MONTHLY SITUATION REPORT October 2002
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Beyond Boundaries II
Beyond Boundaries II Beyond Boundaries II Pakistan - Afghanistan Track 1.5 and II cc Connecting People Building Peace Promoting Cooperation 1 Beyond Boundaries II Beyond Boundaries II Pakistan – Afghanistan Track 1.5 and II Connecting People Building Peace Promoting Cooperation 2 Beyond Boundaries II Beyond Boundaries II ©Center for Research and Security Studies 2018 All rights reserved This publication can be ordered from CRSS Islamabad office. All CRSS publications are also available free of cost for digital download from the CRSS website. 14-M, Ali Plaza, 2nd Floor, F-8 Markaz, Islamabad, Pakistan. Tel: +92-51-8314801-03 Fax: +92-51-8314804 www.crss.pk 3 Beyond Boundaries II TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. ACRONYMS ..................................................................................................... 5 2. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................... 9 3. CONTEXTUALIZING BEYOND BOUNDARIES................................................... 11 4. FIRST MEETING OF THE PAKISTAN AFGHANISTAN JOINT COMMITTEE ........ 56 5. SECOND MEETING OF PAKISTAN AFGHANISTAN JOINT COMMITTEE .......... 72 6. THIRD MEETING OF PAKISTAN AFGHANISTAN JOINT COMMITTEE .............. 95 7. FOURTH MEETING OF PAKISTAN AFGHANISTAN JOINT COMMITTEE ........ 126 8. FIFTH MEETING OF PAKISTAN AFGHANISTAN JOINT COMMITTEE ON BUSINESS/TRADE ........................................................................................ 149 9. SIXTH MEETING OF PAKISTAN AFGHANISTAN JOINT COMMITTEE ............ 170 10. UNIVERSITY -
Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’S Posture Toward Afghanistan Since 2001
Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’s Posture toward Afghanistan since 2001 Since the terrorist at- tacks of September 11, 2001, Pakistan has pursued a seemingly incongruous course of action in Afghanistan. It has participated in the U.S. and interna- tional intervention in Afghanistan both by allying itself with the military cam- paign against the Afghan Taliban and al-Qaida and by serving as the primary transit route for international military forces and matériel into Afghanistan.1 At the same time, the Pakistani security establishment has permitted much of the Afghan Taliban’s political leadership and many of its military command- ers to visit or reside in Pakistani urban centers. Why has Pakistan adopted this posture of Afghan Taliban accommodation despite its nominal participa- tion in the Afghanistan intervention and its public commitment to peace and stability in Afghanistan?2 This incongruence is all the more puzzling in light of the expansion of insurgent violence directed against Islamabad by the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), a coalition of militant organizations that are independent of the Afghan Taliban but that nonetheless possess social and po- litical links with Afghan cadres of the Taliban movement. With violence against Pakistan growing increasingly indiscriminate and costly, it remains un- clear why Islamabad has opted to accommodate the Afghan Taliban through- out the post-2001 period. Despite a considerable body of academic and journalistic literature on Pakistan’s relationship with Afghanistan since 2001, the subject of Pakistani accommodation of the Afghan Taliban remains largely unaddressed. Much of the existing literature identiªes Pakistan’s security competition with India as the exclusive or predominant driver of Pakistani policy vis-à-vis the Afghan Khalid Homayun Nadiri is a Ph.D. -
Agreement on Provisional Arrangements in Afghanistan Pending the Re-Establishment of Permanent Government Institutions
AGREEMENT ON PROVISIONAL ARRANGEMENTS IN AFGHANISTAN PENDING THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF PERMANENT GOVERNMENT INSTITUTIONS The participants in the UN Talks on Afghanistan, In the presence of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Afghanistan, Determined to end the tragic conflict in Afghanistan and promote national reconciliation, lasting peace, stability and respect for human rights in the country, Reaffirming the independence, national sovereignty and territorial integrity of Afghanistan, Acknowledging the right of the people of Afghanistan to freely determine their own political future in accordance with the principles of Islam, democracy, pluralism and social justice, Expressing their appreciation to the Afghan mujahidin who, over the years, have defended the independence, territorial integrity and national unity of the country and have played a major role in the struggle against terrorism and oppression, and whose sacrifice has now made them both heroes of jihad and champions of peace, stability and reconstruction of their beloved homeland, Afghanistan, Aware that the unstable situation in Afghanistan requires the implementation of emergency interim arrangements and expressing their deep appreciation to His Excellency Professor Burhanuddin Rabbani for his readiness to transfer power to an interim authority which is to be established pursuant to this agreement, Recognizing the need to ensure broad representation in these interim arrangements of all segments of the Afghan population, including groups that have not been -
Final Agenda Citpax Oct 2007
The Evolution of PRT Models: Towards the Pre-eminence of the Civilian Dimension? Meeting between Afghan Civil Society, PRT and International Organisations Representatives AGENDA Madrid 16 - 17 October 2007 Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales Plaza de la Marina Española, 9 Sponsored by With the support of Tuesday, 16 October 2007 9:00 – 9:30 Welcome remarks: Bernardino León, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, Spain Juan Pablo de Laiglesia, Secretary General, Spanish Agency for International Cooperation (AECI) 10:00 – 14:00 The role of Civil Society consultation processes and fora in the PRT strategic and operational planning: short term and medium term prospects Introductory interventions: Fahim Hakim, Vice-President, Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC) Kanishka Nawabi, Managing Director Cooperation for Peace and Unity (CPAU), Afghanistan Discussants: Hakan Abaci, former civilian coordinator of the Turkish PRT in Wardak Chair of the session: Clare Lockhart, Director, State Effectiveness Initiative o How can CS contribute to the work of PRTs? Are the existing civil society consultation fora effective? To what extent do PRT master plans reflect CS recommendations and therefore meet the expectations of the local population? o Wrap up session, conclusions and proposals. 14:00 - 15:30 Lunch 15:30 – 19:00 The civilian role of PRTs: towards a specialised delivery platform for the development and implementation of ANDS (Afghan National Development Strategy) Pilar 1 (Political and Security) Introductory remarks: Bernardo Álvarez del Manzano, Commander of Operations Command, Spain Aziz Rafiee, Managing Director, Afghan Civil Society Forum (ACSF) Discussants: Gavin Buchan, former Political Director, Kandahar PRT; current Special Advisor to DG International Security Policy, Department of National Defence, Canada Colonel Norton, Head of UK PRT in Helmand Chair of the session: Jawed Ludin, Afghan Ambassador to Norway and former Chief of Staff to President Karzai o Short term vs. -
Afghanistan: Narcotics and U.S. Policy
Order Code RL32686 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Afghanistan: Narcotics and U.S. Policy Updated January 25, 2006 Christopher M. Blanchard Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Afghanistan: Narcotics and U.S. Policy Summary Opium poppy cultivation and drug trafficking have become significant factors in Afghanistan’s fragile political and economic order over the last 25 years. In 2005, Afghanistan remained the source of 87% of the world’s illicit opium, in spite of ongoing efforts by the Afghan government, the United States, and their international partners to combat poppy cultivation and drug trafficking. U.N. officials estimate that in-country illicit profits from the 2005 opium poppy crop were equivalent in value to 50% of the country’s legitimate GDP, sustaining fears that Afghanistan’s economic recovery continues to be underwritten by drug profits. Across Afghanistan, regional militia commanders, criminal organizations, and corrupt government officials have exploited opium production and drug trafficking as reliable sources of revenue and patronage, which has perpetuated the threat these groups pose to the country’s fragile internal security and the legitimacy of its embryonic democratic government. The trafficking of Afghan drugs also appears to provide financial and logistical support to a range of extremist groups that continue to operate in and around Afghanistan, including remnants of the Taliban regime and some Al Qaeda operatives. Although coalition forces may be less frequently relying on figures involved with narcotics for intelligence and security support, many observers have warned that drug related corruption among appointed and newly elected Afghan officials may create new political obstacles to further progress. -
Afghanistan Assessment
AFGHANISTAN COUNTRY REPORT April 2005 Country Information & Policy Unit IMMIGRATION AND NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Afghanistan April 2005 CONTENTS 1 Scope Of Document 1.1 - 1.12 2 Geography General 2.1 – 2.2 Languages/Main ethnic groups/Religions 2.3 - 2.5 3.Economy 3.1 - 3.8 4 History Overview to December 2001 4.1 Post Taliban 4.2 – 4.13 January 2004 – December 2004 4.14 – 4.59 January 2005 onwards 4.60 – 4.66 5.State Structures The Constitution 5.1 - 5.8 The Constitutional Loya Jirga 5.9 – 5.13 Citizenship and Nationality 5.14 – 5.16 Political System Overview 5.17 – 5.26 Elections: - General 5.27 – 5.29 - Presidential Election 5.30 – 5.40 - Presidential Election Results 5.41 – 5.42 - Lead up to Parliamentary Elections 5.43 – 5.47 Political Situation in Herat 5.48 – 5.50 Judiciary 5.51 – 5.64 Land Court 5.65 – 5.66 Legal Rights/Detention 5.67 - 5.83 Death Penalty 5.84 - 5.86 Internal Security Developments following 11 September 2001 5.87 - 5.90 Security Sector Reform (SSR) 5.91 - 5.94 General security situation 5.95 – 5.112 Security situation in different regions: - Kabul 5.113 – 5.116 - Central 5.117 - South and Southeast 5.118 - 5.122 - North 5.123 – 5.124 Internal Security Assistance Force (ISAF) and Provincial Reconstruction 5.125 – 5.150 Teams (PRTs) Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Programme (DDR) 5.151 – 5.166 National Security Directorate (Amniat) 5.167 – 5.170 Army 5.171 – 5.174 Police 5.175 – 5.184 Prisons and Prison Conditions 5.185 - 5.208 Military Service 5.209 - 5.212 Medical Services -
Det Udenrigspolitiske Nævn, Forsvarsudvalget, Udenrigsudvalget 2010-11 UPN Alm
Det Udenrigspolitiske Nævn, Forsvarsudvalget, Udenrigsudvalget 2010-11 UPN alm. del Bilag 56, FOU alm. del Bilag 54, URU alm. del Bilag 65 Offentligt The Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS) and the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs have the pleasure of inviting you to a seminar on: Afghanistan: Perspectives for a Peaceful Solution Tuesday, 11 January 2011, 14.45-17.00 Danish Institute for International Studies Main Auditorium Strandgade 71, ground floor, 1401 Copenhagen K Background Afghanistan is facing a number of key challenges: The transition of security responsibilities from foreign forces to the Afghan National Security Forces, and at some stage the exit of foreign forces; a likely reconciliation and reintegration process with insurgents and the political consequences of that; the need for progress in governance and development; the relationship with its neighbors. All at the backdrop of a prolonged conflict, that has had dire human and developmental consequences for Afghanistan and has framed international relations for the last ten years. The debate on Afghanistan has become more and more polarized with those calling for a rapid exit of foreign troops arguing that the present military involvement is part of the problem rather than the solution; and those stating that international involvement (also military) in Afghanistan is a key requirement for peace and stability in the country, region and globally. What, in the view of the government of Afghanistan, are the perspectives for continued international involvement, the possible political solutions, and the overall benefit of the present international involvement in Afghanistan? And what can the international community in turn expect from the Afghan government in areas such as governance and development? Dr. -
Politics and Governance in Afghanistan: the Case of Nangarhar
Uzbekistan Tajikistan n Researching livelihoods and China Turkmenistan Tu Nangarhar Kabul Afghanistan Iran Pakistan Politics and Governance in Arabian Sea Afghanistan: the Case of Nangarhar Province Working Paper 16 Ashley Jackson June 2014 Funded by the EC About us Secure Livelihoods Research Consortium (SLRC) aims to generate a stronger evidence base on how people in conflict-affected situations (CAS) make a living, access basic services like health care, education and water, and perceive and engage with governance at local and national levels. Providing better access to basic services, social protection and support to livelihoods matters for the human welfare of people affected by conflict, the achievement of development targets such as the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and international efforts at peace- and state-building. At the centre of SLRC’s research are three core themes, developed over the course of an intensive one-year inception phase: § State legitimacy: experiences, perceptions and expectations of the state and local governance in conflict-affected situations § State capacity: building effective states that deliver services and social protection in conflict- affected situations § Livelihood trajectories and economic activity in conflict-affected situations The Overseas Development Institute (ODI) is the lead organisation. SLRC partners include the Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU), the Centre for Poverty Analysis (CEPA) in Sri Lanka, Feinstein International Center (FIC, Tufts University), Focus1000 -
International Counter Narcotics Conference on Afghanistan 8-9 February 2004
International Counter Narcotics Conference on Afghanistan 8-9 February 2004 Contents: Introduction Background Plenary Session and General Debate Thematic Discussion Conclusions Appendices - Agenda - Action Plans Law Enforcement: Action Plan Counter Narcotics Judicial Reform: Action Plan Alternative Livelihoods: Action Plan Drug Demand Reduction: Action Plan Public Awareness: Action Plan - Main Conference Speeches Speech by H.E. President Hamid Karzai Speech by Dr. Zalmei Rassoul Speech by Mr. Mir Wais Yasini Speech by Gov. Pashtun Speech by Mr. Ghulam Speech by H.E. Mr. Antonio Maria Costa Speech of Ms. Rosalind Marsden on behalf of Mr. Bill Rammell INTRODUCTION On Feb 8 and 9 2004, in the Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Afghanistan in Kabul, the Government of the Transitional Islamic State of Afghanistan, United Kingdom (UK) and United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) co-hosted an International Counter Narcotics Conference on Afghanistan. President Karzai addressed the Conference of over 300 participants with a strong condemnation of the drugs trade and expressed his Government’s determination for decisive action against it. This was the first time that Afghans had gathered at such a high level and in such large numbers to discuss the issue of illicit drugs and the implementation of the Afghan National Drug Control Strategy. Reflecting a true sense of Afghan ownership of this issue ---which the Conference aimed to promote--- following address by President Karzai, the National Security Advisor and the Director of Counter Narcotics Directorate (CND), several Afghan Ministers along with the Governor of Kandahar and a village elder from Nangarhar shared their experiences and perspectives. -
Afghanistan October 2003
AFGHANISTAN COUNTRY REPORT October 2003 Country Information & Policy Unit IMMIGRATION AND NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Afghanistan October 2003 CONTENTS 1 Scope Of Document 1.1 - 1.4 2 Geography 2.1 - 2.5 General 2.1 Languages 2.2 - 2.5 3.Economy 3.1 - 3.6 4 History 4.1 - 4.94 1992-1994: Mujahidin Government 4.1 - 4.4 Emergence of the Taliban 4.5 - 4.8 February 1995-June 1996 4.9 - 4.10 September 1996-June 1997 4.11 - 4.18 August 1997-December 1999 4.19 - 4.33 January 2000 - December 2000 4.34 - 4.39 January 2001 - December 2001 4.40 - 4.58 January 2002 – December 2002 4.59 - 4.79 January 2003 onwards 4.80 - 4.94 5.State Structures 5.1 - 5.137 The Constitution 5.1 - 5.4 Citizenship and Nationality 5.5 - 5.7 Political System 5.8 - 5.24 -Interim Administration 5.8 - 5.10 -The Emergency Loya Jirga and Transitional Administration 5.11 - 5.17 -Elections 5.18 - 5.19 -Situation in Herat 5.20 - 5.21 -1996 - 22 December 2001 5.22 - 5.24 Judiciary 5.25 - 5.37 -Current Position 5.25 - 5.35 -1996 - 22 December 2001 5.36 - 5.37 Legal Rights/Detention 5.38 - 5.53 -Current Situation 5.38 - 5.45 -1996 - 22 December 2001 5.46 - 5.48 Death Penalty 5.49 - 5.53 -Current Situation 5.49 - 5.51 -1996 – 22 December 2001 5.52 - 5.53 Internal Security 5.54 - 5.94 -Current Situation 5.54 - 5.73 -National Security Directorate 5.74 - 5.76 -Accountability Department 5.77 -Army 5.78 - 5.80 -Police 5.81 - 5.84 -1996 - 22 December 2001 5.85 - 5.91 -Religious Police 5.92 - 5.94 Prisons and Prison Conditions 5.95 - 5.110 -Current Situation 5.95 - -
Understanding Ethnic-Electoral Dynamics: How Ethnic Politics Affect Electoral Laws and Election Outcomes in Afghanistan
MOBASHER 4/18/2016 3:11 PM UNDERSTANDING ETHNIC-ELECTORAL DYNAMICS: HOW ETHNIC POLITICS AFFECT ELECTORAL LAWS AND ELECTION OUTCOMES IN AFGHANISTAN *Mohammad Bashir Mobasher After the fall of the Taliban in 2001, Afghanistan began transitioning toward democracy. The democratization, which began with the Bonn Agreement, was very promising for all ethnic groups in Afghanistan. The Bonn Agreement provided that Afghanistan must establish “broad based, gender sensitive, multi- ethnic and fully representative government.”1 As a part of this agreement, Afghanistan adopted a new Constitution in 2004, which established elections as the foundation for representative government and guaranteed that the elections be inclusive, fair, and representative of all groups and regions. Despite this progress in the laws, Afghanistan has not been able to reduce ethnic tensions. In fact, this article shows that ethnic tensions tend to intensify during elections, a result that belies the vision of the Bonn Agreement. After presenting a statistical and qualitative analysis of voting practices across three presidential elections and 26 provinces, this article makes several observations about the role of ethnicity in Afghan presidential elections. These observations are: (1) people of an ethnic community are more likely to vote for a candidate of their own ethnic group; (2) voters from one ethnic group are likely to vote for a candidate from another ethnic group only when they do not have a candidate of their own; (3) cross ethnic voting is more likely to occur in blocs and in exchange for patronage to the elites of voting groups; and (4) candidates and ethno-political elites tend to prioritize their electoral campaigns by ethnic mobilization, manipulation of laws and political bargains rather than by policy development in order to generate votes. -
The 2014 Presidential Elections in Afghanistan Written by Darren Atkinson
Democracy as Theatre: The 2014 Presidential Elections in Afghanistan Written by Darren Atkinson This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. Democracy as Theatre: The 2014 Presidential Elections in Afghanistan https://www.e-ir.info/2014/08/12/democracy-as-theatre-the-2014-presidential-elections-in-afghanistan/ DARREN ATKINSON, AUG 12 2014 Saturday, June 14th 2014, saw voting take place in the second round election run-off between the final two candidates for President of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan: Dr. Abdullah Abdullah and Dr. Ashraf Ghani Ahmadzai. In the first round, neither had been able to secure the required 50%, so a run-off was required. The second round results were initially counted and Ghani was said to have won with 56.44% of the votes, with Abdullah taking 43.56%. After allegations of irregularities, including ballot box stuffing (referred to as “stuffed sheep” in recordings released by Abdullah’s camp), the US Secretary of State John Kerry brokered a deal that would see 100% of the votes recounted in order to find an outright winner and a form of power-sharing to be established once the recount had been conducted. At the time of writing, we are still awaiting the outcome of the recount. Election coverage initially provided an optimistic, if cautious, counterpoint to the regular negative media attention paid to Afghanistan. Successful administering of democratic elections and a peaceful “transfer of power” was seen to highlight the potential for a future of peace and political progress.