THE SOCIAL O RGANIZATIO N O F A U S T RA L I AN T R I BE S

BY

D L FFE- . C B A . R RA I ROW N

MELBOURNE MACMILLAN 85 CO LIMITED HEAD OFFICE LONDON

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( h cea nia M ono ra s No . 1 Gh ee O g p ,

THE SO CIAL O RGANIZATIO N O F A U S T R A L I AN T R I BE S

BY

RAD LIFF - A . R . C E BROW N

MELBOURNE MACMILLAN CO LIMITED HEAD OFFICE LOND ON

1 93 1 CO PYRIGHT

V l I h i i d f rom O ceani a o . . T h is Monograp s rep r nte ,

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- R e istered b th e Postm as te r General Mel ourne f or trans mission b ost as b k . g y , b , y p oo THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES

A A LIFFE- . O By . R R DC BR W N

PART I

INCE Fiso n and Howitt published in 1 880 their Kamilaroi and

' Kawaz ni , the social orga zation of the aboriginal tribes of Australia of has received a great deal attention from anthropologists , and the literature o n the subject is now very extensive . That literature has of given currency to a number misconceptions . The present paper is an attempt to indicate as concisely as possible what that organization m of really is , and to give a sum ary the existing knowledge about it . It is intended to serve as an introduction to new researches whi ch are ul of hi i ‘ now in progress , and the res ts w ch will be publ shed in due course . iff of al li There are many d erent forms soci organization in Austra a , i iff i but it w ll appear, I think , that they can all be regarded as d erent var eties of a single general type . The easiest way to give a descriptive account is therefore to describe the general type first and then go on to describe , i iff . ro and as far as possible classify, the d erent variet es That is the p cedut e that will be followed here . i 1 a i The basic elements of social structure in Austral a are ( ) the f m ly, h is i i i . a. , the group formed by a man and w fe and their ch ldren, and 2 ni fini r ( ) the horde, a small group ow ng and occupying a de te territo y f . o or hunting ground Together with these there is , course, a grouping on f or social purposes on the basis of sex and age . It is the basis of the family and the horde that the somewhat complex kinship organizations i of Austral a are built . It is not easy to give a precise and accurate account of the local ff i organization of Australia . In the first place there are many di culties in the way of a study of the local organization amongst the natives m i i i i the selves , wh ch can only be overcome w th unl m ted patience and

3 03 8 6 6 7 O F 4 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AUSTRALIAN TRIBES of aff ample time , and the use a strict method of enquiry such as that orded di f by the collection of genealogies . Those ficulties are greatly increased i when the country has been occupied for some time by the wh te man, for the local organization is the first part of the social system to be destroyed by the advent of the European and the expropriation of the native owners of the land . What accounts we have of the Australian local organi zation are o n therefore mostly unsatisfactory as being based incomplete observation .

Moreover most of them are so lacking in precision as to be almost useless . Thi s is partly due to the fact that the writers have not made suffi ciently of o r f searching investigations , and partly to the use vague con used ” ”

i i . t term nology , such terms as tribe , fam ly, etc , being used withou exact defini tion . It is no t easy to reconcile the many different statements that can be i tu on a found in the l tera re Australia , and it is impossible to undert ke f here a critical examination of those statements . It must therefore su fice here to make the bald statement that a careful comparison of them in the light of the resul ts of the latest research leads to the conclusion that the important local group throughout Australia is what will here be spoken of ni of as the borde. The horde is a small group persons ow ng a certain of of i area territory , the boundaries wh ch are known , and possessing m — in co mon proprietary rights over the land and its products mineral ,

ni l - n or - vegetable and a ma . It is the primary land owni g land holding hi of mi r group . Members p a horde is deter ned in the fi st place by descent, f r o . l child en belonging to the horde their father There is normal y, f in the tribes about which we have adequate in ormation , no provision ‘ ’ ‘ by whi ch a man could leave his own horde and be adopted or natural ’ iz ed . i in another Therefore, as a normal th ng , male members enter ai i l the horde by birth and rem n in it t l death . In many regions the is horde is exogamous . But even where there not a strict rul e against n of marriage withi the horde , the great majority marriages are outside the horde . The woman, at marriage, leaves her horde and joins that of her husband . n The horde, therefore, as an existi g group at any moment, consists ’ of (1 )male members of all ages whose fathers and fathers fathers belonged ’ z o r to the horde, ( )unmarried girls who are the sisters or daughters son s th e male all daughters of members , (5)married women, of whom, in some THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 5 of regions , and most whom, in others , belonged originally to other hordes , and have become attached to the horde by marriage . It may be added that normally throughout Australia each horde is ff independent and autonomous , managing its own a airs and acting as a unit in its relations with other hordes . Throughout Australia hordes are grouped into larger local o r i of t r rike . territorial units , wh ch will be spoken as The primary mark of of o ne o r a tribe is that it consists persons speaking language , dialects i f . n of o one language Its u ty is primarily linguistic . The name the tribe and the name of its language are normally the same . So that the easiest way to ascertain to what tribe an individual belongs is usually hi to ask him what language he speaks . In addition to t s unity that comes from a common language there is also a unity of custom throughout the tribe . ffi to It is often di cult, however, say whether a particular recognized o r o f o r local group is a tribe , a subdivision a tribe , whether another o r of of group is a tribe a larger unit consisting a number related tribes . Thus withi n what might be regarded as a large tribe there may be differ ences of ff of ff dialect (and di erences custom) in di erent parts , so that

-t is di rub ribes . it vided into Again , adjoining tribes frequently resemble ffi ul one another in language and custom . It is therefore sometimes di c t to decide whether we are dealing with a tribe subdivided into sub -tribes o r with a group of related tribes .

So far as Australia is concerned , therefore , we have to define a tribe as a body of persons having a certain homogeneity of language ff i ni and custom su icient to perm t them to be recog zed as a group , and to demarcate them as distinct from other and neighbouring groups . nl A tribe is commo y spoken of as possessing a certain territory,

- and is regarded as a land holdi ng group . So far as Australia is con cerned , this is not quite accurate . It is true that each tribe may be d i nl of regarde as occupying a territory, but th s is o y because it consists a

of of . certain number hordes , each which has its territory The territory of the tribe is the total of the territories of its component hordes . More over, in some instances at least , the boundary between one tribe and another may be indeterminate . Thus in Western Australia a horde lying on the boundary of the Ngaluma and Kariera tribes was declared iera e Kar i . . to me to be half Ngaluma , half , , belonging properly to 6 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES

‘ h o rdes wh ich neither of the two tribes . Similar instances of occupy an indeterminate position between two adjoining tribes of similar language

and custom occur elsewhere in Australia .

A tribe is also sometimes spoken of as a body of kindred . It will be shown later that the kinship organization of Australia spreads over

the tribal boundaries . A man may have as many kin in another tribe

or in other tribes as he has in his own . It is therefore impossible to

define the tribe in terms of kinship .

The Australian tribe has usually, if not always , no political unity . f or There is no central authority the tribe as a whole , nor does the tribe act as a unit in warfare . The political unit , if it can be properly called

- n i . of such , and ormally the war making un t , is the horde A number hordes may unite together in warfare, but they fight as independent allies . r We see , therefore , that the t ibe in Australia consists essentially of

of hi a number neighbouring hordes , w ch are united by the possession of a common language and common customs . The group is often an indeterminate one because it is difficult to say exactly where one language ends and another begins . of two Most the tribes of Australia have some sort of division into , o r hi four, eight parts , w ch, since they were supposed to regulate marriage , f or have been called marriage classes . This name is several reasons ! ” unsuitable . In sociology it is convenient to reserve the term class as a technical term f or social groups marked off from one another by ff of r o cu at on g i . di erences rank q ” p It will be shown that it is somewhat th e i o r m misleading to call divisions marriage d visions exoga ic divisions . of of Further, the four divisions such a tribe as the Mara are quite a different character and constitution from the four divisions o f the o r Kariera of Kamilaroi the , yet both are commonly spoken as classes . ” I shall therefore avoid the term class , and shall attempt to substitute i a more systematic term nology . Where there are two divisions I shall speak of In both western and eastern Australia there are tribes that have a division into matrilineal moieties . Thus in the neighbourhood of Perth the tribe was divided into two parts called Manitjmat and W ardangmat after the ’ wargan of ne crow ( g) and the white cockatoo (maflitj ). A man o division hi (moiety) had to take his wife from the other . The c ldren belonged THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 7 to the moiety of the mother . Other tribes had a division into patri lineal moieties . Thus in Central Victoria the natives were divided into moieties named after the eaglehawk and the crow . A man of the eaglehawk moiety might only marry a crow woman , and the children would be eaglehawk like the father . of A large number tribes have a division into four parts , which will ! be spoken of throughout this essay as 5 65mm Thus in the Kariera imera Kar Pal eri . tribe the four sections are named Banaka , Burung , and y A man of one section may only marry a woman of one other particular u section . Th s a Banaka man may only marry a Burung woman . The children belong to a section diff erent from that of either the father o r the mother . The children of a Banaka man and a Burung woman are i Karimera Pal er . y , and they in their turn may only marry with It is convenient to represent the system of marriage and descent by means of a diagram . Banaka Burung d (Karimera ' Pal eri y L. The sign connects the two sections that intermarry ; the arrow sign o i connects the section of a mother with that f her child . Substitut ng letters for the specific names we have as . the general scheme for the four section system A z B

‘ (C ~ D 2 Reading off the rules from this diagram we have A marries b , children are D and d B a , C c B C d , b

D c , A a

air I propose to speak of the two sections that intermarry as forming a p .

The two pairs are therefore AB , CD . The sections that contain father and child I shall speak of as a maple. The two couples are therefore AD i and BC . If a man belongs to one section his ch ldren belong to the of other section his own couple . The children of Banaka men are Pal eri always y .

1 Th e term h a i i il t s b een cr t ciz ed b ut ave a ed o find a b etter. , I h f 2 In this and similar tab les th e capital letters stand f or males and th e lower case etters f o r ema s l f le . 8 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES It will be readily seen that this system of four sections involves a division of the society into two matrilineal moieties and also a cross di vision into two patrilineal moieties . Thus in the diagram the sections Pal eri o ne i i A and D (Banaka and y ) constitute patr l neal moiety, and l B and C (Burung and Karimera) the other . Whi e A and C constitute of one matrilineal moiety and B and D the other . In many the tribes of eastern Australia there are names for the matrilineal moieties in addition to the names for the sections . It is important to remember that the moieties exist in every section system whether they are named or not . A still more complex system is that in wh ich the tribe has eight

’ ‘ ubreczzom i . r subd visions These will be called , since they can be shown

f - to be subdivisions o the sections of the four section system . The following diagram shows the rules of marriage and descent in the system of eight subsections

The sign connects two intermarrying subsections . I shall speak o f intermarr in air o r air two such together as an y g p simply a p . The lines at the side connect the sub - section of a woman with that of her

‘ i th e di rectio n hi ch ld , the arrow indicating in w ch the line is to be fol

. i i lowed Thus , read ng the d agram we have A I marries b 1 and the ch ildren are D 2 and d 2 A 2 b 2 D 1 d 1

1 B a l C 1 C 1

2 2 B a C 2 C 2 C 1 d 1 B 1 b 1 C 2 d 2 B 2 b 2

1 1 D c A 2 a 2

2 D C 2 A I a 1 I shall speak of the subsection of a father and the subsection of hi s

l m cou e chi d as together for ing a pl of subsections . Thus the couples are I D 2 A 2 D 1 B 1 C 1 B 2 2 h i C . s A , , , If a man belongs to one subsection i ch ld belongs to the other subsection of the same couple . THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 9 It will also be conveni ent to use the term cycle to denot e the four li t I C 1 A 2 C 2 one subsections that constitute a matri neal moie y . A form 1 ’ a h er dau h ter c l cycle . Thus if a woman is g is , her daughter s daughter ’ ’ ’ a 2 C 2 is , her daughter s daughter s daughter is , and her daughter s ’ ’ a 1 daughter s daughter s daughter is like herself. The two cycles are

hi of n T s system eight subsections extends over a large area , includi g the f greater part o the Northern Territory and part of Western Australia . There are a few tribes in the region of the Gulf of Carpentaria which of i really have a system subsections , but instead of hav ng names for the nl f or i of h eight subsections have o y names four d visions , each w ich of consists of a patrilineal couple subsections . The subsections exist but are not named . If we consider the diagram of the subsection system o ne i P di I 2 i we have d vision correspon ng to A and D together, Q includ ng 2 1 i B 1 C 1 2 2 A D i B C . and , R includ ng and , and S includ ng and The rules of marriage and descent can be presented in diagrammatic form as follows

of hi of th e M ra t An example t s system is that g ribe, where the four Murun un i F uial K . divisions are named g , Mumbal , urdal and Arranged —1 in the form of the di agram Murungun a Purdal B Mumbali a Kuial [3 Furdal y Mumbali 5 Kuial y Murungun 3 Murungun and Mumbali together form a patrilineal moiety named

t F Kuial i n . Mulu i , and urdal and constitute the other mo ety named Umba a Since each of these named couples of subsections forms a half of a moiety it will be convenient to refer to them as rewi THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES

That the eight subsections really exist in this system, although they n are not named, can be demonstrated by examini g the arrangement of F or Kui al Murun un . marriage . g men may marry either urdal women Murun un a of Their sons divide into two groups , g who are the children 3 i of Purdal Kuial Murun un dr . mothers , and g who are the ch l en mothers The marriage rule is that a man may not marry a woman of the same - hi s of Murun un a semi moiety as mother . Those the first group , g , of Kuial F of sons women , may only marry urdal , and those the second

Murun un 5 nl u al K i . group , g , may o y marry It can be shown that in thi s way each of the four semi-moieties consists of two groups which are exactly equivalent to the subsections of other tribes . Spencer and i Gillen have demonstrated th s also , by showing the relations with respect to kinship and marriage between the tribes with the Mara system and those with eight named subsections . What at first sight seems a quite anomalous system is found in

r of . Western Australia, in the neighbou hood Southern Cross Here

Biran umat D uamat there are two divisions , named g and j , with a rule nl of hi s o wn i that a man may o y marry a woman d vision, and the children i i of must belong to the other division . Th s is really a mod fication the of system four sections . The sections exist but are not named . Each o f the named divisions is equi valent to o ne intermarrying pair of sections . The system may therefore be represented thus

(A) Birangumat (B) Birangumat ((C) Dj uamat (D) Dj uamat ) There are a few scattered areas in Australia in which there are no of divisions the kinds described above . With reference to these named divisions we can therefore classify Australian tribes into seven groups

1 . With two matrilineal exogamous moieties .

2 . With two patrilineal moieties .

3 . With four sections a i i ( ) with named matr l neal moieties . (b) patrilineal a ( ) without named moieties .

4 . With eight subsections .

- . i a 5 With four named patril ne l semi moieties .

1 2 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES hi i birth to the c ld , but even th s is not essential as adoption may give a child a second mother who may completely replace the first . of Thus the existence the family in Australia as elsewhere, involves

of i hi I of i three kinds ind vidual relations ps ( ) that parents and ch ldren,

of or of (2) that children of the same parent parents (siblings), (3 ) that ar parents of the same children (husband and wife). These ewhat may be h o called relationships of the first order . But every person w lives to m adult years normally belongs to two fa ilies , to one as child and sibling , and to another as parent and spouse, and it is this fact that gives rise to

of relationships the second , third and following orders , to the whole i system of traceable genealogical relationsh ps . This system of genealogical relationships is not itself a kinship hi i i ff on . system, but it a ords the basis w ch the kinsh p system is bu lt Kinship systems vary in diff erent forms of social organization all over the world in respect of three characters ( 1 )the extent to which genealog i f o r 2 hi ical relationsh ps are recognized social purposes , ( ) the way in w ch i relatives are classified and grouped, (5) the particular customs by wh ch the behaviour of relatives , as so recognized, classified and grouped , is regulated in their dealings with each other . In Australia we have an example of a society in which the very widest possible recognition is given to genealogical relationships . In a not ff tribe that has been a ected by white intrusion , it is easy to collect

i . full ped grees for the whole tribe Further, these genealogical relation i of i sh ps are made, in Australia , the basis an extensive and h ghly organized i system of reciprocal obligations . Wh le amongst ourselves the question of nl ff our genealogical relationship o y a ects relations to a few individuals , our o r nearest relatives , in native Australian society it regulates more less defini tely the behaviour of an individual to every person with whom

he has any social dealings whatever . In order to study the way in which kin are classified in any tribe it is i of essential to study the terms used to denote relat ves , for it is by means

those terms that the classification is carried out. The study of kinship i nl term nology, tedious as it may sometimes seem, is the o y way to any 3 i of ni real understand ng Australian social orga zation .

3 Fo r th e socio o ist th e termino o of kins i is o f litt e or no interest in itse l g l gy h p l lf. I ts stu i s on a means t ou a necessar means to th e investi ation of th e i ns i dy ly , h gh y , g k h p s stem as an e ement of social structure re u atin th e social relations moral economic y l g l g ( , , THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 1 5 Every Australian tribe about which we have inf ormation has a classificator of l y system kinship terminology . That is to say , co lateral and lineal relatives are grouped together into a certain number of classes all ne and a single term is applied to the relatives of o class . The basic principle of the classification is that a man is always classed with hi s brother and a woman with her sister . If I apply a given term of relationship ’ to to a man , I apply the same term his brother . Thus I call my father s to brother by the same term that I apply my father, and similarly, I call ’ ’ my mother s sister mother . The consequential relationsh ips are i ’ foll owed o ut . The ch ldren of any man I call father or of any woman ’ ’ ’ 4 h l I call mother are my brothers and sisters . The c i dren of any ’ ’ man I call brother, if I am a male , call me father, and I call them ’ ’ n h so and daughter . T is first principle may be called the principle f n of the equivalence o brothers . It is the o e essential principle of what ’ clas ificator are known as s y systems of terminology . The second principle applied in Australian systems of terminology is one which brings relatives by marriage within the classes of con ’ uineal of sang relatives . Thus the wife any man I call father is my ’ ’ mother, and inversely the husband of any woman I call mother is ’ ’ ’ ’ my father . Similarly my father s father s brother s wife is classed with ’ my father s mother and denoted by the same term . The third important principle in Australian systems is what can be - of n classificator called the non limitation range . I many y systems the principle o f the equivalence of brothers is applied onl y over a certain i limited range . The range may be determined , for nstance , by a clan . In Australia the recognition and classification of relationships is usually

m t . extended without any li it , to embrace the whole socie y In a typical Australian tribe it is found that a man can define his relation to every of h is person with whom he has any social dealings whatever, whether

f indi idu n n t er Some et no o ists ne ect to record th e kinsh i et o v als to o e a o . c . ) h h l g gl p tud Man reco rd a ist o f terms it t eir terminology of th e p eoples they s y. y l w h h i re o f o m arati e itt a ue e li ti n in m r Suc sts a c v e v . Th app ca o and do noth g o e. h l p ly l l l wa in ic re atives are c assi ed f or socia ur o ses a t o u t is is co rre ated it y wh h l l fi l p p , l h gh h l w h th e termino o canno t b e in erred it an certaint and in an etai rom t at l gy, f w h y y, y d l , f h

te min It nee s to b e ob serve . r ol ogy. d d 4 ’ en a t rm o f re ations i is ace it in inverted co mmas as at er it is W h e l h p pl d w h f h , used no t as deno tin an indi vi ua re ati o ns i b ut as th e sim e e uiva ent o f a classi g d l l h p , pl q l ’ u T us at er means an man to om a native ficatory term o f th e native lang age . h f h y wh t his wn t applies th e same term of relationship that h e does o o fa her. O F 1 4 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AUSTRALIAN TRIBES

of . own o r of another tribe , by means the terms of relationship In other words , it is impossible for an Australian native to have anything whatever

one to do with any who is not his relative, of one kind or another, near or distant . Every term in an Australian system of terminology may be regarded as Kariera having a primary meaning . Thus in the tribe , although a man

777d to of hi m applies the term a great number men, if you ask Who is ? your 777527714 he will reply by naming his own father . Similarly with i other terms . With n the class of persons denoted by one kinship term, the individual distinguishes degrees of nearness or distance . In Western Australia the natives express thi s difference in English by using the terms ’ ’ - - hi s -u close up and far away . A man distinguishes between close p ’ ’ ’ ’ - hi s . and far away fathers , brothers , mother s brothers , etc These distinctions of degrees within a class are of the utmost importance in the classification of relatives for social purposes . ' The classification of kin by means of the terminology is the basis on which the behaviour of o ne person to another in Australian society is regulated . The principle that applies here is that there is a certain i all i uniform ty in behaviour towards relatives of one k nd , who are o ne i denoted by term . In some instances the un formity is considerable . Thus in the Kariera tribe a man must carefully avoid having any direct toa i social dealings with any woman he calls , th s being the term he applies ’ ’ ’ in the first instance to his own father s sisferand h is own mother s brother s i w fe . In other instances the uniformity is modified by the distinction of i f ne Kariera near and d stant relatives o o kind . Thus in the tribe again there is a certain pattern of behaviour to whi ch an individual is expected ’ hi s hi ul to conform in relations with s father . He wo d behave in this ’ hi s own -u way not only to father, but also to his close p father, ’ ’ Fo r o r - his father s brother . a distant far away father, although there would be something of the attitude towards his own father in his behaviour hi m i hi one . to , the d stance makes the relations p a much less intimate ’ The behaviour to a distant father is a pale reflection of that towards

. iff the actual father However, even so , there would be a marked d erence ’ ’ in the behaviour of a man to a distant father and to a distant mother s ’ brother .

We may say, then , that in general there is a certain pattern of behaviour of i for each kind relative, to which an ind vidual is expected to conform in THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 1 5 hi s of modifica dealings with any relative that kind , subject to important i or i tions according as the relationsh p is near d stant . For some relation i hi i n f or sh ps t s pattern is defin te and well orga ized , others it is vague and comparatively less important . Th e hi u kins p system, as it regulates the whole of social life , reg lates a i i marriage . In normal Austr l an systems since an ind vidual is related to every person he meets it follows that he must necessarily marry a of relative, and therefore the regulation marriage takes the form of requiring an indi vidual to marry only persons who stand to him or her in some specific relationship . While kinship systems all over Australia are similar in many import in ant respects , yet other respects there are many variations . Any systematic description of these variations necessarily requires some sort of of classification . The only method classification that is at present possible is to select certain norms and then examine the relation of each particular hi system to these norms . T s is the procedure that will be followed ’ For ffi two here . the present it will su ce to establish such norms , and f or th is purpose I shall use the system of the Kariera tribe of Western 5 Australia and that of the Aranda tribe of Central Australia . The Kariera kinship system is based o n and implies the existence of of n - the form marriage k own as cross cousin marriage . There are really three forms of the cross -cousin marriage whi ch might be called respec l tive . y bilateral , matrilateral and patrilateral In the first a man is per ’ ’ ’ mitred o r expected to marry either hi s mother s brother s daughter or h i s ’ ’ ’ r father s sister s daughter . In the second he is permitted to mar y his ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ mother s brother s daughter, but not his father s sister s daughter . ’ ’ ’ In the third he may marry his father s sister s daughter but not hi s ’ ’ ’ on i Kariera mother s brother s daughter . The marriage wh ch the system is based is the first mentioned of these three .

5 h e se ection f t es i i t a a ard Th e iscover f th e T l o h e two tr b es s no m de haph z . d y o Kariera s stem b m se in 1 1 1 was th e resu t o f a defini te searc o n a surmise ma e y y y lf 9 l h, , d b e ore visitin Austra ia b ut a ter a care ul stud o f Austra ian ata in 1 0 t at some f g l , f f y l d 9 9 , h ’ such system might very well exist and that W estern Australia woul d b e a reasonab le place to o f it st use t e tw stems as no rms in a s ort not ub is ed in which l o k or . I fir d h se o sy h e p l h in th e ourna o f th e Ro a Ant ro o o ica nstitute in 1 1 usin t em to de ne at J l y l h p l g l I 9 3 , g h fi wh I ca led ins i s stems of T Kariera and e Aranda now find it is not l k h p y yp e I ( ) Typ II ( ). I ver satis actor to continue thi s c assi cation nto numb ered t es b ut urt er e erience y f y l fi i yp , f h xp in dealing with Australian data has confirmed me in my choice o f these two systems as no rms it ic to m t rs w h wh h co pare o he . N 1 6 THE SOCIAL ORGA IZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES

ariera In the K system all relatives are divided into generations , and in each generation the relatives are divided into two classes of males and

of di two classes females , with further stinctions in some of these classes

e . ( .g , of brothers) between older and younger relatives Thus in the second ascending generation the grandparents and their brothers and i i sisters , and all other relatives are d vided into the following four k nds ’ hi ’ 1 . s Father s father with brothers , husbands of the father s ’ ’ of mother s sisters , and the brothers the mother s mother . ’ f ’ ’ 2 . o Father s mother with her sisters , wives the father s father s ’

and of . brothers , sisters the mother s father ’ ’ f hi s of 3 . Mother s ather ; with brothers , husbands the mother s ’ f ’ o . mother s sisters , and brothers the father s mother ’ ’ ’ 4 . Mother s mother with her sisters , wives of the mother s father s ’

of . brothers , and sisters the father s father f i Each of these groups o relatives is denoted by one term of relationsh p . It should be noted that the mother’ s mother’ s brother is classed with the ’ ’ ’ ’ sm s father s father, and the father other s brother with the mother father . hi i T s is a determ ning feature of the type . i The terms for grandparents are used reciprocally for grandch ldren . m ’ ’ That is to say, y father s father applies to me (his son s son) the same i term of relationship that I apply to him, and sim larly with other grand In . i one parents other words , I class fy together and include under ’ ’ hi term my father s father and my son s son . T s is another important feature of the system . ’ In the first ascending (parents ) generation a man distingui shes four kinds of relatives . ’ ’ ’ ’ Father including own father, father s brother, mother s sister s ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ son husband , father s father s brother s , mother s mother s ’ brother s son , etc . ’ ’ ’ ’ di o wn Mother inclu ng mother, mother s sister, father s brother s wi ’ ’ ’ fe , mother s mother s sister s daughter, etc . ’ ’ ’ Mother s brother including the brother of any woman called mother ’ of of and the husband the sister any man called father . ’ ’ ’ Father s sister including the sister of any man called father i ’ ’ and the w fe of any man called mother s brother . In his own generation a man has distinct terms for older and younger n brothers and for older and you ger sisters , the actual relation in age THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 1 7 n f to himself being the determini g factor in the use o the terms . He

- f o r - has names for male cross cousins and female cross cousins . All persons of his own generation fall into one o r other of these classes of relatives . In the first descending (chi ldren ’ s) generation a man again di stin ’ ’ ’ ’ uish es nl in son g o y four k ds of relatives , daughter , sister s son and ’ ’ sister s daughter . I? The chart on page gives the scheme o n which the relatives of ariera a man are classified in the K system . It will be seen that in the five generations there are twenty classes of of o n relatives , two which (brother and sister) are further subdivided the l of . n basis age within the generation There are , however, o y eighteen terms f o r these twenty- two kinds of relatives by reason of the terms f or grandparents being used reciprocally for grandchi ldren .

The marriage rule of the Kariera system is very simple . A man may only marry a woman to whom he applies the same term of relation ’ ’ ship that he does to hi s own mother s brother s daughter . If it is possible for him to marry the daughter of an actual brother of hi s own mother he ll i of norma y does so , but of course this only happens in a l mited number instances .

arie a - h The K r also have the custom o f sister exchange . W en a man o r marries a woman his sister frequently, indeed normally, is given as ’ his hi one wife to wife s brother . When t s happens , if man marries his ’ ’ ’ own mother s brother s daughter then the other marries hi s o wn father s ’ of sister s daughter . As a result this custom it sometimes happens that a ’ ’ ’ ’ man s mother s brother is married to hi s the man s) father s sister . one The daughter, whom he may marry , is therefore at and the same ’ ’ ’ ’ time his mother s brother s daughter and hi s father s sister s daughter . The important features of the Kariera system taken as a norm are

I - ( ) the bilateral cross cousin marriage with exchange of sisters . (2) the classification of all relatives in each generation into four two i i i classes , male and two female (leav ng aside the d st nction of older and younger brothers and sisters)with the consequent classification of mother’ s mother’ s brother with father ’ s father n and so o . i (5) the use of reciprocal terms between grandparent and grandch ld . I 1 8 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TR BES KARIERA TYPE O F KINSHIP TERMINO LO GY

i ale A E go s M ,

I ’ ’ ’ ’ Mot er s mot er FATHER S FATHER Father s mother MOTHER S FATHER h h b B a

I ’ = ’ MOTHER S BROTHER Father s s1ster C d

I ’ ’ ’ ’ Mother s b rother s MOTHER S BROTHER S Sister daughter b

’ Sister s daughter c

E xplanation of th e Ch art

’ Th e chart shows th e various classes into whi ch a man s relatives are classified in a s stem o f th e Kariera t i n nn ct us an and i e in eac eneratio n e . Th e s co e s b y yp g h d w f h g , an th descendin i i us it d e g l ne from that sign shows th e children of any married pa r. Th ’ ’ ’ will b e seen that a father s father s sister is classified with th e mo ther s mother and h er ’ c il dren are t ere ore a si t us b means h h f cl s fied with mother and mother s bro her. Th y of th e c art th e c assi cation o f an re ative no matter h ow di stant can b e imme iate h l fi y l , , d ly i f d scovered . Th e chart also shows in vertical columns th e two patrilineal lines o descent and and under eac re ative th e secti n to hi c t at re ative b e on s (I II), h l o w h h l l g in a our-section s stem is s o n b th e etters A C D E o in th e c art b ein tak en f y h w y l , B , , , g h g as b elon m to s cti n g g e o A .

THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES hi d ff of T s , of course, gives quite a i erent alignment relatives from the ’ ’ ’ Kariera Kariera system . classifies father s father with mother s mother s ’ ’ ’ brother under o ne term and father s father s sister with mother s mother ’ hi s under another . Aranda classifies father s father and sister under one ’ term and mother s mother and her brother under another . Kariera nl Since , in the system o y two kinds of male relatives are recognized i n the second ascending generation that system brings all i collateral relatives into two lines of descent . As compared with th s the

Aranda system has four lines of descent . Counting descent through ’ 1 males these are the lines of ( ) father s father, to which Ego belongs , ’ ’ ’ ’ z ( ) father s mother s brother (3 ) mother s father, and (4) mother s ’ mother s brother . di ’ ’ In the first ascen ng generation , in addition to father, mother, ’ ’ ’ ’ of mother s brother and father s sister, four other classes relatives are distinguished , two male and two female . Thus the son and daughter ’ ’ of the mother s mother s brother are di stinguished from the father and ’ Kariera father s sister with whom they are classified in the system . So also in the other generations the Aranda system has four kinds of of Kariera male relatives and four kinds female, where the has only two f of o each . The accompanying chart represents the scheme the Aranda system . o r of There are not, however, in the Aranda system, in any system the

t of i . is same ype, forty terms relationsh p used by males The number reduced first by the fact that the same terms are used for grandparents and of for grandchildren , secondly by the use the same term for certain male hi dl of f relatives and for their sisters , t r y by the existence certain sel reciprocal terms . In some systems whi ch conf orm to thi s type the number of terms is further reduced by classifying together under o ne term a man ’ ’ ’ son and his son s or a woman and her brother s son s daughter . We have seen that the Kariera system is correlated with a particul ar of form marriage . The Aranda system also requires a special marri age hi ’ ’ ’ ’ rule, by w ch a man marries his mother s mother s brother s daughter s daughter or some relative who is classified with her and denoted by the i same term of relationsh p . Amongst the women whom a man may hi s of marry there are none of first cousins , four kinds second cousins ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ (mother s mother s brother s daughter s daughter, father s mother s ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ brother s son s daughter, father s father s sister s son s daughter, and THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRI BES a I ’ ’ ’ ’ of hi s h i mother s father s sister s daughter s daughter), and certain t rd, fourth , etc . , cousins . r All the relatives whom a man may mar y in the Aranda system are , ’ ’ of Kariera hi s course , in the system classified with mother s brother s daughter, and are therefore possible wives . The Aranda system divides the female relatives whom a man may marry in the Kariera system into of hi s i of two parts , from one which he must now choose wife wh le those the other are forbidden to hi m. The easiest way to classify the kinshi p system of Australia is by Kariera reference to these two norms . In the type we have the bilateral cross - cousin marriage and the classification of all relatives into two of lines descent . In the Aranda system we have marriage with the ’ ’ ’ ’ t of mother s mother s brother s daughter s daughter, and the classifica ion relatives into four lines of descent . Systems of the Kariera type are found in a limited area in Western — i Australia from the Ninety Mile Beach to the Fortescue R ver . It is possible that a system of the same type may have existed in the now f i di i extinct tribes at the head o the Murray R ver . Mo ficat ons of the iera Kar type are found in Arnhem Land in Northern Australia . of of Systems the Aranda type are very widespread , but there are ,

in ff . course , variations the di erent regions Such are found in Western l Mardudh unera Tal aind i of Austra ia ( , j , in a considerable area central i di of and northern Austral a , inclu ng part the Kimberley district , in South of of o n Australia east Lake Eyre , in part New South Wales , the Murray

River and in Western Victoria . These scattered regions from the West coast nearly to the East coast and from the extreme north-west to the south- east are probably parts of one continuous area over which systems of i n th s type obtai . In the eastern parts of Australia are found some systems which will be classifica referred to as belonging to the Kumbaingeri type . In these the tion of kindr ed is like that of the Kariera type into two lines of descent . ‘ ’ ’ of A man marries the daughter a man who is classified as mother s brother , ’ ’ but he may not marry the child of a near mother s brother or of a near ’ ’ n of father s sister . Systems of thi s type are found o the coast New

South Wales , and apparently in Western Queensland . i i The Wikmunkan type , found in the Cape York Pen nsula , agrees w th Kariera i i of the in classifying relatives nto two l nes descent, but has a THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES ’ special marriage rule by which a man marries the daughter of hi s mother s ’ of younger brother, but may not marry the daughter his mother s elder brother .

- In Western Australia at the Ninety Mile Beach, there is a system ’ based o n o r implying a marriage rule whereby a man marries hi s mother s ’ ’ ’

no t . i brother s daughter, but may marry his father s sister s daughter Th s is the Karadjeri type . In the north- east of Arnhem Land the system is also based on thi s

- matrilateral cross cousin marriage , but it has a much more complicated

of n n classification relatives tha the Karadjeri , involving the recog ition of seven lines of descent . o of In S uth Australia , at the mouth the Murray River, the system of the Yaralde and other tribes is related to the Aranda type by its classifica

of of hi tion kin into four lines descent , but has a marriage rule w ch simply o n prohibits marriage with near relatives the basis of clan relationship . In the Western Kimberley District there is a system in the Ungarinyin i Yaralde tribe wh ch has some similarity to the system, and like it is also n based o n the recognitio of four lines of descent . It permits marriage ’ ’ ’ ’ with the mother s mother s brother s son s daughter .

of In the north of Dampier Land , Western Kimberley, the system the

- Nyul Nyul is an aberrant type . Throughout a considerable part of the coastal area of north-west Australia the kinship systems are modified by the existence of a special ’ ’ of form marriage whereby a man marries his sister s son s daughter . i We must now return to the named d visions described earlier, and k hi consider their relation to the ins p system . When the divisions

— - — previously described moieties , sections , sub sections , etc . are examined hi in relation to the kins p system , it is found that they consist of certain relatives grouped together .

of ari Let us first consider the example the K era. This tribe has a system of four sections A B C D If we take a man of section A we find that his own section contains all ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ the men he called brother, father s father and son s son, and no others . ’ ’ The section D contains all the men he calls father or son . Section C contains all his mother’ s brothers ’ and sister’ s sons ’ and section B THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 2 3

’ ’ ’ ’ of consists the men he calls mother s father, mother s brother s son ’ ’ f . O and daughter s son A female relative belongs , course , to the same ’ of section as her brother . Thus for a man section A all hi s father s

sisters are in section D . The relations between the s ections may be shown by a table o f

equivalences . B C D ’ ’ Father s father, brother, son s son . B C D

B C D ’ ’ ’ Mother s father, mother s brother s son , ’ A D C daughter s son .

B C D ’ ’ Mother s brother, sister s son . D A B

B C D

Father, son .

D, C B A

The following chart shows the distribution of relatives through the sections — 6 Fo ur Sectio ns Kariera Typ e A B ’ ’ ’ ’ FATHER S FATHER Mother s mother MOTHER S FATHER Father s mother

’ ’ ’ BROTHER MOTHER S Mother s b rother s ’ BROTHER S SO N daughter

’ ’ ’ ’ SON S SO N Son s daughter DAUGHTER S SO N Daughter s daughter

’ Mo ther FATHER Father s sister

’ Sister s daughter SO N Daughter

We have seen that a kinshi p system Of the Kariera type groups all

of . h relatives into two lines descent Tracing descent t rough males only, the two lines are shown as follows

6 E i A a d m i ma e t ere is o f cours di rent a i nment o f o s n a e. W en E o s e e a ff e g , l h g f l h , , l g a ecti n rel tives in th e s o s. 24 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES II (B C) Mother’ s father Mother’ s brother Mother’ s brother’ s Sister’ s son Daughter’ s son

If we trace descent through females we get two different lines of descent ! (A + C) Y B D) Father ’ s father mother’ s Mother’ s father father’ s mother’ s brother) mother ’ s brother) Mother’ s brother Father Brother Mother’ s brother’ s son father’ s sister’ s son) Sister’ s son Son ’ ’ ’ ’ Son s son sister s daughter s Daughter s son son)

The patrilineal lines Of descent (I and II) constitute a pair Of patrilineal ! t moieties . The matrilineal lines Of descent ( and Y) consti ute a pair of of matrilineal moieties . The system four sections is constituted by the crossing Of patrilineal moieties and matrilineal moieties giving four 7 divisions in all . The rules Of marriage and descent Of the four- section system in the Kariera tribe are now seen to be the immediate result Of the more funda ’ ’ ’ mental rule that a man may only marry his mother s brother s daughter . ’ ’ ’ If I belong to section A my mother s brother s daughter is in section B . It should be noted that there are some women in that section whom I ’ ’ ’ ’ or cannot marry, those I call father s mother daughter s daughter if i o ne being barred , even their relationship to me is a very d stant , and f . i i o they are near my own age Wh le my w fe must be section B , our ’ children must belong to section D , and they in turn marry my sister s i ’ ch ldren, who are all in section C .

noth ern Let us turn now to the Aranda . In the part of the tribe there of is a system eight subsections .

7 Th e section A is constituted b all ersons wh o are and ! b t o se wh o are y p I , B y h and Y C b t wh ose o are and ! and b t ose wh o are and Y . II , y h II , D y h I HE T SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 2 5 A 1 Panank a Purula B 1 A 2 Knuraia Ngala B 2 C 1 Kamara Paltara D 1 C 2 Mb itj ana Bangata D 2

i of Each Of these subsections is found , on exam nation, to consist groups Of 1 . O f A all relatives If any man subsection is taken , it is found that his male relatives are divided up amongst the eight subsections according

to n . the accompanyi g chart (Female relatives have been omitted . ) — Eigh t Sub sections Arand a Typ e

Ego is A I A I B 1 FATHER’ S FATHER FATHER’ S MOTHER ’ S BROTHER

BROTHER MOTHER ’ S MOTHER’ S BROTHER’ S DAUGHTER ’ S SO N

SON ’ S SO N SISTER ’ S SON ’ S SO N

MOTHER ’ S MOTHER ’ S BROTHER MOTHER ’ S FATHER

MOTHER ’ S MOTHER ’ S BROTHER ’ S MOTHER ’ S BROTHER’ S SO N SON ’ S SO N

SISTER’ S DAUGHTER ’ S SO N DAUGHTER ’ S SO N

FATHER ’ S MOTHER’ S BROTHER’ S MOTHER’ S MOTHE R’ S BROTHER’ S SO N SO N

SISTER’ S SO N MOTHER ’ S BROTHER’ S DAUGHTER’ S SO N

MOTHER ’ S BROTHER FATHER MOTHER’ S BROTHER’ S SON ’ S SO N

From th is chart it is comparatively easy to follow o ut the rules of ’ ’ 1 nl marriage and descent . IfI am A I may o y marry my mother s mother s ’ ’ ’ 1 ’ B h . brother s daughter s daughter who is in . Our c ildren will be D O F 2 6 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AUSTRALIAN TRIBES ’ ’ ’ ’ C 2 My son marries my mother s brother s son s daughter in , and their 1 ’ children are in my own section A . My daughter marries my mother s ’ ’ ’ B 2 brother s son s son and their ch ildren are . My sister marries my ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ B 1 mother s mother s brother s daughter s son Of , and their children

1 are C . o f In the southern part the Aranda tribe there are not eight subsections , but onl y four sections . A Panank a Put ula B C Kamara Paltara D

But as the kinship system is the same as in the northern part Of the tribe, it follows that each Of these four sections contains the relatives who are divided between two subsections in the north . Thus for a man O f 2 hi s of 1 i section A , section contains the relatives A and A in the preced ng 1 2 mi $0 . chart . Si larly section B contains B and B and on It is clear therefore that the four sections in the southern Aranda are of ariera constituted very differently from the four sections the K . In the Kariera tribe a man of section A marries from section B a woman who is ’ ’ ’ his mother s brother s daughter . The relatives who are classified under hi Kariera i t s term amongst the are d vided in the Aranda into two groups , ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ mother s brother s daughter and mother s mother s brother s ’ ’ o f t i daughter s daughter, and when a man sec ion A marr es into section of l o ne B , it is a relative the second kind that he must marry, and on y Of that kind . An examination of the two charts (Kariera and Aranda)will show that in both the four- section system and the eight- subsection system the principle of classification rests o n the bringing together into the same ’ ’ s or hi s ection subsection Of the father s father and son s son . Thus I and ’ ’ my father s father and my son s son belong to the same section o r sub ’ ’ ’ section . Similarly my mother s brother s son s son belongs to the same ’ or o n f or section subsection as my mother s brother, and so every relative . We have seen (page 54) that in the Kariera system all relatives fall of i into two lines descent, tracing kinsh p through males . In the Aranda

of of Kariera system there are four patrilineal lines instead the two the . ’ ’ ’ These are ( I )Ego s own line headed by the father s father (2)the mother s ’ ’ ’ line descended from the mother s father (3 ) that Of the father s mother s ’ ’ O f brother, and (4) that the mother s mother s brother . A man marries ’ ’ ’ ‘ ’ into his father s mother s brother s line . It is in that line that hi s mother s

2 8 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES tells us very little about the social organization or the system of regulating marriage of that tribe . Thus we can find the same type of kinship system with the same method of regulating marriage (the Aranda system)in tribes Talaind i with two moieties (Dieri), in tribes with four sections ( j ), in W araman a tribes with eight subsections ( g ), and in tribes with four named — semi moieties (Mara). On the other hand , of two adjoining tribes both Mardudh unera with a system of four sections , as the Ngaluma and the , o ne has a kinship system of the Kariera type while the other has a system of the Aranda type . Let us now turn to a consideration of the relation between the kinship system and the local organi zation . We have seen that all over Australia the important local group is what is here called the horde , and that the

. latter, so far as its male members are concerned , is strictly patrilineal In the Kariera tribe we find that all the men of any given horde belong o wn to a single line of descent . My horde contains only men who are ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ o r . father s father, father, brother, son , son s son to me On the other hand all the men of my mother’ s horde belong to the other line of descent . The persons belonging to a horde by birth all belong to the own all same patrilineal moiety . Moreover my horde contains my ’ nearest relatives in the paternal line, my father s own brothers , etc . And ’ my mother s horde contains all my nearest relatives through my mother . Kariera We can therefore say that in the tribe , connected with each of horde there is a clan . I have defined a horde as consisting all men born into the horde together with their wives and unmarried daughters . The clan connected with the horde consists of all persons born in the horde .

The male members of the clan all remain in the horde from birth to death . The female members of the clan remain with the horde till they are 8 married and then are transferred to other hordes . Kariera This system of local clans is not confined to the tribe . We have very little inf ormation about the composition of the horde in the of great majority tribes , but evidence is accumulating that the system of n a b e patrili eal loc l clans was widespread in Australia , and may even

2 i s i stinctio n b et een th e o rde and th e associated o ca c an is t in a ver Th d w h l l l , I h k , y im ortant o ne to ma e and t ee n mind A orde c an es its com ositi o n b th e p k o k p i . h h g p y assin of omen o ut f it an int i ma ri At an ive mo ment it consists p g w o d o t b y r age . y g n of a b od o f eo e ivin t i Th h all its ma e y p pl l g o gether as a gro up o f famil es. e clan as l memb ers in one o r e b ut all i m in t t an es ts o er emale emb ers are o er ordes. I c h d , ld f h h h g its com o sition o n b th e b irt and de t it me rs p ly y h a h of s mb e . THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 29

of regarded as a normal , though not quite universal , feature Australian

social organization . In some parts of Australia there is found a system of matrilineal of clans . The clan consists of a body people who are or who regard

themselves as being closely related through females . The clans are

t. e. totemic , , they are identified by being each named after or connected hi with some species of animal or plant . C ldren belong to the clan of the

mother, and consequently the members of a clan are found scattered

through the tribe . of These matrilineal totemic clans can, course , exist in the same tribe with a system of patrilineal local clans and there is evidence that in some co - tribes the two clan systems did exist . To complete this account of the social organization of Australia it is of m necessary to make a brief reference to the subject tote ism . a Throughout Austr lia we find , with many local variations , a system of customs and beliefs by which there is set up a special system of relations between the society and the animals and plants and other natural objects of that are important in the social life . Some these customs and beliefs ’ it is usual to include under the term totemism . ’ In the strict and narrow sense of the term the social structure of a people consists of the system of formal grouping by which the social o ne m relations of individuals to another are deter ined , it is a grouping of human beings in relation to o ne another . But there is also a larger structure in which the society and external nature are brought together of n and a system orga ised relations established , in myth and ritual , or i between human beings and natural species phenomena . It is mpossible to give any succinct account of thi s social structure in the wider sense i as it appears in Australia , as th s would require a systematic treatment of the ritual and mythology . There are , however, some aspects of it that need to be mentioned . One of the most important kinds of totemism (if it is to be called such) found in Australia is that constituted by the existence of what we f or ‘ f o . may call , lack a better term, local totem centres The essential basis of this is the existence of certain sacred spots each of which is ’ a i ssociated with some natural species , and wh ch is regarded as the home ’ - or life centre of that species . Such a spot is what is meant by a totem ’ centre . The totem centre is generally a natural feature, very frequently E O F 3 0 TH SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AUSTRALIAN TRIBES

- or of a water hole , sometimes a rock a tree or clump trees , occasionally an arrangement of stones that is obviously artificial but is not regarded as such

v . o r by the nati es When the totem is a species of animal plant , the totem of hi centre is always a spot in the vicinity w ch the species is abundant . The objects that are treated as totems in this way are the animals and f or plants that are used for food and other purposes , other natural species such as mosquitoes , also rain, fire , hot weather, cold weather, winds ,

- - the rainbow serpent , high tide , babies , diseases , and occasionally artificial

- objects such as stone axes , nets , etc .

Normally, if not universally , there is an association between the totem centres and certain mythical beings who are believed to have existed of at the beginning the world , and who were responsible for the formation of the totem centres . of of Every totem centre lies , course , in the territory some horde , and there is therefore a special connection between the members of the horde and the totem . Usually each horde possesses a number of different totem centres , some of them more important than others . f of on In its normal orms , therefore , this type totemism is based

an association of four things . In most of the tribes that have this form of totemism there is a system of localised rites for of 50O f the increase natural species , 1 each local totem centre havi ng Its hr ) own l rite , performed usua ly by Pa fri /inea/ members of the clan or horde to

Loca/ Group which the totem centre belongs . It is convenient to denote these rites by the term ta/a by whi ch they are known in some tribes of

l a so - iflf ii bifllfld K riera . Western Austra ia ( , etc ) The called , properly azba biwa fl a t . , rites of the Aranda tribe are of this ype

of hi i . e. no t There is another system rites w ch are not localised, ,

al . performed at a given spot , but have loc references to the totem centres

of These are representations the doings of the totemic ancestors , and are really myths dramatically represented . In some of the tribes having this totemism of local totem centres there is a special connection between each individual and some one THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 3 1 hi totem . T s may take the form of a conception that the individual is a reincarnation of one of the totemic ancestors or the incarnation of an emanation from the totem centre . i i Th s form of totemism seems to be very widespread in Austral a . t i ll It was first s ud ed in detail in the Aranda tribe by Spencer and Gi en . Since then it has been found to extend over a large part of Western Aus tralia of . From the Aranda it extends to the extreme north the continent o n o ne to the side , and the tribes about Lake Eyre (Dieri , etc . ) on the McConnel other . Miss has made a study of this type of totemism in the

Wikmunkan tribe of the Cape York Peninsula . Recently it has been found in the almost extinct tribes of the east coast in northern New South

Wales and southern Queensland . It seems very probable that it extended through the now extinct tribes Of the south- east coastal districts as far as

Victoria . Far from being confined to the centre of the continent, as has been sometimes supposed , it is found also in the extreme west , the south

- east , the north east and the north . Another class of customs to whi ch it is usual to apply the term totemism consists of the use of natural species (generally ani mals)as repre ntativ se es Of social divisions . In some instances the division is named

- f after its animal representative . In the south east o the continent each of two - o f ni the sex groups has as its representative a species a mal . For

re re example , in the coastal regions of New South Wales the bat is the p sentative - - Cl maet r i e ir 1 . or sex totem of the men , and the tree creeper ( p ) that of the women . In several regions the moieties are named after o r of closely associated with species animals for example, eaglehawk and hi crow, crow and white cockatoo , w te cockatoo and black cockatoo ,

- hi . native companion and turkey, ll kangaroo and long legged kangaroo Similarly in the Southern Cross district of Western Australia the alter nating endogamous divisions (pairs o f sections) are named after two of f species birds . In some o the tribes with four sections and in some of o r those with eight subsections , each section subsection has a species i of an mal specially associated with it as its representative . In northern and in south- eastern Australi a there are tribes with matrilineal , and therefore not localised , clans , each clan being named

of . after or represented by a natural species , generally a species animal

In some parts there are patrilineal local clans that have each its totem , o r of representative species , but, so far as we know, without the system O F 3 2 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AUSTRALIAN TRIBES Yaralde local totem centres described above . An example is the tribe . Another important element of the structural system in which man and natural objects are united in Australian tribes consists of a classification r of natural species in relation to the social st ucture . Just as each human being has his own place in the social structure , belonging to a particular of moiety , section , clan , so each the important natural species is allotted its place as belonging to a particular moiety , section or clan . The mode

of . of classification varies , course, from one region to another We have completed our general survey of the forms of social structure ni o f in Australia . Individuals are u ted together into groups on the basis

of of sex and age , community language and customs (tribe), of possession of on k i and occupation a territory (horde), and the basis of insh p and hi marriage (family, clan , section , moiety). T s grouping determines the of one relations individuals to another in the social and economic life . One of the ta of culture is to organize the relations of human hi of beings to one another . T s is done by means the social structure and the moral , ritual and economic customs by and in which that structure

i hi s environment . In Australia th s involves by which the human society and the natural objects and phenomena that ff a ect it are brought into a larger structure, which it is very important to ffi f or i . recognize , but which it is d cult to find a suitable name The function of much of the myth and ritual is to maintain or create this struc m nl m f o . ture . What is com o y called tote ism is part this structural system It should be noted that the most important determining factor in relation to this wider structure is the strong social bond between the o r hi horde local clan and its territory . The strong local solidarity, w ch is i i i the most important thing in the soc al l fe of the Austral ans , is correlated with a very strong bond between the local group and its territory . There is an equally Strong and permanent association between the territory i and the animals and plants that are found on it . It is th s intimate of association of a group of persons with a certain stretch country, with - t its rocks and water holes and other natural fea ures , and with the natural of species that are abundant in it , that provides the basis that totemism of local totem centres that is so widespread and so important in the Aus tralian culture . PART II

IN the first part of thi s paper I have given a brief generalized description of Australian social organization . In this second part I shall give what is really only a systematic catalogue of the various types or varieties hi of that organization with w ch we are at present acquainted . On the accompanying map (Map 2) there are indicated fifty numbered areas Fo r of wh ich will be dealt with in order . many these areas our inf orma t of ion is very scanty , and for some them it is now too late to obtain any reliable inf ormation . Nevertheless it seems worth wh ile to make this catalogue of types or areas as complete as possible . Where inform ation is more abundant considerations of space forbid the inclusion of in more than the briefest possible outl e . For each area references are given to the literature dealing with the of social organization . Considerations space make quite impossible any l mi of . u critical exa nation the earlier writers It sho d be noted, however, that many of the accounts given of Australian social organization are m i i . naccurate, or by their incompleteness are islead ng Thus the state f ments of Howitt or o R . H . Mathews must not be accepted without careful criticism ; many of them are derived from informants who are h i decidedly unr eliable . Howitt mself is often responsible for much con ” one fusion . Thus , to give example, he uses the word tribe some m is l a local ti es to refer to what here ca led a tribe , sometimes to refer to i of m subd vision a tribe, and someti es to refer to a group consisting of a ” number of tribes with the same word for man . In the spelling of tribal names an endeavour has been made to intro u duce a uniform system . The exact pron nciation cannot of course be di of i i i in cated except by the use special letters and d acr t cal marks . It is hoped that it may be possible later to publish a glossary of native tribes i n with the pronunciation ind cated wherever it is precisely k own . In 3 4 THE SOCIAL ORGANI ZATIO N OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES

O F R RI 3 6 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AUST ALIAN T BES n Karimera Pald eri or names Ba aka, Burung , and j , phonetic variants of In Kariera N aluma these . the and g tribes the arrangement of the sections 9 is Banaka Burung Karimera Palyeri N amal Bail u Pand ima Ind ib andi In the y , g , j and j tribes the names are of iff similar but the arrangement the sections is d erent, being Banaka Karimera (Burong Padj eri In the Ngerla tribe natives from the country adjoining the Kariera trib e

Kariera i gave the arrangement as their own , wh le others from near the i Tar di Nyamal gave the Nyamal arrangement . An nformant of the gu tribe gave me the section system of that tribe as being Ban aka Palai (Burunga Kaimera Nan amada r i t hi In the g t ibe, wh ch apparen ly belongs to t s group, the sections are Banaka Kaimera Burong Milanga ) a is N amal a i The arr ngement the same as the y , the n me M langa taking the a eri place of P dj . i a r in of th e n We find here a cond tion th t recu s other parts conti ent, in which neighbouring tribes have the same names for the sections , but r of t t th e of the a rangement the sec ions , and consequen ly rules marriage and descent are different . Marriages between the two tribes are then arranged by regarding a given section in the one tribe as equivalent to a i t certa n section in the o her . The equivalence of sections between the Kariera N amal eal and y , as shown by gen ogies , is Nyamal Kariera

Banaka is equivalent to Palyeri Bur ong Burung Karimera Karimera Padj eri Banaka of i of Kariera in The tribes this area have k nship systems the typ e,

9 This and oth er tab les of sections are to b e read In th e same way as th e diagram of sections iven in th e rst art of t is a er a e g fi p h p p , p g 7 . THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 3 7 whi ch a man marries a woman who stands to him in the relationship of f ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ moth er s or brother s daughter father s sister s daughter . Marriage of actual first cousins is approved and is indeed regarded as the proper of nl c li i form marriage, though of course it o y oc urs in a m ted number of ’ n of insta ces . In all the tribes there is exchange sisters , a man s sister ’ ’ hi s f or S is given to wife s brother in return the latter s ister . In th is area the individuals born in one horde constitute a patrilineal Kariera one local clan . Thus in the tribe in horde all the persons b e longing to that horde by birth will belong to one or other of the couple of Pal eri il all sections Banaka and y , wh e the women who have come into the horde by marriage will belong to the other couple of sections ra l Karime . and Burung In another horde the position wi l be reversed, the persons born in the horde being Karimera and Burung while m their wives are Banaka and Palyeri . The local clan is therefore eces a s rily an exogamous group . A man cannot marry a woman born in the hi same horde as mself. al Each local clan is so , in a certain sense, a totemic clan, having a of of number of totems . In the territory each horde are found a number tala Kariera i totemic centres , called in , each of wh ch is specially associated n r tu with o e o more species of natural object . Those na ral species for which totem- centres exist in the country of a horde can be spoken of as o o n being the totems f the horde or f the local cla . There is no pro ’ hib iti on i tala aga nst eating or using one s totem . Associated with each o r - hi totem centre , there is a ceremony w ch is believed to produce an n of can i crease the totem . Thus at a kangaroo centre a ceremony be r pe formed for the purpose of making kangaroos more plentiful . The ceremony at a given centre is the possession of the clan to which that centre belongs and is performed by the men of that clan . There is a system of myths whi ch recount how the various totem- centres came into i al existence as the result of the doings of certain myth c ancestors . It may be noted that a totem- centre is usually a spot in the neighbourhood of which the totem species is very plentiful . f of There are traces in these tribes o a system section totemism . In the Pandjima tribe the euro or hill kangaroo is named wh ich is also of the name Of one the four sections , and it is regarded as belonging to that of hi section . An informant t s tribe stated that the crow and the rock wallaby are Banaka, while the eaglehawk and the plains kangaroo are O F 3 8 THE SOCIAL ORGANI ZATION AUSTRALIAN TRIBES hi Ind ib andi of hi Burung . In t s tribe, and in the j , terms relations p are applied to the animals that are thus associated with the sections . Thus an

' Indjib andi man of the Padj eri section called the hi ll kangaroo (panj eri) ’ aiali a tanzi nz , father s father ; the eaglehawk, being Burong, he c lled , ’ mother s father, and so on .

' b e Cnrtornr and raaitionr o tbe A b i inal ti G . T T or a e: o t 1 W it ne . N v N or /J . h ll , J , f g f lia Ro eb rne W et ter): A nrtra . ou 1 0 1 . , 9

z D . t no ra ical ot n t and Sc me . N es o h e e t rn 2 C ement E . . W s e . l , , h l , J E E h g ph ' ri ines Int A r /J iir tbno ra ni xvi 1 - ian Ab o . . e . E e 0 1 2 Austra . l g f g p , , 9 3 , 9 R d — h e Di tri A . R a c iff e ro n A T s b utio n of ati i . N ve Tr ro n . b es 3 . B w , ( l B w ,

i f e t rn Au tra ia Man 1 1 2 . n Part o W s e s . l , xii, 9 , 7 5

r n A R Radcliff e- ro n A ree Trib es of W estern u o . . . A stralia. 4 . B w , ( B w , Th

l o the R al A ntbro olo i al rtitnte iii 1 1 1 - 1 ourna o [ n . j f oy p g , xl , 9 3 , 43 94 D a m t n Mrs. . M. Soci r ani z ati o n of So e W es er Austra ia . ates n Trib es. 5 B , l O g l Re ort o tbe A nrtralarian A rrooiation or Me A dvancement o S cience xiv p f f f , ,

- 1 1 8 00 . 9 3 , 3 7 4

2 M h n ra . . ardud u e Type

hi one Mardudh unera of T s area contains only tribe, the the lower f part of the Fortescue River . It has a system o four sections with the arrangement (Banaka Kaimera Bo ongo Paldj eri The kinship system is the same as that of the next area to be considered in i of (Tala dj type)and approximates to the system the Aranda . Marriage ’ ’ with the daughter of the mother s brother or of the father s sister is pro h ib ited and the proper marriage is that with a second cousin . The totemic system of the Mardudh unera tribe is similar in al l of Kariera essentials to that the area just described ( type). Thus the tribe itself is in an intermediate position between the Kariera type and the Talaind i j type, having the totemic system of one and the kinship system of the other .

n A R R - i r . dc i ro n A ree r b es of A a ia o . a e . W estern ustr . B w , ( l ff B w , Th T l ii - i 1 1 1 1 0 . xl , 9 3 , 7 5 9

Talaind i 3 . j Type . Thi s area consists of the country lying on both sides of the Ash burton River for the lower two -thirds of its course and extends southerly i a Talaind i to the Gascoyne River . It conta ns eleven tribes , the No la, j , THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 3 9 Bini ura T uroro Burduna D i wali W arien a Baion g , j , , j , Tenma, g , Targari, g and Maia . nin i Each tribe is divided into hordes , a horde ow g and occupy ng 2 00 an area of apparently less than square miles . These tribes have a system of four sections with the arrangement Banaka Kai mera Burong Paldj eri

f Mardudh unera Thi s is the same as that o the . hi The kins p system bears a fairly close relation to the Aranda type . ’ not hi s - of A man may marry cross cousin , the daughter his mother s ’ ul brother or of his father s sister . The marriage r e may be most simply stated by saying that the proper persons to marry are those whose — i mothers are cross cousins . Th s means that a man marries the daughter ’ ’ ’ ’ of the mother s brother s daughter or of the father s sister s daughter f f hi . o o s . mother This is , course, the marriage rule of the Aranda type A man of the Banaka section should marry a woman of the Kaimera hi s section , but many of the women of that section even in own generation him Pald eri are forbidden to . In the j section in the generation above i of hi s own he dist nguishes two classes male relatives . One class includes ’ hi ll b /n hi s s an . father and father s brothers , whom he ca s The other ’ ’ ’ includes hi s mother s mother s brother s son and others whom he calls ’ t l n boon ni o nl of a . . g The sister of any is g , father s sister The sister any

l n a l a /i Kaimera of Pald er a r i . t g is c l ed n y . women are the daughters j women of ar /i A man may properly marry any woman who is the daughter a n y , t a l . al of ni o n i . e. but may not marry the daughter a g The g , , the man who ’ ’ al o r is potenti actual wife s mother s brother , is an important relative in i th s system . In any kinship system of the Aranda type it is often difficult f or a him man to find a wif e of the proper relationship to . Consequently many tribes have foun d it necessary to make some arrangement by which i t e. alternative marriages , . , marriages not stric ly in accordance with the

of . primary rule the system, may be arranged and recognized The per mitting of such alternative marriages of course involves some adjustment of i In a the kinsh p system . gener l it may be said that it is necessary, hi of where such marriages take place, to trace the relations ps the children n through o e parent only to the exclusion of the other . O F RAL 4 0 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AUST IAN TRIBES In thi s area such alternative or irregul ar marriages have taken place . The general principle adopted has been to trace the rela r nl tionship of the children of such marriages th ough the mother o y . In ” if the native phrase they throw away the father . Thus a Banaka man marries a Paldj eri instead of a Kaimera the children will be reckoned as n Kaimera thr ough the mother . If their section was determi ed by that Pald eri Pald eri of the father, they would of course be j , as Banaka and j form one patrilineal couple . Baion In the southern tribes of the area, Maia and g, the frequency Of irregul ar marriages had by 1 9 1 1 resulted in a partial breaking down of the i kinship organization . At least th s was the most plausible explanation of in i the condition found those tribes . Some ind viduals did not seem to be at all sure of the proper section rule and seemed even uncertain of n l i their ow section . It wou d seem also that th s process had begun before the white occupation and the consequent diminution in the native popula of nl tion, though course it has certai y been greatly hastened by these of i factors . It is obvious that a process th s kind must ultimately lead to i of t the d sappearance the four sections , and, unless the socie y is to become m hi completely disintegrated, the establish ent of some new form of kins p ni orga zation . In the case of the Ingarda tribe to the south of the Gascoyne River it was impossible to determine if they really had or had not a section system . They knew the names of the sections of the Maia and W arienga tribes of did and every man claimed membership a particular section . But it not seem that the section system was really existent as a functioning i element of the kinsh p organization . They might once have had such a system which had broken down or they might merely be trying to adapt themselves as well as possible to the social organi zation of the neighbour in g tribes . The totemic system of these tribes is based on the existence of local - of totem centres with rites for the increase the totem . Each horde hi one or possesses wit n its territory more totem centres , and at each centre

f or of the members of the horde perform rites the increase the totem .

Talaind i Bini ura - t In the Noala, j and g tribes the term for totem cen re is t ln ’ a . tan r In the more southerly tribes it is a a. To find out a man s totem or taln o r tanara hi totems one must ask, What is your and to t s question he replies either by naming the spot where the totem-centre is THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 4 1 situated or by mentioning the totem species . In conversation a native often refers to hi s totem as h is elder brother .

or Each horde , rather the patrilineal clan connected with it , is a separ ate independent totemic group . But these clans are grouped together - di into a number of what may be called inter tribal totemic visions . Each wo i i t . div sion has a name, with forms , mascul ne and feminine There ni i are altogether ne such d visions in the whole area, but some of them

‘ Ka ar u d d d i . N a uri are not found in all the tribes . The j d vision (fem g j ) is found in all the tribes . Any local clan that has rain as its totem belongs hi to t s division . Similarly any group that has the fire, sun, and hot

leri ilari . ariera W a . W W weather totem belongs to (fem ) The (fem . N o od i i all g g j ) d vision includes clans with an emu totem, and all the eagle l iard i . u . W i aru hawk clans belong to W j (fem Mamb la) The y (fem . N wol i l i g y )division is found on y in the southern tribes , while the d visions l u i Yir u Yerb id i Mirdirb a . N a d g (fem . j ), (fem g g j ) and Tambula (fem . B ion i . e. and a . Murdari) are absent in the south, , in the Maia g tribes

of a Baion hi In a list seventeen local cl ns of the g tribe , w ch is probably Kad ardu W al eri W ariera not complete , there are three j clans , seven , one , i W iard W il aru . three j , and three y

These totemic divisions provide a classification of human beings and al i so a classification of natural species . The classificat on of nature varies diff Kad ardu i or somewhat in erent tribes . The j d vision represents water hi l moisture, and therefore such t ngs as water birds , frogs , water p ants , and grass - seed (an important item of food the dependence of whi ch on Kad ar u aleri rain is very Obvious) are j d . Similarly since W has for its n hi pri ciple fire and heat, t ngs that are specially associated with hot weather, f such as snakes and lizards belong to this division . But for some o the other divisions it has not been possible to discover any simple principle hi h ff by w ch t ings are classified under one or other . Di erent stars , or of n portions the sky, are con ected with the various totemic divisions . The inter- tribal totemic divisions are thus connected with a phil osophy of nature that is of considerable interest in connection with the study of totemi sm . The mythology accounts f or the formation of the totem-centres by i i ff the myth cal ancestors , and th s seems to have been a ected by the exist i - i Yauardamai Burduna or ence of the nter tr bal divisions . Thus ( ) Kar O F R 42 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AUST ALIAN TRIBES damai (Baiong) seems to be the special culture- hero of the Kadj ardu

division . So far as the social organization is concerned the inter- tribal totemic divisions linked up diff erent local clans into what may be called cul t groups . For the most part it would seem that the increase rite for any totem was carried out at the totem- centre by the clan to whi ch that centre - or - l belonged, but in some instances it was an inter horde even inter triba

- Bib ind i a ermanent aff air . Thus the most famous rain totem centre is at j , p hi Yauardamai pool on the Ashburton River . It was at t s spot that was speared in a fight with another ancestor . In former times a ceremony for making rain used to be held here at which Kadj ardu men from several tribes used to be present and take part . Since the local clan is strictly patrilineal it follows that the totemic l n divisions are also patri i eal . It may be noted that in these tribes a l of hi person is not general y addressed by the term relations p , as is usual in di h o r Australian tribes , but by the name of the totemic vision to w ich he she belongs . W arien a In the g tribe there is a trace of section totemism . One i f ill ai n ormant stated that the h kangaroo belonged to Banaka, the pl ns

Karimera Pald eri kangaroo to , the crow to Burong and the eaglehawk to j , iff of a while another informant substituted two d erent kinds w llaby, walaina a weann f or o r j and , crow and eaglehawk as the representatives of Pald eri totems Burong and j .

- 1 . Yab aro o A bori iner o N art/J W ert A nrtralia Pert 1 8 , g f . h 99 . 2 Mat e s R t n . . . o o ica Notes on th e Ab o ri ina Trib es of W estern h w , H E h l g l g l

Austra ia aeenrland Geo ra bical n l - . our a xix 1 0 2 l Q g p j , , 9 4, 4 5 7 . A R R - . ro n dc e r n . . a liff o A T Distri uti n . h e b o of Nati e ib 3 B w , ( B w , v Tr es

in Part o f W estern Au tra ia a xii s . M n 1 1 2 l , , 9 , 7 5 .

. ates M D M S rs. . . ocia r ani z ati o n of S ome W estern Australian Trib es 4 B , l O g .

Re ort o tbe A nytralarian A rrociation or tae A dvancement o S cience xiv p f f f , , 1 1 8 — 00 9 3 , 3 7 4 .

- . Ra clif e r n - o A . R . n ub is ed ie d Notes 1 1 0 1 1 2 5 d f B w , U p l h F l , 9 9 .

4 . Nanda Type .

South of the Gascoyne River a strip of country on the coast was formerly occupied by tribes which differed in some respects from the l i in and tribes behind them, for instance in not practis ng circumcision and

in . subincision their initiation ceremoni es . One of these tribes was the

44 THE SOCIAL ORGANI ZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES and Didarak belonging to the Manitjmat moiety and Balarak and Nagarnuk f to the W ardangmat . But this con licts with the information given by

Grey and by Salvado . hi not The kins p system has been fully recorded, but my own informa hi l tion, w ch is woeful y incomplete, led me to the conclusion that it was apparently not of the Kariera type but might perhaps be near to the

Aranda type . Since these tribes possessed the normal division into patrilineal i hordes , and the moieties and the named d visions mentioned above were of matrilineal, it follows that each horde contained men both moieties i one i . and of more than named d vision I gathered a l ttle evidence , not conclusive, that the horde was exogamous . B alarak . The named divisions , , etc , may perhaps be regarded as being totemic . Grey says that they derived their names , at any rate in some k i . Na arnu instances , from an mals Thus the g were named after a small B na arn alarak O f balard. fish, g , and the after a small species opossum, Grey also reports statements of the natives that these families as he calls them had their origin in species of birds transformed into men . N otak No on uk Thus the g are derived from the widgeon, the g y from the Didarak Tondara of mountain duck, the and p from two species water Balarak fowl , and the from the swan . I obtained evidence that natural species were classified under these di Tondara visions . Thus the tree used for making spears belongs to the p division .

Besides these matrilineal totemic divisions , if we are to regard them m as such, there was another system of tote ic groups . Mrs . Bates states that every person had a totem denoted as borong and that the totems were ’ hereditary and that they belonged to the holders of the totem s water ”

or of . holes , to the occupants of the land in the vicinity these waters As it the land was possessed by the hordes and inherited in the male line, follows that these totems would be patrilineal . My own information agrees partly but not entirely with thi s state ment . There was a system of local totemic centres or totemic districts hi al similar to that w ch we have noted in the tribes ready described . The hl fi whole country, in other words , contained a number of roug y de ned districts each of which was associated with some particul ar species of al i i it f plant or anim wh ch was plent ful in . My best in ormant stated that THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 4 5 an indi vidual had as hi s totem the species associated with the district in ’ Manit mat which he was born . Thus my informant s father was j and

Tondara hi s rnali Ru ia/é p and had as totem the swan ( or b ). His mother was W ardangmat and Balarak and her totem was an acacia (rnen) of which n W ardan mat B a the gum is used for food . My i formant was g al ar k like éwanzar t hi s mother . He was born in a coun ry near Beverley and this 1 0 n was therefore his totem . It is possible that when my i formant spoke of the country in which he was born he may have meant that in which conceived i nl it he was , but that th s might be so o y occurred to me when was too late to pursue enquiries further .

nfl i of Though this seems to co ict w th the statements Mrs . Bates , of I think it does not really do so . Probably the territory each horde o r i hi included several totemic centres d stricts , w ch would therefore all i a l i belong to the same patr lineal horde . Norm l y, a ch ld would be born in ’ one of the districts of the father s horde and there woul d therefore be a u sort of patrilineal determination of the totem . It wo ld seem that persons of both matrilineal moieties and of any matrilineal divisions might have

boro ur i the same totem ( ng )but even th s is not quite certain .

is i i There a l ttle ev dence, not quite satisfactory, that there were

i talu localized ceremon es of type for the increase of the totem species . / A

’ It is unlik elyt h at we slfiIl lfe able to obtainany further inf ormation

’ th e etrib e l ffi 1 i about s s. We can on y a rm that they possessed ( ) a d vision i 2 divisiOns m or into matrilineal moiet es , ( ) other matrilineal of a tote ic i— of - quas totemic character, and (3 ) a system local totem centres , probably i i of talu di i with ncrease r tes the type, the totem of an in v dual being norm ally determined through the patrili neal horde . We meet here the first example of a social organization with a double system of totemism (one i i lin of l system matr l neal , the other patri eal) which we sha l find other examples . It is doubtless the complexity of the system that is responsible f or of i the ambiguity the statements of Grey, the earl est observer .

1 re A ocabu s o S outb W et tern A u tra i L nd . V lar o i be D ialect s l a. o on G y, G y f f ,

1 840.

l 2 . re . ournal: o Two E x edition: o D in er/er in N ortb W ef t and W ertcrn G y, G j f p f ) A ustrali V L n n 1 8 1 a durin tbe earr 1 8 8 and . 2 o s. o o . g y 3 7, 3 3 9 l , d , 4

1° Kwarnar is th e name of a honey-b earing flower from which th e natives made a s eet drink b soakin th e flo ers in ater w y g w w . R 46 THE SOCI AL ORGANI ZATION OF AUST ALIAN TRIBES

z Vocabular o tb e L an ua e in Common Use amon Mo ore . . D ercr tive , G F p y f g g g - don 1 8 2 . bori iner o W et tern A urtralia . L on tb c A g f , 4 ’ a ia R m 8 l . o e 1 1 M morie S toricbe dell A urtr . Sa a o Rudesino . e lv d , , 5

lian c l 1 a e 2 1 . u t a e Vo . Sa va o in Curr A r r Ra . l d , , , p g 3

lia L n n l ttl r in W ertern A urtra . o o 1 88 D iar o an E ar S e e . Moore . . , G F y f y d , 4 M Th e Marria e La s and Some Customs of th e W est Aus Mrs D . . ates . B , g w

l ournal iii— iv 1 0 - ri ine Victorian Geo ra bica 6 . trali an Ab o s. g g p j , xx xx , 9 5

ia r aniz ation o f Some W estern Austra ian rib es D M. So c . ates Mrs. . B , l O g l T

Re ort o tbe A urtralarian A rrociation or tb e A dvancement o S ci ence xiv 1 1 p f f f , , 9 4,

8 - 00 3 7 4 . ’ ’ - li ra ui M ri d Sud uest de L Austra e. d t de L an ai s D . . b us u ates Mrs. B , T O T gl ’ bie i 1 2 2 2 -2 0 urice De a o s e Revue d E tbno ra v . ar Ma s . p l f g p , , 9 3 , 5 4

- - R d Notes 1 1 0 1 1 2 . Radc i f e ro n A . . n ub i s ed ie l f B w , U p l h F l , 9 9

This region consists O f the south coast of Western Australia from L of somewhere about Cape eeuwin to a point somewhere west Esperance . Nothing is known about the social organization except that there were li al Mani t mat W ardan mat patri ne moieties having the same names , j and g , li of as the matri neal moieties region 5 .

i a mes. D e Ein eb o rnen Austra i ens i re Sitten und eb r uc e 1 . ro ne a . B w , J g l , h G h ’ i un n ii - Peterman r M tteil e 1 8 6 . g , , 5 , pp 443 4 54.

2 Curr . M. Th e Austra ian Race l . Vo . 1 . , E , l ( , p ’ D e ri ti Nind Scott sc on of th e Natives of Kin eor e s Sound. ournal , , p g G g j o tbe R al Geo ra bical S ocie 1 1 8 2 f oy g p ty, , 3 . Mat e R t . s . . no o ica Notes o n th e Ab ori ina Trib es of W estern 4 h w , H E h l g l g l

Au r u land o ra ical ou a - st a ia. eens ix Ge b rn l x 1 0 2 . l Q g p j , , 9 4, 4 5 7 ’ ’ a Mr D M - . tes s . . Trib us du Sud u st l t ali u d no ra i . e de Aus r e. Rev e E tb b e 5 B , O g p , iv 1 2 2 2 -2 0 , 9 3 , 5 4 .

From Mount Jackson northward through the Murchi son district H and i t and to Peak ill, extend ng eas ward into the arid country there are tribes about whi ch we know practically noth ing except that they have the of i imi o system four sect ons . The section names are s lar to those f the — Pald eri tribes between the Gascoyne and De Grey Rivers Banaka, j , Kaimera . Bur ul u , Burong But in some tribes Banaka is replaced by g Pald eri Taruru and in some j is replaced by .

1 Mrs . ates D M . . . Socia r aniz ati n f some W e tern A rali an Trib o o s ust es. B , l O g Re ort o tb e A urtralarian A ssociation or tbe A dvancement o S cience xiv 1 1 p f f f , , 9 3 , 8 - 00 3 7 4 . THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 47

at R a i e rib es of W e tern M e s . . N t v s Au stra ia. Proceedin : o tbe h w , H T l g f A m ican iloro ical ocie i 1 00 1 2 - 1 2 er Pb b S . p ty, xxx x , 9 , 3 5

a ica Notes o n th e b M t e s R . t no o A o ri in . a rib es of W est rn h w , H E h l g l g l T e ’ bical ourna xix - Austra ia u enrlana Geo ra l. 1 0 . e 2 l Q g p j , 9 4 , pp . 4 5 7 . Mat e s R Notes on th e Ab ori ines of th e Nort er . . n Territor W estern h w , H g h y,

Austra ia and ueens and. ueenrland Geo ra bical ournal ii 1 0 l Q l Q g p j , xx , 9 7, 1 - 1 3 .

In a region around Southern Cross , extending northwards to Mount to di — Jackson , eastwards Coolgar e and south easterly nearly to Esperance, there was another form of social organization whi ch has been recorded by

Mrs . Bates . of hi of i i The tribes t s region , wh ch the tr bal names are not known , al n i i i di are divided into two ternati g endogamous d v s ons . One vision Biran umat bira is named g , from n, a species of kingfisher, and the other is D uamat a u - Mero r ornatur . of named j from j , the bee eater, p The rule marriage is that a Birangumat must marry a Birangumat and their children D uamat D uamat D uamat i are j . Inversely j marries j and the ch ldren are Biran umat g . In this system we have a special modification of the system of four i one sections , in wh ch the sections are unnamed, but there is name for of r each intermarrying pair sections . The organization may be epre sented thus Birangumat A Birangumat B (Djuamat C Djuamat D )

Thus each of the two divisions really consists of two parts corresponding of is to the sections other tribes . That this really so is shown by the fact that to the north of Coolgardie there are tribes with a four- section system . Burong Kaimera 7Ib arga Th aruru and that the Birangumat division is regarded by the natives as equivalent of Kaimera il D uamat the two sections Burong and taken together, wh e the j i Th aruru Ib ar a d vision is equival ent to the sections and g . By means of these equivalences inter-marriage between the tribes having the different systems is regulated . i h i . l Mrs Bates has col ected a few terms of k ns p , but the information 4 8 THE SOCIAL ORGANI ZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES given is not sufficient to permit us to determine the nature of the k inship

system . of our n These tribes had a system totemism, but again k owledge of it i o t . f is inadequate . Mrs Bates states that boys inher t the totem heir i father and girls that of their mother, but some unpubl shed genealogies f collected by Mrs . Bates hersel do not confirm this .

D M r aniz ation Socia e des Biran oumat et D ouama A ates Mrs. . . t us B , O g l g j ( ’ tralie ccidenta e raduit de L an ais ar Maurice Dela o sse Revue O l ), T gl p f . ’ - d E tbno ra bie vi 1 2 2 0 . g p , , 9 5, 7 4

of of Eastward Esperance there is a group tribes in which , as far

nf . as i ormation goes , there are neither moieties nor sections Mrs . D . M . Bates inf orms me that in thi s region the people are divided into totemic n groups , each havi g a name formed from that of the totem with the

i of ff Dwerdawak dn/erda z din o Gumalwak add tion the su ix wak, as ( g ) = f umal . a tu o g grey opossum) The re l na re these groups is unknown .

Mrs. D M n b lis d i 1 1 2 ates . u e e d Notes . B , . U p h F l , 9

0 i . 1 . Dier Type This area includes a considerable portion of the colony of South

Australia . Throughout it there is a system of matrilineal moieties with

o r i . the names Kararu and Materi, d alectic variants of these The best n known tribe of the area is the Dieri o the east of Lake Eyre . k i The Dieri have a nship system of the Aranda type . The description of it given by Howitt from inf ormation supplied by Siebert is not entirely of i hi of Urab unna satisfactory . An account the k ns p system the Arabana ( ) and ill i i has been given by Spencer G en, but a critical exam nat on suggests of that by reason its incompleteness it is probably inaccurate, and that the Arabana system may well be very similar to the Dieri . The totemic system of the Dieri is interesting and important as it combines a series of matrilineal totemic groups with a series of patrilineal mi of tote c groups . Each of the two moieties is divided into a number of matrilineal totemic clans . The members a given clan are, of course, i ll scattered throughout the tribe . These matril neal totems are ca ed m z du.

of a i There is also a system patrilineal totemic cl ns , each of wh ch is one hi t r li hi s s in a a. associated with loca ty . A man inherits from father p THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 49

i ul to Th s is a relationship to a partic ar natural species (the totem), a

o r di i - mur -mura a i . e particular spot strict wh ch is the totem centre, to a , . ,

i - mura a myth cal being associated with the totem centre, to certain songs ( n/ima hi f or ) which relate to this myt cal being , and to a rite which has its i purpose to increase the totem species . Th s patrilineal totemism is in essentials similar to the totemism of local totem- centres and increase rites already described for Western Australia .

intara i . e. A man also bears a special relation to the p , , the patrilineal

hi madu i of i s k a . totem his mother, wh ch is Further, a ch ld may be given madu of a name which has reference to the matrilineal totem ( ) his father . ’ Spencer and Gillens account of the totemism of the Arabana is ul i probably inaccurate . It wo d seem likely that th s tribe has the same double system of totemism as the Dieri . A sociological survey of thi s area is at present (1 93 0) being carried u o t by Dr . Elkin .

h urmann Re C Tbe A bori inal Tribes o Port L incoln Ade ai Sc v . . W . e 1 8 I . 6 , , g f , l d , 4 .

Re rinted in W o o ds N ative Tribes o S outb A ustralia Ade aide 1 8 ( p , f , l , 79 , 207

2 n Samue Tbe Manners and Customs o tbe D i erie Tribe o A ustralia . aso n G , l , f ey f R inted in o o s Tb e ative Tribes o S outb t A bori ines 1 8 . e r W N A us ralia g , 74 ( p d , f ,

Ade aide 1 8 2 - 0 and in Curr Tbe A ustralian Race 1 886 ii - 1 0 l , 79, 53 3 7 , , , , 44

i t Th e Dieri and t er Kindred rib es of Central Austra ia o t A . W . l . 3 . H w , , O h T ournal o tbe A ntbro olo ical Insti tute 1 8 1 0- 1 0 j f p g , xx, 9 , 3 4 .

d i n ill n ativ i o t l S encer a n a d e . Tb e N e r bes en ra A ustralia . T C 4 . p , B l w , G , F J , f , 8 ra nna 1 99 (U b u ).

S en er a d in nd i n Tbe N ortbern Tribes o C entral A ust alia c a e . r 5 . p , B l w , G ll , F J f , 0 a unna 1 9 4 (Ur b ).

- lia 0 itt A . ative Tribes o S outb ast A ustra 1 1 1 1 6 . o W . N E 8 H w , , f , 9 4 (44, 9 , 5 , 7 5,

E l ann r ar D ie in ebor nen d r Kolonie Siidaustralien erlin 1 08 m E e e . 7 . y , E h d, g , B , 9 8 ro n A R Rad iff e- ro n A Th e Re ations i S stem of th e Dieri . c . B w , . . ( l B w , l h p y

i an Tr b e M xiv 1 1 . , , , 9 4, 3 3 Descri tion of T as r Au tra ian Stirlin Sir r nd ite R . . a a W a . o o s 9 g, Edw d , , E , p , l i tract r e Reut er anu Ab o r ina Direction Si ns b ein an ab s om th . . M g l g , g f J G h ri t alian Museum i 1 1 1 0 - 1 sc . Records o tbe S outb A ustr . p f , , 9 9 , 5 5 5

l u a 2 m e G an i t n ava L i in entra A strali Lo n n 1 . 1 0 o d A s o G . S e e C o . H , . , , , g f , d , 9 4 1 1 Sieb ert tt lob s ii 8- . o in G u cv . , O , , x , 4 49

1 2 Reut r i n ut Austra ian Museum G . Manus r t i th e So . . e . c h , J , p h l

This area includes the tribes on both sides of St . Vincent Gulf in O F 50 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AUSTRALIAN TRIBES

South Australia . These tribes are now extinct, and we know almost nothing about their social organi zation . For the tribe on Yorke Peninsula we have brief statements from two u n sources . The Rev . W . J . K h , who calls the tribe the Turra, stated n that there were patrilineal moieties divided into patrili eal totemic clans . f o . . From the accounts T M Sutton, published by himself and by Howitt, of li we can only gather that there were a number patri neal totemic groups .

. i These, according to Sutton , were not exogamous A man m ght marry a woman of the same totem as himself. The totems appear to have been i n localized, for Sutton states that the tribe was d vided i to four local

own . divisions , each having its totems Nothing is known about the social organiz ation of the tribes about

Adelaide .

1 Pison and o itt Kami aroi and Kurnai Me b ourne 1 880 . H w , l , l , ri ine n r Peninsula Th e Ad ah durah rib e of Ab o s o Yo e . M. 2 Sutton . . , T , j T g k Proceedings of tbe Royal Geograpbical S ociety of A ustralia ; S outb A ustralian

Brancb 1 88 - 8 1 , 7 ( 7

- i e Trib es of Sout ast Austra ia 1 0 . Narran a itt A W . Nat v o . 3 . H w , , h E l , 9 4 ( gg , 6 7 ,

1 2 Yaralde . . Type This area consists of the lower portion of the Murray River and ’ one includes two groups of tribes . In group the word for man is

' arinc eri of n b , and the group has been usually referred to in the literature

n . Australian eth ology as the Narrinyeri It consists of several tribes ,

Yaralde Tan analun one hi the , g and or two other tribes w ch formerly of Portaulun occupied the lakes at the mouth the Murray, and the and

Ngaraltu on the Lower Murray itself. In the other group the word for ’ ’ m r N an uruk u N ai au e u. man was The Meru tribes are the g g , g y , it N auait Yirau N inta . y j , , Yuyu and g j of Throughout thi s area there is an absence moieties or sections .

The important social group is the patrilineal totemic local clan . The

r e Ya ald tribe included somewhat more than twenty such clans . The only kinship system that has been thoroughl y studied is that of Yaralde hi i of the tribe . T s , wh le not strictly speaking the Aranda type, has a very close relation to that type . It distinguishes the same four lines ’ of f descent as the Aranda type , namely those from the ather s father, ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ mother s father, mother s mother s brother and father s mother s brother .

R A 52 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUST ALI N TRIBES

1 T a wuron . 3 . j p g Type This area includes the western part of Victoria and a small part of

South Australi a east of the Murray River . The native popul ation is

if . in almost, not quite extinct It is impossible now to determ e the names of the tribes that formerly occupied the region . Most of the names ” recorded by earlier writers as names of tribes are really names of

- h of . t e subdivisions tribes , possibly sub tribes Such are names given by Brough Smyth and Howitt . Amongst those given by Dawson Tj apwurong (spelled by h im Ch aap W uurong)would seem to be probably a true tribal name . The whole area would seem to have possessed the same type of

al n i iff u soci orga ization , of wh ch the d erent acco nts are unsatisfactory t and somewhat confused . There were two matrilineal moie ies with the Kamad o r Kro k id . names j and j , phonetic variants of these

f k i hi ms T a wuron so A list o ns p ter of the j p g was published by Daw n . i i i of th e Th s list suggests that the tribe had a k nsh p system Aranda type, ’ Howitt s n or one clo sely related to that type . accou t of th e rul es of marriage of the W otj ob aluk would also possibly fit in with a system o f ’ Howitt s of Aranda type . On the other hand account the marriage ul of u a alk k i of i r es the J p g suggest a insh p system the Kumbainger type . A man marries a woman who stands to him in the same general relation ’ ’ ’ ‘ t sh e ship as mo her s brother s daughter, but may not be a near relative si il and must come from a distant locality . A m ar statement was made ’ to me in 1 9 1 4 by a native of Kingston . The term there for mother s ’ o narit i nari/éuri f br ther s son and daughter are j and , and my in ormant

a hi s nari/éuri st ted that a man would marry one of , but not the daughter ’ of hi s own mother s brother nor any woman from hi s own part of the

. in hi country Such a statement, without a complete study of the k s p i is of system, wh ch it now too late to make, cannot, course, be regarded as n being at all conclusive . It seems quite certai , however, that throughout thi s whole region marriage with the mother’ s brother’ s daughter and the ’ ’ father s sister s daughter was forbidden, and that a man was not allowed hi ’ ’ wn . hi s n s o i . e to marry into , , father s horde, nor i to his mother s i di horde, and must always obtain a w fe from some horde that was stant h is from own .

In some parts of this area, and probably throughout the whole of THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 53 i it the moieties were d vided into matrilineal totemic clans . It would m seem that in some, or all of the tribes , the tote ic clans were associated with diff erent points of the compass . There was a classification of a large of t number na ural species , these being divided in the first instance into i two two parts correspond ng to and belonging to the moieties , and those of each part being further subdivided between the clans .

ila i and u itt A W . Kam ro K rnai 1 880 1 n and o . 6 8 1 Piso L . . , , H w , , , , ( b c Booandi Tribe o ut mit Mrs ames S . T k S o b A ustralia 2 S . n A bori ines . h, J , f g ,

Adelaide 1 880 . ,

me be A ustralian A bori ines Me b o urne 1 88 Da son a s T 1 . 3 . w , J , g , l ,

A bori ines o ictori 2 Melb ourne 1 Sm t ro u Tbe V a vo s. 8 8 4 . y h, B . B gh, g f , l , , 7 .

ativ Tribes o S outb - ast u tralia itt A Tbe N e E A s 1 0 . o . W . 5 . H w , , f , 9 4 R thn ical Notes o n th e Ab ori ina ri e e H. o o T b s of w Sout 6 Mat e s . N . h w , , E l g g l h a and to ria ournal o tb e Ro al S oci o N ew S outb W ales iii W es Vic . e v l j f y ty f , xxx ,

1 0 2 86 9 4, (

- 1 . 4 . Wati wati Type

This area includes a number of small tribes on the Murray River n and extending some way up the Murrumbidgee River . The tribal ames are in most instances formed by reduplication from the word No ’ in f th e the language o tribe . The best known tribes are the Karin or

Kerinma Lait u-lait u Tatati o r - - - , the j j , Tati tati , Waka waka, Mati mati,

- - - Wati wati, Wamba wamba and Baraba baraba .

of of Some these tribes , and possibly all them, had matrilineal Kil ara moieties , with the same names , Makwara and p , as in the next area to be described Those lower down the river, and possibly l the others also, had matri ineal totemic clans , each moiety being sub of i of divided into a certain number of clans . A list kinsh p terms the Wati-wati tribe published by Cameron suggests strongly that this tribe in hi of had a k s p system the Aranda type .

1 e erid e Peter th e Ab ri ine n ab itin th e reat La u trine and . v o s c s B g , , Of g I h g G Riverine De ression of th e Lo er Murra Lo er Lac lan and Lo er p w y, w h w

Darlin o na out al 1 - w ii . . ur l o tbe R al S ocie o N e S b W es v 1 88 g j f oy ty f , x , 3 , 9 74

2 Cameron A L tes n i es of ew S t rnal o P. No o Some Tr b N ou a es. ou . . . W , , h l j f be A ntbro i - t olo cal Institute xiv 1 88 0 . p g , , 4, 3 44 3 7

- i n A . R Ra te n th e S i aniz at o of ro n dcliffe ro n A . No s o oc al r 3 . B w , . ( B w , O g Australian ri r a al A nt o l ical n titute viii T b es. ou n l o tbe R br o o I s j f oy p g , xl , 1 1 8 2 -2 9 , ( 49 5 R 54 THE SOCIAL ORGANI ZATION OF AUSTRALIAN T IBES

1 5 Bak andj i Type . Thi s area includes the country on both Sides of the Darling River from its junction with the Murray to about Bourke . It is characterized by the matrilineal dual division with the moiety names Kilpara and l i l Makwara, and matri ineal totemic clans . For the rest we know pract ca ly n nothing about the social orga ization .

deric O n Some Cust ms of th e Ab ori ines of th e Ri er Darlin 1 onne re o v . . B y, F , g g

- ournal o tbe A ntbro olo ical I nstitute iii 1 88 1 2 2 1 6 . j f p g , x , 4, 3 h e r i i i ns and nitiation Cerem ni e R H. T ou D v s o o s of 2 Mat e s . . h w , , G p I k ri e l o tbe R al S ocie o N ew S outb W ales ii th e Bar un ee b s. ourna j T j f oy ty f , xxx ,

- 1 8 8 2 1 2 . 9 , 4 55

b t - t tralia 1 0 2 - 0 W . N ative Tri es o S ou b E as A us 8 o itt A . 3 . H w , , f , 9 4, ( 9 5 , 9 R er e rnen stra i Mat e s H. em un en b er die Ein b o Au ens Mit fi . 4 . h w , . , B k g g l

t ilun r A ntbro lo isc n s a t in ien i 1 06 1 6 - 1 8 e en de o be Gesell cb W v 6 . g p g f , xxx , 9 , 7

R Ra e- r No te on th e Social r aniz ation o ro n A . . dcliff o n A s f 5 . B w , ( B w , . O g Austra ian rib e urnal al nt o olo ical Institut iii s. o o i be R A br e v l T j f oy p g , xl ,

1 2 8- Mar ra 1 8 au trib e . 9 , ( 4 9 )

i - Th s area, consisting of the extreme south west part of Queensland, hi is one about w ch very little is known . It would seem that it has matrilineal moieties with the names Kulpira and Tinewa (or Yungo and Matara for the Kurnandab uri tribe) and possibly matrilineal totemic clans .

t R i n t ut ra ian b ri ine c in Ma e s . H. Div sio s of h e So Aust A o s. Pro eed s h w , , h l g g

- o i be A merican Pbiloso bical S ocie i 1 00 8 . f p ty, xxx x , 9 , 7 9 3

itt A ti rib u - a t u tralia 1 0 a tr nta o . W . N a ve T es o S o tb E s A s . Y n uwu H w , , f , 9 4 ( , Kurnandab uri .

Mat e R ri in r aniz ati an erem ni e th e u ra ia s . . Th e on d C o s of A st n h w , H O g , O g l Ab o ri ines Proceedin s o tbc A merican Pbiloso bical S ocie xxx1x 1 00 g . g f p ty, 9 , 6 - 8 55 57 .

Mat e s R i h ri ina H. t no o ca No tes o n t e Ab o Trib es f ueensland . o . h w , , E h l g l g l Q u n land o ra i al rnal 1 0 - ee s Ge b c ou . Q g p j , xx , 9 5, 49 7 5

N ari 1 . o 7 g g Type .

On the tablelands of the country where the Murray River takes its of t rise there was a small group tribes now extinct . Howitt men ions N ari o W ol al Yaitmath an three tribes , the g g , the g , and the g, the last named being divided into the Th eddora-mittung and the Kandangora THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 5 5 N arru u W al alu mittun . g Mathews gives three tribes with the names g g , g uroa and Dh udh .

of n Ofthe social organization these tribes we k ow very little . Howitt states that they were divided into matrilineal moieties named after the i i i eaglehawk and the crow, the moieties being subd vided into matr l neal ’ totemic clans . With regard to marriage Howitt states that a man s ’ ” i of hi s proper w fe was the daughter, own or tribal, mother s brother . r of of i A man might mar y a woman any totem the other moiety . Th s Kariera of suggests a kinship system of the type, but in the absence more ’ detailed information it is not safe to put too much weight on Howitt s bare statement .

on ffi n Biduelli Howitt, apparently insu cie t evidence, considers the i i n N ari o ol a to have had a matr l neal orga ization similar to the g g and W g l .

itt N ative Tribes o S outb—E ast A ustralia 1 0 1 . o H w , f , 9 4, (77 , l z Mat e s Vo cab ular of th e N arru u Trib e. ourna o tbe Ro al S ociet o . h w , y g g j f y y f

N ew S outb W ales ii . , xl , 3 55

worun 1 8 W o e . . g Type

hi of i i i to T s area Victor a, from Port Ph l p the Murray River seems to W oeworun Bunwurun or Bunuron have contained seven tribes , the g, g g, Ta unwurun W ud awurun D ad awurun a . j g, j j g, g g and Banger ng Each trib e was divided into a number of local groups which may perhaps be — i regarded as sub tribes . Thus , accord ng to Parker, there were seven D ad awurun such groups in the j j g, and Howitt enumerates five for the ” / worun t i W o e . g Parker calls the tribes pet y nations , and appl es the

- term tribe to what are here called sub tribes , and states that the territory of each sub—tribe was divided between smaller groups which he calls ” l ul i in of fami ies , but which wo d seem to have been patr l eal hordes the ” i i normal Australian type . Howitt applies the term tribe ind scr minately — to both tribes and sub tribes . These tribes had patrilineal moieties named after the eaglehawk ’ Howitt s i and the crow . If statements can be rel ed upon, all the members of W o eworun t all the g tribe belonged to the crow moie y, and those of the Bunwurun t ul of g tribe to the eaglehawk moie y, so that by the r e moiety of one i exogamy, a man the tribe had to obtain a w fe from the other .

not n i The kinship system is k own , but accord ng to a statement of R 56 THE SOCIAL ORGANI ZATION O F AUST ALIAN TRIBES

- of i . e. Howitt, cross cousin marriage , , marriage between the children a hi brother and a sister, was pro bited . li It seems that these tribes had some system of patri neal totems , but we know practically nothing about its place in the native life .

S Tbe A bori ines o A ustralia a L ecture 1 8 . Par er . . 1 . k , E , g f , , 54 ia 2 1 8 8 Tbe A bori ines o Victor vo s. . 2 Sm t . rou . y h, R B gh, g f , l , 7 llections o S uattin in Victoria Me b ourne 1 88 Curr ard H. Reco 3 . , Edw , f q g , l , 3 ,

(Bangerang).

Curr Tbe A ustralian Race 1 886 iii 2 - 2 6 4 . , , , ( , 5 3 5 7 , 5 7

N ative Tribes o S outb - E ast A ustralia 1 0 0 W . o itt A . 5 . H w , , f , 9 4 , (7 , t n i a t n th e Ab o ri ina rib es f New S H. o o c No es o o out Mat e s . 6 . h w , R , E h l g l g l T h o i o N ew S outb W ales iii W a es and Victoria. ournal o tbe R al S c e v l j f oy ty f , xxx ,

1 0 2 9 4, ( 97

hi Kurnai This area contained five tribes w ch are called by Howitt the , ” from the word for man . They had neither moieties nor sections . ’ Howitt s incomplete account of the kinship system does not suffice to permit us to discuss its relation to other Australian systems . The terminology conforms to systems of Aranda type in the classification of di of grandparents , and this would suggest some sort of mo fication an

- i e Aranda system . If Howitt is correct in stating that cross cousins , . . , ’ ’ i ’ ’ mother s brother s ch ldren and father s sister s children, were called ” brother and sister, and in the implication that there were no other terms by which these relatives could be distinguished from brothers hi ff and sisters , we must conclude that the kins p system di ered in important respects from any other known in Australia .

These tribes had a system of patrilineal totems , about which, however, f we have no detailed in ormation . m R 1 . S t b i in s o ic a 2 . rou Tbe A or e V tori o s. 1 8 8 v . y h, B gh, g f , l , 7 2 Pison L . i a . an la d o tt A K mi roi and Ruruai . W . , , H w , . , i — . A . o tt W . ativ ib s o outb ast A st alia 1 0 N e Tr e S E u r . 3 H w , , f , 9 4

Thi s area consists of the coastal districts of the southern part of New

South Wales . Comparatively little is known about the now extinct tribes that inhabited it . They had neither moieties nor sections . The i i A k nsh p system has not been properly recorded . statement by Mathews THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 57 t hi r l and Everi t, w ch cannot be regarded as ve y reliable, wou d indicate the existence of a rule of marriage different from any other that has been found in Australia . According to these authors , a man marries the ’ ’ - of hi s atber s i . e. t s daughter f female cross cousin, , he marries his fa her ’ ’ ’ ’ t t h ’ ’ mo her s bro her s daughter s daughter, or his fat er s father s sister s ’ daughter s daughter . It is possible that there has been a conf usion in th e of of nf a interpretation the statements the native i orm nts , and that t l these ribes real y had the Aranda rule, by which a man marries the ’ - daughter of his inotber s female cross cousin . It is at any rate now too t iz of late to s udy the social organ ation these tribes . There was a rule a di n own that a man must obtain a wife from some loc lity sta t from his . These tribes had patrilineal totemic clans whi ch were possibly In localized . addition they seem to have had a system of personal totems similar to that of area 2 1 (Kamil aroi type). V R n eritt l fi ss M. M. Th e r aniz ati n H. a d v o Lan ua 1 Mat e s . e h w , , E , , O g , g g and Initiation Ceremonies o f th e Ab origines of th e South- East Coast of

New S t W a es ournal o tb e R al S ociet o N ew S outb W al s ou . e x iv h l j f oy y f , xx ,

- 1 00 2 6 2 2 8 1 . 9 ,

2 witt A ati e rib s o outb— ast A ustralia 1 0 Yuin or r o . W N v T e f S E Mur in . H , , 9 4 ( g trib es 8 1 1 , , 3 3 ,

2 1 . . Kamilaroi Type

‘ Th is area consists of the eastern portion of the Murray-Darlin g um of of basin . It was formerly occupied by a n ber tribes considerable W irad eri W on aib on Kurnu Murawari Baranb in a \Veilwan size, the j , g , , , y , , i f Yualara . o , and Kamilaroi Some these tribal names are formed from

of wira won ai weil ual the word for No in the language the tribe, , g , , y ,

é arnil . In all the tribes of this area there are four sections with the names a and t m I ath a Ip i, Kambu , Mari Kabi , wi h fe inine forms p , Butha, Matha

ab h a and K it . But we shall see that the articulation of the sections with the kin ship system is not the same in some parts of this area as it is in

t i - and Western Australia . The ma ril neal moieties , Ipai Kambu Kabi

of . W on aib on Mari have names in some the tribes . In the g tribe the f Kil un ara t r . o former is p g , and the la ter Makanga a In parts the Kamilaroi

Ku atin . tribe the first is p , and the second is Dilbai li or In each tribe the matri neal moiety, whether named not, is sub f divided into a number o matrilineal totemic clans . O F R R S 58 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AUST ALIAN T IBE The kinship systems of these tribes are to be classified as belonging iff to the Aranda type, although they d er in some points from the actual system of the Aranda tribe . They are in general fairly similar to the of system of the Talaindji tribe in Western Australia . The basis the marriage regulation is that the proper persons to marry are the children ’ ’ f - o two female cross cousins , so that a man marries his mother s mother s ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ or hi s brother s daughter s daughter, mother s father s sister s daughter s daughter . It is not possible to give a simple statement of the marriage rule in terms of the sections for some of the tribes of this area . The descent of h i of I ath a the sections is matrilineally determined . Thus the c ldren an p of woman are always Kambu and Butha , and those a Butha woman are h a l f or of t I at . always Ipai and p , and simi arly the sections the other moie y But in some of the tribes a man of one section was not limi ted in seeking hi i and i one . a w fe to other section The reason for t s is that k nship , consequently marriage are determined by the totemic clan in combination irad eri W on aib on and t . W with the sections In the j and g tribes , apparen ly W eilwan man no t also in the , the system was as follows A might marry of hi s own t into any clan moie y . He might, apparently, marry into any in nl clan of the other moiety, but some clans he must take a wife o y from of one section, and in others only from the other section the moiety . Thus a W ongaib on informant who belonged to the Kabi section of the n o r adimelan bandicoot clan, if he married into the emu cla , the p clan, I h n at a . might o ly marry an p woman Whereas , if he married into the o r or i opossum clan, into the mallee hen , brown snake mon tor lizard mi l i clans he ght on y marry a Butha woman . Every ind vidual in these tribes can tell you what is the proper section f or him to marry into i n any clan . Thus in these tribes the sections are not subdivisions of the whole i i of tribe as they are in Western Austral a , but are subd visions the totemic clans .

hi di ua ara Apparently t s con tion was not present in the Y l i tribe . hi It would seem that so far as marriages wit n the tribe were concerned, l Kab ith a of an Ipai might on y marry a any totem, and a Kambu might only marry Matha, the section system being Ipai Kabi Kambu Mari

6 0 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES

arawan ff for example being Ng . These divisions possibly a ect the relations between the diff erent clans . of Throughout thi s area there is a system personal totems . Any man or woman who wishes to acqui re skill in magic must acquire a special relation to some species of animal which becomes hi s or her of personal totem . Magical power depends on this possession one or h i o r l . s more persona totems No one will kill or eat her personal totem . i The tribes of th s area also have sex totems , the bat being the totem

- of man . the , and the night owl that of the woman

a il u a Re W m. m aroi D i il and T rrubal L an u es s o b Ri e . : n 1 . dl v K k e y, , , pp g g p y

lian A bori ines S ne 1 8 6 A ustra 6 . g , yd y,

itt a ila i u n i 880 ison and o K m ro and K r a 1 . 2 . P H w , , R i tr i u H. Th e Totemic Di is on of Aus alian Tr b es. o nal o Mat e s . v s r 3 . h w , , j f

tbe o al S cie o w ut al i 1 8 1 - 1 Ka ar i R o N e S o b W es 6 . mi o y ty f , xxx , 97 , 54 7 ( l ,

irad uri W j . )

it A a iv b — t lia t W . N t e Tri es o outb ast us ra 1 0 . o . S E A . 4 H w , , f , 9 4 t R ica Note n th e A ri ina ri e f e ut Ma e s H. t no o s o b o T b s o N w So 5 . h w , . , E h l g l g l h

a es an Vict ri u l tb e R al S ocie o ew outb ales iii W d o a. o rna o N S W v l j f oy ty f , xxx ,

1 0 9 4 .

6 ar r K Lan a n P e . o Tb c uabl i ib Lo don 1 0 . E Tr e . k , gl h, y , , 9 5

Mat e s R H i a t in e A ri ina an . . . t no o c No es th b o Trib es of ueensl d 7 h w , , E h l g l g l Q .

ueensland Geo ra bical ournal 1 0 - Q g p j , xx, 9 5, 49 7 5 .

8 . Mat R H So cio o Some u tra ian ri a l e s . b e u l . of A s T s. o rn o tb e R a h w , , l gy l j f oy

Societ o N ew S outb W ales i 1 0 1 0 - 1 2 y f , xxx x , 9 5, 4 3 .

. Mat e R t n H. No e o So me ati ri e Au tra ia urn l o tb s . s N ve b s of s . o a c 9 h w , , T l j f

Ro al S ociet o w S ut - 2 rnu N e o b W ales 1 06 1 Ku . y y f , xl , 9 , 9 5 9 ( ) 0 Mat 1 . H t i i 0 e s R . N o es on tbe A bor nes o w ut a es S dne 1 . N e S o b W l . h w , , g f , y y, 9 7

- 1 1 . Radc iffe r n A R ote on th e S ia r ani z a i n u tra ian ri o . N s oc t o of A s b es. l B w , . , l O g l T

Part ii l o t a t 2 2 - . ourna i iii b e R l A n bro olo cal I nstitute 1 . j f oy p g , l , 9 3 , 4 4 447

- 1 2 . Ra c iffe ro n A R n b i e i ot 0 . u s d e d N es 1 . d l B w , U p l h F l , 93

2 2 Anewan . Type .

ni on Adjoi ng the Kamilaroi tribe the east, and occupying the northern of plateau New South Wales and its western slopes , was a group of tribes , l hi now practical y extinct, about the organization of w ch it is too late to i of Amb eru d scover much importance . The tribes in question were the , Anewan Kwiamb al Yuk amb al arab al Bi amb al N . , , , g and g These tribes had a system of four sections with section names related i b a uk amb a to those of the Kam laroi . In Kwiam l and Y l we find the name Baian u m n of Baia or g in place of Mari, but the fe ini e form the name is THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 6 1 Fo r I hi of . ath a I at an Matjang, w ch is a variant Matha p we have p j g or Pat an and Ka ut a Kab ith a j g, Butanga and p j for Butha and . The arrange ment of the sections in these two tribes seems to have been Kapi Ipai Baia Kambu In the Anewan tribe the section names were Irong feminine Arkan Arpong Iran Iyong Patj ang Imbong Irakena The arrangement of the sections was : Irong Iyong Arp ong Imbong k n i The i sh p system of these tribes has not been determined, and it is therefore impossible to say anything definite about the regulation of l marriage, except that marriages normal y took place in accordance with the diagrams shown above . The totemic system of these trib es differed from that of th e tribes of to the west (Kamilaroi , and also from that the tribes to the east i man h ad ir (Kumba ngeri, Every and woman a totem, called g

Yuk amb al an d arab al ba/éar o r ba ar Kwiamb al é ara in Ng , g in and in an two of nimal Anew . Some of my informants claimed species a s as ul l being their totems . It wo d seem that each totem is special y connected one nl of and with of the four sections , and can o y be the totem men l of i women of that section . It fo lows , course, that a ch ld can never have hi s or hi the same totem as either father his mother, and t s was stated to

i f i . e. and me by one n ormant as being the rule . Siblings , , brothers sisters by the same parents , have the same totem . Though I have inter of ul viewed the few survivors these tribes that I co d find, I have been unable to obtain any reliable account of how the totem of a child is determined . The following examples illustrate the distribution of totems in a few families

uk amb al — al - Y . ll ni ian hi Bi y Munro , Baia, totem , w te headed eagle inirid in hawk ; his wife, Butanga, totem j , big river turtle ; their son, ’ inalian n Pat an Ipai, totem , black eaglehawk ; Mrs . Mu ro s mother, j g, unar totem g , big jew lizard .

Yuk amb al — dandur walaro u ur . o n Towney, Ipai , totems , and g , lizard O F R S 6 2 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AUSTRALIAN T IBE

But an darandi Ka ut a hi s mother, j g, totem , female kangaroo his wife, p j ,

erier en i - his totem g g , ch cken hawk ; children, Baia and Matjang, their

l f . totem, Towney thinks , shou d be the lying squirrel

b al — Kwiam . William and Donald Strong, two brothers , Baia, totem uruwe n , red kangaroo according to William, but stated, probably wrongly, inalian - by Donald to be , white headed eaglehawk ; their father, Ipai, totem

tandur walaroo Ka ut a u ir . , their mother, p j , totem g p , opossum f Anewan — W bonda nula Joe oods , Imbong , totem , kangaroo and , t ilu/nera walaroo aé an black snake ; his father, I ong, totem , or , crow ; hi s Pat an ila/nbai hi s if mother, j g, totem , eaglehawk ; w e, Iran, totem tawanda h is i , large ground iguana Joe does not remember what ch ldren should be . r i n - l In these tribes eve y med ci e man had a personal totem, ca led darol Anewan of of in , similar to the personal totems the tribes the

Kamilaroi type .

R e t mi i i i n r i l t H. Th To e c D s o o f Au t alian Tr b es. ourna o be 1 Mat e s . v s s . h w , , j f

t N ew S outb al s i 1 8 - 6 Ana an Ro al S ocie o W e 1 1 w . y y f , xxx , 97, 54 7 ( y )

- 2 Radc iffe ro n A . R . n ub is ed i eld Notes 1 0 . . l B w , , U p l h F , 93

2 . 3 . Kumbaingeri Type Thi s area consists of a part of the coastal region of New South Wales from the Clarence River in the north to a point south of the Macleay hi i . h River The c ef tr bes are the Kumbaingeri, Ban ai, Dangati , Ngamba and Ngaku . Probably two small tribes on the lower Clarence River, Yie era Yuun ai l u a . the g and the g , sho d lso be included in the area These tribes had the normal local organization into patrilineal

its own t a un dawun hordes , each with territory (j g in Kumbaingeri, in

Dangati). As we shall see, the horde is exogamous . Karb un n There is a system of four sections with the names g, femi ine m W ir an i Guran ; Wambung , fe inine g ; Marung , fem nine Kargan ; n and Wirung , femi ine Wangan . The arrangement of the sections is Karb ung Wambung Marung Wirung

Karb un The section names are related to those of the Kamilaroi area, g

Kabi , Marung Mari , Wambung Kambu , Wirung Ipai . The kinship system of these tribes is of a type that we have not met THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 6 3 m i . before, wh ch I propose to call the Ku baingeri type The classification of kin is to some extent carried out on the same general principles as ’ ariera i own in the K type . But marriage is proh bited with mother s ’ ’ ’

or . brother s daughter, own father s sister s daughter A man marries ’ a woman wh o belongs to the same section and generation as his mother s ’ i brother s daughter, and who is , accord ng to the terminology, a of relative of the same kind . But she must come from another part the

to h im . country, and must not be closely related The normal procedure l ’ ’ was described to me as fo lows . A woman who is father s sister to ’ b o hi s own out i him a y, possibly father s sister, would look for a w fe for . i ’ Find ng a woman who was her sister, but not closely related to herself m in or her nephew, she would induce the latter to pro ise her daughter i i marriage to the boy . From th s moment th s woman becomes the ’ -in- boy s mother law , and he must avoid her . It is , therefore, preferable n that he should never have met her before the arrangeme t is made . h k i Kariera t T is type of nship system is clearly related to the ype , m but at the same ti e represents a movement away from that type, and perhaps we may say, towards the Aranda system . It is clearly dependent on of the existence the four sections , and would perhaps be unworkable ff Kariera without them . Its great di erence from the system is in i forbidd ng marriage with near relatives within the marriageable group ,

- . . h i i e . , wit n the group of persons classified with the cross cousins

one of All the persons born in a given horde belong to couple sections . i The horde is , therefore, necessarily exogamous . It seems l kely, though not l not l the evidence is conclusive, that a man wou d be a lowed to marry ’ hi s ni a woman from mother s horde . There is also a defi te objection to a man marrying a woman from any horde that is geographically near hi own his i . s . He must seek wife at a d stance These tribes have a system of totemism based on local totem- centres mi talu of and increase rites , si lar in essentials to the system Western

- irera in i . ni irer o r in Australia A totem centre is called Kumba ngeri , and

a - i nai iwonin Dangati . For each totem centre there is a myth wh ch accounts f or of of its formation as a result the doings mythical ancestors . There

- of are normally several totem centres in the territory each horde , and of i out the men the horde , and somet mes the women, can carry at the centre a rite which is believed to produce an increase of the species with which it is connected . O F R S 64 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AUSTRALIAN T IBE of This area also has sex totems , the totem the men being the bat,

- of and that of the women a tree creeper . It also has a system personal m totems similar to that described for the Ka ilaroi area .

Pa mer ar Notes on Some Austra ian rib es. ournal o tbc A ntbro olo 1 . l , Edw d, l T j f p

- ical Institute iii 1 88 2 6 Komb ine h err . g , x , 4, 7 3 3 4 ( g y)

R Th e Totemic Divisions of Austra ian rib es. ournal o tbc H. Mat e s . 2 . h w , , l T j f

- Ro al S ocie o N ew S outb W ales i 1 8 1 1 6 . y ty f , xxx , 97, 54 7

- mi in a tern Au tra ia n Notes on ote sm s s . ournal Ra cliff e ro A . R . 3 . d B w , , T E l j

- o tb e R al A ntbro olo ical Institute lix 1 2 1 . f oy p g , , 9 9 , 3 99 4 5

- i ie d Notes 1 2 1 0 A R n ub l s ed . Radcliff e ro n . . 4 . B w , , U p h F l , 9 9, 93

Thi s area consists of part of the coastal region of New South Wales immedi ately to the south of the area last described Very little is n i of hi k own about the nat ves t s region, and it is now too late to obtain any reliable information . The names and distribution of the tribes are not known with any t Bir ai on certain y . In the north there were the p the Hastings River, n ni and the Kattang o the Man ng River . There are one or two statements i x of of i that ind cate the e istence the system four sections in th s area, but n I do ot think they are reliable . For a long time the survivors of these tribes have been acquainted with the section systems of their neighbours 2 1 2 2 2 own hi in areas , and 3 . My enquiries , w ch are far from satisfactory, Bir ai however, indicate that the p and Kattang had no moieties or sections, but had a system of patrilineal totemic clans which were the important in of i hi of groups in the reckon g k ns p and in the regulation marriage . Three totems of which there are still survivors in the Kattang tribe in

1 0 watu undaiba 93 are opossum ( ), which had the native apple tree (g y) as wa ara subsidiary totem, kangaroo ( p ) and porcupine It seems to be too late to discover if there was formerly a system of totem- centres of with increase rites similar to that the tribes further north .

Bir ai inari mi The p and Kattang also has personal totems , called , si lar

of 2 1 to the personal totems area . i hi What evidence there is po nts , therefore , to t s area being substantially the same in the general aspects of its social organization as area 2 0 . i t 1 . nr W . h moni i i . T e nitiation Cere es of th e Ab r ne rt te n o s of Po S e s. E gh , J , I g ph

ournal o tbe R al S oci o N ew out l iii - 2 e S b W a es 1 8 1 1 1 . j f oy ty f , xxx , 99 , 5 4 ’ ’ ’ MOTHER S Mo ther s Father s Sister

’ ’ ’ S MOTHE R S Father Father s ’ ’ S SO N Sister s Daughter

’ ’ ’ MOTHER S Mo ther s B rother s ’ ’ S SO N S Daughter

’ ’ BROTHER S Sister s Daughter TER ’ S SO N

’ ’ UGHTER S Daughter s Daughter

66 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES The kinship system of the Yuk um tribe is fairly similar to that of o r two ff the Kumbaingeri, but has one features that di erentiate it from Yuk um Ya ara . that system . The g system seems to be like the For the

Kabi we have a list of kinship terms collected by Mathew . These are not f , in themselves , su ficient to permit us to classify the system, but suggest m that is may well be similar to that of the Yuk u . Yuk um of diff The have a system section totemism, erent species of i animals being regarded as each belonging to one part cular section . For i of an mals the kangaroo kind , however, the male animal is said to belong one of t to section, and the female the same species to the o her section of the intermarrying pair . The Yuk um and Yagara also have a system of totemism with local - i of i totem centres and ncrease rites similar to that the Kumba ngeri .

' - a urbi t The word for totem centre is y l. Each horde has a number of cen res associated with different species which are thus the totems of the members wh o of . the horde, can perform the rites for making the increase The totem-centres had their origin in the time of the mythical ancestors In all essentials this system of totemism is the same as that Kariera of n of the on the other side the conti ent . The inf ormation given about thi s area by Howitt is inaccurate in n several particulars . Writi g of what he calls the tribes about Mary

i . e. n borough, , about the Kabi tribe, he reports them as having patrili eal of moieties , whereas from the evidence Rev . J . Mathew and R . H . Mathews , it seems quite clear that the moieties are matrilineal . Howitt also describes on the authority of James Gibson, a people whom he calls Ch e ara or . i p as having no moieties , sections , totems The area in wh ch Yuk um r he places these people includes a part of the count y, and perhaps of D andai part the j , who were about what is now Brisbane . It may be Yuk um all t th e D andai taken as certain that the , and in probabili y j , had ’ H witt - . o s so Ch e ara four sections statements about the called p are, therefore, to be entirely rejected .

Pa mer 1 . d ard Notes on some ustra ian ri o A T b es. urnal o tbe A ntbro l , E w , l j f olo ical Institut iii 88 0 - 0 e 1 6 . p g , x , 4, 3 4 3

2 Mat e R - . ev . . in Curr Tbe A ustralian Race 1 886 iii 1 2 h w, J , , , 7 , ( , 5

Mat e . s R H i . D ision ueen an ri in . v s of s d Ab o es. Proceedin s o tbc 3 h w , , Q l g g f A merican Pbiloso bica ci ii 2 l S o e v 1 8 8 6 . p ty, xxx , 9 , 3 7 3 3 i . o tt A . W . N ative Tribes o S outb E ast A ustralia 1 0 4 H w , , f , 9 4 . THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 67

R te on th e Ab o ri in Mat e s H. No s es o th . f e Nort ern erritor W estern h w , , g h T y,

- Austra ia and ueens and. ueensland Geo ra bical ournal ii 1 0 1 1 l Q l Q g p j , xx , 9 7 , 3 .

Mat e Rev . . Two Re resentative Tribes o ueensland 1 1 0 Kab i and W akk a h w, J , p f Q , 9 ( ).

Mat e Re Note on th e uran uran i v . . r b e of ueen d s an . Re ort h w, J , G g G g T Q l p

o tbe A ustralasian A ssociation or tb e A dvancement o Science xiv 1 1 - f f f , , 9 3 , 43 3 443 .

- R Notes on otemis Radc iffe ro n A . . m in astern Australia ournal l B w , , T E . j o tbc R al A ntbro olo ical I nstitute lix 1 2 - 1 f oy p g , , 9 9 , 3 99 4 5.

- n ub is d ie - Ra r n A R . e Not 2 cliffe o . d es 1 0 d B w , , U p l h F l , 9 9 3 .

i i Th s is a small coastal area of Queensland , extend ng from Port Curtis to Broad Sound and inland to the junction of the Fitzroy and i All our hi hi Dawson R vers . knowledge of t s region, w ch is very slight, f t i is derived from W . H . Flowers through in orma ion wh ch he supplied to Howitt and Roth .

t in The area was occupied by a number of groups , apparen ly seven

i — Kuinmurb ara T all , wh ch may perhaps be regarded as tribes the , aram

Yetimarala Nin eb al al Tarumb al Uramb al bara, , g , Warab , and . Each of them was subdi vided into a number of local groups with names formed of ffix - t Z mi by means the su bara, as Wa ubara, named after the a a nut, b fl Riste ara . , after the sand y, and so on All the tribes had a system of four sections with named matrilineal moieties W utaru Yungaru

Munal Kuiala Karalb ara Kurpal

t Kuiala There are slight variations in the sec ion names , as Kudala for Tarumb a in the l tribe .

i to z— Munal The sect on names are said have meanings as follows , Kuiala Karalb ara i iguana ; , a hawk ; , good water ; Kurpal, the barr

It Kuinmurb ara i i i is stated that the tribe had matr l neal totem c clans , W utaru curlew, clear water, scrub wallaby and hawk belonging to the in Yun aru t moiety and black eaglehawk and laugh g jackass to the g moie y . The mention of clear or good water and hawk as both section totems and clan totems suggests that these statements are not entirely reliable . 68 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES

N ative Tribes o S outb-E ast A ustralia 1 0 6 0 1 1 1 o itt A . W . 1 . H w , , f , 9 4, ( , ,

an t no ra 2 Rot W . E . u etins o f Nort ueens d ul etin 1 8 . . h, , B ll h Q l E h g phy, B l - cords o tbe A ustralian Museum viii 1 1 0 1 06 . Re f , , 9 , 79

of a Thi s region includes about half the total area Queensl nd . It of Ku uru is characterized by a system four sections with the names p ,

Kurkila or of . Wungo, and Banbari, variants these It extends from just south of the New South Wales border at the W arrego River on the

south to the Etheridge River on the north, and from the Georgina River on the west to the coast from Broad Sound to Hinchinb roo k Island on the east .

i t k i hi Very l t le is nown about the tribes of th s region, many of w ch f or ni or were massacred by settlers and police refusing to recog ze, indeed ’ ail i i f ing to understand, the wh te man s claim to the right to d spossess ul them of their hunting grounds . With fuller knowledge we sho d doubtless find that the area woul d have to be subdivided into smaller

own of . areas , each with its type social organization

There is a great deal of conf usion about the naming of tribes in this r of region . Th oughout the eastern portion it there are local groups

of f -bara with names formed by means the su fix , which have often been ” of ul l s . a poken as tribes It wo d seem, however, that they are re l y di iff i sub visions of tribes , perhaps with some d erences of d alect, and,

- of therefore, constituting sub tribes . Thus in the neighbourhood i one Hal fax Bay we get six such groups according to informant, or seven i i of one Ik elb ara accord ng to another, all speaking d alects language, the , Dulenb ara Karab ara Yauemb ara Mun ulb ara Mandamb ara t , , , g and , wi h ’ Bun ab ara n the g as the seventh . Curr s informant estimated the origi al of 1 86 population the seven groups in 5, when the country was first

nl 00 of 2 00 1 880 occupied, at o y 5 persons , whom about survived in . In the country around Cape River it would seem that there were W o k alb ara Man alab ara six groups , the (eel people), the g (spinifex people), Gundulub a ra . l i the (emu people), etc , who spoke, with sma l d alectic iff hi Inib ai d erences a language w ch they called . Throughout thi s large area there was a system of four sections with i t of nf d alec ic forms the same names , and, so far as the i ormation goes , THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 69 with the same arrangement for marriage and descent . The system may be represented thus

Kupuru Kurk ila Wungo Banbari

In many of the tribes there are names for the matrilineal moieties indicated ! f hr as and Y above, but these names are not uni orm t oughout the

. W utaru n region Thus at Port Mackay we find and Ya garu , on the

Bel ando R W uth era - Utaru y iver, and Malera, and in the Pita pita tribe, f i . o t and Pakuta The name one mo e y seems to be the same throughout, W utaru h i iff namely , w le the other varies in d erent parts . The kinship systems of the region are entirely unknown save for

of two small areas . The Kogai tribe, in the extreme south the area, has a kinship system very similar to that of its neighbours the Yualarai (of 2 i Bad e area 1 ) and conform ng to the Aranda type . The j ri tribe probably of t has the same sort system . Ro h has given an incomplete and conf used — account of the kinship system of the Pita pita and neighbouring tribes of i of the western part the area . From th s description it seems that of t these tribes may have a system the Kumbaingeri ype . On the other hand it is possible that they really have a system of Aranda type wh ich

Roth failed to understand .

For some parts of this area there is evidence of the existence of some

of i m - i form sect on tote ism . Thus in the Pita pita tribe, accord ng to t i of a i Roth, each of the four sec ions has certa n species n mals associated i th e with it, and every ind vidual as soon as he or she arrives at necessary ” — age is forbidden to eat— not necessarily to kill any of the species i of belonging to h is o r her section . Ind cations of some form section totemism for other parts of the area are found in the earlier writings of ’ ’ of Howitt s i . Palmer, and Curr s and nformants

Bad eri In the Kogai tribe , and possibly also in the j , there exists a t of 2 h system of matrilineal totemic clans similar to hat area 1 . In t is connection it should be recognized that one and the same tribe may very of of well have both a system section totems and a system clan totems , and the fact that the former is recorded must not be taken as evidence that the i latter s absent . R R 70 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATI ON OF AUST ALIAN T IBES

Curr d ard Tbe A ustralian Race 1 886 ii 1 8 2 6 8 iii 1 8 2 6 6 , E w , , ( , 4 , 4 4, 4 , , , 44 , 4,

Lumh oltz Car A mon C annibals Lon on 1 88 erb ert River rib e . , l , g , d , 9 (H T )

tbnol ical t dies amon tbe N ortb W est-Central ueensland Rot W . E . E o S u h, , g g Q

i ane 1 8 b . A bori ines. r s g B , 97

d ri ine i i i ns an Ab o s. oc in s H. D s ons of uee Pr e d o tbc Mat e s R . v e h w , , Q l g g f

- A merican Pbiloso bical S ocie m vii 1 8 8 2 6 . p ty, , 9 , 3 7 3 3

- o itt A. W . N ative Tribes o S outb E ast A ustralia 1 0 . H w , , f , 9 4

itiation rem ni e H. Lan ua e r aniz ation and n Ce o s of th e Mat e s R . h w , , g g , O g I

’ u i i - Ko ai Trib es ueens an . Zeitscbri t r E tbnolo e x v 1 0 2 8 8 . g , Q l d f f g , x x , 9 4, 3

R H t no o ica t ri ina rib es of ueenslan No es on th e Ab o d. Mat e s . . h w , , E h l g l g l T Q

- ueensland Geo ra bical ournal 1 0 . Q g p j , xx , 9 5, 49 7 5

E lletins of Nort ueens and t no ra ulletin 1 8. Rot W . . u h, , B h Q l E h g phy, B

- Records o tbe A ustralian Museum viii 1 1 0 1 06 . f , , 9 , 79

hi of i i T s area, at the head the Gulf of Carpentar a, conta ns the l : Kalk adun Maiab i Maik ulan Mai udano O b arindi fol owing tribes , , , g , , k b un and W or o o . g , perhaps others

There is a system of four sections with named matrilineal moieties , k un of which the Kal ad system may be taken as typical . Utaru Malara

Patingo Marinango Kangilango Tunb iango Roth gives incomplete and unsatisfactory lists of kinship terms for Kal k adun Maiab i hi the and the . From these the typ e of kins p system cannot be determined . According to Palmer and Roth these tribes have some form of

i r . section totemism, but the nformation is not ve y satisfactory Thus ’ of of Kalk adun in Roth s list the section totems the , the same species is in iff many instances given as belonging to two d erent sections .

Pa m 1 . er ard Notes on Some Austra ian Trib es. ournal o tbe A ntbro o l , Edw , l j f p lo ical Institut iii 88 2 6- e 1 . g , x , 4, 7 3 3 4

- 2 . Rot m n tbe ortb W s t a ue nsland W . E tbnolo ical Studies a o N e t C en r l e h, E g g Q A bori ines risb ane 1 8 g , B , 97 .

. Rot W E . . u etins of Nort ueens and t no ra ulletin 1 8 . 3 h, , B ll h Q l E h g phy, B Records o t - be A ustralian Museum viii 1 1 0 1 06 . f , , 9 , 79 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 7 1

This area includes the highlands about Atherton and Herberton

and part of the adjoining coast lands . The tribal names are not known or of with any certainty . Some all of the tribes had a system four sections . That of the Tully River as given by Roth is Karavandji Kurk illa Tjik un Kurongon For the W ark eman tribe Mathews gives Karpandji Kelandji Tjik undji Kupandji i i The k nsh p systems and the totemic system have not been recorded .

Di isions of Some Nort ueen an i Mat e s R H . l 1 . . v s d Tr b es. ourna o tbe h w , , h Q l j f

l ociet o N ew S outb W ales 1 8 8 2 0- 2 R a S . oy y f , xxxii, 9 , 5 53 in o f Nort ueens an th n 2 . Rot W . E . u et s d o u etin 1 8 h , , B ll h Q l E graphy, B ll . Records o tbe A ustralian Museum viii 1 1 0 - 1 06 f , , 9 , 79 .

Ri ar ran is Cu toms and Lan ua e f h e estern od ins n . c s c s o t W o 3 h d , F , g g H gk Ab ri inals Memoirs o tbe ueensland us um iii 2 2 - 2 o . M e v 1 6 6 . g f Q , , 9 , 49 5

- i 0 Y midir . 3 . Koko Type Thi s area contains a number of related tribes amongst whom the ” of tribal name is formed by means a prefix Koko meaning speech .

-Bal d a - Yimidi r -Yerlant i - n Such are the Koko j , Koko , Koko j , Koko Mi i ,

-Rar - O k u o - - mul l l . Koko , Koko , Koko Wara and Koko Lama

These tribes have a system of four sections . The names and arrangement of the sections in the Koko-Mini are Mangil Ararina Patina Edj urina Roth has published an account of the kinship terminology of the -Yimidir of Koko the country around Cooktown, but it does not give us sufficient inf ormation to enable us to determine the nature of the

n i - Yimidir ki sh p organization . We may note, however, that the Koko distinguish between older and younger brothers and sisters of the father con and mother . This is a characteristic feature of the next area to be sidered - , and in one tribe at least (the Wik Munkan) is correlated with a special form of marriage rule . With regard to totemism Roth states that these tribes al l had the same ’ t - s form of sec ion totemism that he found in the Pita pita tribe . Roth statements in this matter, however, are not as reliable as could be wished, O R TR S 7 2 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION F AUST ALIAN IBE and hi s own list for th e Koko- Wara shows that the two sections of one i . f one i. e o couple, , patril neal moiety, have the same totems , thus showing of - that thi s tribe at any rate has not section totemism the Pita pita type . W h at is probably also a form of totemism amongst these tribes is ” ni al referred to incidentally by Roth under the term a m namesakes . Thus he states that on the Palmer River (probably the Koko-Mini) when u a person is named after an ani mal or plant he may not eat it . (B lletin

1 1 , page

u tin f Nort ueens an t no ra u etin 2 risb ane 1 Rot W . E . e s o . h, , B ll h Q l d E h g phy, B ll , B , 1 0 1 Ko o-Yimi dir u etin 1 1 Records o tbe A ustralian Museum 9 ( k , B ll , f ,

- - vii 1 08 1 0 . u etin 1 8 Ibid viii 1 1 0 1 06 . , 9 , 74 7 B ll , , , 9 , 79

in 1 . 3 . Cape York Pen sula Th is region contains a considerable number of tribes about which of l very little is at present known . On the west side the peninsu a there

- is a group of tribes of whi ch the W ik Munkan may be taken as typical . North of these there is a group of small tribes of wh ich the Ngerik udi of n is the best known . On the east side the peni sula there are a few i Yint in a O m ela Yao or - tribes , includ ng the j g , p and ( Koko Yao) who obtain the bul k of their food supply from the sea . i t Accord ng to statements by Roth and Mathews , both apparen ly T on and i inf . derived from the same ormant (Rev . N Hey), the j g j tribe h of f or as a system four sections . Mathews also gives names matrilineal t of iff moie ies . Roth states that each the sections occupies a d erent portion of the tribal territory . These accounts do not seem entirely

i u too . rel able, and f rther investigations , if it is not late, are desirable of of t In many the tribes the area , there are apparently no sec ions but li In patrilineal moieties divided into patri neal localized totemic clans . ar a the Yao tribe the moieties are named Koyana and K pey . so kn Throughout the region , far as at present own, the kinship systems make marked distinctions between the older and younger brothers of - i and sisters the father and mother . The Wik Munkan tribe has a k nship

' ’ i ro Kariera system wh ch is a special variant f m the type . The mother s brothers are di stinguished according as they are older or younger than ’ m r hi s the mother, and a man is per itted to mar y the daughter of mother s u f hi ’ o s . yo nger brother, but not the daughter mother s older brother The di scussion of thi s interesting variation from the normal Australian type must be postponed un til the resul ts of the field research in this

THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES

AD - W N BY A . R . R CLIFFE BRO

PART II (continued)

n . 3 3 . Ara da Type i Th s area includes the Aranda (Arunta), Ilpara (Ilpirra), Iliaura , Kaitish ati a Anmat era Unmat era Imat era i K t . j ( j , j ) and Kait tj ( , j ) We

ul l t . sho d probably also inc ude the Ngali , wes ward of the Ilpara In the southern part of the Aranda tribe there are four sections

Panank a Purul a Kamara Paltara

all th e of In the northern part of the tribe, and in other tribes the area 1 there are eight subsections . In the Aranda these are

Panank a Purul a Knurai a Ngal a Kamara Faltara Mb itj ana Bangata The kinship terminology and th e kinship system are apparently the

same in the two parts of the Aranda tribe . Although a good deal has been written about the Aranda tribe it z is still impossible to define precisely the social organi ation . This is because we have not sufficient exact detailed information about the local

organization and its relation to the totemic system . There were local t groups each of whi ch was specially associated with one moie y . Apparently all the persons born in the one local group belonged to one

tu al . moiety , and therefore consti ted a loc clan Since the kinship system of the Aranda has been taken as a norm it i i w ll be useful to give a condensed description of it . The accompany ng table gives the kinship terms used by a man arranged in the same order

0 Th e i i as in the chart at page 5 . spell ng is sl ghtly altered from that

1 Th e s e lin is t at of Stre o p l g h hl w . THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 7 5 hl l of Stre ow, and in the fol owing account the spellings of Spencer and

Gillen are given in brackets .

ARANGA Pala PALA Aranga TJIMIA Eb mana EBMANA Tj i mia

KATA ANTARA Mara KAMUNA W o na MARA Intoa

KALYA Noa MBANA Kwaia ANKALA Eb mana BEMANA Ankala or ITIA or Itia or ILIARA

ALIRA Namara AMBA Mara KAMUNA Alira MARA Amb a

ARANGA Pala PALA Aranga TJIMIA Eb mana EBMANA Tj imia

In the five generations represented in the chart there are 40 relation i o r 2 l f or i of sh p positions , 4 if we al ow the d stinction older and younger

2 1 2 1 . brothers and sisters , being male relatives and female For these

2 of 2 1 4 classes relatives the Aranda have terms , six used for male relatives

f or l i f or . only, six female relatives on y, and n ne male and female relatives i The 2 1 male relatives of the chart are thus denoted by 1 5 terms . Th s is because the four terms for relatives of the second ascending (grand ’ parents )generation are used reciprocally f o r those ofthe second descending ’ randchildren s zéamuna mara (g ) generation, and two other terms , and are used for relatives of two generations (first ascending and first descending). In the second ascending and second descending generations there

f or -ara a arun a are only four terms sixteen positions in the chart n ( g ),

ala a ulla t imia ch immia ebma a i munna n . p ( p ), j ( ) and ( p ) Each term is used for both male and female relatives who are brothers and sisters . A itia f or single term is used both younger brother and younger sister,

- and male and female cross cousins are called an/éala (unk ulla). One ’ r term ma a (mura) is applied to wife s mother and her brother . One ’ — alira allira alirra l term is used for child ( , ) and one for sister s chi d amba (umba). An important feature that does no t appear from the chart is the relation between the terms used by a man and those used by a woman . ’ hi i ba A man calls s own children alira and hi s sister s ch ldren am . His ’

own i amba i alira . sister calls her ch ldren , and her brother s ch ldren In other words— brother and sister apply the same term to a given person him r although they stand in different relations to o her . Similarly a man ’ ’ calls hi s son s son arana and hi s sister calls that indi vidual (her brother s 76 THE SOCIAL ORGANI ZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES

’ ’ son i ala . son s ) by the same term, wh le her own son s son is p This is an important feature of the Aranda system which appears in many systems

of the Aranda type , and may indeed be regarded as normal for the type . The rule of marriage is that a man marries a woman who is his noa of mara (anua), she being the daughter a woman he calls (mura) and ’ a tara ik untera Hi s mara a man he calls n ( ). (wife s mother)is the daughter ’ ’ unn — of an ebmana (ipm a) mother s mother s brother . It seems that a ’ ’ ’ ’ man could marry his own mother s mother s brother s daughter s ’ ’ ’ ’

or hi s own . daughter, mother s father s sister s daughter s daughter ’ ’ ’ His antara (wife s father)is the son of a man he calls pala (father s mother s ’ ’ f r o a a a . brother), and a woman he calls n (father s father s sister) A i passage of Spencer and G llen, that is not as precise as might be desired, states that if a man who is the son of apala man and an arana woman belongs ’ ” o wn is to Ego s locality or personal family , if, for example , he the son ’ ’ ’ of antara amba Ego s father s father s own sister, then he is called not but hi ill ’ i m s ala not noa. (umba), and daughter w be Ego s p and Th s li itation ’ of marriage whereby a man is not allowed to marry the son s daughter ’ ’ ” of some of the women he calls father s father s sister is probably not of typical of systems the Aranda type generally .

' A feature of a good many systems of Aranda typ e is that the term for mother’ s mother and mother’ s mother’ s brother is also applied to the ’ ’ In latter s son s son and daughter . the Aranda system it would seem that thi s feature exists and that the term ebmana (ipmunna) can be applied ’ ’ ’ ’ i son . to the mother s mother s brother s son s But there is also , accord ng ’ to l iliara i Streh ow, a special term wh ch is applied to the husband of Ego s

- wh o l b a e m na. female cross cousin, wou d otherwise be ’ of é amuna ammona The use the same term (g )for mother s brother, ’ ’ ’ ” and f or the latter s son s son who is also daughter s husband is an important feature of the Aranda system which is not uni vers al in systems of Aranda type . Connected with it is the use of the same term mara f ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ for wi e s mother s brother mother s mother s brother s son), and ’ ’ i ’ ’ for the latter s son s son and daughter, wh ch means that a sister s son s ’ f ul wi e is called by the same term as wife s mother . These uses wo d li t ’ ’ suggest the possibi y of marriage with the sister s son s daughter, which

- is a recognized form of marriage in north west Australia . But the evidence is that such a marriage would not be permitted in the Aranda tribe . THE SOCIAL O RGANI ZATIO N OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 77 The totemic system of th e Aranda is based on the existence of local totem- centres whi ch were formed by th e totemic ancestors in the mythical

- al period . For each totem centre there is a loc ized rite f o r the increase il is of the totem species . When a ch d conceived it is regarded as being of or t ul a reincarnation , an incarnation of an emanation from, a par ic ar i ul - totemic ancestor associated w th a partic ar totem centre . The child therefore has f or hi s totem the species connected with th e totem- centre from whi ch he is derived . Persons having the same totem form a group

- t which may be called a cult socie y . The evidence as to th e relation of - to o r these cult societies the hordes local groups and to the kinship groups , i is not satisfactory, and there is no space here for a critical d scussion . It may be mentioned that there is an important relation between an

- hi s individual and the totem and totem centre of mother .

in an ill en . b e ati d d . T N ve Tribes o entr l 1 . S encer a C a A ustralia p , B l w , G , F J f ,

1 899 .

ill n . b t d in and e . T e N or b ern ribe o n l 2 . S encer a T s Ce tra A ustralia p , B l w , G , F J f ,

1 904 .

da un L it a- ta - Carl . D ie A ran d or S mme in Z ntral t li . Stre l o e A us ra en. ive 3 h w, j F

- arts 1 0 1 2 0 . p , 9 7 9

R otes n th e Arranda rib e ournal o b l N o . t e R a S ocie . Mat e s . . o 4 h w , H T j f oy ty f

- N ew S outb W ales xli 1 0 1 6 1 6 . , , 9 7 , 4 3

R Marria e and Descent in th e Ar randa Trib e Central Au tra i Mat e s . . s a. 5. h w , H g , l l i t — 02 ican nt o o o s N S . 1 0 8 88 1 . A mer A br . p g , , x , 9 ,

d i l . runta wo . 1 ld in an en . Tb e A . T vo s 2 . 6 . S encer a p , B w , G l , F J l , 9 7

To the west of the Aranda are a group of tribes called collectively iff Loritj a by the Aranda . In language these tribes d er very markedly of from the Aranda , and are related to the tribes Western Australia in of Lo rit a the same latitude . The most northerly the j tribes has a social n i il of orga ization s m ar in essentials to that the northern Aranda , with

- t of Lorit a eight sub sections . In the more sou herly the j tribes the sub secti ons are absent .

i i a-Stamme in Z entral-A u trali D randa und L or t s en. i e Stre o Car . e A v hl w, l j F

arts 1 0 - 1 2 0 p , 9 7 9 .

T in ali 3 4 . j g Type .

i T in ali N and i Umb aia W aramun a Th s area includes the j g , g j , and g r aia Bin n in l i i a t W o o a and W a ar . tr bes , and perh ps o hers such as the g , g g p O F 7 8 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AUSTRALIAN TRIBES All the tribes have the system of eight sub - sections with kinship i systems ofthe Aranda type . The patrilineal moieties are named, accord ng ll W ilit i Liarit i in T in ali Umb ai a to Spencer and Gi en , j and j the j g , and ia uk u Bin on ina Uluuru Biin N and i W iliuk u L r , aru g j , and in the g g and g or ai a Uluuru Kin ili W aramun a W al ari in the W g , and and g in the g , p

- ala. and W ulm There are two forms of the name of each sub section, one masculine and the other feminine . According to Spencer and Gillen the W aramunga tribe is divided Uluuru into two parts . In the southern part all the hordes belong to the

t all Kin ili . hi moie y, and in the northern part the hordes are g T s means that a horde in the northern part of the tribe will contain only Kingili h i Uluuru men who have been born there, w le their wives will be women from the southern part of the tribe . As in many other tribes with kinship systems of the Aranda type

of - alternative marriages are permitted . If a man a certain sub section cannot find a wife in the proper sub - section he is allowed to marry into

- i some other sub section . In th s area it would seem from the account nl and of Spencer and Gillen that the o y , or at any rate the preferred usual alternative marriage is that if a man of A I cannot find a wif e in B 1 the 2 - f i proper sub section, he may take a wi e from B . In terms of relationsh p this means that if a man cannot find a wife amongst the women whom ’ ’ ’ ’ he classifies with hi s mother s mother s b ro th ers s daughter s daughter ’ ’ hi s he may marry one who is classified with mother s brother s daughter . I a According to R . H . Mathews a man of section A is occasion lly permitted ’ ’ ’ A 2 l his to marry a woman of , who wou d be mother s mother s brother s ’ ” of hi s A 1 ul son s daughter , and even a woman own section , who wo d ” presumably be a tribal sister . In all instances of alternative or irregular marriages the relationships of the offspring and the sub - section to whi ch In they belong are determined through the mother alone . other words they take the position in the kinship organization of the tribe whi ch they would have had if the mother had married a man of the proper relationship

- and therefore of the proper sub section . The totemic structure of these tribes has not been described as f precisely as could be wished . Spencer and Gillen in orm us that almost hi without exception a child has the same totem as s father . Whether or the exceptions are due to alternative irregular marriages , or to some ne other consideration they do not say . Each totem belongs to o of the THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 79 i i al all m patr l ne moieties , so that persons belonging to the tote ic group i belong to that moiety . Apparently each totem c group is specially one li of - all or connected with patri neal couple sub sections , so that , nearly all , the members of the group belong to one or other of those two - - W aramun a sub sections . Thus the black snake totem of the g tribe is two - Th a anun a Th a un arti said to belong to the sub sections p g and p g , which form one patrilineal couple . Each totem is associated with a spot or district which is the totem i centre, and with a single myth cal being who is the totemic ancestor . of It would seem, however, that there is no general system localized increase rites of the talu type . In its place we have an elaborate cul t of i hi w consisting totemic ceremon es w ch can be performed any here .

Each ceremony is the representation of a myth, and has reference to the

- totem centre and the totemic ancestor . The performance of the ceremonies is regarded as resulting in th e increase of the totemic species to of which they refer . The members a totemic group can only perform their ceremony or ceremonies when asked to do so by the members of the opposite moiety . i It seems likely, though not entirely certain from the publ shed ll ili a accounts , that the totemic group is rea y a patr ne l clan which owns

- the territory within whi ch lies the totem centre .

R h mb a r aniz atio n of th e Australian Ab ori i T e o nes. 1 . Mat e s . . W h w , H y O g g

- lo i . ii 1 00 01 . A merican A ntbro o st N . S p g , , , 9 , 494 5

t n o ical Notes o n th e Ab ori inal rib es of th e Nort ern 2 Mat e s R . . o . h w , H E h l g g T h

- Te rit r ueensland eo ra bical ournal xvi 1 01 6 0 . r o . G y Q g p j , , 9 , 9 9

ill n be ortbern Tribes o C entral A ustralia S encer a d in and e . . T N 3 . p , B l w , G , F J f ,

1 904 .

r l i l me Australian Trib es. ou na o tbe R al Mat e s R . . Soc o o of so 4 . h w , H gy j f oy

- S ociet o N ew S outb W ales i 1 0 1 0 1 2 . y f , xxx x , 9 5, 4 3

f th e C in alee Trib e Nort er Mat e s R . . So cial r aniz ation o n 5 . h w , H O g h g , h - i S . ii 1 0 01 0 t t N . v . Aus ra ia . A merican A ntbro olo s l p g , , , 9 5, 3 3 4

i rib u des C in alee da Territoire Se ten R . S ci o e de la T 6 . Mat e s . o o h w , H l g h g p ’ ' ’ i ciete d A ntbro olo ie de Pari 0 tr onal. Bulletins et emoires de la S o s 1 M p g , 9 7 ,

2 - 5 9 53 6 .

in a ee Trib e Nort ern Australia Mat e s R. . Sociolo o f th e C . 7 . h w , H gy h g l , h

- 8 1 2 8 . A e ican t l t . 1 0 8 2 m r A n bro o o is N. S p g , , x, 9 , 5

Binb in a 3 5 . g Type . Binb in a i The g and Alaua tr bes , and possibly some others , have a 80 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES social organization similar in many respects to the tribes of the Tj i ngali group They have eight sub - sections and kinship systems of th e

i . Aranda type . There seem to be no names for the moiet es The totemic system is similar to that of the Tjingali .

n il b r rib o entral ustralia d en . . T e o t er T es A 1 0 S encer B. a N b n C . p , , G l , F J f , 9 4

3 6 . Mangarai Type . Thi s area contains the Yangman and Mangarai tribes and perhaps of - others . It has a system eight sub sections and in the Mangarai tribe there are also names for the patrilineal moieties . The kinship system f seems to con orm to the Aranda type . of t The totemic system is not properly understood, but is a ype that

- recurs further west in area 3 8 . Each sub section has certain natural ’ species associated with it as totems . A person s totem is one those - m associated with his sub section , but it is not known how it is deter ined hi of i of ul i w ch the various spec es shall be that any partic ar ind vidual .

’ R r an z at n s cia e des trib us ab o ri ene d Mat e s . . o o s e l Australi 1 e. . h w , H O g i i l g ' ’ ’ Bulletins et Memoires de la S ociete d A ntbro olo ie de Paris 1 0 1 1 - 1 p g , 9 , 4 5 4 9 .

aniz ion so ciale de ue ues trib us Au tra 2 Mat e s R . . r at s lienn s . e . h w , H O g q lq ’ ’ ’ Bulletins et Memoires de la Societe d A ntbro olo ie de Paris 1 06 1 6 - 1 p g , 9 , 5 74.

i r it S encer . Nati e Tr b e f th e Nort e n err 1 1 v s o or . 3 . p , B h T y, 9 4

Ma b ara d . 3 7 . Type

i of i i and This area l es on both sides the V ctoria R ver, includes the a a Ma b ara W d man and d and other tribes . i r Our information about it is at present scanty and not sat sfacto y . Th ere is a system of eight sub—sections and the kinship system appears to i conform to the Aranda type . According to Spencer every ndividual has a totem (gwaiyan) whi ch is inherited from the mother and has also one or more, usually two , accessory totems .

ia i i s 1 Mat e s R Di isi ns of No rt Austra n Tr b es. roceed n o tbe . P . v o h w , H . h l g f

- A merican Pbiloso bical S ociet viii 1 8 . p y , xxx , 99, 7 5 79 i 2 Mat e s R a r aniz ati n o f th e u tra ian A o r ine . . mb o A s b s . . Th e W o h w , H y O g l g A mercia i ii 00 - 0 1 n S . 1 . A ntbro olo st N . p g , , , 9 , 494 5

Mat e R n t ri ina i h rt r . s thn ica Notes o h e Ab o Tr b es of t e No e n . o o 3 h w , . H E l g l g l h errit l x i 1 0 1 - r lan ra bical ourna 6 0 . o . ueens d Geo v T y Q g p j , , 9 , 9 9

. S er Nati t ritor 1 1 ec . ve rib es of th e Nor ern Ter . 4 p , B T h y, 9 4

3 2 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES In all instances of alternative marriages the sub - section of the children if of is determined through the mother . Thus in the Lungu tribe a man I of a 2 h i i l C 1 A marries a woman the c ldren w l be from the mother, not D 2 as they would be if descent and kinship were reckoned through the if of I b 2 father . In the Djaru tribe a man A marries a woman of the D 1 chi ldren will be . These tribes have a system of totemism apparently similar to that of the Mangarai Certain species are associated with each sub section and each individual has as his or her totem one of those belonging - t to his or her sub sec ion . Thus a man never has the same totem as hi hi s o r s . either father mother It is not known, however, exactly how the totem is determined .

Th e W omb a r aniz ation of th e Austra ian Ab ori ines 1 Mat e s R . . . . h w , H y O g l g — A merican A ntbro olo ist N . S . ii 1 00 0 1 . p g , , 9 , 494 5

R S me A ri ina ri es of estern Austra ia ou al 2 Mat e s . . o b o T b W . rn . h w , H g l l j w ut s 1 0 1 2 1 - 2 2 2 o tbe Ro al S ociet o N e S o b W ale v . f y y f , xxx , 9 , 7

e s R t no o ical Notes n th e Ab o ri ina Trib es f th e Nort ern Mat . . o o 3 . h w , H E h l g g l h ical urnal x i 1 0 1 6 - 0 ito r ueensland Geo ra b o v . Terr . y Q g p j , , 9 , 9 9

So ciolo o f th e Ab ori ines o f estern Austra ia t R . W Pro Ma e s . . 4 . h w , H gy g l biloso bical ociet x i 1 0 2- ceedin s o tbe A merican P S . g f p y , l x , 9 5 3 55

- i i - t - r n A R n ub s ed e d No es. 1 1 1 1 2 Radcliff e o . . . 5. B w , U p l h F l 9

i i - te 2 - 2 8 P n ub s ed eld No s. 1 . 6 . in A . . Elk , U p l h F 9 7

i t -Nan ab u a i Th s area contains the following ribes g y , Nand (or i N alb on Rainb arn o Gunwin u Ngand ), g , g , Nakara, Gunawitji , Mauang, g ,

Maiali and Djauan . According to Warner these tribes have an anomalous form of social organization in that they have eight sub- sections but have kinship systems - hi of the Kariera type with bilateral cross cousin marriage . T s would mean that so far as the internal organiz ation of the tribe is concerned th e

- u - sub sections are f nctionless , and the tribe really has a four section

- system disguised as an eight sub section system .

B 1 B 2 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 83 Thus a man of sub - section A I woul d regard all men of the contemporary ” of I and A 2 generation both A as brothers , and all the women as ” all of t of 1 2 sisters , and the women that genera ion both B and B as of 1 2 possible wives . If he married a woman B the children woul d be D if 2 il r l 1 and he married B the ch d en wou d be D . ’ i in thi Warner s nvestigations seem to show that s area, as in the next (40) the chi ef or only function of the sub - sections is to permit the tribe to adapt its kinship system to that of the tribes further south having a fully functioning system of eight sub - sections with kinship systems i hi of . Aranda type The eight named d visions , w ch are clearly the result of the systematization of a kinship system of Aranda typ e would thus have spread to these tribes without th e system itself on which they are of th e based having been adopted . Further study area is needed before i t i al i we can d scuss wi h any assurance th s somewhat anom ous cond tion . For the Djauan tribe Spencer gives a list of kinship terms whi ch of t of suggests a possible system Aranda ype . Warner is opinion that there may be a difierence of social organization between the north and the south of the tribe . all i of Practic y noth ng is known about the totemism these tribes . i r li Accord ng to Spencer the Djauan t ibe has patri neal totemic clans , of di one there being four groups clans , each group correspon ng to patri

- ul lineal couple of sub sections . These groups wo d correspond to the

- u of . . . fo r semi moieties the Mara typ e R H Mathews , who in such matters is of not always reliable, states that in the Djauan tribe succession the t or totem does not depend upon either fa her mother, but is regulated a by loc lity .

S ncer B ative Tribes o tbe ortbern Territor 1 1 1 e . N N . . p , f y , 9 4

i i - te 1 2 - 2 n No s . 2 W arner W . L o d. ub s ed e d . , l y U p l h F l , 9 7 9

in 0 Murn . 4 . g Typ e

i - of n Th s area consists of the north eastern part Ar hem Land, and i — Murn in Yarenan o Barlamomo contains the following tr bes g , g , , Dai ,

Ritarn o Yand inan . g , Djinba, j g and Burera li i Yidid a These tribes have patri neal moiet es , named j and Dua in

- f Murn in . o g , and a system of eight sub sections The kinship system is a

- on n a i . special type . It is based u ilater l (matr lateral)cross cousin marriage ’ man t or A may marry the daughter of his mother s bro her, some other 84 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES in i person denoted by the same term of k sh p , but may not marry the ’ i ’ daughter of a father s sister . His w fe s mother must therefore be the ’ ’ ” daughter of a mother s mother s brother but not the daughter of a ’ ” n i father s father . Excha ge of sisters is proh bited ; Ego cannot ’ marry the sister of his sister s husband .

Murn in of i of The g system k nship recognizes seven lines descent, as compared with the four of the Aranda type and the two of the Kariera type . Although the tribe has eight sub - sections these do not really function k as they do in the tribes with inship systems of Aranda type . Thus a man I b 1 2 of section A may marry either or b . The section of the children is determined by that of the mother so that in the first instance they will 2 D 1 be D and in the second . The Murngin tribe has a complex totemic system in which certain species are specially connected with the sub - sections (section totemism) wh ile other species are connected with the patrilineal local clans consti tuted by all persons born in a single horde . There is a system of local

- totem centres , but without increase rites of the talu type .

i h d. Mor o o and unct ons of t e Australian Murn 1 . W arner W . L o in , l y ph l gy F g

- A ican nt o ol ist . S . ii 0 20 2 e of Kins i . mer A br o N 1 6 Typ h p p g , , xxx , 93 , 7 5 .

2 ar L n u i d -Notes 1 2 - 2 . W ner W . o d. b s e ie d . , l y U p l h F l , 9 7 9

Groot Eylandt is inhabited by a tribe of which the name is apparently W hi iff on n Ingura . hile t s tribe would seem to d er from those the mai land, too little is at present known about its social organi zation to permit us to speak with any certainty .

2 4 . Mara Typ e .

i of Th s area on the Gulf Carpentaria contains the Mara, Anyula, al ak an Yik ul n N W andera . , and g tribes These tribes have patrilineal moieties each divided into two semi moieties . Thus in the Mara tribe the moieties are named Mulut i and

Umbana . The former is divided into Murungun and Mumbali and the Purdal Kuial latter into and . THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATI ON O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 8 5

i e m - th e A ch ld b longs to the same se i moiety as father . The rul e of marriage is that a man marries a woman of the opposite moiety to hi s own of - t i hi s and the semi moie y to wh ch mother does not belong . Thus th e son of a Murungun man and a Purdal woman is hi mself Murungun uial and must marry a K . in i r The k sh p systems of these t ibes are of the Aranda type . The four lines of descent of the Aranda type not only exist as absolute divisions of the tribe but are recognized and named, being what are called above semi moieties .

in t hi o In these tribes , as many o hers with kins p systems f Aranda

t i . ype, alternat ve marriages are permitted If a man cannot find a wife of ’ h t ’ ’ ’ t e i . e. t proper relationship , , mother s mo her s bro her s daughter s ’ one ’ daughter, he may marry who is classed with the mother s brother s Murun un Pur daughter . Thus a g whose mother is dal should marry Purdal of hi Kui al . s Alternatively he may marry own generation . t ili These ribes have a system of patr neal totemism . It seems likely t all one mi hat persons born in horde form a single tote c clan . The clans seem to be divided into four groups each constituting one of the semi t Th x of moie ies . ere is evidence of the e istence a few localized increase rites of th e talu typ e but it is not clear if there is a regul ar cul t of thi s hi ha u or . type in w ch each clan wo ld ve its own rite rites It is probable, th e of however, that totemic system is based on the existence local totem centres .

1 . S encer B . and ill en . . N ortbern Tribes Central A ustralia 1 0 p , , G , F J of , 9 4. Mara Anul a ( , ).

S encer ativ i t 2 . N e Tr bes o tb e or bern Territor o . N A ustralia 1 1 . Mara p , B f y f , 9 4 ( , k Nulla um).

- - . arn r Llo d n u is ed ie d otes 1 2 2 W e W . b N 3 , y . U p l h F l , 9 7 9 .

43 . Tiwi Typ e .

Thi s area consists of the Melville and Bathurst Islands and the Coburg i u inl Pen ns la of the neighbouring ma and . The islands are inh abited by the Tiwi and the peni nsul a by a tribe of whi ch the proper name woul d

seem to be Iwaidja .

al s These tribes have the normal organization into patriline horde , n Th and have neither moieties or sections . ey have matrilineal totemic hr r k i clans united into t ee exogamous ph atries . The nship system of the 86 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES t Iwaidja is unk nown . That of the Tiwi is of somewhat aberrant ype . It permits marriage with the mother’ s brother’ s daughter and also with ’ ’ the sister s son s daughter .

A ustralia 1 1 N ative Tribes o tbc N ortbern Territor o . S encer . 1 . p , B f y f , 9 4

Th e i i o f Me ill e and at urst s an s. O ceania i 1 0 M. v 2 art C . W . . H , T w l B h I l d , , 9 3 ,

- 1 67 1 80 .

- - M n ub is ed ie d Notes 1 2 8 2 . art C. W . . 3 . H , U p l h F l , 9 9

44 . Kakadu . The social organization of the Kakadu tribe has been described by i Spencer . There are neither moieties nor sections . The kinsh p system iff i seems to d er in important respects from normal Austral an systems . In l din particu ar, accor g to Spencer, a man may inherit the widow of a man ” of the generation above hi s own who may therefore be his father ’ ” or his mother s brother . This would be impossible in a normal Australian system whi ch precludes marriage between persons of two adjoining generations . Every person has a totem whi ch is determined by circumstances hi connected with s or her birth . Further investigation of this and th e neighbouring tribes is required before we can define the social organization and compare it with other

Australian systems .

ive Trib s o tbe rtb rn T t o a 1 S encer. N at e e r i N o erri o A ustral 1 . p f y f , 9 4

The tribes of this area have been much aff ected by the occupation of hi their country by the w tes . The Larakia tribe of the neighbourhood of Port Darwin had neither k hi to moieties nor sections . Their ins p system would seem have been of Kariera t ifi the ype with perhaps some special mod cations . Spencer records , without however much certainty , that they had exogamous il m patr ineal tote ic groups . Fo r the W orgait tribe Spencer gives a list of kinship terms that Kariera hi suggests a system of type . In t s tribe also a man inherits hi s his totem or totems from father . THE SOCIAL ORGANI ZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 87 W arrai i The tribe, which has been included in this area, has , accord ng

to of . Spencer, a system sections Adjumb itj Appungerta Auinmitj Appularan Th ere are a number of natural species associated with each of th e i on patrilineal moieties . A ch ld has as its totem e of the species associated hi ’ hi s own i . e. s h is with , , father s moiety , but not the same as father .

cer N ative Tribes o tbe N ortbern Territo o ustra S en . A lia 1 1 p f ry f , 9 4 .

This area consists of part of the north of th e Kimberley District R about the Forrest iver and the Lyne River . The tribes are divided into patrilineal hordes each having its own

ra m territory (g ). Each horde has a head an who seems to exercise more ff authority than is usual in Australian tribes , and the o ice seems to be hereditary in the male lin e . These tribes have patrilineal moieties (tun) named after the native companion and the turkey . Each moiety is divided into a number of r a n totemic clans (na ag ). In a single horde there are ow to be found of of one persons both moieties and therefore more than totem, but there is some evidence to suggest that originally all the men of one horde had the same totem , so that the totemic clans were localized . The exact position of the kinship system in a classification of Aus n ff Kariera tralia systems is not easy to fix . It di ers from the typ e in ’ ’ t t certain important particulars . Thus the mo her s mother s bro her is ’ ui Th e di sting shed from the father s father . latter is denoted by the same term as the brother, and the former is called by the same term as ’ ’ i i ’ the mother s mother . Wife s mother is d st nguished from father s ’ ’

i . sister, and wife s mother s brother is d stinguished from father On the ’ ’ ne other hand mother s brother and wife s father are denoted by o term . ’ A man marries the daughter of hi s mother s brother or of some one h t whom he denotes by the same term . Dr . Elkin t inks that marriage wi h ’ ’ al the father s sister s daughter is so permitted , but he found only one ’ one instance and that not quite certain . He states also that when Ego s ’ ’ ’ mother s brother has married Ego s father s sister Ego may not marry of their daughter . A reasonable interpretation the kinship terminology on the basis of our existing information would be that marriage with the 8 8 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES ’ t if l fa her s sister, not prohibited, is not approved, and that the regu ar ’ ’ ’ marriage woul d be with the daughter of the mother s mother s brother s i i ifi daughter . If th s interpretation is correct th s system is to be class ed with the Karadjeri type (50)and the Murngin type As the exchange of sisters in marriage is practised in some instances by these tribes the not system is quite the same as the Karadjeri, and we may perhaps regard it as intermediate between the Kariera system and the Karadjeri . Th e kinship systems of thi s area also allow two forms of marriage ’ ’ o of an unusual kind . One f these is marriage with the sister s son s ’ If E o of daughter . g has not married the daughter his mother s brother ’ i then the latter may claim Ego s daughter as hi s wife . The relationsh p ’ ’ between mother s brother and sister s son is thus in a way reciprocal ; ’ ’ either the sister s son may marry the daughter of his mother s brother o r the latter may marry the daughter of the former . The other unusual form of marriage is one whereby a man claims in ’ ’ ’ hi s n hi marriage the sister s daughter of s sister s daughter s hu ba d . T s t in is a case of simple reciproci y . A man has a good deal to say the hi ’ ’ ’ t marriage of s sister s daughter . My wife s mother s bro her has given Th him ’ me my wife . erefore in return I give my sister s daughter to be

There are a certain number of localized increase rites connected with tu na ral species , but there is no evidence that these are connected with th e nara u clan totems ( g ). One horde , for example, has a spot at which

f or - n rites may be performed the increase of water lilies , an importa t article of of th e food . The rite is performed at the proper season the year by tw headman of the horde . If there is any connection be een these rites and

the clan totems it has not yet been made clear .

hi s nara a arz Besides g , or clan totem, every person has ay or personal i in or i in totem . Th s imposes no restrictions on eat g k ll g or marrying . h i i s hi s arz A c ld told by his father or mother what y is , the parent having ’ of an one ari ill dreamt it . When y dreams of a person sy it means that he w

soon see that person . Every member of the tribe has what may be described as a spiritual - one of i of i birth place, which is a l mited number of spots wh ch there are al sever in the territory of each horde . Such a spot is marked by some ” al natur feature, always in association with water . A father finds

- i s. a baby spirit at such a place, and it then enters his w fe, who so conceive

90 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES hi ’ ’ daughter . It also appears to pro bit marriage with the mother s mother s ’ ’ brother s daughter s daughter, who is also classified with the mother . It would seem to permit marriage with the father’ s mother’ s brother’ s ’ son s daughter . of i The system does not permit the exchange sisters , but th s applies n fi only to ow sisters not to classi catory or tribal sisters . Thus a man ’ of could not marry the sister his sister s husband , but could marry a woman ’ ’ i from the same clan . Marriage with the sister s son s daughter, wh ch is a ul i is reg ar marriage in many tribes of the K mberley District , not permitted in the Ungarinyin system . The mechanism for the arrangement of marri age would seem to be of a find n something like that the Y ralde system . A man must a woma who is not nearly related to him and who belongs to his own moiety and ’ hi s is married to a man of the same line of descent as father s mother .

- - t Thi s woman can become hi s mother in law . By the peculiari ies of the hi s own system a man is permitted to marry outside generation, and can of iff e marry women two d rent generations . Thus a man having already ’ ’ one wife may marry in addition hi s wif e s brother s daughter . Like the system o f the Yaralde that of the Ungarinyin is a deviation from the normal Australian type, and is yet clearly related to systems of of the Aranda type in being based on the recogni tion of four lines descent . The Ungarinyin tribe has a certain number of localized ceremoni es f or the increase of natural species but does not seem to have a regul ar cul t of the talu type such as is found in the Kariera and other tribes further south . The place of this cult seems to be taken by a special cult centring n or of i arou d galleries of rock paintings . The renewal execution paint ngs in these galleries aff ords a means of providing for the increase of totemic species . There is a belief that pregnancy is the result of the entrance into a of - Un ud woman a baby spirit . These are made by or emanate from g the ” - rainbow serpent and are associated with water, being found by the

- n father at certain water holes or in the falli g rain . Thus each person has a

- - hi - spiritual birth place, being the water hole from w ch the baby spirit

- i comes . The father normally sees the baby spirit in a dream and d rects hi s it to wife . hi s hi s Besides clan totem, inherited from father, every person has at

one two al l ari n. least and perhaps or more person totems , ca led y How THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRI BES 9 1

this is determined in the Ungarinyin tribe is not known , but it seems that in the adjoining W urara tribe the personal totem or totems of an individual ’ (called baru in that tribe) are the hereditary totems of hi s or her mother s of i brother . To dream of the personal totem an ndividual means that he

will soon be seen .

is ed ie d- Notes 1 2 - 2 8 k in A P n ub . El . . , U p l h F l , 9 7

- 8 u . 4 . Ny l nyul Type hi T s area consists of part ofDampier Land . The principal tribe is the - ul D uk an N ormb al Nyul ny , but three other small tribes , the j , g and b era- z a D a . j djaber , seem to have the same organi tion These tribes have a system of four sections with the names Banaka Burungu Karimba Paldj eri The kinship terminology conforms in its main features to the Aranda type . The tribes are divided into patrilineal hordes each with its own of one one territory . It would seem that the men any horde belong to

ili of - Pald eri patr neal couple sections , certain hordes being Banaka j and

- the others Karimba Burungu . The horde is consequently exogamous . Moreover the hordes play a definite and important part in the arrangement of f or marriages . There is a preference marriage between persons of widely separate hordes . The Nyul-nyul have the two unusual forms of marriage which are ’ hi of a found in t s part Australia, namely ( ) marriage with the sister s ’ b ’ ’ ’ son s daughter, and ( ) marriage with the sister s daughter s husband s ’

of . sister s daughter . The latter marriage is a sort delayed exchange A ’ man having received his wife from her mother s brother gives back h is ’ own sister s daughter in repayment .

The totemic system of these tribes is no t yet thoroughly known . It i i involves two th ngs , first the d vision of the territory of the tribe into districts each of which is specially associated with some natural species

i - h secondly , the bel ef that conception is due to a baby spirit w ich enters a

- woman and so becomes incarnated in a child . Each baby spirit is regarded as being derived from one of the totemic districts and is therefore specially associated with the natural species belonging to that district whi ch thus of h u becomes the totem the c ild . It would seem that as a general r le , to i of hi wh ch, however, there appear to be exceptions , the totem a c ld is 9 2 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES of the same as that the father . There is no evidence at present of th e al existence of localized increase ceremonies of the t u type . It has been asserted that these tribes do not possess any form of f . o on totemism The value such a statement depends , of course , what is n t defined as bei g totemism . There are special relations be ween human beings and natural species through the association of baby- spirits with i hi particular localities and these again with an mals and plants . If t s is not to be called totemism then we should logically deny the application of al that term to the Aranda system so .

Klaatsch ermann Sc l s eri t u r meine Rei e nac Au tra i 1 . . us b c b e s s en in den , H h h h l

' ’ - bm t t lo ie i 1 0 - a ren 1 0 0 . Z eitsc r E bno 6 6 0 J h 9 4 7 f f u g , xxx x , 9 7, 3 5 9 .

2 i P Die io - io ein Ein eb orenensta - sc o s . o s. N r . N mm in No d est B h f , J l l , g w

- Austra i en . A ntbro os iii 1 0 8 2 0 l p , , 9 , 3 4 .

Ra c — ro n A R i i - te 1 2 liff e . . n ub s ed e d No s 1 . 3 . d B w , U p l h F l , 9

i i - 1 - 2 in A . P. n ub s ed tes 2 1 8 . e No . 4 Elk , U p l h F ld , 9 7 9

The Bad tribe occupies the extreme north of Dampier Land . The adjoining Sunday Island was formerly occupied by the Dj aui tribe which i apparently had the same organization . The tribes are d vided into lin ni of th e patri eal hordes each ow ng a small territory, most territories including some portion of the coast . t i al These tribes have neither moie ies nor sections . The term nologic kin on mi of u - classification of is the whole si lar to that the Ny l nyul, and is of therefore related to the Aranda type . But the regulation marriage is r different in important respects . A man may mar y women who would be him of forbidden in a normal system the Aranda type, provided her actual relationship to him is a di stant one and that she comes from a horde hi n distant from s ow . As in the case of alternative or irregular marriages in tribes with the Aranda type of k inship system the relationships of the children are determined through the mother . A man may not marry hi s ’ ’ ’ ’ hi s own mother s brother s daughter nor own father s sister s daughter, ” but he might marry the daughter of a distant tribal brother of hi s

mother . The system could perhaps be derived from a system such as that of the Nyul- nyul by the extension and wider recogni tion of what are in ” the latter system alternative marriages .

THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES

A - BY A . R . R DCLIFFE BROWN

PART III

The social organization of Australian tribes aff ords material of capital

importance f or the science of comparative sociology . We find an

organization of a single specialised type over the whole continent, and of iff t the type has been elaborated into a large number d erent varie ies . A comparative study of all the details of these variations affords an opportuni ty f or sociological analysis which is perhaps not equalled in of any other part of the world . This is one the chief reasons why it is of such importance to science to obtain an adequate record of the Australian di aborigines before they and their culture sappear . It is not possible in the space here available to undertake a detailed of n i sociological analysis the Australian orga ization . But a brief d scussion seems desirable in order to remove misconceptions that have arisen in 1 2 theoretical discussions . The first question that requires to be dealt with is that of the relation of between social organization and the terminology kinship . There are

two views on thi s subject that I wish to controvert . One is the view him of Lewis Morgan , adopted from by Howitt and Sir James Frazer, whi ch is to the eff ect that the kinship terminology of Australian tribes is not correlated with the existing social organiz ation but is correlated with and has its origin in a hypothetical condi tion in whi ch individual

did of ni of marriage not exist, but groups men were u ted in some sort

marriage bond with groups of women . The second view is one which r is held by Professor K oeber, that there is in general no very close

1 2 Practically all th e theoretical discussion of Australian so cial organi z ati on h as een irecte to ar s ro i in ot etica reconstructions o f its i t en b d d w d p v d g hyp h l h s ory. Ev Dur eim t ou a roac in th e sub ect as a so cio o ist evo tes his attention to kh , h gh pp h g j l g , d t i ment Th e mo re mo est b ut rea m questions of his or cal develop . d lly ore important task of trying to understand what th e o rganiz ation really is and h ow it works has b een ne e d gl cte . THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION O F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 9 5 correlation between the kinship terminology of a people and their social 1 3 institutions . So far as Australian tribes are concerned it can be laid down as definitely proved that the kinship terminology of a tribe is an integral i and essential part of the social organ zation . At every moment of the life of a member of an Australian tribe hi s dealings with other individuals i i are regulated by the relationsh p in wh ch he stands to them . His and i relatives , near d stant , are classified into certain large groups , and this ul classification is carried out by means of the terminology , and co d hi apparently not be ac eved in any other way . Thus in any part of the to i continent when a stranger comes a camp the first th ng to be done,

i hi s before he can be admitted with n the camp , is to determine relation

i . e. ship to every man and woman in it , , to determine what is the proper hi him of term of relations p for to apply to each them . As soon as he knows hi s relation to a given indi vidual he knows how to behave towards hi his s . him, what duties are and what rights i The case against Professor Kroeber is , I th nk, proved conclusively by the fact that variations in the kinship terminology from tribe to tribe in i are directly correlated with variations the social organization, includ ng

variations in the regulation of marriage . As against Morgan and those who follow hi m it can be shown that there is a very thorough functional correlation between the kinship terminology of any tribe and the social organization of that tribe as it

exists at present . If this is so there is no reason whatever to suppose that the kinship terminology is a survival from some very different form of ! social organization in a purely hypothetical past .

ournal o tb e Ro al A ntbro olo ical Institute i 1 0 - 8 and C ali ornian j f y p g , xxx x , 9 9 , 77 4 f Ki sbi S stems i Ca i 1 n nivers t of orni a Pub icatio ns 1 . p y , U y l f l , 9 7 1 4 ’ Th e conclusive criticism of Mo rgan s theories and others of th e same kind was stated o rt ears a o b Starc e Tb e Primitive F ami 1 88 a e 1 8 Man earned f y y g y k ( ty, 9 , p g ) y l men are to o much di sp o sed to seek f or th e explanation o f a given custom in condi tions o rmer time It i ce tain t at custo ms ersist o f f s which have now perhap s di sappeared . s r h p b th e o rce of ab it even en th e condi tions hi c rst ave b irt to t em ave on y f h , wh w h fi g h h h l g ceased to e i st et it is scarce necessar to remar t at t i s a ea to ear times can x , y ly y k h h pp l ly only b e effective when it h as b een shown to b e impo ssib le to disco ver th e cause o f such u t m h c n t is main rinci e is not c s o in t e o di tions under which they still continue . If h p pl acce ted we s a l b e led astra b ever idl e e usio n. we are ab le to trace th e cause p , h l y y y d l If o f a custom in e istin circumstances we must ab ide b t at cause and not i n b ut x g , y h , h g a definite hi sto rical acco unt of th e prior existence of th e custo m can induce us to seek f or ano t er e anation h xpl . R S 96 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN T IBE I propose therefore to consider briefly some of the principles that

are active in the Australian classification of kin . The most important of these principles is one which is present in all classificatory systems of i kinship terminology . Morgan applied that term to all systems wh ch apply the same term to lineal and collateral relatives by regarding two if brothers as equivalent , so that a man stands in a certain relationship hi to Ego s brother is regarded as standing in the same relationship . f of ui Thi s principle may be spoken o as that the eq valence of brothers . f o . It applies , course, equally to two sisters Now this principle is m uni versally applied in all Australian systems of ter inology . Everywhere ” of h the brother a father is called father, and therefore his c ildren are ” of called brother and sister, and similarly the sister a mother is ” i ” ” called mother and her ch ldren are also called brother and sister . of Thi s principle is not merely a matter terminology . It is a most important sociological principle which runs through the whole of on t Australian life . It depends the fact that there is a very strong, in imate and permanent social bond between two brothers born and brought ” i i hi i . t up in the same fam ly Th s sol dari y between brothers , w ch is or of i t hi itself an expression result family sol dari y, is a very obvious t ng i r to anyone who stud es the abo igines at first hand . It shows itself

i . levit ate i ni moreover in certain nstitutions The is , I bel eve, u versal hi i i in Australian tribes . By t s custom, when a man d es , his w fe or wives his i hi s nl and dependent ch ldren pass to brother, in some tribes o y to ’ h is younger brother . When possible it is the man s own brother who him if hi s own hi s succeeds , but he has no brother of place is ” taken by someone who stands in the classificatory relation of brother to the deceased . The function of thi s custom in terms of social integration is fairly hi d obvious . A marriage and the birth of c l ren sets up certain social i t i i relat ons , a certain struc ural arrangement . The w fe and ch ldren are dependent on the husband and father and their position in the society ’ 5 of is fixed by that dependence . The man death causes a disruption the tu ni social struc re, and the society needs to restore it with a mi mum of

1 5 For an account of th e re ation b et een b rot ers see W arner Mor o o and l w h , ph l gy uncti ons of th e Austra ian Murn in e o f Kins i A merican A ntbro olo ist ii F l g Typ h p , p g , xxx , 1 0 2 2 6 i s ar 9 3 07 5 . Th ticl e gives th e b est acco unt of th e actual wo rking of an Australiari inshi s stem in th e ever a i e of th e trib e k p y yd y l f .

9 8 THE SOCIAL ORGANI ZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES

varied functions , when an individual is brought into some close social him relation with one member of the group , there is a tendency to bring

into close relation with all the other members of the group . An instance of thi s tendency is to be seen in the special close relation that is set up in

n . ma y societies between a man and the group (family, clan, etc ) from

i . of wh ch he obtains a wife In terms persons , if there is a strong , intimate r and permanent bond between two persons A and B , then when a thi d person C is brought into an important social relation with B there is a l tendency to bring him into close relation with A . The resu ting relation t i of on i be ween C and A w ll depend, course , the k nd of relation that

already exists between A and B . In terms of the Australian social organization I am by the fact of birth and upbringing brought into a him specific relation with my father . Since between and his brother there is the special intimate relation that we have seen I am brought into ’ a very close relation with my father s brother in which he becomes f or ” i me another father . Th s would seem to be the essential principle of the classificatory svstem of terminology and of the Australian social

organization . levit ate A similar custom to the is that known as the sororate . The form that th is takes in Australia is that when a man marries the elder of r two o more sisters he becomes entitled to marry the younger ones also . In many Australian tribes the ideal arrangement is considered to be that a man who marries the eldest of the sisters should also marry the second and that he should then transfer hi s righ t to the third and fourth to his of younger brother . In this custom the sororate we have sisters treated le it a e v t . as being socially equivalent, just as with brothers in the The existence of thi s close bond between sisters is shown al so in the custom

of Yaralde some tribes , for example the , whereby a special, strong and

intimate bond is set up between two men who marry two sisters . In th e Yaralde tribe there is a special term of relationship for two men thus

connected . Without considering in any way how the Australian social organization may have arisen in a di stant past about whi ch we shall

1 7 us it can b e s o n thi n t at it is thi s ten enc i c in th e instance of Th h w , I k, h d y wh h ’ a man and his i e s mot er nal resu ts in th e custom universa in Australi a ereb w f h fi ly l , l , wh y th e man must avoi all so cia contact it th e o man i e sti re ardin h er in th e d l w h w wh l ll g g , ” ra e of a native as hi i th e s s b est riend n o r d. ph , f w l THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 99 never obtain any direct knowledge, we may say that as it exists at present an anal ysis of it reveals thi s important active principle of the solidarity of on hi brothers , and we may say that t s principle the existin g system is ’ built . By applying the principle the father s brother comes to be regarded two for social purposes as similar to the father, and the are classified under i a single kinsh p term, without, however, any confusion between the

’ ’ real father and hi s brother . Similarly the mother s sister and the father s brother’ s wife are classified as mother” and the behaviour towards o n them is modelled that towards the mother . Carrying forward to the descending generation a man treats the children of hi s brother in a similar i hi s h i ” way to that in wh ch he treats own c ldren , and calls them son ” l ” and daughter, just as they cal him father . Passing to more di stant ’ of i relationships the brother the father s father is class fied with the latter, i both in term nology and for social purposes , and his son is therefore in turn classified with the father . In thi s way the Australian native creates a stable social structure by which all the details of social intercourse between one person and another i are regulated . Since relationsh ps are traced without any limit an individual stands in some definite relationship to every person whom he of i meets in the course his l fe . Within a single class of relatives some are near and some are distant l and the degrees of nearness , though not usua ly expressed in the m of ter inology, are course recognized for social purposes and such a recognition is an integral and essenti l part of the system . Thus a man marr o r li cannot y, show any fami arity towards the daughter of any man he ” l hi . u s calls father He co d not fight with own father nor, I think, ’ hi s or of hi s nearer with father s brothers any fathers , but he may l i quite wel on occasion fight aga nst a distant father, and indeed much i ’ more readily in some tribes than against a d stant mother s brother . A second important principle of the Australian system is the i d stinction between the father and the mother, and therefore between relatives through the father and relatives through the mother . Father diff of and mother are treated as two erent kinds relatives , though it is difficult to give any simple statement as to what the difference consists in . Throughout Australia it seems that the personal bond between a hi son c ld , even a , and the mother, is regarded as stronger than that between i of of li f or ch ld and father . By virtue the act suck ng , if no other reason, 1 00 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES

i one the personal relation of ch ld and mother is a peculiarly intimate , in hi especially the early years of life, and t s creates a permanent bond of solidarity which has great importance in Australian life and in determining

the social structure . Wh en we come to the brother of the mother and the sister of the father r the classificato y principle takes a new form . Since there is a close bond hi tw between a c ld and its mother, and another bond be een the mother and her brother the child is brought into a close personal bond with the ’ m mother s brother . The latter is not treated in any way as si ilar to the ’ ”

or . father father s brother, but is treated as a sort of male mother ’ ' of Similarly the father s sister is treated as a sort female father . In ’ ’ all Australian tribes the actual mother s brother and the actual father s

of i i sister an ind vidual have important places in his l fe, and the whole i l system can only be understood when th s is fu ly recognized . Thus ’ the distinction in terminology between mother s brother and father and ’ between father s sister and mother is correlated with social distinctions ’ of the greatest importance . The tendency to treat the mother s brother ” as a sort of male mother is the result of the action of the same principle ’ ” n 1 8 that results in the father s brother bei g treated as a father . Another important principle of the Australian system is connected of diff with the relations between persons erent generations . The relation ship of generation has its origin in the family in the relation of parents f to children . It becomes of importance in general social li e because social continuity requires that the body of tradition possessed by the t one i di socie y shall be handed on by generation to the next, and th s han ng on of tradition entails a relation of superiority and subordination as between one generation and the next . The generation of parents must il i have authority over the generation of ch dren . We find th s in one form or another in every human society . As between persons wh o are separated by an intervening generation If t 1 2 a new situation arises . we call the genera ions , and 3 , then those of g eneration 1 exercise authority over those of 2 and those of 2 over of i of those 3 , but by a tendency wh ch is apparent in many the simpler l of 1 societies and is perhaps real y universal , persons and 3 are brought

1 8 Th e tendency can b e seen in many classificatory systems in diEerent parts of th e ’ or See Ra c iffe- ro n Th e Mot er s rot er in Sout A rica S outb A rican w ld . d l B w , h B h h f , f urnal o S cience xxi 2 2 - o 1 . j f , , 9 4, 54 5 55

THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES

’ ’ of of my father s father and my son s son , the sons all relatives that kind a l l should fall together and can be c l ed father, whi e the fathers of all of them shoul d equally be classified together and may therefore be called ” son . Another most important principle in the Australian system is that hi of of reciprocity in marriage . T s is merely a special instance a much t wider principle of reciproci y . What underlies it is the fact that when a ai n marriage takes place there is a change of social structure , cert n existi g social ties being broken or changed and other new ties created . The hi i group from w ch the bride is taken, whether we regard the fam ly only, hi or uff o r . the horde , s ers a loss damage For t s they must be compensated of ff or indemni fied . It is this aspect marriage that a ords the explanation of a great many of the ritual and other customs connected with marriage in all parts of the world . In Australia it results in a custom whereby marriage is normally an exchange in whi ch each side loses a woman and

ne of . gains o . In the majority of tribes this takes the form sister exchange A man receives a wife from a certain family and horde and hi s own sister ’ goes in exchange to his wife s brother . Amongst the tribes of Gippsland, who have no moieties , the exchange of sisters is regarded (according to of Yaral Howitt) as the only legitimate form marriage . In the de and other tribes where the local patrilineal clan is a very important group m l the exchange is not between fa i ies but between clans . Where there is of a system of moieties one the functions of this is that every marriage, of or one whether by exchange sisters not, is an exchange between moiety

. arts of and the other So also , in the section system all marriages are p a continuous series of exchanges between the two sections or sub - sections of a pair . Most Australian systems of termi nology are dependent on this t ’ reciproci y in marriage . Where there is sister exchange the father s sister ’ ’ i and the mother s brother s w fe are classified together under a single term, l i ’ ’ and simi arly the w fe s brother is classified with the sister s husband . In the exceptional tribes in which sister exchange is not permitted these i relatives are d stinguished . In some of the Australian systems we find other forms of exchange in marriage . Thus in the Kimberley district the marriage of a man with his sister’ s daughter’ s husband’ s sister’ s daughter is a form of delayed exchange . THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 1 0 3 A matter of great importance is the position of the family in the

. i . e Australian system First it should be noted that the family, . , the f hi s or hi group ormed by a man and wife wives and their dependent c ldren, is certainly not less important amongst the Australian aborigines than hi it is amongst ourselves . T s was shown many years ago by 1 9 ff Malinowski , but perhaps needs to be rea irmed . The important function of the family is that it provides for the f eeding and bringing — . on co of f up of the children It is based the operation man and wi e , the di f former provi ng the lesh food and the latter the vegetable food, so that quite apart from the question of children a man without a wife is in an unsatisfactory position since he has no one to supply him regul arly hi s . m with vegetable food , to provide firewood and so on This econo ic aspect of the family is a most important one and it is partly this that explains Australian polygyny . I believe that in the minds of the natives f o i . e. of themselves this aspect marriage , , its relation to subsistence, is greatly more importance than the fact that man and wife are sexual partners . of v Some the earlier writers , such as Howitt and Spencer, ha e given a false picture of the Australian family by entirely neglecting the economic i aspect and regard ng marriage as only a matter of sexual union . Thus in a number of Australian tribes men other than the husband may be given temporary or permanent rights of sexual relation with a particular woman . But sexual relations between a man and a woman do not n constitute marriage in Australia any more than they do in our ow society . We have nothing like complete or even satisfactory inf ormation it auru or iraun at u s of n about the p p g custom the tribes rou d Lake Eyre, and it is perhaps now too late to make any thorough investigation , but we can be quite sati sfied that when Spencer and Gill en say that a group of women of a certain designation are actually the wives of a group of ” men of another designation they are using the word wife in a way in which it cannot be used if we are to apply it to the ordinary marriage relation either in Australian tribes or amongst ourselves . It is not possible here to discuss the meaning and function of th e various Australian customs relating to sexual unions outside marriage . It is a complex subject and our inf ormation at present is not perhaps i our out suff cient . It is enough for present purpose to point that a

19 Tb e F aml amon tb e A ustralian A bori ines 1 1 . iy g g , 9 3 1 04 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES does not exist either in name or in practice in the Urab unna tribe is ni false on any ordinary defi tion of marriage . The false lead given to the discussion of Australian kinship by ’ Morgan s theories has obscured the fact , very plain to the observer who n of makes an u biassed study any tribe, that the whole kinship system is one based on the family . The relationships between person and another in the kinship system are individual relationships . In deciding what they are appeal is always made to actual genealogical connection . Thus , in Western Australia the first question always asked of a stranger is W h o is your father’ s father ?” Similarly in all discussions as to the suitability of a proposed marriage it is the genealogical connection between the two r n persons that is considered . It is t ue that when the genealogical con ection is too remote to be traced the natives fall back on a consideration of o r - hi the section sub section or the clan to w ch an individual belongs , but this does not alter the fact that in the minds of the natives themselves i hi they are deal ng, throughout all the ramifications of the kins p system, of hi with real genealogical relations parent and c ld or sibling and sibling . n of The termi ology some earlier writers is therefore misleading . ” di ui In They sting sh between blood and tribal relationships . ” fir i Th e the st place the term blood is m sleading . Australian aborigines do not recognize physiological but only social relationships , hi ” as was mentioned in Part I of t s essay . The word tribal is equally i i i mislead ng, for in the kinsh p organ zation the tribe is not an important Th e i unit . real d stinction is that which the natives themselves make

i are between near and d stant relatives , and not two degrees but many ” i men recognized in this . Thus a man can class fy the he calls father

1 own y ater into ( )his father, in the social not the ph siological sense (p not ’ ” enitor 2 hi s g ), ( ) father s own brothers , (3 ) other fathers belonging o wn to his horde, (4) those belonging to other hordes but fairly closely connected with him by genealogy, (5)those of other hordes whose relation hi him . to is more remote Wit n the groups 3 , 4 and 5 it is possible f or i l al him to make other d stinctions , and these wil most entirely be based on considerations of genealogy . Such a statement as that of Sir James Frazer 2 0 that the Australian terms of kinship designate relation ” not di ships between groups , between in viduals is therefore very misleading . 2° Totemism and x E o am 1 1 0 i 0 . g y , 9 , , 3 3

1 06 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES once a group has been dubbed exogamous the assumption is frequently ' made th at thi s exogamy is a thing by itself to be explained without reference of hi to the regulation marriage by kinship . In Australia it can I t nk k i be stated with certainty that everywhere marriage is regulated by insh p , f i . e. o . , by the classification kindred through the kinship terminology Any group that is exogamous is so because it consists of certain k inds of

kin. In certain tribes there are factors at work which may resul t in destroying the exogamy of the horde . Thus in some tribes with an Aranda of of type kinship irregular marriages may take place , and the position the children in the kinshi p system may then be counted through the Wh i ill mother and not through the father . ere th s happens a horde w ne of ll come to contain persons of more than o line descent . There wi thus arise a condition in whi ch by the ordinary kinship rules a man might hi s ill marry a woman of own horde . But, at any rate at first , there w be a feeling that the old rule of horde exogamy should be observed . A i l cond tion of instabi ity and uncertainty will thus arise, and so far as I could judge thi s is what had taken place in some of the tribes of Western B n ai o . Australia, such as the g There is evidence that in some tribes ff attempts have been made to overcome this di iculty , but the subject is one on t which further enquiries are necessary . It is possible hat in some instances a tribe woul d come by some such process to abandon the rul e of i i t local exogamy . Th s would , however, be an important mod fica ion of of the character the horde . For a large number of Australian tribes it can certainly be said that one li a the persons born in horde form a local patri neal clan , having strong and defini te k inship solidarity similar to that of the joint family or extended i of one one fam ly some other societies . The men of generation regard ” another as brothers . While the family is the primary economic unit in both production ni and consumption , the horde u tes a number of families in a wider economic group in which there is regular co - operation in hunting and h ul other activities , and a regular s aring of food . Thus the partic arism ofthe family whereby it might tend to become an isolated uni t is neutrali sed

i . by the horde solidarity , wh ch is itself based on family solidarity By reason of the patrilineal descent of the horde all the nearest relatives in the direct male line of any person are to be found in hi s own THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 1 07

m hi s v horde . Si ilarly all nearest relati es through his mother in the male i ’ l ne are to be found in his mother s horde . Consequently the hordes play an important part in the kinship system in the classification of the of di relatives an in vidual into near and distant . So much is thi s so that ” when natives speak of distant relatives they combine in the one con ce tion i di p both genealogical remoteness and geograph cal stance . This is perhaps an appropriate place in whi ch to make a brief reference to the function of the patrilineal descent which is a feature of the local i organization all over Austral a . In his adaptation to a somewhat unfavour able environment the Australian native has to rely on accumulated detailed knowledge of the ani mals and plants he uses for food and for other of hi purposes . A most important part t s knowledge is topographical , f of u . e. o i o i f . , consists the deta led knowledge a certain piece co ntry A boy begins to acquire thi s knowledge about the country of hi s own horde own hi from a very early age . If he left his country , say at marriage, t s knowledge would be lost and he would have to start over again to learn all that he would require to know about the country to which he moved . Everywhere it is the men who not only control their own activities of ’ hunting or fish ing but also control and di rect the women s activities of of collecting vegetable food . It must be remembered that the territory a horde is normally more than one hundred square miles in area and that one of the characteristics of Australia is the di scontinuous distribution of so plants and animals , that a given species may be found in abundance in a limited area , and then no more specimens may be found over a wide i i al rad us unt l another local patch is reached . The loc knowledge possessed of by the men is therefore great importance , and the patrilineal descent of the horde is of very real advantage to the aborigines in their adaptation . An important problem with which it is not possible to deal adequately in the space available is that of the relation of the moiety organi zation to of or the Australian system as a whole . Since the presence sections sub - sections involves the existence of both patrilineal and matrilineal i moieties , though not necessar ly named , we may say that the great majority of Th ere Australian tribes have some sort of moiety arrangement . are six areas scattered round the continent in whi ch moieties are absent . One is on the coast of W ’estern Australia round the Murchi son River (area

of of not n . 4 Map II), but the absence moieties here is defi itely proved A second is an area of considerable size lying north of the Great Australian 1 0 8 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 2 1 i Bight and extending as far as central Australia . A th rd area is on 1 2 Yaralde the lower Murray River (area on Map II , type). A fourth

- 1 2 0 is at the south east corner of the continent (areas 9 , and probably

II - 2 of . 4 Map ) A fifth area is in the north east of Arnhem Land (43 , 44 and 4 5 on Map Finally there is a small area at the extreme north of Dampier Land (area Such of the tribes of these areas as are known hi diff show somewhat aberrant forms of the kins p system, ering considerably amongst themselves . An examination of the simplest of the normal Australian kinship

of Kariera on - systems , that the , based first cross cousin marriage , shows that such a system if logically and consistently carried out must inevitably result in the formation of moieties . But since a moiety system exists in other parts of the world associated with different k inds of kinship system ri we cannot assume a direct causal relation in the case of the Ka era. Briefly it may be said that the most important function of the division hi into moieties is that it systematizes the k ins p arrangements . It must f one of i hi su fice here to point out the ways in which it does this . The k ns p h system, working t rough the terminology, creates a social structure, but in the first instance the structure so establi shed is relative to a given individual . So far as Ego is concerned every person within the society classificato o stands in some specific relationship . But the ry system f terminology does not and cannot by itself produce any system of social segments as absolute divisions of the society . By segmentation is meant the di vision of society into groups distinct from one another and similar in kind such that every person must belong to one particular group or segment of the series and cannot belong to more than one . The of a t of growth segment ry struc ures is a constant feature social development, and it seems that certain forms of structure can only reach stability h and permanence by that means . T us though it is possible by means of a classificatory system of terminology to establish a kinship structure by which the social relations o f individuals can be satisfactorily regulated within a community of limited size , that structure will remain unstable until it is supplemented by some segmentary organization which will i ni w group the ind viduals into permanent and recog zable groups . No

2 1 ’ Dr in s recent u th e S ut Au tra ian trib es h as s n t at th e dotted . Elk s rvey of o h s l ho w h area on Map I must b e extended east and north so as to cover th e whole eastern part of Sout Austra ia h l .

1 1 0 THE SOCIAL ORGAN IZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES

one of of a social group determined by reference to the two parents . hi Descent is necessarily unilateral , whereas kins p is equally necessarily of of o r i bilateral . In the formation a system clans moiet es a choice must r i be made between patrilineal descent o matrilineal descent . This w ll tend to produce a social emphasis on relationshi p to and through one And i parent as compared with that to and thr ough the other . th s in f turn may result in a social condition in whi ch con licts tend to arise . ni In Australia the conception of kinship is very defi tely bilateral . al It is true that everywhere the important soci group , the horde, is ’ di n patrili neal . But the in vidual is very closely bou d to his mother s i hi horde . And certa n customs show that the bond between c ld and mother is regarded by the natives as being stronger than that between i child and father . Thus we have seen that in tribes in wh ch descent is primarily patrili neal the position of the ch ild of an i rregular marriage in the kinship system is determined through the mother and not through the father . One of the functions of the section system is that it affords adequate i in recognition to both patrilineal and matrilineal kinsh p , since it there are both patrilineal moieties and matrilineal moieties , though either or of both may be unnamed . But there are a number other principles o that find expression in the section system . One f the most important of these is the alternation of generations . By the section system the whole society is di vided into two generation o ne of of groups , consisting sections A and B , and the other sections C of of hi and D . Each group consists what I have called in Part I t s essay i n a pair of sections . The ex stence of these groups is recog ized by the of natives everywhere where there is a section system . In some tribes We stern Australia there is a special term which a man applies to all the own of l persons included in his pair sections taken col ectively, and another term which he applies to all the persons of the other and alternating \Ve 8 pair . have seen that in area (Southern Cross)the two groups which correspond to pairs of sections in a section system are given names . hi l il T s segmentation separates parents and chi dren , who necessar y d ff l hr belong to i erent divisions . It also genera izes t oughout the whole

- di society the parent child relationship . All the persons in the other vision from Ego belong to either the parent ’ s generation or the children’ s generation in relation to Ego . It also brings together into one social THE I A O SOC L ORGANIZATION F AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 1 1 1 i r group grandparents and grandch ld en . All persons of my grand ’ own i of a parents generation belong to my d vision, as course do ll persons of my own generation . Thus the generations alternate between the one pair of classes and the other . Th e section system ful fils a further function of bringing into direct t o ne n th e i i rela ion with a other in system the two ntermarry ng groups ,

i . e. , the groups that exchange women in marriage . This is the relation ship of the two sections A and B and it determines all the social relations

i t . of (econom c , ri ual , etc ) of the members these two groups . In all the normal Australian systems marriage is forbidden between persons of two adjoining generations . This is the result of the terminological classification reinforced by the action of the generation principle and the generalisation of the parent- chil d relationship to the distant brothers of the father and the mother . In some tribes it is possible f or a man to marry in to the generation of hi s grandchfld or even possibly into that of his grandparents . Thus the function of the section system is to systematiz e and make more defini te the organi zation that is already present in the kin ship system of of kin n of as the result the classification by mea s the terminology . It does this by bringing together all the relatives of a given person into f our groups which are at the same time segments or absolute divisions z i hi of the whole society . It serves not merely to systemati e the k ns p system but also to give it a stabili ty and permanence that it would not otherwise have .

I must make brief reference to the question of descent . It is common li to speak of some Australian tribes as patrili neal and others as matri neal . i i in . r Th s is , to say the least, mislead g In the fi st place in every Austral an l n tribe what is rea ly the most importa t social group , the horde, is

li . in i patri neal But some tribes , add tion to these patrilineal groups , i hi have a system of matril neal groups , w ch are necessarily not localised in if . n and are usually , not always , totemic These tribes are fou d four widely separated areas . One is area 5 in Western Australia . A second , of 1 0 1 1 1 1 6 1 2 1 and by far the largest region consists areas , 3 , 4 , 5, , 7 and , i and art of 2 . possibly some p area 7 A th rd region is area 3 7, though Th e u about thi s our information is not satisfactory . fo rth region is area 43 . In the first of these regions and throughout the second th e matrilineal THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES

2 1 moieties are recognized and named . In area the four sections are named li m in addition to the moieties . In area 3 7 matri neal tote ism is combined - inf with a system of eight sub sections , and we have no ormation about

. are moieties In area 43 there no moieties , but their place is taken by

hr 2 three matrilineal phratries . T oughout the greater part of area 7 2 8 and in area the matrilineal moieties are named , but we have no evidence of of i in the existence matr l eal clans . i So far as descent goes , therefore , we must d vide Australian tribes into two groups , those in which there are only patrilineal descent groups , and those in which there are both patrilineal and matrili neal descent groups . So far as the sections or sub - sections go it is of course incorrect to of or i i all nl speak patrilineal matr l neal descent at , u ess we do so in case of in irregular marriages , and in that respect we have seen that the majority of tribes that have only patrilineal descent groups kinship in irregular h marriages is reckoned t rough the mother . The subject of the function of matrilineal clans will be returned to

The Australian social organization is built up on the family and on i o f i r based family sol darity . The existence the fam ly as a ve y of n important group by reason its economic and other fu ctions , creates strong social bonds between parents and children and between the children

i - of the same parents . But the fam ly is a short lived group . By the action of the principle of the solidarity of siblings there is built up in Australia a stable structure uniting each person to every other he meets by bonds of hi i i di hi kins p , and jo n ng in viduals into groups w ch are stable and hi hi permanent and w ch the Australian native mself regards as immortal , of i belonging to the eternal order th ngs , having their origin at the of of beginning the world, and thought as continuing to the end of the world . I have tried to show that th e kin ship terminology is an essential and r most important part of the social system . As against Professor K oeber I thi nk it can be held that in Australia the classification of relatives in the kinship terminology is a classification for social purposes and is based on i throughout social o r sociological pr nciples . Every human society has to provide for itself a system of social integration whereby individual s are united into groups and collective

1 1 4 THE SOCIAL ORGANI ZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES ! W i i r own horde . ith n th s na row circle of probably not more than fif ty all of persons told most his social life turns . Outside hi s own horde of hi s he has a fairly close relation with the horde own mother, being always a welcome visitor in the country of that horde . W h en he marries he establishes f or hi mself a close relation with the horde from whi ch he e obtains a wife . By th Kariera system of marriage thi s may be hi s ’ one hi mother s horde , so that the horde becomes for him both that of s of hi hi mother and that s wif e . With all other hordes s relations are less

ni . hi hi s wi close and defi te Everywhere wit n own tribe, however, he ll find persons speaking the same language as himself and practising the same customs . The linguistic group of which he is thus a member may

u 00 . n mber perhaps 5 persons His relations , however, are not confined of his own to members tribe, but normally extend to some hordes of the or neighbouring tribe tribes . W h erever he goes all the persons he meets are hi s relatives by the working of the kinship system . These are further classified for h im by of the section system . Outside the circle his immediate relatives he tends i hi to classify other persons accord ng to the hordes to w ch they belong . There are certain collective terms of relationship which the individual i appli es to diff erent hordes . Th s tendency to treat their horde as a n of i in th e unit is , as we shall see, a determi ing factor some mportance

i . Austral an systems It seems to be present throughout the continent . In the marriage system of the Kariera a man looks first for a wife ’ ’

i . . hi hi s e s . in to mother s brother, , to mother s horde If he succeeds obtaining a wife there then hi s social circle remains a somewhat narrow ’ one i nl two hi s own hi s i n in wh ch o y hordes , and mother s , play mporta t ’ If a n i t parts . he c nnot obtai a w fe from his mo her s horde he may seek ’ for one in a horde into which hi s father s sister has married and with hi i i t i s s . r wh ch , for that reason , father on n imate terms The mar iage system of th e Kariera typ e therefore tends towards a contraction of the li social circle . It maintains close so darity within a narrow range . But even in the tribes of the Kariera type there are factors tending i t i of ir towards the expansion of sol dari y, the widen ng the social c cle . of One or two of these may be mentioned . One them is connected with an alternative method of obtaining a wif e . When a youth is to be initiated into manhood he is sent on a journey which lasts frequently for several hi hi s . r s months . It is grand tour Du ing journey he is treated as sacred THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 1 1 5 wherever he goes and may therefore visit in complete safety hordes that are at enmity with his own . He is normally taken first to a neighbouring of hi s own on horde the other moiety from , and is passed from one horde to another until he passes out of hi s own tribe and may eventually reach o wn a tribe at some distance from his . Here he remains for a period and acquires some knowledge of the language . He returns to his own home r of hi s i hr in due cou se . For the rest l fe the country t ough which he has ” travelled becomes hi s road along which he can travel to carry messages or for other purposes . Thus in a given horde there will be men having iff roads hi n r d erent w ch serve to bri g the horde into relation, th ough these of i . ind viduals , with a considerable area country Now it seems that a i i on man tries to obtain a w fe from a d stant horde his own road, and i . ill sometimes succeeds in doing so Normally, I th nk, he w be expected i i to give a sister in exchange . He establ shes by th s marriage a connection between hi s own children and this distant horde which is of course that i of th e Kariera of . i their mother Th s aspect system is , I th nk, an n i important o e intending to produce a wider ntegration . ’ Another feature may be noted . We have seen that the mother s ur brother is a very important relative . Now the social struct e of i i i of i i Austral an tribes is bu lt up by the recogn tion ind rect relationsh ps , ’ and by thi s process a man comes into a special relation with the mother s ’ ’ Karier brother of his mother s brother . In the a system the mother s ’ ’ ’ i t a mother s brother is class fied with the father s fa her . Actu lly a man s ’ ’ ’ father s father and hi s mother s mother s brother may be one and the

of i n of . same person , by reason cous n marriage and excha ge sisters ’ hi t i one Even when t s is not so , and the si uat on seems to be a rare , a man s ’ ’ own moth er s mother s brother may occasionally belong to his own in horde . But a considerable number of instances , probably the great ’ ’ ’ t majority , a man s mother s mother s bro her belongs to some other horde W h of of hi s own moiety . ere this is so it produces a new kind relation i i between the individual and thi s horde . Th s relat on seems to be ni in Kariera not of recog zed the system , but is apparently there very much f . o importance It is , however, one the factors tending towards expansion of i m sol darity through kinship , and becomes of very great i portance in

some of the other types of kinship system . I must leave for another occasion the question of the position of i in totem sm the integrative system, but it may be noted here that the 1 1 6 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES

Kariera i system, in wh ch each local clan is a separate totemic unit, serves l on the whole to emphasize the so idarity of the clan . In the Kumbaingeri system the basis of the social organization is essentially the same as that of the Kariera although the two tribes are in separated by the whole width of the continent . But the Kumbaingeri ni n system there are certain sig fica t changes . A man is no longer permitted ’ ’ his i to marry own mother s brother s daughter, nor is he , I think, perm tted ’ of to marry into his mother s clan . He must marry the daughter a man ’ ” ” ’ ” a i he c lls mother s brother, but it must be a d stant mother s brother both genealogically and geographically . The expansive tendency era noticed in the Kari is here the chi ef factor . It is considered desirable that every member of a horde should establish by marriage relations with some distant horde . There is in the Kumbaingeri some diff erentiation between mother’ s brother and wife ’ s father but it is not very marked and the two relatives are still denoted by the same term of relationship . But there is a ’ ’ ul diff erentiation of the wife s mother from the father s sister . The r e of avoidance which everywhere in Australia holds for the wife’ s mother i Kariera t and women class fied with her, and which in the system herefore ’ ’ ’ i i in appl es to the father s sister and the mother s brother s w fe, does not ’ or of the Kumbaingeri system apply to the father s sister, to any the women ’ ’ of the father s generation in a man s own horde . The factor of the solidarity of the horde has here taken a different turn from the Kariera t ype . The father’ s sister is expected to take a fatherly interest in her hi Kariera i hi m nephew . T s she may do in the tribe by giv ng her daughter ’ is as a wife . In the Kumbaingeri tribe it felt that the father s sister and all the women of hi s own horde are too closely bound to him by social i ties to allow him to marry with their daughters . But it is st ll the concern ’ him i hi ti of hi s father s sister to provide with a w fe, w ch she does by ac ng

- di i hi as match maker in the stant region nto w ch she has married . She hi m i ” obtains f or the daughter of a woman who is her d stant sister . i h i his If th s means , as I t nk it frequently does , that the nephew obtains ’ wife from the horde into whi ch hi s father s sister has married the arrangement is thus one of delayed exchange between hordes but not i ra between families as in the Kar e system . The tendency apparent in the Kumbaingeri system to regard the father’ s sister as being so close

1 1 8 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES i a special place somewhat similar to that of sibl ngs . In order to avoid ’ ’ marriage with the father s sister s daughter a tribe with an organization of the Kariera type must either abandon the exchange of sisters and ’ ’ continue the custom of marriage with the mother s brother s daughter Murn in t i (as in the Karadjeri and g ypes), or it must make a comprom se such as that of the Kumbaingeri type and allow marriage with a distant ’ it more fi i of father s sister, or must develop a complex classi cat on kin as in the Aranda type . The mechanism of the Aranda system is not very complicated when in of i we follow it out terms individual relationsh ps . We have seen that there is a close connection between a man and his mother’ s mother’ s hi ’ ’ h i family and therefore with s mother s mother s brother . T s relative ’ Kariera l is classed in the system with the father s father, but is general y ’ ’ t own no in a man s horde, as are the nearest of those he calls father s ” ’ - in- father . If the father s sister is not to be regarded as a mother law and it is necessary to find some other relative f or that position one ’ ’ of immediate possibility is the daughter the mother s mother s brother . This involves making a definite distinction between father’ s father and ’ ’ mother s mother s brother . The possibility of the distinction already ’ exists in the Kariera system by reason of the fact that while a man s own ’ ’ ’ father s father belongs to hi s own horde hi s mother s mother s brother t k of very frequen ly belongs to another horde . The ma ing it is aided i t ’ by the tendency to class fy toge her brother and sister, so that father s father’ s sister coming to be associated with the father’ s father must be ’ diff erentiated from the mother s mother who in turn will be linked with her brother . The mechanism of marriage in the Aranda type is the resul t of these ’ of of hi differentiations . Instead looking to the daughter s father s ’ father (his father s sister)f or her to give him a daughter as in the Kariera ’ ’ h is system, he now has to look to the daughter of mother s mother s ’ ff hi s brother who is now fully di erentiated from father s father . In both ’ the Kariera and Aranda types a man looks to his mother s relatives to i provide h im with a wife . Th s is because they are specially the persons outside hi s own family or horde who are interested in him and are expected of th e Kariera to be concerned for his welfare . In systems typ e it is th e ’ i ’ mother s brother who gives his daughter as a w fe for his sister s son . ’ ’ In systems of the Aranda type it is the mother s mother s brother who THE R SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUST ALIAN TRIBES 1 1 9 — ’ ’ to -in f or hi s hi gives his daughter be a mother law sister s daughter s c ld . In terms of hordes the marriage system of the Aranda type results in Kariera a more complex integration than the system, linking an

’ i i . hi s i . e . hi s ndiv dual to four hordes in all There is first own , , father s , hi hi hi s ’ horde wit n w ch life is spent . Th ere is secondly hi s mother s i horde with wh ch he has a very close connection, and from which he h ’ cannot normally obtain a wife . T rough hi s mother and hi s mother s brother he is connected with their mother’ s brother whose horde thus i hi is becomes a th rd with w ch he closely connected . The daughters ’ ’ ’ of hi s hi s mother s mother s brother are potential wife s mothers . One of them may be specially allotted to him and when she marries she passes into a fourth horde from whi ch he ultimately obtains hi s wife and with i is wh ch he consequently also closely connected . This fourth horde ’ of of his hi becomes , course , the mother s horde c ldren . When the classification of kin is systematically carried out on the i of bas s described above a complete system Aranda type results . There i f or i are certain tr bes , in New South Wales , example , in wh ch the i is systematizat on not complete . The detailed study of those systems is of great value in enabling us to understand the principles that underlie h the Aranda type generally , and will be found to confirm, I t ink, the is analysis given above . There no space here for any such detailed discussion . i It should be clear, I hope , from the d scussion in the first part of this essay that the eight sub - sections are simply the final systematization i of i of a kinsh p system the Aranda type . An alternat ve systematization - of is provided by the four semi moieties the Mara and Anyula tribes , but a di scussion of these would require us to consider also the totemic a i org n zation . Amongst the vast mass of data on which thi s analysis of the Aranda is one i system based, po nt may be brought forward as it is an example of those crucial instances that it is necessary to seek out in proving the o vali dity f a sociological interpretation . I have suggested that it is th e close solidarity of family and horde working in conjunction with the tendency to bring brother and sister into the same position in the social system that underlies the objection to marriage with the father’ s ’ sister s daughter in the Aranda type . In systems of Aranda type the ’ ’ ’ i wife s father is the son of a father s father s s ster . Spencer and 1 2 0 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES Gillen record that in the Aranda tribe where a father’ s father’ s sister ’ belongs to a man s own immediate family or locality (presumably his ’ i ’ own horde) this woman s son may not become the w fe s father . We exem lification i i have here, I think , a clear p of a w der act on of those l same principles that on my view under ie the Aranda system as a whole . W h en we compare the integrative systems of the Kariera typ e and the Aranda type we see that the latter provides apparently a wider integra tion bringing a single individual into social relations with a wider d i circle . Secon ly it also provides a closer integrat on of the narrower groupings by giving new forms of expression to the solidarity of the i family and the horde . It combines these two features , wh ch would seem r one i at first sight to be contra y to another, by an increase in the complex ty of the social structure . i i Kariera We are thus just fied , I think, in regard ng the and the in i Aranda systems as two terms an evolutionary process , for evolut on,

hi inte rations ' at as the term is here used, is a process by w ch stable g a i higher level are substituted for or replace ntegrations at a lower level . This does not involve the assumption that the Aranda system is derived one i Kariera hi storically from identical with the exist ng system . The Aranda system of kinship involves certain difficulties of social i iffi of i adjustment . Ch ef of these is the d culty provid ng every man with

if . i a w e , owing to the very narrow restriction of marriage An exam nation of different systems of this type shows what attempts have been made to if overcome these d ficulties by adjustments of the system . Yaralde A few remarks may be made on the system . In this there are no moieties or sections , yet it is clearly very closely related to the a ai i Ar nda type , so that we must cert nly assume some h storical connection of between them . Some the writers on Australia have assumed that because the moiety and section organization is absent in certain tribes

' Yaralde such as the , these tribes possess a social organization iff fundamentally d erent in type from the tribes with sections . That of assumption , I believe, gives a quite false view the facts . The basis of the Yaralde system is the recognition of four patrilineal of lines of descent just as in systems the Aranda type . But instead of the four absolute divisions which are found in a systematized Aranda type of organization the four lines of descent in the Yaralde tribe exist only i i di i in relat on to some given n vidual whose relationsh ps are considered .

1 2 2 THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES

iff th e i di to d erent local clans is carried back to th rd ascen ng generation . i tu i Th s also is an unusual fea re . By th s process he is brought into a ’ relation of intimacy and close solidarity with the clans of his father s ’ hi ’ ’ father s mother and s mother s father s mother . He regards the of t n members hese clans as bei g similar to brothers and sisters , and may not therefore marry with them . Yaralde t of In the system, herefore , a man is in a close relation simple i i i . sol darity with six local clans , nclud ng his own He enters by marriage into close relations with a seventh clan . The essential basis of the Yaralde system is the same as that of systems of ni of of Aranda type, namely the recog tion the four lines descent . It shows a further extension of some of the principles and tendencies present n of i r of in the Ara da type , together with the absence certa n other featu es i of un of the latter . Thus the mportance the local clan as a it structure rt Yaral de of is fu her emphasized in the system . The connection a person hi s with the local clans of four grandparents is also emphasized , and his relationships are traced still further back so that he is intimately connected th e out of hi - 2 3 with clans of six s eight great grandparents . The recognition of thi s connection takes the form of prohi biting marriage ’ of i own into any of these six clans (one wh ch is of course a man s ). On the other hand the absence of moieties and sections means that the relation i o r in which a man stands to d stant clans , to those with which he has no i near genealogical connection , is indeterm nate . As compared with normal Australian systems the Yaralde have adopted a different method of ul r l reg ating marriage . There is no longer a simple u e that a man must hi m marry a woman who stands to in a particular relationship . Outside f own f the -range o his nearer kin there are women who are su ficiently ’ i one d stant from him to become his wife s mother, and from any of these he may obtain a daughter to be his wife . It seems possible that the special characteristics of the Yaralde type are connected with a greater h i n density of population in t s part of the conti ent , and a greater volume th e of i i of horde, which seems to have included a larger number nd viduals in these tribes than is usual in Australia as a whole . It is now unf ortunately too late to verify thi s hypothesis . The meaning of some of the features of the Yaralde system can be

3 ’ ’ 2 There is no evidence of any special relation with th e clans o f th e father s mother s ’ ’ mot er and th e mot er s mot er s mot er b ut t i s ma ave b een over oo ed. h h h h , h y h l k A THE SOCI L ORGANIZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES 1 2 3 n made clearer by a comparison with the Ungari yin system, the details f in o . which, obta ed by Dr Elkin , have not yet been published . The two Yaralde 1 2 i lie areas , ( ) and Ungar nyin so far apart that there of th e fl of one on t can be no question in uence tribe the o her, and they are i A u separated by a wide area in wh ch systems of the randa type are fo nd . Th e Ungarinyin have adopted the same principle as the Yaralde of applying a single kinship term to all members of th e local clan of the ’ ’ t mother s mother and the father s mo her . We have thus the same sort of i process occurr ng independently in two widely separated regions , and it seems that in both instances it is the result of an increasing emphasis on t ni th e n t the solidari y of the local clan as a u t in social i tegra ion . One last subject that must be mentioned is that of tribes with tu u of matrilineal clans . Unfor nately the f nctioning the social structure in not u ul these tribes has been observed as f lly as co d be desired, and

of . for most the tribes no further observations are possible It is , however, ’ clear that the system of matrilineal clans marks off a man s nearest relatives in i off hi s the female l ne from the others , just as the local clan marks i l of i nearest relatives in the male l ne . As a resu t th s it produces a closer of of of integration a man with certain his relatives , namely those his ’ i i mother s matril neal l ne , who are scattered throughout the hordes , f not l of hi s own o . on y tribe , but the neighbouring tribes also The system of matrilineal clans therefore provides a powerful additional integration

as compared with the tribes that lack the system . This brief comparison of some of the variations in the Australian

a l org nization has served , I hope, to confirm the interpretation and ana ysis i of the general type . It has shown that the terminology of k nship has ni a real and very close correlation with the social orga zation . l i t ffi h Second y, it has shown, I th nk, wi h su cient clearness that t roughout Australia it is the actual genealogical indi vidual relationships resul ting from the family that are the significant thing and form the basis of the whole

social structure . I hope that the whole essay has also served to show the essenti al homogeneity of Australia so far as social organization is concerned . In spite of the diversity of the various systems a careful comparison t m u are reveal s them as being variations of a single ype . Si ilar res lts of of obtained by the study other aspects Australian culture, such as the technological system, or the mythology . 1 24 THE SOCIAL ORGANI ZATION OF AUSTRALIAN TRIBES My chi ef purpose has been to remove certain misconceptions about the Australian social organization that are current in anthropological literature and thus to clear the way for a sociological study of the Australian of out n culture . As a result the researches carried duri g the last four McConnel years by Lloyd Warner, Elkin, Miss , Hart, Thomson and i hi i is Pidd ngton , researches w ch it is to be hoped w ll be continued, it now possible to undertake that study with some hope of reaching valid n and importa t conclusions . E- . F A R . RADCLI F BROW N .

University of Calif ornia l i b rary Los Angeles

ed e This b ook is DUE on th e last date stamp b low.

F 01 m L )‘