam- tion.”35 Habermas’s ideal speech situation paigns did not always work this way in prac- builds on the capacity of all humans to tice. Thomas Weber analysed the 1930 “salt communicate, to enter dialogue and reach satyagraha” to see if suffering led to conversion intersubjective agreement (rather than indi- as Gandhi claimed.33 In this campaign, vidually find truth in nature). In other words, Indians challenged the British colonial regime’s truth for Habermas is obtained through ra- monopoly on salt manufacture by marching to tional discussion in the absence of domination. Dharasana to take possession of the salt works This theory, though, provides little guidance for there. As they approached the salt works and communication in situations of unequal power. attempted to enter, they were arrested or The confrontation between the satyagrahis beaten. Over a period of days, hundreds of and the police at Dharasana in 1930 was very nonviolent activists approached the salt works, far from an ideal speech situation. and were met by force. The beatings were so However, the relationship between the bad that hundreds were taken to the hospital, satyagrahis and Webb Miller was closer to an most with serious injuries. Far from softening ideal speech situation: neither had significant the hearts of the lathi-wielding police, the power over the other. The cultural gap between brutality became worse. However, the colonial Miller and his western readers was far less than government denied any violence by the police, between the satyagrahis and the British saying that the protesters were faking their colonial rulers. So it might be said that injuries. Weber concludes that direct conver- Galtung’s great chain of nonviolence operates sion of opponents was a failure. in practice like a chain of “reasonable speech Nevertheless, the campaign was a success situations” which, while certainly not ideal, because of a different process of conversion. provide better prospects for the sharing and Observing the operation was a journalist for creating of truths than the two end points of the United Press in the US, Webb Miller. His the chain. moving reports reached an enormous interna- Thus, Gandhi’s idea that the willing suffer- tional audience, challenging the disinformation ing of nonviolent activists can communicate of the official reports. Public opinion in many direct to the hearts of oppressors requires countries was turned against the British role in considerable modification. Communication of India. It was this conversion process that truth works better when there is no power helped achieve India’s independence. imbalance, and this means that communica- Johan Galtung’s idea of a “great chain of tion via intermediaries is often more effective nonviolence” is quite relevant in this connec- than direct communication between unequals. tion,34 as noted by Weber. Galtung argues that nonviolence can work to persuade opponents Assessment of via intermediaries: a chain of people, each communication similar enough in social location, who communicate the social concerns. In the case These considerations suggest that communica- of the salt satyagraha, Webb Miller provided a tion technologies that foster or enable dialogue link between the satyagrahis and white are more useful for the purposes of nonviolent action than those that inhibit dialogue. If one Communication 55 side in a dispute controls television and radio can be a rehearsal for a challenge to power- stations, there is no dialogue. Even if a sub- holders, a challenge that can develop quickly stantial proportion of the population refuses to when the mechanisms holding back resistance listen, the communication imbalance contin- are weakened. ues. There is little or no opportunity for listen- In the modern world, mass media are a form ers to present their points of view. It is not of public transcript. The mass media under surprising, therefore, that dictatorships nor- dictatorships omit the perspective of the mally exercise complete control over one-direc- oppressed, who therefore must use other tional electronic communication media. The media—covert discussions, graffiti, leaflets and value of radio and television to oppressors is clandestine radio, as well as symbolic commu- highlighted by the fact that they are often the nication at funerals, concerts and other first targets in military coups. “legitimate” events—to share experiences. This The same considerations apply to commu- also applies to some aspects of life in societies nication among those who resist an oppressor. with representative government: for example, With a one-directional means of communica- police treatment of stigmatised minorities, or tion, resistance leaders can certainly get their oppression and alienation in working life, are messages to supporters with minimum seldom portrayed in the mass media. Thus, effort—but these leaders become quite vulner- mass media are useful tools for dominators, able to both repression and cooption. Even whereas network media are useful for develop- more importantly, without dialogue, the resis- ing the voices of the weak. tance cannot take into account the views of Galtung’s “great chain of nonviolence” current and possible supporters, and cannot provides another way to explain the advantage foster the capacities of others to use skills and of network media for nonviolent resistance. take initiatives. With mass media, the chance of a chain of If the only means of communication in a reasonable speech situations between the society were interactive, network systems— oppressed and the oppressors is limited. With face-to-face discussion, telephone, short-wave network media, the chance is increased, and and CB radio, and computer networks—then the denser the interlinkings of the communica- an aggressor or oppressor would have the great- tion network, the greater the ease of dialogical est difficulty in controlling the population. communication. Network communication technologies do not Several of the examples given in this chapter by themselves eliminate hierarchy and exploi- support the conclusion that mass media are tation, but they do aid resistance. The tele- selectively useful for oppressors. For example, phone can be used to issue orders, but it is far control over the mass media was crucial to too labour-intensive for controlling large government and military control in the shut- populations. Also, the subordinate can always ting down and censoring of the press during the talk back. Emergency in India, in the cutting off of elec- James C. Scott’s idea of public and hidden tronic communication during the military coup transcripts is relevant here.36 In situations of in Poland and throughout the continuing domination, such as slavery, aristocrat-peasant occupation of East Timor. Similarly, control relations and landlord-tenant relations, the over the mass media was a crucial factor in the public record or transcript tells the story of the Fiji coups and in the Shah’s Iran. But in these dominators. There is also a hidden transcript in two cases the opposition had access to alterna- which the side of the oppressed is revealed. tive sources of information, via short-wave According to Scott, the oppressed are well radio in Fiji and cassette tapes in Iran. aware of their oppression: the concept of false On the other hand, some of the cases seem consciousness is false. The hidden transcript to contradict the idea that mass media are 56 Technology for nonviolent struggle selectively useful for oppressors. Radio broad- This conclusion can be summarised by casts were vital to nonviolent resistance in the saying that one-directional media are selec- Algerian generals’ revolt, the Czechoslovak tively useful for oppression and network media resistance to the Warsaw Pact invasion, and are selectively useful for resistance to oppres- the collapse of the East German communist sion.37 Technologies are not neutral, but nor regime. In each of these cases, a one-directional are they tied to certain uses only. Technologies medium served a nonviolent resistance to are stamped by the social groups and goals repression. What made this possible was a involved in their creation and application. But short-term congruence between those who the uses of technologies are not fixed by their controlled the medium and a dialogue-based creators: users can adapt them to some extent. mass movement. French conscripts in Algeria, For example, the US military originally set up through their own experiences and interactions, the computer network that later evolved into were already predisposed to refuse cooperation. the Internet which has become one of the most De Gaulle’s broadcast made them aware that participatory media available. they were supported by the French government Generally speaking, the greater the opportu- and the French people. nity for users to choose, use and modify the In the case of Czechoslovakia, the liberali- technology, the greater its potential for foster- sation of communist rule during 1968 was a ing popular participation and the more likely it mass-based process that challenged the normal is to be useful for nonviolent action against control—including control of the media—by repression. Interactive network media can aid those following the Soviet line. The Czecho- nonviolent action most of all when they are slovak radio system was temporarily a powerful generally accessible, easy to use, difficult for force for the nonviolent resisters, in a situation dominators to control, and when they encour- where there was a high intensity of face-to-face age widespread development of appropriate dialogue, both among the population and skills. between Czechoslovaks and invading soldiers. It is also worth noting that capture of the radio Notes network by the Soviet army decisively ended 1. Andreas Speck notes that this same list of the active phase of the resistance. values—decentralised, interactive, cooperative— In East Germany in 1989, the Communist can also be obtained by starting from the values Party retained control over the local mass of a just society. media. West German radio and television 2. T. E. Finer, The Man on Horseback: The Role of provided a window into alternative views, the Military in Politics (London: Pall Mall Press, 1962); D. J. Goodspeed, The Conspirators: A Study including news of events in East Germany in the Coup d’État (London: Macmillan, 1962); itself, that fed into the protest by East Edward Luttwak, Coup d’État: A Practical Handbook Germans, which itself was based on a com- (London: Allen Lane The Penguin Press, 1968), monality of experience. pp. 111-116. These cases suggest that one-directional 3. Roland Bleiker, Nonviolent Struggle and the media can sometimes be useful to a nonviolent Revolution in East Germany (Cambridge, MA: movement against repression, but only under Albert Einstein Institution, 1993). Andreas Speck certain conditions. There must be a strong points out that there was also a negative side to underlying unity of purpose, itself the out- the role of West German television. Many leading growth of common experience and dialogue. East German activists wanted to turn East Also, the one-directional media are used in a German into a democracy, even a genuine challenging mode, against an even more people’s democracy (as opposed to a dictatorship pervasive or powerful system of persuasion or calling itself a people’s democracy). However, West German television did not broadcast the control. ideas of this East German opposition, instead Communication 57 pushing for German unification under the West “Peace through nonviolent action: the East German model. Timorese resistance movement’s strategy for 4. Tony Dowmunt (ed.), Channels of Resistance: engagement,” Pacifica Review, Vol. 12, No. 1, Global Television and Local Empowerment (London: 2000, pp. 16-31. British Film Institute in association with Channel 14. Michael Henderson, Experiment with Four Television, 1993) provides a number of Untruth: India under Emergency (Delhi: Macmillan, useful case studies. 1977). 5. Adam Roberts, “Civil resistance to military 15. Jacques Semelin, Unarmed against Hitler: coups,” Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 12, 1975, Civilian Resistance in Europe, 1939-1943 (Westport, pp. 19-36. CT: Praeger, 1993), p. 85. 6. Royal D. Hutchinson, Czechoslovakia 1968: 16. Patrick Fitzgerald and Mark Leopold, The Radio and the Resistance (Copenhagen: Institute Stranger on the Line: The Secret History of Phone for Peace and Conflict Research, 1969); H. Tapping (London: Bodley Head, 1987). Gordon Skilling, Czechoslovakia’s Interrupted 17. Thomas Icom, “Cellular interception Revolution (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University techniques,” 2600, Vol. 12, No. 1, Spring 1995, Press, 1976); Joseph Wechsberg, The Voices pp. 23-27. (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1969); Philip 18. Caller number identification also raises Windsor and Adam Roberts, Czechoslovakia 1968: issues concerning protection of personal data. Reform, Repression and Resistance (London: Chatto Thus, it is possible that there could be friction and Windus, 1969). between priorities on privacy and on nonviolent 7. Lawrence C. Soley and John S. Nichols, resistance. For a discussion of potential problems Clandestine Radio Broadcasting: A Study of Revolution- with surveillance in a social defence system, see ary and Counterrevolutionary Electronic Communication Brian Martin, “Possible pathologies of future (New York: Praeger, 1987). social defence systems,” Pacifica Review, Vol. 7, 8. Bruce Girard (ed.), A Passion for Radio: Radio No. 1, 1995, pp. 61-68. Waves and Community (Montreal: Black Rose 19. On the early history of the British post Books, 1992); Ron Sakolsky and Stephen Dunifer office, including attempts to shut down alterna- (eds.), Seizing the Airwaves: A Free Radio Handbook tive posts, see Herbert Joyce, The History of the (Edinburgh: AK Press, 1998); Lawrence Soley, Post Office from its Establishment down to 1836 Free Radio: Electronic Civil Disobedience (Boulder, (London: Richard Bentley and Son, 1893). On CO: Westview, 1999). postal worker struggles in Britain, see H. G. Swift, 9. Brian Martin, “Lessons in nonviolence from A History of Postal Agitation from Fifty Years Ago till the Fiji coups,” Gandhi Marg, Vol. 10, No. 6, the Present Day (London: C. Arthur Pearson, September 1988, pp. 326-339. 1900). For a comprehensive history of disputes in 10. On micropower radio, see Ron Sakolsky the US Congress over what things should be and Stephen Dunifer (eds.), Seizing the Airwaves: A allowed to be mailed, censorship and wartime Free Radio Handbook (Edinburgh: AK Press, 1998); controls, see Dorothy Ganfield Fowler, Unmail- Lawrence Soley, Free Radio: Electronic Civil Disobe- able: Congress and the Post Office (Athens: University dience (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1999). of Georgia Press, 1977). On government attempts 11. Victor Papanek, Design for the Real World: to monopolise the post, see Carl Watner, Human Ecology and Social Change (London: Thames “‘Plunderers of the public revenue’: and Hudson, 1985, second edition), pp. 224-227. and the mails,” The Voluntaryist, No. 76, October 12. David H. Albert (ed.), Tell the American 1995, pp. 1-7. A pilot study of the post in People: Perspectives on the Iranian Revolution relation to social defence is reported in Alison (Philadelphia: Movement for a New Society, Rawling, Lisa Schofield, Terry Darling and Brian 1980); F. Hoveyda, The Fall of the Shah (London: Martin, “The Australian Post Office and social Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1980). defence,” Nonviolence Today, No. 14, April/May 13. Andrew McMillan, Death in Dili (Sydney: 1990, pp. 6-8. Hodder and Stoughton, 1992), pp. 163-164, 230- 20. See, among others, Ann Cavoukian and 232. On the role of nonviolent action in the East Don Tapscott, Who Knows: Safeguarding Your Timorese struggle, see Chisako M. Fukuda, Privacy in a Networked World (New York: McGraw- 58 Technology for nonviolent struggle

Hill, 1997); Simon Davies, Monitor: Extinguishing 28. M. K. Gandhi, An Autobiography or the Story Privacy on the Information Superhighway (Sydney: of my Experiments with Truth (Ahmedabad: Pan Macmillan, 1996); David H. Flaherty, Protect- Navajivan Press, 1927). ing Privacy in Surveillance Societies: The Federal 29. According to a constructivist perspective, Republic of Germany, Sweden, France, Canada, and the “truth” is always based on human interests rather United States (Chapel Hill: University of North than objective reality, and hence is more Carolina Press, 1989); Oscar H. Gandy, Jr., The problematical than Gandhi believed. But for this Panoptic Sort: A Political Economy of Personal Informa- outline of his ideas, “truth” is used without tion (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1993); Simson quotes. Garfinkel, Database Nation: The Death of Privacy in 30. See V. V. Ramana Murti, “Buber’s the 21st Century (Sebastopol, CA: O’Reilly & dialogue and Gandhi’s satyagraha,” Journal of the Associates, 2000); David Lyon, The Electronic Eye: History of Ideas, Vol. 29, No. 4, 1968, pp. 605- The Rise of Surveillance Society (Cambridge: Polity 613. I thank Tom Weber for pointing out this Press, 1994); Gary T. Marx, Undercover: Police reference. Surveillance in America (Berkeley: University of 31. Robert A. Bode, “Gandhi’s theory of California Press, 1988). nonviolent communication,” Gandhi Marg, Vol. 21. There is a vast body of writing about the 16, No. 1, April-June 1994, pp. 5-30. net. Useful treatments of net culture include 32. Note that feminists have criticised the Wendy M. Grossman, Net.wars (New York: New Gandhian emphasis on suffering by nonviolent York University Press, 1997); Howard Rheingold, activists. The Virtual Community: Finding Connection in a 33. Thomas Weber, “‘The marchers simply Computerized World (London: Secker and walked forward until struck down’: nonviolent Warburg, 1994). suffering and conversion,” Peace & Change, Vol. 22. David S. Bennahum, “The Internet 18, No. 3, 1993, pp. 267-289. revolution,” Wired, Vol. 5, No. 4, April 1997, pp. 34. Johan Galtung, Nonviolence and 122-129 and 168-173. Israel/Palestine (Honolulu: University of Hawaii 23. Bob Travica and Matthew Hogan, Institute for Peace, 1989). “Computer networks in the x-USSR: technology, 35. Jürgen Habermas, The Theory of Communica- uses and social effects,” in Debora Shaw (ed.), tive Action, Vol. 1. Reason and the Rationalization of ASIS ’92: Proceedings of the 55th ASIS Annual Society (Boston: Beacon Press, 1984); Jürgen Meeting, Vol. 29 (Medford, NJ: Learned Informa- Habermas, The Theory of Communicative Action, Vol. tion, 1992), pp. 120-135. 2. Lifeworld and System: A Critique of Functionalist 24. On hacking see the magazine 2600 and Reason (Boston: Beacon Press, 1987). The Knightmare, Secrets of a Super Hacker (Port 36. James C. Scott, Domination and the Arts of Townsend, WA: Loompanics, 1994). Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven, CT: 25. For the dabate over government-sponsored Yale University Press, 1990). encryption, see Whitfield Diffie and Susan 37. In the appendix, this terminology is Landau, Privaacy on the Line: The Politics of Wiretap- explained in the context of theories of ping and Encryption (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, technology. 1998) and Lance J. Hoffman (ed.), Building in Big Brother: The Cryptographic Policy Debate (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1995). 26. See for example Simson Garfinkel, PGP: Pretty Good Privacy (Sebastopol, CA: O’Reilly & Associates, 1995). 27. Richard B. Gregg, The Power of Nonviolence (New York: Schocken Books, 1966); Krishnalal Shridharani, War without Violence: A Study of Gandhi’s Method and its Accomplishments (London: Victor Gollancz, 1939).