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Herbert Kitschelt * Diversification and Reconfiguration of Party Systems in Postindustrial Democracies

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Herbert Kitschelt * Diversification and Reconfiguration of Party Systems in Postindustrial Democracies Herbert Kitschelt * Diversification and Reconfiguration of Party Systems in Postindustrial Democracies rand theories of social and political change in of the party-dominated domain. The same set of socie- Gadvanced capitalism, such as those originally tal and political mechanisms that drive the reconfigura- proposed by Daniel Bell or Alain Touraine in the 1960s, tion of the party systems has also promoted the differ- were right in predicting a sea change in the alignment entiation of modes of political action. of political interests and the pra ctices of political pa r- On the following pages, I try to offer some sketchy ticipation in the transition from industrial to postindus- justifications for this barrage of bald assertions. I begin trial societies. With the benefit of hindsight provided with a sociological view of political preference forma- by another forty years of technological innovation, tion in postindustrial society as exogenous to the cur- economic growth, and political battle, of course, many rent political process and policy formation, but en- details of their original visions have become implausi- dogenous to the cumulative consequences of past ble. Nevertheless, two predictions stand up to the test political decisions, and here primarily the development of time. First, we do observe the end of class politics, of welfare states. Based on this exogenously consti- conceived in a Marxist binary class framework, though tuted space of salient preference distributions, I then not the end of distributive conflict in the politics of discuss the strategic programmatic options parties postindustrial capita lism. Second, as predicted by Bell advertising under different labels may face contingent and especially Touraine, politics is no longer just about upon the configuration of competitors they encounter distributive arrangements of who gets what when and in individual polities.1 how, but also about the governance structures of The third section outlines why I believe that it is un- social organization and cultural life styles. Postindus- helpful to characterize the current transformation of trial politics is indeed shot through with conflict about postindustrial party systems as a decoupling of the the control of individual and group conduct - what sort political agents from their principals, electoral of authorities with what kind of regulatory powers are constituencies. I addressed this subject in my critique entitled to determine individuals’ life styles and how of Katz and Mair’s (1995) influential and often cited citizens can exercise capacities and rights to participate article on the rise of “cartel parties” (Kitschelt 2000a). I in binding collective decisions. All this has contributed will argue here that, if anything, the responsiveness of to a reconfiguration, if not a crumbling of traditional political parties to citizens’ demands has increased in party systems certainly in the sense that esta blished recent decades, as can be inferred from the decline of parties had to redefine their programmatic appeals and clientelistic citizen-politician linkages in advanced capi- often enough with the successful appearance of new talist democracies, a topic I have also dealt with before partisan labels in the electoral competition. In this (Kitschelt 2000b; 2002; 2003b). In fact, we have evi- process, parties geared to the interests of the “work- dence that even in the recent era of “globa lization” ing class” have vanished. On the theoretical plane, partisan responsiveness continues to affect policy conventional conceptions of social structure dividing making. I provide an incomplete literature review to the population hierarchically into a manual blue-collar illustrate this point in section four. In the final section, I working class and a white collar middle stratum have briefly dwell on the issue of differentiation of political lost their analytical significance for the study of politi- modes of action. cal mobilization. Political parties, however, have not become “catch-all” parties in the sense a melancholic, Frankfurt School influenced critique of pluralist democ- * Duke University, Durham; Department of Political Science. An racy envisioned (Kirchheimer 1965), but express, enact, earlier version of this paper was presented at the conference and exacerbate new lines of issue divides concerned on “Accountability and Representation in European Democ- racy”, held at the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European with economic distribution and political-cultural gov- Studies, Harvard University, May 2003. ernance structures that call for precise analytical char- 1 These sections are meant to update and revise the analytical acterization and explanation. At the same time, politi- schemes I have employed in earlier work (Kitschelt 1994, 1995, and 2001 and as case studies 2003a and cal participation has vastly expanded beyond the realm Kitschelt/McGann 2003). Herbert Kitschelt Diversification and Reconfiguration of Party Systems in Postindustrial Democracies 2 Differentiation of Political Preferences and theless use compound adjectives to characterize indi- Interests viduals and groups on both dimensions, such as left- libertarians, right-libertarians, and so on. Sociologists and political scientists deplore that they do Preferences over distribution and resources have not have good theories of political preference forma- traditionally been associated with the “factors” of tion, but in theoretical and empirical political sociology land, capital and labor. But I concur with Rogowski they at least tacitly draw on theories of prefe rence (1989), as amended by Alt et al. (1996) and Frieden formation, although they test them only occasionally. and Rogowski (1996), that in advanced capitalism the Here I wish to lay out a set of propositions about pref- scarcest and most precious market income producing che Politik (03/2004) erence formation that have two analytically separate, “factor” is human capital. Moreover, given that this but empirically intertwined aspects, contingent on asset is comparatively “specific” in the sense that costs Europäis prevailing political economic conditions. First, there are incurred during its acquisition are unrecoverable income- and material-asset maximizing preferences, in (“sunk”) and often hard to redeploy from one task the sense of actors searching for ways to optimize the structure to another, sectoral and occupational divi- future income of resources by taking the size and the sions play an important role in shaping people’s eco- certainty (security) of that flow into account. At one nomic interests. Actors’ desire to employ politics as a extreme, such preferences call for an authoritative redistributive mechanism that trumps spontaneous redistribution of asset endowments and flows by market allocation depends on the size and security of means of politics to the least fortunate or at least to the revenue flow they experience in markets. Individu- particularly deserving groups in society. At the other als who derive a great deal of market income from extreme, distributive preferences insist that the only their superior human capital assets and whose market acceptable mode of allocation is spontaneous, volun- income is comparatively certain are most inclined to tary exchange in the market place. Second, there are embrace a “rightist” distributive position to let free preferences over the governance structures of social market contracting allocate scarce resources. Individu- life that range from “libertarian” to “authoritarian” als whose income is derived from non-market sources positions. The former emphasizes the individual auton- or whose market income is comparatively low and/or omy of citizens to govern their life styles, the tolerance uncertain prefer an authoritative allocation of re- and respect for socio-cultural difference, be they re- sources that provides hedges and reassigns property lated to gender or cultural beliefs and practices, and rights. on the right of autonomous individuals to participate Empirically, the propensity to endorse authoritative in all collectively binding political decisions. The “au- political redistribution, primarily through the welfare thoritarian” counter view envisions the conduct of state should therefore decrease from public and non- social life as governed by compliance with collectively profit (subsidiary) sector employment, particularly in shared, uniform norms and regulatory principles of social services (education, health care, counseling…), “decency” that endorses cultural homogeneity, a through private market, but internationally sheltered particular form of family organization and its corres- sectors, to export exposed sectors. Higher skill (educa- ponding sexual code, justified by a dominant religious tion) may translate into more market orientation, pro- belief system and enforced by a higher social, moral vided that highly skilled individuals do not work pri- and political authority to which individuals are expec- marily in non-market social services. Asset specificity ted to show deference.2 I sometimes have referred to may result in greater propensity to endorse political the distributive politics extremes as “left” and “right,” hedging mechanisms and redistribution, provided this a characterization that is imprecise, if not misleading, effect is not counteracted by other attributes of market given the everyday semantics of the left-right (liberal- location. 3 conservative) notions. Empirically political actors who employ this unidimensional,
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