Serbia and China – New Dimension of Cooperation
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RESOLVING DISPUTES and BUILDING RELATIONS Challenges of Normalization Between Kosovo and Serbia
Council CIG for Inclusive Governance RESOLVING DISPUTES AND BUILDING RELATIONS Challenges of Normalization between Kosovo and Serbia Contents 2 PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 5 SUPPORTING THE BRUSSELS DIALOGUE 16 ESTABLISHING THE ASSOCIATION / COMMUNITY OF SERB-MAJORITY MUNICIPALITIES 24 KOSOVO’S NORTH INTEGRATION AND SERB POLITICAL PARTICIPATION 32 PARLIAMENTARY COOPERATION 39 COOPERATION ON EU INTEGRATION 41 PARTICIPANTS Albanian and Serbian translations of this publication are available on CIG’s website at cigonline.net. CIG Resolving Disputes anD BuilDing Relations Challenges of normalization between Kosovo and serbia Council for Inclusive Governance New York, 2015 PrefaCe anD AcknowleDgments Relations between Kosovo and Serbia are difficult. Since Kosovo’s declaration of independence in February 2008, all contacts between officials of Kosovo and Serbia ceased. Belgrade rejected any direct interaction with Pristina preferring to deal through the EU Rule of Law Mission and the UN Mission in Kosovo. However, encouraged by the EU and the US, senior officials of both governments met in March 2011 for direct talks in Brussels. These talks were followed in Brussels in October 2012 by a meeting between the prime ministers of Kosovo and Serbia. These EU-mediated dialogues resulted in a number of agreements between Serbia and Kosovo including the April 2013 Brussels Agreement. The Agreement’s main goal is to conclude the integration of the Serb-majority municipalities in Kosovo’s north into Kosovo’s system of laws and governance, including the establishment of the Association/Community of the Serb-Majority Municipalities in Kosovo. The sides also pledged not to block each other’s accession processes into the EU. -
Serb Engagement in Kosovo's Politics
Serb Engagement in Kosovo’s Politics Introduction The Council for Inclusive Governance (CIG) organized on June 24, 2014 in Belgrade a roundtable for representatives of Kosovo Serb parties, Serbian parties, Serbian government officials, and a number of Serb analysts. The objective of the roundtable was to address the role of the newly elected Kosovo Serbs in Kosovo’s central institutions and to explore ways the Serb representatives could help to overcome obstacles at the local level, particularly in the north. The roundtable is part of a project on the normalization of Kosovo-Serbia relations and the integration of Kosovo’s north. The project is funded by the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs. Kosovo Serbs in the north took part in Kosovo’s parliamentary elections for the first time since Kosovo declared independence in 2008. Under the current legislative framework, Kosovo Serbs are guaranteed 10 seats in parliament and are entitled to lead two ministries, if Kosovo’s government has more than 12 ministries. The last government was working with 19 ministries. If the number is less than 12, the Kosovo Serbs are entitled to one ministerial position. The civic initiative Srpska Lista won nine of the 10 guaranteed seats in the June elections and includes also some members of the Independent Liberal Party, which was part of the government with three ministries in the last mandate. The remaining seat went to the Progressive Democratic Party. The Srpska Lista has the support of the Serbian government and is expected to act in close coordination with Belgrade. Some see this support as a contribution to better advance Kosovo Serb interests. -
The Serbian Armed Forces As the Postmodern Military
Institute for Political Studies UDC 355.3+355.02(497.11) Serbian Political Thought Manuscript received: 03.03.2015. No. 1/2015, Accepted for publishing: 07.04.2015. Year Vll, Vol. 11 Original scientific paper pp. 71-89 Vanja G. Rokvić1 Faculty of Security Studies, University of Belgrade Zoran S. Jeftić2 IFaculty of Security Studies, University of Belgrade The Serbian Armed Forces as the Postmodern Military Abstract One of views in contemporary research of civil–military relations is the postmodern view of the role of the military in the post–Cold War period. Charles H. Moskos et al suggest a typology that is suitable for cross-national re- search of civil-military relations. These typological trends, used as variables for assessment along the lines of the modern, late modern, and postmodern para- digm, are: perceived threat; force structure; major mission definitions; media relations, homosexuals in military; dominant military professionalism; public attitude toward the military; civilian employees; women’s role; spouse and mili- tary; conscientious objection. The subject of the Moskos study were developed Western countries considered to be “advanced democracies”. We address the question of whether the typology developed by Moskos can be applied to coun- tries in the process of transition such as the Republic of Serbia and whether the Serbian Armed Forces belong to the group of postmodern armed forces. With regard to research in the field of civil- military relations in Serbia and available data in this paper we analyzed some of the variables, such as: perceived threat; force structure; major mission definitions; dominant military professionalism; public attitude toward the military; women’s role and conscientious objection. -
Democratic Security Sector Governance in Serbia
PRIF-Reports No. 94 Democratic Security Sector Governance in Serbia Filip Ejdus This report was prepared with the kind support of the Volkswagen-Stiftung. Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF) 2010 Correspondence to: PRIF Baseler Straße 27-31 60329 Frankfurt am Main Germany Telephone: +49(0)69 95 91 04-0 Fax: +49(0)69 55 84 81 E-Mail: [email protected] Internet: www.prif.org ISBN: 978-3-942532-04-4 Euro 10.- Summary On 5 October 2000, the citizens of Serbia toppled Slobodan Milošević in what came to be known as the “Bulldozer Revolution”. This watershed event symbolizes not only the end of a decade of authoritarian rule but also the beginning of a double transition: from authoritarian rule to democracy, on the one hand, and from a series of armed conflicts to peace, on the other. This transition has thoroughly transformed Serbian politics in general and Serbia’s security sector in particular. This October, Serbia’s democracy celebrated its tenth anniversary. The jubilee is an appropriate opportunity to reflect on the past decade. With this aim in mind, the report will seek to analyse the impact of democratization on security sector governance in Serbia over the period 2000-2010. In order to do so, in the first part of the report we have developed an analytical framework for studying democratic security sector governance, which is defined as the transparent organization and management of the security sector based on the accountability of decision-makers, respect for the rule of law and human rights, checks and balances, equal representation, active civic participation, public agreement and democratic oversight. -
Cbrn Defence: Organization, Resources and Tasks of Serbian Armed Forces
RAD Conference Proceedings, vol. 3, pp. 63–67, 2018 ISSN 2466-4626 (online) | DOI: 10.21175/RadProc.2018.13 www.rad-proceedings.org CBRN DEFENCE: ORGANIZATION, RESOURCES AND TASKS OF SERBIAN ARMED FORCES Stevan Musicki1, Dejan Vasovic2*, Srdjan Markovic3 1University of Defence, Secondary Military School, Belgrade, Serbia 2University of Nis, Faculty of Occupational Safety in Nis, Nis, Serbia 3Ministry of Defence, Department for General Logistics, Belgrade, Serbia Abstract. The concept of CBRN (chemical, biological, radiological, nuclear) defence is a highly complex phenomenon and a scientific discipline within both the social and technical-technological sciences. CBRN defence has multiple meanings. In the most general sense, it refers to absence/elimination or minimization of threats, i.e. pressures that can threaten people, property, and the environment. Effective and efficient CBRN defence activities can be seen from the perspective of civil structures or armed forces. In this sense, the organizational structure of the armed forces of any country represents a dynamic system which, within the wider community, operates and exists under specific conditions and circumstances. Starting from its basic purposes, the regular armed forces of any state do not have unknowns regarding the rules and their core roles. However, the complex structure and the interdependence of different organizational structures within the country and within the armed forces have an impact on the implementation of measures in the field of CBRN defence and management of risk both in war and peacetime. The aim of this paper is to present the structural organization, resources and tasks of the Serbian armed forces (SAF) within the field of CBRN defence. -
11 NATO and the Partnership for Peace
11 NATO and the Partnership for Peace Frank Boland1 uring 1989 and 1990, as the hold of the Soviet Union and the authority of com- munist regimes evaporated across the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Allies attempted to make sense of Dthis new situation. There was unease that the old certainties of the Cold War era were being swept away without any guarantees that their replacements would be more comfortable to live with. There was disquiet that the security linkage with the United States, through NATO, might no longer be sustainable or, at least, might be substantially more difficult to sustain than it had been. The complete dissolution of the Soviet Union was barely conceiv- able at that time. Allies were also wrestling with the complexities of extremely challenging arms control agreements, while also trying to define the wider role of the Atlantic Alliance in a Europe where the Conference on Security Cooperation in Europe and, subsequently, the European Union would also be significant political players.2 As they contemplated these uncertainties, the idea began to take hold that the Alliance had to provide practical assis- tance and institutional structures to support emerging democratic institutions and states in resisting the almost inevitable pressures that could emerge and drag them back toward the authoritarian practices to which they had been accustomed for a generation, or more. In July 1990, in their London Summit Declaration, NATO Heads of State and Government extended the “hand of friendship” to the countries of the East that had been their adversaries in the Cold War.3 They also noted that NATO would adapt and could “help build the structures of a more united continent, supporting security and stability with the strength of our shared faith in democracy, the rights of the individual, and the peaceful resolution of disputes.”4 They also proposed that the countries of the former Warsaw Pact establish regular diplomatic liaison with the Atlantic Alliance. -
The Resurgence of Nationalism: the Breakup of Yugoslavia
Original Research Article: (2020), «EUREKA: Social and Humanities» full paper Number 5 THE RESURGENCE OF NATIONALISM: THE BREAKUP OF YUGOSLAVIA Sergey Asaturov Department of international relationship and social science National University of bioresearches’ and Environmental Sciences 15 Heroiv Obobrony str., Kyiv, Ukraine, 03041 [email protected] Andrei Martynov Department of international relation and foreign polity of Ukraine Institute of History of Ukraine of National Academy of Science of Ukraine 4 Hrushevskogo str., Kyiv, Ukraine, 01001 [email protected] Abstract The choice between modern nation-building and integration into supranational European and Euro-Atlantic structures remains a strategic challenge for the Balkan countries. Success in solving this problem of predominantly mono-ethnic Croatia and Slovenia has not yet become a model to follow. Serbian and Albanian national issues cannot be resolved. Serbia’s defeat in the Balkan wars of 1991–1999 over the creation of a “Greater Serbia” led to the country’s territorial fragmentation. Two Albanian national states emerged in the Balkans. Attempts to create a union of Kosovo and Albania could turn the region into a whirlpool of ultra-nationalist contradictions. The European Union has started accession negotiations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro. The success of these negotiations depends on the readiness of the EU and the ability of these Balkan states to adopt European norms and rules. The accession of all Balkan nation-states to the Eu- ropean Union must finally close the “Balkan window” of the vulnerability of the united Europe. Nation-building in the Balkans on the basis of ethnic nationalism sharply contradicts the purpose and current values of the European integration process. -
Nato Military Liaison Office Belgrade
Air Chief Marshal Sir Stuart Peach, Chairman of the Military Committee visits Belgrade, Oct 2018 President Vucic visits NATO HQ Brussels, Nov 2017 NATO MILITARY LIAISON OFFICE BELGRADE NATO Secretary General, Jens Stoltenberg visits NATO Deputy Secretary General meets Serbian Belgrade, Oct 2018 Minister of Defence, 12 October 2017 The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) NATO Military Liaison Office is a political and military alliance of twenty Belgrade nine countries that promotes peace, helps to NATO vojna kancelarija za vezu manage the resolution of international crises Beograd and encourages cooperation on issues of Birčaninova 5 defense and security. 11 000 Belgrade, Serbia NATO MILITARY LIAISON Phone: +381 11 362 86 71 For more info: OFFICE http://www.jfcnaples.nato.int/mlo_belgrade Mobile: +381 65 628 67 04 E-mail: [email protected] Fax: +381 11 334 7034, IVSN: 681 8676 BELGRADE Printed 2019 NATO MLO BELGRADE – MISSION/TASKS MLO Belgrade assists the Serbian Armed Forces in Besides its main function of being a link between conducting the Planning and Review Process (PARP), NATO and Serbian institutions, the MLO Be also a mechanism which raises interoperability with monitors, assists and advises the Serbian authorities multinational forces. By implementing its Partnership on the military aspects of defence and security sector Goals (PG), Serbia is improving its defence capability reforms which started with the establishment of the and building up modern Armed Forces. Serbia/ NATO Defense Reform Group (DRG) in Furthermore, MLO Belgrade supports the Ministry of February 2006 and further expanded and became more Defence and Serbian Armed Forces in conducting its Inauguration of the MLO Belgrade, Dec 2006 institutionalized when Serbia joined NATO's PfP International Partnership Cooperation Program (IPCP). -
The Anatomy of Capturing Serbia's Security - Intelligence Sector
The Anatomy of Capturing Serbia's Security - Intelligence Sector Author: Predrag Petrović 2 The Anatomy of Capturing Serbia's Security-Intelligence Sector BELGRADE CENTRE FOR SECURITY POLICY Publisher: Belgrade Centre for Security Policy Đure Jakšića 6/5, Beograd Tel. +381 (0)11 328 72 26 E-mail: www.bezbednost.org Author: Predrag Petrović [email protected] Translation: Ivan Kovanović Design and layout: DTP Studio Belgrade, January 2020 The Policy Brief began as part of the “Who Oversees the Overseers: Western Balkan Security Services” project, which is supported by the European Fund for the Balkans (EFB). The content of this study is the exclusive responsibility of its author and it in no way reects the views of the EFB. 3 Abstract In its Enlargement Strategy for 2018, the European Union assessed that elements of state capture are present throughout the Western Balkans. Our research shows, howe- ver, that when it comes to Serbia this is a very restrained assessment as whole state institutions and sectors – the security services and institutions tasked with their con- trol and oversight – have been captured by the ruling Serbian Progressive Party (SNS). Key positions in the security and intelligence sector are staffed by close associates of party officials or directly by party officials and its founding members. The Director of the BIA, Bratislav Gašić, and the head of the Security Services Coordination Bureau, Nebojša Stefanović, are founding members and high-ranking officials in the SNS. Key posts in the judiciary that are significant for the activities of the security services have been taken up by close associates of party officials or of the leader of the SNS and the President of Serbia, Aleksandar Vučić. -
The Legacy of Kosovo: German Politics and Policies in the Balkans
THE LEGACY OF KOSOVO: GERMAN POLITICS AND POLICIES IN THE BALKANS Wolfgang-Uwe Friedrich editor GERMAN ISSUES 22 American Institute for Contemporary German Studies The Johns Hopkins University THE LEGACY OF KOSOVO: GERMAN POLITICS AND POLICIES IN THE BALKANS Wolfgang-Uwe Friedrich Wolfgang Ischinger Rudolf Scharping GERMAN ISSUES 22 The American Institute for Contemporary German Studies (AICGS) is a center for advanced research, study, and discussion on the politics, culture, and society of the Federal Republic of Germany. Established in 1983 and affiliated with The Johns Hopkins University but governed by its own Board of Trustees, AICGS is a privately incorporated institute dedicated to independent, critical, and comprehensive analysis and assessment of current German issues. Its goals are to help develop a new generation of American scholars with a thorough understanding of contemporary Germany, deepen American knowledge and understanding of current German developments, contribute to American policy analysis of problems relating to Germany, and promote interdisciplinary and comparative research on Germany. Executive Director: Jackson Janes Research Director: Carl Lankowski Board of Trustees, Cochair: Steven Muller Board of Trustees, Cochair: Harry J. Gray The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies. ©2000 by the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies ISBN 0-941441-51-2 Additional copies of this AICGS German Issue are available from the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies, Suite 420, 1400 16th Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036-2217. Telephone 202/332-9312, Fax 202/265-9531, E-mail: [email protected], Web: http://www.aicgs.org C O N T E N T S Foreword .......................................................................................... -
Repression and Violence in Kosovo and Kosovo: the Humanitarian Perspective
REPRESSION AND VIOLENCE IN KOSOVO AND KOSOVO: THE HUMANITARIAN PERSPECTIVE TWO HEARINGS BEFORE THE COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE ONE HUNDRED FIFTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION MARCH 18, 1998 AND JUNE 25, 1998 Printed for the use of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe [CSCE 105-2-1 AND 106-2-2] Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.csce.gov REPRESSION AND VIOLENCE IN KOSOVO WEDNESDAY, MARCH 18, 1998 COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE WASHINGTON, DC. The Commission met, in Room 430, the Dirksen Senate Office Build- ing, Washington, DC., at 10:08 a.m., Hon. Alfonse D'Amato, Chair- man, presiding. Commissioners present: Hon. Christopher H. Smith; Hon. Benjamin Cardin; and Hon. Steny H. Hoyer. OPENING STATEMENT OF CHAIRMAN ALPHONSE D'AMATO Chairman D'Amato. Today's hearing of the Commission on Secu- rity and Cooperation in Europe is called to examine the current, criti- cal situation in Kosovo. In recent days, continuing Serbian repres- sion of the Kosovar Albanian Majority Population has triggered an escalating spiral of violence that demands U.S. leadership now to stop another outbreak of ethnic cleansing and to achieve a peaceful reso- lution to the crisis. This is one of the times when all people of conscience must speak out, and we must take action to stop the slaughter of innocent men, women, and children. Our distinguished panel of witnesses includes Mr. Isa Zymberi, who is the Director of the London Office of the Kosovo Information Cen- ter. Mr. Zymberi is a principal international spokesman for the lead- ership of the non-recognized Republic of Kosovo. -
Republic of Serbia and Contribution to Multinational Peace Support Operations in 2011
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Policy Documentation Center A more determined, if not coherent policy? Republic of Serbia and contribution to multinational peace support operations in 2011 Marko Savkovic and Marko Milosevic1 Abstract: Up until 2010, SAF contribution to multinational peace support operations (MNO) has been very limited, due to a number of factors and internal contradictions. Principal actor pushing Serbia’s MNO policy forward should have been the MFA, however, in practice this has not always been the case. Legal framework, completed in 2009, failed to notice non-traditional actors of peace support operations. Still not fully represented in NATO, Serbia has just signed the Security Agreement with the EU. Yet, Serbia’s deployments abroad are fast changing in terms of character. With five years of delay, by the end of 2011 SAF will send – for the first time since the break-up of Yugoslavia – a designated unit to an MNO. Nevertheless, several issues, not having anything to do with horizontal cooperation between key actors will continue to hamper decision makers’ ambition for greater engagement. Key words: Serbia; peacekeeping; armed forces; police; decision; policy 1 Authors are researchers in the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (www.ccmr-bg.org). 1 Acronyms and abbreviations: BIC Bureau for International Cooperation CNS Council for National Security CPO Centre for Peace-keeping Operations of the Serbian Armed Forces CSDP Common Security and Defence Policy DIMC