Exercising Strict Governance Over the Party” Yi Zhang1, Hongtao Shan1, Junfei Bi1, Mengqi Zhang1, Hui Liu1, Zi Wang1
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Speech at a Ceremony Marking the Centenary of the Communist Party of China July 1, 2021
Speech at a Ceremony Marking the Centenary of the Communist Party of China July 1, 2021 Xi Jinping Comrades and friends, Today, the first of July, is a great and solemn day in the history of both the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the Chinese nation. We gather here to join all Party members and Chinese people of all ethnic groups around the country in celebrating the centenary of the Party, looking back on the glorious journey the Party has traveled over 100 years of struggle, and looking ahead to the bright prospects for the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. To begin, let me extend warm congratulations to all Party members on behalf of the CPC Central Committee. On this special occasion, it is my honor to declare on behalf of the Party and the people that through the continued efforts of the whole Party and the entire nation, we have realized the first centenary goal of building a moderately prosperous society in all respects. This means that we have brought about a historic resolution to the problem of absolute poverty in China, and we are now marching in confident strides toward the second centenary goal of building China into a great modern socialist country in all respects. This is a great and glorious accomplishment for the Chinese nation, for the Chinese people, and for the Communist Party of China! Comrades and friends, The Chinese nation is a great nation. With a history of more than 5,000 years, China has made indelible contributions to the progress of human civilization. -
Decoding China's Emerging “Great Power” Strategy in Asia
freeman chair in china studies Decoding China’s Emerging “Great Power” Strategy in Asia By Christopher K. Johnson Contributing Authors: Ernest Z. Bower, Victor D. Cha, Michael J. Green, and Matthew P. Goodman May 5, 2014 Principal Investigator: Mr. Christopher K. Johnson Senior Advisor and Freeman Chair in China Studies Center for Strategic and International Studies 1616 Rhode Island Avenue NW Washington, DC 20036 Phone: (202) 775-7321 Email: [email protected] INTRODUCTION The course charted by China’s reemergence as a great power over the next few decades represents the primary strategic challenge for the U.S.-Japan security alliance and for the East Asian security landscape writ large. If China’s economic, military, and geopolitical influence continues to rise at even a modest pace during this period, we will witness the largest shift in the global distribution of power since the rise of the United States in the late 19th and early 20th Centuries. And, if China in the next 10-15 years surpasses the United States in purchasing power parity (PPP) terms as the world largest economy, it will mark the first time in centuries that the world’s economic leader will be non-English speaking, non- Western, and non-democratic. Of course, these are some pretty big ifs. To stay on the path toward realizing this new global balance of power, China’s leaders will have to successfully navigate the many challenges they face both at home and abroad. They will have to demonstrate sufficient foresight and flexibility to respond to immediate tactical concerns while always staying mindful of their geostrategic long game. -
National People's Congress Completes Jiang-Hu Succession
Miller, China Leadership Monitor, No.14 National People’s Congress Completes Jiang-Hu Succession Lyman Miller At its annual meeting in March 2005, China’s parliament formally transferred former top leader Jiang Zemin’s last official post to his successor Hu Jintao. The transfer completes an unprecedented process of orderly leadership succession that began two and a half years ago. Since the National People’s Congress (NPC), Jiang has assumed a nearly invisible public posture consistent with those of other retired elders among the Chinese leadership. Meanwhile, Hu has been depicted as moving carefully in new policy directions while maintaining continuity with the policies associated with Jiang Zemin. During the March 5–14, 2005, third annual session of the 10th National People’s Congress, Jiang Zemin formally resigned as chairman of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) Central Military Commission (CMC), his last official post. 1 On March 8, the NPC accepted a letter of resignation from Jiang, and on March 13 Hu Jintao was elected by the full NPC session to replace him. Hu’s succession as chairman of the PRC CMC completes the transfer of the top party, state, and military leadership positions previously held by Jiang Zemin that began at the 16th Party Congress in November 2002. At the 16th Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Central Committee’s First Plenum the day after the party congress closed, Hu was elected party general secretary. At the 10th NPC’s first annual session in March 2003, he assumed Jiang’s post as PRC president, the top state post in the Chinese political order. -
Chinese Regional Planning Under Xi Jinping: the Politics and Policy Implications of the Greater Bay Area Initiative
OCCASIONAL PAPERS SERIES PAPERS OCCASIONAL Chinese Regional Planning Under Xi Jinping: The Politics and Policy Implications of the Greater Bay Area Initiative Jason Jia-Xi Wu Tony Saich, Series Editor April 2021 OCCASIONAL PAPERS SERIES PAPERS OCCASIONAL Chinese Regional Planning Under Xi Jinping: The Politics and Policy Implications of the Greater Bay Area Initiative Jason Jia-Xi Wu Tony Saich, Series Editor April 2021 About the Ash Center The Roy and Lila Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation advances excellence and innovation in governance and public policy through research, education, and public discussion. By training the very best leaders, developing powerful new ideas, and disseminating innovative solutions and institutional reforms, the Center’s goal is to meet the profound challenges facing the world’s citizens. The Ford Foundation is a founding donor of the Center. Additional information about the Ash Center is available at ash.harvard.edu. This research paper is one in a series published by the Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innova- tion at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government. The views expressed in the Ash Center Policy Occasional Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or of Harvard University. The papers in this series are intended to elicit feedback and to encourage debate on important public policy challenges. About the Author Jason Wu is a J.D. candidate at Harvard Law School and an A.M. graduate from the Regional Studies: East Asia program at Harvard University. -
Francis Fukuyama the National Interest Summer 1989
The End of History? Francis Fukuyama The National Interest Summer 1989 IN WATCHING the flow of events the intellectual climate of the world's over the past decade or so, it is hard to two largest communist countries, and avoid the feeling that something very the beginnings of significant reform fundamental has happened in world movements in both. But this history. The past year has seen a flood phenomenon extends beyond high of articles commemorating the end of politics and it can be seen also in the the Cold War, and the fact that "peace" ineluctable spread of consumerist seems to be breaking out in many Western culture in such diverse regions of the world. Most of these contexts as the peasants' markets and analyses lack any larger conceptual color television sets now omnipresent framework for distinguishing between throughout China, the cooperative what is essential and what is restaurants and clothing stores opened contingent or accidental in world in the past year in Moscow, the history, and are predictably Beethoven piped into Japanese superficial. If Mr. Gorbachev were department stores, and the rock music ousted from the Kremlin or a new enjoyed alike in Prague, Rangoon, and Ayatollah proclaimed the millennium Tehran. from a desolate Middle Eastern What we may be witnessing is not capital, these same commentators just the end of the Cold War, or the would scramble to announce the passing of a particular period of rebirth of a new era of conflict. postwar history, but the end of history And yet, all of these people sense as such: that is, the end point of dimly that there is some larger process mankind's ideological evolution and at work, a process that gives coherence the universalization of Western liberal and order to the daily headlines. -
Democratic Centralism and Administration in China
This is the accepted version of the chapter published in: F Hualing, J Gillespie, P Nicholson and W Partlett (eds), Socialist Law in Socialist East Asia, Cambridge University Press (2018) Democratic Centralism and Administration in China Sarah BiddulphP0F 1 1. INTRODUCTION The decision issued by the fourth plenary session of the 18th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP, or Party) in 2014 on Some Major Questions in Comprehensively Promoting Governing the Country According to Law (the ‘Fourth Plenum Decision’) reiterated the Party’s determination to build a ‘socialist rule of law system with Chinese characteristics’.P1F 2P What does this proclamation of the ‘socialist’ nature of China’s version of rule of law mean, if anything? Development of a notion of socialist rule of law in China has included many apparently competing and often mutually inconsistent narratives and trends. So, in searching for indicia of socialism in China’s legal system it is necessary at the outset to acknowledge that what we identify as socialist may be overlaid with other important influences, including at least China’s long history of centralised, bureaucratic governance, Maoist forms of ‘adaptive’ governanceP2F 3P and Western ideological, legal and institutional imports, outside of Marxism–Leninism. In fact, what the Chinese party-state labels ‘socialist’ has already departed from the original ideals of European socialists. This chapter does not engage in a critique of whether Chinese versions of socialism are really ‘socialist’. Instead it examines the influence on China’s legal system of democratic centralism, often attributed to Lenin, but more significantly for this book project firmly embraced by the party-state as a core element of ‘Chinese socialism’. -
The PLA and the 16Th Party Congress Jiang Controls the Gun? James Mulvenon
Hoover-CLM-5.qxd 6/5/2003 12:36 PM Page 20 The PLA and the 16th Party Congress Jiang Controls the Gun? James Mulvenon For Western observers of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), the 16th Party Congress presented a curious mixture of the past, the present, and the future. Jiang Zemin’s long-rumored and ultimately successful bid to retain the chairmanship of the Central Military Commission (CMC) brought back memories of party-army relations in the late 1980s before Tiananmen. At the same time, the new crop of PLA leaders elevated to the CMC represents the present and future PLA, possessing high levels of experience, training, and education, and thus professionalism. This article explores the implications of Jiang’s gambit, analyzes the retirements of senior PLA leaders and the biographies of their replacements, and offers some pre- dictions about the choice of defense minister and the future course of Chinese Communist Party (CCP)-PLA relations. JIANG STICKS AROUND If imitation is the highest form of flattery, then Jiang Zemin has given Deng Xiaoping’s boots a real tongue-shine. Recall that at the 13th Party Congress in 1987, confident of his preeminence in the system, Deng retired from all formal positions save one, the chairmanship of the Central Military Commission. His logic at the time was clear.The PLA was still subordinate to party control, but the fresh memory of the breakdown of formal lines of authority during the events in Tiananmen Square told Deng that his continued personal control of the military was crucially important to Jiang Zemin’s successful transition to the leadership core. -
Read the 7-30-2021 Issue In
VOLUME 21 • ISSUE 15 • JULY 30, 2021 IN THIS ISSUE: Historic Chinese Flooding Highlights Outstanding Infrastructure Problems By Elizabeth Chen………………………………………………….pp. 1-5 Xi Jinping Issues Tough Warnings to Enemies Within the Party By Willy Wo-Lap Lam………………………………………………...pp. 6-10 What the 2020 Chinese Census Tells Us About Progress in Hukou Reform By Kam Wing Chan…………………………………………………...pp. 11-17 Recent Trends in Sino-Israeli Relations Bely Lasting Warm Ties By William Figueroa…………………………………………….………..pp. 18-23 China’s Hypersonic Missiles: Methods and Motives By Richard Weitz…………………………………………………………..pp. 24-29 Historic Chinese Flooding Highlights Outstanding Infrastructure Problems By Elizabeth Chen Beginning on July 18, Henan Province saw record levels of flooding that state officials described as a “once in 5,000 year event,” (PRC Ministry of Water Resources, July 21). Road tunnels and subways flooded in the provincial capital of Zhengzhou (郑州), which also experienced Internet, power and water shortages as well as disruptions to air and rail transit links. Smaller cities such as Weihui (卫辉), Xinxiang (新乡), Hebi (鹤壁) and Anyang (安阳) also faced historic mudslides and flooding (Yicai, July 26). The heavy rains followed flooding in central and southern China during June and early July that displaced thousands (South China Morning Post, July 11; PRC Ministry of Emergency Management, July 12). Chinese Communist Party (CCP) General Secretary Xi Jinping issued “important instructions” (重要指示, zhongyao zhishi) for flood prevention and disaster relief work on July 21 (Xinhua, July 21), and Premier Li Keqiang hosted a video conference to coordinate flood relief and prevention efforts on July 26 (Gov.cn, July 26). -
The Practice Path and Internal Logic of Upholding and Strengthening the Party’S Overall Leadership in the New Era
The Frontiers of Society, Science and Technology ISSN 2616-7433 Vol. 1, Issue 3: 57-61, DOI: 10.25236/FSST.20190310 The Practice Path and Internal Logic of Upholding and Strengthening the Party’s Overall Leadership in the New Era Yiwei Ke School of Public Administration, Nanjing Normal University, Nanjing 210023, China ABSTRACT. Upholding and strengthening the Party’s overall leadership is a brand- new judgment put forward in the report of the Nineteenth Party Congress and the fundamental compliance of the great project of promoting the Party's construction in the new era. As a scientific proposition, Upholding and strengthening the Pa rty’s overall leadership has its inherent historical logic, realistic logic, political logic and theoretical logic. To put this in fact, we must always adhere to the thought on socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era of Xi Jinping and continually complete and perfect the Party's leadership system to provide ideological and institutional guarantee for upholding and strengthening the Party's overall leadership. KEYWORDS: the Party's Overall Leadership, Inherent logic, the Practice Path 1. Introduction In the report of the Nineteenth Party Congress, General Secretary Xi Jinping put forward a brand-new judgment of upholding and strengthening the Party's overall leadership, and repeatedly emphasized the basic principle that the Party exercises overall leadership over all areas of endeavor in every part of the country. Upholding and strengthening the Party's overall leadership is a profound summary of the CPC's experience in leading China's revolution, construction and reform, and a fundamental guarantee for continuous advancing of promoting the great cause of socialism of Chinese characteristics[1]. -
The Rise and Fall of Australian Maoism
The Rise and Fall of Australian Maoism By Xiaoxiao Xie Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Asian Studies School of Social Science Faculty of Arts University of Adelaide October 2016 Table of Contents Declaration II Abstract III Acknowledgments V Glossary XV Chapter One Introduction 01 Chapter Two Powell’s Flowing ‘Rivers of Blood’ and the Rise of the ‘Dark Nations’ 22 Chapter Three The ‘Wind from the East’ and the Birth of the ‘First’ Australian Maoists 66 Chapter Four ‘Revolution Is Not a Dinner Party’ 130 Chapter Five ‘Things Are Beginning to Change’: Struggles Against the turning Tide in Australia 178 Chapter Six ‘Continuous Revolution’ in the name of ‘Mango Mao’ and the ‘death’ of the last Australian Maoist 220 Conclusion 260 Bibliography 265 I Declaration I certify that this work contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in my name, in any university or other tertiary institution and, to the best of my knowledge and belief, contains no material previously published or written by another person, except where due reference has been made in the text. In addition, I certify that no part of this work will, in the future, be used in a submission in my name, for any other degree or diploma in any university or other tertiary institution without the prior approval of the University of Adelaide and where applicable, any partner institution responsible for the joint-award of this degree. I give consent to this copy of my thesis, when deposited in the University Library, being made available for loan and photocopying, subject to the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968. -
On Democratic Centralism
The Marxist, XXVI 1, January–March 2010 PRAKASH KARAT On Democratic Centralism In the recent period, alongwith a number of critical discussions on the electoral set-back suffered by the CPI (M) and the Left in last Lok Sabha elections, there have been some questions raised about the practice of democratic centralism as the organizational principle of the Communist Party. Such critiques have come from persons who are intellectuals associated with the Left or the CPI (M). Since such views are being voiced by comrades and persons who are not hostile to the Party, or, consider themselves as belonging to the Left, we should address the issues raised by them and respond. This is all the more necessary since the CPI (M) considers the issue of democratic centralism to be a basic and vital one for a party of the working class. Instead of dealing with each of the critiques separately, we are categorising below the various objections and criticisms made. Though, it must be stated that it is not necessary that each of them hold all the views expressed by the others. But the common refrain is that democratic centralism should not serve as the organizational principle of the Communist Party or that it should be modified. What are the points made in these critiques? They can be summed up as follows: THE MARXIST 1. Democratic centralism is characterized as a Party organizational structure fashioned by Lenin to meet the specific conditions of Tsarist autocracy which was an authoritarian and repressive regime. Hence, its emphasis on centralization, creating a core of professional revolutionaries and secrecy. -
Political Succession and Leadership Issues in China: Implications for U.S
Order Code RL30990 Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Political Succession and Leadership Issues in China: Implications for U.S. Policy Updated September 30, 2002 name redacted Specialist in Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Political Succession and Leadership Issues in China: Implications for U.S. Policy Summary In 2002 and 2003, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) will be making key leadership changes within the government and the Communist Party. A number of current senior leaders, including Party Secretary Jiang Zemin, Premier Zhu Rongji, and National Peoples’ Congress Chairman Li Peng, are scheduled to be stepping down from their posts, and it is not yet clear who will be assuming these positions from among the younger generation of leaders – the so-called “fourth generation,” comprised of those born in the 1940s and early 1950s. It is expected that new leaders will be ascending to positions at the head of at least two and possibly all three of the PRC’s three vertical political structures: the Chinese Communist Party; the state government bureaucracy; and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). During a period likely to last into 2003, the succession process remains very much in flux. Some who follow Beijing politics have raised questions about how vigorously China’s current senior leaders will adhere to their self-imposed term limitations. Party Secretary Jiang Zemin, for instance, is expected to try to keep his position as head of China’s military on the grounds that the global anti-terrorism campaign and internal challenges to Chinese rule create a special need now for consistent leadership.