DOCSLIB.ORG

La Naciã³n and the Evolving Portrayals of the Last Dictatorship In

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
La Naciã³n and the Evolving Portrayals of the Last Dictatorship In Oberlin Digital Commons at Oberlin Honors Papers Student Work 2013 Unresolved Debates Over Memory and History: La Nación and the Evolving Portrayals of the Last Dictatorship in Argentina Alexis Burdick-Will Oberlin College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.oberlin.edu/honors Part of the Latin American Studies Commons Repository Citation Burdick-Will, Alexis, "Unresolved Debates Over Memory and History: La Nación and the Evolving Portrayals of the Last Dictatorship in Argentina" (2013). Honors Papers. 312. https://digitalcommons.oberlin.edu/honors/312 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Work at Digital Commons at Oberlin. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Papers by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons at Oberlin. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Unresolved debates over memory and history: La Nación and the evolving portrayals of the last dictatorship in Argentina Alexis Burdick-Will Latin American Studies Honors Thesis May 2013 Steven Volk, Thesis Advisor 1 Contents Acknowledgements 3 Introduction: La Nación and the Ongoing Legacy of the 1976 Dictatorship in Argentina 4 Chapter 1: History of Argentina and Transitional Justice (leading up to and) after the Return to Democracy in 1983 24 Chapter 2: The “Age of Impunity” - Issues of Justice, Amnesty, and Memory 60 Chapter 3: Prisoners of the past: Argentina’s inability to focus on the future 81 Conclusion: The Memory Debates in Argentina as a Continuation of Sarmiento’s Civilization and Barbarism 117 Bibliography 124 Appendix: Editorial 1985 130 Editorial 1990 136 Editorial 1998 141 Editorial 2004 144 Editorial 2005 148 Editorial 2011 153 2 Acknowledgements This thesis would not have been possible without the collaboration and guidance of many others and I would like to thank everyone who has helped me out along the way. More than anyone else, Professor Steve Volk has helped me tremendously over the past year and throughout my time at Oberlin. His classes, “Latin American History: Nation and State Since Independence” and “Dirty Wars and Democracy” convinced me to focus my academic path on Latin America, especially in issues of collective violence and memory. Without his guidance and endless advice on how to frame my discussion of La Nación, this thesis would have been impossible. Thank you for your patience, for reading so many drafts, and for pushing my analysis to more profound level. I am also very grateful to a number of other professors who have improved my understanding of the complex history, politics, and culture of Latin America. Claire Solomon, Sebastiaan Faber, Kristina Mani, and Patrick O’Connor have all had an impact on my academic development, helping me make connections between classes and themes in Latin America. With their classes I was able to study Latin America from multiple disciplines and angles so as to create a deeper understanding of the region. All of their instruction has helped me with the development of this thesis and with the interpretation and analysis of the issues presented by La Nación. Finally, I want to thank my family and all of my friends who helped me out by reading draft after draft and for keeping me sane throughout my last two semesters at Oberlin College! Thank you for never getting tired of my stories about Argentina and for your constant encouragement and support! 3 Introduction: La Nación and the Ongoing Legacy of the 1976 Dictatorship in Argentina The inspiration for this thesis came to me during my time abroad in Buenos Aires. I had just finished up my semester in December 2011 and began noticing enormous billboards all along the length of Avenida Nueve de Julio, the widest avenue in Buenos Aires (and in the world, for that matter). The billboards were a memorial to the economic crisis and ensuing riots that took place ten years before, resulting in the deaths of 33 people.1 New graffiti also marked the Avenida de Mayo, the traditional route for demonstrations and protests. The message of both the billboards and the graffiti was the same: ten years after the economic collapse and thirty-five years after the beginning of the dictatorship, the same political powers were still in place and the legacy of the dictatorship remained unchallenged. Despite the demands that the entire government leave (“que se vayan todos, que no quede ni uno solo,”), the political structures in Argentina had remained relatively unchanged over a long period of time. Upon seeing these messages, I began to wonder what other legacies of the dictatorship remained. I decided that I wanted to explore the intricacies of memory debates in Argentina and found that the best ways to do so would be to look at one of the main sources where memories come together to attempt to create history: the newspapers of Argentina. I chose to focus on La Nación in part because it was the narrative of the dictatorship with which I was least familiar. Over the course of my studies and my time in Argentina, I primarily learned about the dictatorship from more liberal perspectives, from people who readily assigned responsibility to the state and did not think of the dictatorship as a period of salvation. 1 Colin M. MacLachlan, Argentina: What went wrong? (Westport: Praeger Publishers, 2006), 172. 4 Thirty years after the transition to democracy, the questions of how to memorialize and interpret the events of the last dictatorship still linger, visibly affecting Argentine society. Although the coup that took place on March 24, 1976, overthrowing the weak government of Isabel Martínez de Perón, was neither unexpected nor unwelcome, the long and brutal dictatorship that followed was something completely new. Over the course of the twentieth century, Argentina had experienced frequent coups and military-assisted transitions of power. Between 1930 and 1976, there were nine military coups, some more extreme than others, but all a disruption to democracy.2 The coup that overthrew Hipólito Yrigoyen in 1930 demonstrated a crisis of liberal democracy and ideology within Argentina that would remain unresolved at the time of the 1976 takeover.3 More often than not, military rule was used to stabilize economic and political structures from the incompetence of civilian governments; often intervention resulted from inter-elite conflicts pitting the long-powerful rural oligarchs against a rising industrial class. In any case, many people in Argentina thought that the military would follow this same pattern in 1976, handing back control to civilians within a few years.4 Due to the intense political and economic chaos as well as the ideological polarization present in in the country during the 1970s, many Argentines were grateful that the military had stepped in to provide relief and desperately needed stability.5 While support for military intervention was not universal, it was widely understood as 2 Brian Loveman, For La Patria (Wilmington: SR Publishers, 1999), 64. ; Marguerite Feitlowitz, A Lexicon of Terror: Argentina and the Legacies of Torture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 5. 3 Jorge Nallim, Transformations and Crisis of Liberalism in Argentina, 1930-1955 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh, 2012), 35. Some of these internal conflicts began before Argentina was even a fully consolidated nation and are visible even today. These issues will be explored in more detail in later chapters of this thesis. 4 Colin M. MacLachlan, Argentina: What went wrong? (Westport: Praeger Publishers, 2006), 146. 5 Kathryn Sikkink, The Justice Cascade: How Human Rights Prosecutions are Changing World Politics,(New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2011), 68. 5 a necessary, almost natural occurrence in context of 20th century Argentine politics. However, the dictatorship that emerged from the crisis of the early 1970s and which continued in power until 1983 set about on its own, unique path, intent on transforming the entire nation. In the process, it delivered levels of repression that few, if any, Argentines (or international observers) foresaw or could have imagined. The regime functioned by cultivating a culture of fear that tore apart families, destroyed communal trust, and turned neighbors against one another. Employing organic metaphors, the dictatorship told Argentines that the country’s very survival depended on their being good citizens, and that meant looking the other way, not interfering with the work of the government. Characteristically, the regime took on the all-encompassing name of Proceso de Reorganización Nacional (National Reorganization Process) or “Proceso” for short.6 The culture of fear and mistrust led many Argentines to assume that if a neighbor or friend had been kidnapped, this must have been for a legitimate reason. Today, the legacies of the lives that were ruptured by the extreme violence and state terrorism of the dictatorship, as well as those who continue to believe the military was justified in its actions, shape the memory debates in Argentina as the nation struggles to come to terms with its past. As I have noted, the level of violence employed during the dictatorship reached previously unseen heights. The military hoped to eliminate every remnant of subversive ideology and political dissent and to do so, they tortured and “disappeared” close to 30,000 people 6 Feitlowitz, 34. See, as well, Jaime Malamud-Goti, Game without End: State Terror and the Politics of Justice (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press), 1996 and Thomas C. Wright, State Terrorism in Latin America: Chile, Argentina, and International Human Rights (Lanham, MD : Rowman & Littlefield), 2007. 6 between 1976 and 1983.7 Argentina had the sad distinction of introducing the concept of “disappearing” as a transitive verb; it refers the military’s practice of kidnapping, murdering, and disposing of an individual so that the body was never found and there would be no official record of the occurrence.8 Despite efforts on the part of family members, human rights organizations, and lawyers, the dictatorship never released any information on the whereabouts or fate of these individuals.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Brett J. Kyle Dissertation
    RECYCLING DICTATORS: EX-AUTHORITARIANS IN NEW DEMOCRACIES by Brett J. Kyle A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Political Science) at the UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN-MADISON 2013 Date of final oral examination: 08/26/13 The dissertation is approved by the following members of the Final Oral Committee: Christina Ewig, Associate Professor, Political Science Scott Straus, Professor, Political Science David Canon, Professor, Political Science Noam Lupu, Assistant Professor, Political Science Henry Dietz, Professor, Government © Copyright by Brett J. Kyle 2013 All Rights Reserved i To my parents, Linda Davis Kyle and J. Richard Kyle ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation would not have been possible without the support of my family, friends, and colleagues. In particular, I would like to thank my co-chairs, Christina Ewig and Scott Straus, for their guidance, feedback, and questions in the development and writing process; and my committee members—David Canon, Noam Lupu, and Henry Dietz—for their insights and attention to the project. I would also like to thank Leigh Payne for her direction and consistent interest in the dissertation. In addition, Andy Reiter has been a crucial guide throughout the process. The research for this project received financial support from the UW-Madison Latin American Caribbean and Iberian Studies Tinker/Nave Grant, the Vilas Travel Grant, and the Department of Political Science’s Summer Research Initiative. Finally, I would like to thank my parents, Linda Davis Kyle and Richard Kyle, and my brother, Brock Kyle, for always being there for me and for always seeing the value of my efforts.
    [Show full text]
  • Juicio a Las Juntas Militares (Argentina)
    Juicio a las juntas militares (Argentina) The 1985 trial of the Argentinean Military Junta Members is an historical trial which saw the prosecution of the leaders of the three first Argentinean juntas of 1976 – 1983. The hearings were held from 22 April to 9 December 1985. Due to the large number of victims, the Court selected 280 emblematic cases among the 709 cases presented by the Prosecution. The Prosecutor’s closing argument, with its “ ¡ nuncas mas !”, remains historical. On 9 December 1985, the verdict stated that the Military Juntas had “developed and implemented a criminal plan to fight terrorism, leaving considerable discretion to the junior officers of the armed forces to imprison those who where described as ‘subversives’ by the intelligence services; to torture them; to subject them to inhumane living conditions; and ultimately to decide freely on the final fate of their victims: being transferred to the legal system (judiciary or police), being released, or being simply executed” (unofficial translation of an extract of the judgment). Jorge Rafael Videla and Emilio Eduardo Massera (first Junta) were sentenced to life imprisonment. Roberto Eduardo Viola (second Junta) was sentenced to 17 years’ imprisonment, Armando Lambruschini (second Junta) to 8 years and Orlando Ramón Agosti (first Junta) to 4 years. Omar Graffigna (second Junta), Leopoldo Galtieri, Jorge Isaac Anaya et Basilio Lami Dozo (third Junta) were acquitted for lack of evidence. This trial is the first in South-America where former dictators were brought before judges by a democratic government. On 29 December 1990, Argentinean President Carlos Menen published Decree 2741/90 pardoning the accused sentenced during the 1985 trial.
    [Show full text]
  • La Última Dictadura, Los Usos Del Pasado Y La Construcción De Narrativas Autolegitimantes (Buenos Aires, 1979-1980)
    Quinto Sol ISSN: 0329-2665 ISSN: 1851-2879 [email protected] Universidad Nacional de La Pampa Argentina Monumentos, marcas y homenajes: la última dictadura, los usos del pasado y la construcción de narrativas autolegitimantes (Buenos Aires, 1979-1980) Schenquer, Laura; Cañada, Lucía Monumentos, marcas y homenajes: la última dictadura, los usos del pasado y la construcción de narrativas autolegitimantes (Buenos Aires, 1979-1980) Quinto Sol, vol. 24, núm. 2, 2020 Universidad Nacional de La Pampa, Argentina Disponible en: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=23163487005 DOI: https://doi.org/10.19137/qs.v24i2.3797 Esta obra está bajo una Licencia Creative Commons Atribución-NoComercial-CompartirIgual 4.0 Internacional. PDF generado a partir de XML-JATS4R por Redalyc Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Laura Schenquer, et al. Monumentos, marcas y homenajes: la última dictadura, los usos del pasado ... Artículos Monumentos, marcas y homenajes: la última dictadura, los usos del pasado y la construcción de narrativas autolegitimantes (Buenos Aires, 1979-1980) Monuments, marks and tributes: the last dictatorship, the uses of the past and the construction of self-legitimating narratives (Buenos Aires, 1979-1980) Monumentos, marcas e homenagens: a última ditadura, os usos do passado e a construção de narrativas autolegitimáveis (Buenos Aires, 1979-1980) Laura Schenquer DOI: https://doi.org/10.19137/qs.v24i2.3797 Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas, Redalyc: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa? Argentina id=23163487005 Universidad Nacional del Litoral, Argentina [email protected] Lucía Cañada Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina [email protected] Recepción: 15 Abril 2019 Aprobación: 02 Julio 2019 Resumen: La pregunta por el control represivo y por la conquista del consenso social viene inquietando a los estudiosos de los regímenes fascistas y autoritarios.
    [Show full text]
  • This Thesis Comes Within Category D
    * SHL ITEM BARCODE 19 1721901 5 REFERENCE ONLY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON THESIS Degree Year i ^Loo 0 Name of Author COPYRIGHT This Is a thesis accepted for a Higher Degree of the University of London, it is an unpubfished typescript and the copyright is held by the author. All persons consulting the thesis must read and abide by the Copyright Declaration below. COPYRIGHT DECLARATION I recognise that the copyright of the above-described thesis rests with the author and that no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author. LOANS Theses may not be lent to individuals, but the Senate House Library may lend a copy to approved libraries within the United Kingdom, for consultation solely on the .premises of those libraries. Application should be made to: Inter-Library Loans, Senate House Library, Senate House, Malet Street, London WC1E 7HU. REPRODUCTION University of London theses may not be reproduced without explicit written permission from the Senate House Library. Enquiries should be addressed to the Theses Section of the Library. Regulations concerning reproduction vary according to the date of acceptance of the thesis and are listed below as guidelines. A. Before 1962. Permission granted only upon the prior written consent of the author. (The Senate House Library will provide addresses where possible). B. 1962 -1974. In many cases the author has agreed to permit copying upon completion of a Copyright Declaration. C. 1975 -1988. Most theses may be copied upon completion of a Copyright Declaration. D. 1989 onwards. Most theses may be copied.
    [Show full text]
  • “LA GUERRA QUE PARECIÓ INEVITABLE” (Autor: Dr. Julio Horacio Rubé, Correo Electrónico: [email protected] // Abogado. Pro- Curador Nacional
    “LA GUERRA QUE PARECIÓ INEVITABLE” (Autor: Dr. Julio Horacio Rubé, correo electrónico: [email protected] // Abogado. Pro- curador Nacional. Profesor-Asesor de la Secretaría de Extensión del CMN-IESE. Profesor de Historia. Docente Universitario. Doctorando en Historia en USAL) Resumen En 1898 Chile había logrado convertirse en la séptima potencia naval del mundo pero Argentina, con la compra de los acorazados italianos, pronto ocupó el sexto lugar. Como las negociaciones diplomáticas no habían encontrado una salida definitiva, la res- puesta inmediata fue la adquisición de armamentos. Roca consideró necesario, dadas las circunstancias, producir un gesto político amistoso con respecto a Chile. Matías Errázuriz, primo del Presidente trasandino y el Doc- tor Francisco P. Moreno, acordaron una entrevista con el mandatario trasandino en la ciu- dad de Punta Arenas. En la tarde del 15 de febrero de 1899, la flotilla argentina con la presencia del Belgrano, fondeaba en Punta Arenas, allí esperaba la escuadra chilena en la que se destacaba el acorazado O’Higgins, a bordo del cual se encontraba el Presidente de Chile. Otras unidades menores completaban la presencia de ambos países en la re- gión. Roca decidió trasladarse en primer término al O’Higgins; con los saludos hubo ges- tos amistosos y un banquete, después fue Errázuriz el que visitó al Belgrano. El sábado 18 por la mañana, las comitivas se separaban. El abrazo, como se lo recordó, logró tran- quilizar los ánimos a lo que contribuyó también, en mayo del año siguiente, el mensaje al Congreso Nacional del Presidente Julio Argentino Roca. Informó entonces, sobre el arre- glo de la cuestión de la Puna y del sometimiento a demarcación de la línea fronteriza hacia el sur a S.
    [Show full text]
  • The 'Argentine Problem' : an Analysis of Political Instability in a Modern Society
    THE 'ARGENTINE PROBLEM7: AN ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL INSTABILITY IN A MODERN SOCIETY Alphonse Victor Mallette B.A., University of Lethbridge, 1980 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS @ Alphonse Victor Mallette 1986 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY June, 1986 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENSE I hereby grant to Simon Fraser University the right to lend my thesis, proJect or extended essay (the title of which is shown below) to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. I further agree that permission for multiple copying of this work for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is understood that copying or publication of this work for flnanclal gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Title of Thesis/Project/Extended Essay Author: -. - rJ (date) -.-.--ABSTRACT This thesis is designed to explain, through political and historical analysis, a phenomenon identified by scholars of pol- itical development as the "Argentine Problem". Argentina is seen as a paradox, a nation which does not display the political stab- ility commensurate with its level of socio-economic development. The work also seeks to examine the origins and policies of the most serious manifestation of dictatorial rule in the nation's history, the period of military power from 1976 to 1983.
    [Show full text]
  • 180203 the Argentine Military and the Antisubversivo Genocide
    Journal: GSI; Volume 11; Issue: 2 DOI: 10.3138/gsi.11.2.03 The Argentine Military and the “Antisubversivo” Genocide DerGhougassian and Brumat The Argentine Military and the “Antisubversivo ” Genocide: The School of Americas’ Contribution to the French Counterinsurgency Model Khatchik DerGhougassian UNLa, Argentina Leiza Brumat EUI, Italy Abstract: The article analyzes role of the United States during the 1976–1983 military dictatorship and their genocidal counterinsurgency war in Argentina. We argue that Washington’s policy evolved from the initial loose support of the Ford administration to what we call “the Carter exception” in 1977—79 when the violation of Human Rights were denounced and concrete measures taken to put pressure on the military to end their repressive campaign. Human Rights, however, lost their importance on Washington’s foreign policy agenda with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and the end of the Détente. The Argentine military briefly recuperated US support with Ronald Reagan in 1981 to soon lose it with the Malvinas War. Argentina’s defeat turned the page of the US support to military dictatorships in Latin America and marked the debut of “democracy promotion.” Keywords: Proceso, dirty war, human rights, Argentine military, French School, the School of the Americas, Carter Page 1 of 48 Journal: GSI; Volume 11; Issue: 2 DOI: 10.3138/gsi.11.2.03 Introduction: Framing the US. Role during the Proceso When an Argentine military junta seized the power on March 24, 1976 and implemented its “ plan antisubversivo ,” a supposedly counterinsurgency plan to end the political violence in the country, Henry Kissinger, the then United States’ Secretary of State of the Gerald Ford Administration, warned his Argentine colleague that the critiques for the violation of human rights would increment and it was convenient to end the “operations” before January of 1977 when Jimmy Carter, the Democratic candidate and winner of the presidential elections, would assume the power in the White House.
    [Show full text]
  • 1. Nuevas Declaraciones Del Ex Dictador Jorge Rafael Videla 2
    OBSERVATORIO SUDAMERICANO DE DEFENSA Y FUERZAS ARMADAS INFORME ARGENTINA Nº. 11/2012 Período: del 14/04/2012 al 20/04/2012 Buenos Aires, Argentina 1. Nuevas declaraciones del ex dictador Jorge Rafael Videla 2. Pedidos de captura para acusados de la represión en el centro clandestino Pozo de Quilmes 3. Inicio de las indagatorias por la causa por violación de secretos políticos y militares 4. Declaraciones del oficial de Inteligencia del Ejército, Ernesto Barreiro, que protagonizó hace 25 años el alzamiento de Aldo Rico en la Semana Santa de 1987 5. Un ex soldado denuncia un fusilamiento realizado en 1977 en Formosa 6. La segunda megacausa por los crímenes cometidos en la Escuela de Mecánica de la Armada (ESMA) comenzará en mayo 7. Se inicia un nuevo juicio por delitos de lesa humanidad cometidos en el Circuito ABO 8. Encuentro de los ministros de Defensa de Argentina y de Brasil 9. Se iniciará en junio un nuevo juicio en Mendoza 10. Confirman condenas para tres oficiales del Ejército 11. Primer testimonio en un juicio en Neuquén 12. Investigaciones de la Comisión de Estudio de Fenómenos Aeroespaciales, dependiente de la Fuerza Aérea 13. La Corte Suprema modifica un fallo sobre los haberes de los activos y retirados de las Fuerzas Armadas 1. El ex dictador Videla admitió que la dictadura asesinó a “siete mil u ocho mil personas” Tal como informaron Clarín, La Nación y Página/12, desde su calabozo, el ex dictador argentino Jorge Rafael Videla, admitió por primera vez que la dictadura que encabezó a partir del golpe de Estado de 1976 mató a “siete mil u ocho mil personas”, aunque los organismos de derechos humanos calculan que la cifra asciende a 30 mil: “Para no provocar protestas dentro y fuera del país, sobre la marcha se llegó a la decisión de que esa gente desapareciera; cada desaparición puede ser entendida como el enmascaramiento, el disimulo de una muerte”.
    [Show full text]
  • Contemporary Civil-Military Relations in Brazil and Argentina : Bargaining for Political Reality
    University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 1996 Contemporary civil-military relations in Brazil and Argentina : bargaining for political reality. Carlos P. Baía University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses Baía, Carlos P., "Contemporary civil-military relations in Brazil and Argentina : bargaining for political reality." (1996). Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014. 2541. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2541 This thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. c CONTEMPORARY CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS IN BRAZIL AND ARGENTINA BARGAINING FOR POLITICAL REALITY A Thesis Presented by CARLOS P. BAIA Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts Amherst in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS September 1996 Political Science © Copyright by Carlos Pereira Bafa 1996 All Rights Reserved CONTEMPORARY CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS IN BRAZIL AND ARGENTINA BARGAINING FOR POLITICAL REALITY A Thesis Presented by CARLOS P. BAIA Approved as to style and content by: Howard Wiarda, Chair Eric Einhorn, Member Eric Einhom, Department Head Political Science ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This work would not have been possible without the invaluable contributions of Howard Wiarda, Eric Einhorn, Timothy Steingega, Anthony Spanakos, Moise Tirado, Tilo Stolz, Edgar Brignoni, Susan Iwanicki, and Larissa Ruiz. To them I express my sincere gratitude. I also owe special thanks to the United States Department of Education for granting me a Foreign Language and Area Studies Fellowship to complete this research.
    [Show full text]
  • Abuelas De Plaza De Mayo Photographs of 30 Years in Struggle
    Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo Photographs of 30 Years in Struggle Idea Abel Madariaga Compilation and production Alejandro Reynoso Text José María Pasquini Durán Captions Guillermo Wulff Design and digital retouching Horacio Petre Translation Tamara Lamela We thank the photographers and the press for their collaboration in the production of this book Copyrighted according to Argentine Law 11723 2 Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo Photographs of 30 Years in Struggle 3 4 1 were arrested. Was it not irresponsible of the youth to procreate The Wait when their own lives were at risk? In any case, they did it because they were completely confident about victory and they deeply J. M. Pasquini Durán* believed in another possible world and in another possible life for future generations. After all, instances of glorious insubordination had taken place during the 60s: the Cordobazo, the Cuban Revolution, Some of the photographs in this book could belong to any the events of May 1968 in France, and the groundbreaking music of family album: their protagonists are not heroes or bandits, but just The Beatles, just to name a few among many others. At the outset, ordinary people, in most cases young men and women who only the 70s looked promising: Chile, for the first time, had a socialist differed in the type of dreams they had. Other photographs, by president popularly elected and, here, Argentina saw the end of the contrast, should be exhibited at a horror museum to be duly eighteen-year proscription of Peronismo, the country’s biggest condemned by future generations. The so very different pictures of popular political movement during the second half of the 20th this collection, beyond the good work of their authors, aim to century.
    [Show full text]
  • Argentina Gained Independence from Spain, Its Former Colonial Master in 1816
    6 $UJHQWLQD We now have a stable currency, a fast-growing economy, rising exports and our citizens are enjoying an improving standard of living. We have political stability and good international relations. A growing number of people are appreciating the many and diverse attractions that our beautiful country offers to international visitors. Argentine Minister of Tourism1 Introduction 6.1 Argentina gained independence from Spain, its former colonial master in 1816. In 1853, a federal constitution was adopted, and by the turn of the century, Argentina was one of the leading nations of South America, having made considerable economic and social progress over the past two decades. 6.2 After 1944 when President Juan Domingo Peron assumed power, Argentina adopted corporatist strategies for managing its economy. A number of military coups from 1955 fuelled political and economic instability within Argentina. General Leopoldo Galtieri took control of Argentina at the end of 1981, and occupied the British-held Falkland Islands the following year, leading to war with Great Britain. The first presidential elections for more than a decade in 1983 selected Raul Alfonsin of the Radical Party as President, who concluded several diplomatic, economic and organisational reforms. 1 Foreword by the Argentine Minister of Tourism, Argentina. An incentive in itself, Argentine Chamber of Tourism. 108 6.3 In May 1989 Carlos Saul Menem was elected President, and began a series of wide ranging economic reforms to Argentina’s economy. President Menem privatised many state-owned assets, including the state oil monopoly, electricity, gas and water companies, Argentina’s national airline Aerolineas Argentinas, and many others.
    [Show full text]
  • Bowl Round 3
    2017-2018 IHBB Beta Bowl 2017-2018 Bowl Round 3 Bowl Round 3 – Middle School First Quarter (1) During this war, Matthew Ridgeway replaced a general who masterminded a decisive landing at Inchon, Douglas MacArthur. A demilitarized zone was created after an armistice was signed, though there has still been no peace treaty to end this war. For ten points, name this 1950s conflict on an Asian peninsula. ANSWER: Korean War (2) This man survived an assassination attempt in which a blind musician struck out at him with a heavy lute. The ascension of this man marked the end of the Warring States period, and he was buried alongside thousands of terracotta warriors. For ten points, name this first emperor of the Qin dynasty. ANSWER: Qin Shi Huangdi (3) During this battle, one side’s housecarls made a stand on Senlac Hill until their leader was struck in the eye by an arrow. This battle arose out of a dispute over whom Edward the Confessor named as his successor. The Bayeux Tapestry depicts the death of Harold Godwinson in, for ten points, what battle that confirmed William the Conqueror’s rule over England in 1066? ANSWER: Battle of Hastings (4) In this nation, the captain of the Bounty, William Bligh, was deposed in the Rum Rebellion. An island in this country was first reached by Abel Tasman in 1642. At Botany Bay, convicts and Aborigines met in what became an English penal colony. For ten points, name this country where, in 1770, James Cook landed near what is now the city of Sydney.
    [Show full text]