U.S. Programs 2002 > Annual Report U.S
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Lehigh University's Project Impact: an Environmental Management Case Study
The Higher Education Center for Alcohol and Other Drug Prevention Funded by the U.S. Department of Education, with supplemental funding from The Robert Wood Johnson Foundation Reprinted from Journal of Drug Education and Awareness, 2003, Vol. 1, pp. 59-75, with permission of Nova Science Publishers, Inc., 400 Oser Avenue, Suite 1600, Hauppauge, NY 11788. Tel: 631- 231-7269; Fax: 631-231-8175; e-mail: [email protected], [email protected]; Web: www.novapublishers.com. Reprinted by the Higher Education Center for Alcohol and Other Drug Prevention • (800) 676-1730 • www.higheredcenter.org 60 John W. Smeaton, Madalyn C. Eadline, Brenda Egolf and William DeJong LEHIGH UNIVERSITY'S PROJECT IMPACT: AN ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT CASE STUDY High-risk drinking has been a long-standing problem on U.S. college campuses. According to national surveys of college students conducted by the Harvard School of Public Health, approximately 44% of college students engage in heavy, episodic drinking, which is defined for males as five or more drinks in a row within a two-week period, and as four or more drinks for females. 1, 2 About half of these heavy drinkers, or about one in five students overall, can be classified as frequent heavy drinkers, meaning that they drink at this level three or more times during a two-week period. These drinkers account for approximately 68% of all alcohol consumption by U.S. college students. 3 Progress in reducing heavy, episodic drinking among college students has been slow. One positive note is an increase in the percentage of students who abstain from drinking. -
A Global Alliance for Open Society
INTRODUCTION A Global Alliance for Open Society The goal of the Soros foundations network throughout the world is to transform closed societies into open ones and to protect and expand the values of existing open societies. In pursuit of this mission, the Open Society Institute (OSI) and the foundations established and supported by George Soros seek to strengthen open society principles and practices against authoritarian regimes and the negative consequences of globalization. The Soros network supports efforts in civil society, education, media, public health, and human and women’s rights, as well as social, legal, and economic reform. 6 SOROS FOUNDATIONS NETWORK | 2001 REPORT Our foundations and programs operate in more than national government aid agencies, including the 50 countries in Central and Eastern Europe, the former United States Agency for International Soviet Union, Africa, Southeast Asia, Latin America, and Development (USAID), Britain’s Department for the United States. International Development (DFID), the Swedish The Soros foundations network supports the concept International Development Cooperation Agency of open society, which, at its most fundamental level, is (SIDA), the Canadian International Development based on the recognition that people act on imperfect Agency (CIDA), the Dutch MATRA program, the knowledge and that no one is in possession of the ultimate Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation truth. In practice, an open society is characterized by the (SDC), the German Foreign Ministry, and a num- rule of law; respect for human rights, minorities, and ber of Austrian government agencies, including minority opinions; democratically elected governments; a the ministries of education and foreign affairs, market economy in which business and government are that operate bilaterally; separate; and a thriving civil society. -
The Attacks OPEN SOCIETY NEWS EDITOR’S NOTE
OPEN SOCIETY SOROS FOUNDATIONS NETWORK NEWS WINTER | 2002 NEWS After the Attacks OPEN SOCIETY NEWS EDITOR’S NOTE WINTER 2002 SOROS FOUNDATIONS NETWORK The September 11 terrorist attacks on America and the war in Afghanistan have prompted a host of responses from individuals, organizations, and CHAIRMAN George Soros governments around the world. For the Soros foundations network, the PRESIDENT aftermath of September 11 has had a resounding impact in areas ranging from Aryeh Neier the protection of immigrants in the United States to the promotion of human EXECUTIVE VICE PRESIDENT Stewart J. Paperin rights in Uzbekistan. VICE PRESIDENT Deborah Harding SENIOR POLICY ADVISOR This issue of OSN examines some of the key areas of concern that have Laura Silber DEPUTY DIRECTOR emerged since September 11 to call attention to the importance of protecting James Goldston and strengthening open society values in this time of crisis. DIRECTOR OF U. S . PROGRAMS Gara LaMarche DIRECTOR OF NETWORK PROGRAMS By including materials from the “After the Attacks” section of the Soros website Elizabeth Lorant EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF OSI– BUDAPEST (www.soros.org), this issue of OSN also highlights the many ways the Soros Katalin E. Koncz network is helping the public understand the ramifications of September 11. Open Society News In addition to essays and editorials by prominent open society advocates, the EDITOR “After the Attacks” section on the web features forums and discussions with William Kramer leading policymakers, experts, and activists. It also provides information about ASSISTANT EDITOR Sarah Miller-Davenport where and how people can get help in dealing with the sadness, anger, and CONTRIBUTING EDITOR Ari Korpivaara confusion created by terrorism and war. -
Secrecy in an Open Society Nicholas A
Union College Union | Digital Works Honors Theses Student Work 6-2011 Secrecy in an Open Society Nicholas A. Poli Union College - Schenectady, NY Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalworks.union.edu/theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Poli, Nicholas A., "Secrecy in an Open Society" (2011). Honors Theses. 1045. https://digitalworks.union.edu/theses/1045 This Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Work at Union | Digital Works. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Union | Digital Works. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Secrecy in an Open Society By Nick Poli ********* Submitted in partial fulfillment Of the requirements for Honors in the Departments of Political Science and Philosophy UNION COLLEGE June, 2011 i Abstract POLI, NICK Secrecy in an Open Society. Departments of Political Science and Philosophy, June 2011 Advisors: Tom Lobe and Leo Zaibert This thesis explores the difficult task of finding a balance of secrecy and openness in America. The common notion is that America is an open society; however, with an intelligence community predicated upon secrecy, an imbalance of power between the Executive and Congress, a media which does not always report objective news, and a complacent American public, openness ultimately becomes more difficult to maintain. To find a balance, I propose a hypothetical spectrum of openness in which there is a straight line with two endpoints- one endpoint representing complete secrecy, the other complete openness. I argue that both ends of the spectrum are extreme and undesirable and that America’s goal should be to err on the side of more openness while maintaining responsible secrecy. -
RESTORING AMERICAN LEADERSHIP Restoring American Leadership
RESTORING AMERICAN LEADERSHIP Restoring American Leadership The United States today faces a daunting array of international crises and simmering transnational problems. The current administration has committed itself to “effective multilateralism” and a world in which strong alliances play a key role in solving transnational challenges. | Cooperative Restoring American Leadership provides analysis and 13 COOPERA recommendations on 13 critical issues from international cooperation in the war on terror to curbing proliferation Steps of nuclear weapons to advancing the rights of women across the globe. Each paper offers a specific set of recommendations for action by the president consistent TIVE STEPS TO ADV with his stated values. Restoring American Leadership is to Advance Global Progress offered as a constructive contribution to the ongoing debate about how America can best assert responsible leadership in a new era. ANCE GLOBAL PROGRESS 13 Open Society Institute | Security and Peace Institute Open Society Institute | Security and Peace Institute Restoring American Leadership Cooperative Steps 13to Advance Global Progress Open Society Institute | Security and Peace Institute Copyright © 2005 by Open Society Institute and The Century Foundation All rights reserved. No part of this publication can be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission of the publishers. This book is cosponsored by the Open Society Institute, a private operating and grantmaking foundation which aims to shape public policy to promote democratic governance, human rights, and economic, legal, and social reform, and by the Security and Peace Institute (SPI), a joint initiative of the Center for American Progress and The Century Foundation, which works to advance a responsible U.S. -
Why Do Parties Cooperate in Presidentialism?
WHY DO PARTIES COOPERATE IN PRESIDENTIALISM? ELECTORAL AND GOVERNMENT COALITION FORMATION IN LATIN AMERICA ¿Por qué los partidos cooperan en sistemas presidenciales? Formación de coaliciones electorales y de gobierno en América Latina KENNETH BUNKER Universitá degli Studi di Milano [email protected] Cómo citar/Citation Bunker, K. (2019). Why do parties cooperate in presidentialism? Electoral and government coalition formation in Latin America. Revista de Estudios Políticos, 186, 171-199. doi: https://doi.org/10.18042/cepc/rep.186.06 Abstract The purpose of this article is to explore coalition formation in presidential sys- tems using evidence from Latin America. It puts forward three hypotheses based on formateur power, electoral structures and party systems to explore when and why electoral and government coalition formation occurs. It uses evidence stemming from eighteen democratic presidential regimes in Latin America from 1980 to 2010. It looks at 100 elections and 407 aggregate years of democratic government. It anal- yses data organized in a cross-sectional time-series fashion through a logit function with random effects and robust standard errors. It finds that in democracies with weak presidents, restrictive electoral rules and highly fragmented party systems, the president will seek the support of multiple parties. While the effective number of par- ties is the most important determinant, rules related to legislative elections are more important predictors of electoral coalitions, and those related to presidential elections are more important predictors of government coalitions. The findings in this article are important insofar as yielding critical insight into partisan strategies in both the run-up to elections and the maintenance of governments, as well as contributing to a general theory of coalition formation. -
Moral Learning in the Open Society: the Theory and Practice of Natural Liberty
Moral Learning in the Open Society: The Theory and Practice of Natural Liberty Gerald Gaus and Shaun Nichols I. LIBERTY AS A DEFAULT? Many liberal political philosophers have claimed that moral and political life rests on a principle of “natural liberty” — a general presumption in favor of freedom of action. As Joel Feinberg puts it, “liberty should be the norm, coercion always needs some special justification.”1 John Rawls advances a wider specification, identifying “restrictions” (rather than only “coercion”) as requiring justification: “there is a general presumption against imposing legal and other restrictions on conduct without sufficient reason.”2 Some of Mill’s specifications are even less focused on the law: “in practical matters, the burthen of proof is supposed to be with those who are against liberty” — liberty is the default; its limitation requires justification.3 Perhaps the widest specification is Locke’s: “all men are naturally in … a State of perfect Freedom to order their actions ... as they think fit ... without asking leave, or depending upon the Will of any other Man.”4 A number of philosophers — both from within and without the liberal tradition — have rejected this principle. Some suspect that it is covertly libertarian, hostile to claims of distributive justice (this, despite the fact that Rawls, Feinberg, and Mill and other non-libertarians endorse it). To others, it is simply another piece of liberal ideology, seeking to insinuate into the very foundation of moral thinking a claim 2 that (negative) liberty has a special status, and is somehow more basic than positive liberty, welfare, equality or justice. -
Suppose We Had a Real Democracy in the United States? a Time for Imagination
Suppose We Had a Real Democracy in the United States? A Time for Imagination Remarks of Gara LaMarche Vice-President and Director of U.S. Programs Open Society Institute University of California at Irvine January 28, 2004 Being a Distinguished Visitor takes some getting used to, I must admit. It seems to be a sign of age, like needing to have the menu read to you when you misplace your glasses, or having the grocery clerk call you “sir,” and looking around to see if perhaps your grandfather is standing behind you. But this invitation to share some thoughts with you—distinguished or not—is a fine antidote to the AARP membership card that will arrive for me in late August, so please accept my thanks at the outset. When I was asked to give a topic for this talk a few months ago, my hosts assumed I would want to focus on civil liberties and human rights in the United States and around the world, particularly their state in the aftermath of the attacks of September 11, 2001, since those have been my professional pre-occupations at the American Civil Liberties Union, PEN American Center and Human Rights Watch, and a leading concern of my current institutional home, the Open Society Institute. But as I thought it over, I wanted to both broaden and narrow the topic. I’d like to raise some questions about the state of democracy here in the United States, where we like to think of ourselves as the world’s model. It hadn’t occurred to me months ago that I would be talking to you on the day after the New Hampshire Presidential Primary, and the week after the Iowa Caucuses, where the occasional messiness and unpredictability of a certain aspect of democracy would be on display, but I want to say a few words about that, too. -
Black Lives Matter: Eliminating Racial Inequity in the Criminal Justice
BLACK LIVES MATTER: ELIMINATING RACIAL INEQUITY IN THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM For more information, contact: This report was written by Nazgol Ghandnoosh, Ph.D., Research Analyst at The Sentencing Project. The report draws on a 2014 publication The Sentencing Project of The Sentencing Project, Incorporating Racial Equity into Criminal 1705 DeSales Street NW Justice Reform. 8th Floor Washington, D.C. 20036 Cover photo by Brendan Smialowski of Getty Images showing Congressional staff during a walkout at the Capitol in December 2014. (202) 628-0871 The Sentencing Project is a national non-profit organization engaged sentencingproject.org in research and advocacy on criminal justice issues. Our work is twitter.com/sentencingproj supported by many individual donors and contributions from the facebook.com/thesentencingproject following: Atlantic Philanthropies Morton K. and Jane Blaustein Foundation craigslist Charitable Fund Ford Foundation Bernard F. and Alva B. Gimbel Foundation General Board of Global Ministries of the United Methodist Church JK Irwin Foundation Open Society Foundations Overbrook Foundation Public Welfare Foundation Rail Down Charitable Trust David Rockefeller Fund Elizabeth B. and Arthur E. Roswell Foundation Tikva Grassroots Empowerment Fund of Tides Foundation Wallace Global Fund Working Assets/CREDO Copyright © 2015 by The Sentencing Project. Reproduction of this document in full or in part, and in print or electronic format, only by permission of The Sentencing Project. TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary 3 I. Uneven Policing in Ferguson and New York City 6 II. A Cascade of Racial Disparities Throughout the Criminal Justice System 10 III. Causes of Disparities 13 A. Differential crime rates 13 B. Four key sources of unwarranted racial disparities in criminal justice outcomes 15 IV. -
Freedom of Choice: John Stuart Mill and the Tree of Life
SERIEs (2012) 3:209–226 DOI 10.1007/s13209-011-0053-8 ORIGINAL ARTICLE Freedom of choice: John Stuart Mill and the tree of life Jorge Alcalde-Unzu · Miguel A. Ballester · Jorge Nieto Received: 15 November 2010 / Accepted: 3 March 2011 / Published online: 29 March 2011 © The Author(s) 2011. This article is published with open access at SpringerLink.com Abstract This essay deals with the notion and content of freedom of choice pro- posing a new set up and a new family of measures for this concept which is, indeed, an ethical value of paramount importance in a well ordered and open society. Following some ideas of John Stuart Mill, we propose that freedom of choice has to be understood not in a single stage of choice, but in the ordered collection of choices that a person can make in her life. We then suggest to represent a life in a tree structure, where each node represents a state of life and the edges between nodes will represent possible decisions in life. In this new framework, we propose a set of axioms that imply the following family of measures of lifetime’s freedom of choice: the lifetime’s freedom of choice has to be evaluated by a weighted sum of all possible states of life an individual might visit, with weights representing the number of decisions the individual took to reach that state. Keywords Freedom of choice · Tree of life · Autonomy JEL Classification D63 · D71 J. Alcalde-Unzu · J. Nieto (B) Department of Economics, Public University of Navarre, 31006 Pamplona, Spain e-mail: [email protected] J. -
Download File
BIG LEARNING IN SMALL COMMUNITIES: EXPLORING WITH YPAR IN INTERNATIONAL SCHOOLS Lora Elaine Hawkins Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy under the Executive Committee of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2021 © 2021 Lora Hawkins All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT BIG LEARNING IN SMALL COMMUNITIES: EXPLORING WITH YPAR IN INTERNATIONAL SCHOOLS Lora Hawkins This study is a critical evaluation conducted by a Youth-led Participatory Action research team that has, over the course of five years, sought to investigate culturally responsive pedagogies in international schools populated with Third Culture Kids. Previous to this work, the youth researchers and I developed an interdisciplinary, choice and project-based honors program which we called the Small Learning Community. As such, this program became the object of and context for this review. We were guided by the question, What are, if any, the perceived learning benefits for students in the Small Learning Community?, and we sought to critically evaluate the program’s perceived impact on meaningful learning experiences, student agency, and transference of skills. We leveraged constructivist-oriented Grounded Theory—in part because of the value this approach assigns to emic knowledge—to examine interview transcripts of SLC participants. I then developed case studies and argue for pedagogical shifts in the international classroom that center more deliberately on (1) active participation, (2) the perception of new, (3) choice, (4) attention to process, (5) personal interest, and (6) social emotional learning, while addressing the need for more intentional and systematic practitioner research. TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES…………………………………………………………………………. -
Raymond Aron a Critical Retrospective and Prospective
A C D IS K O L 10 1985 OCCPAP ACDIS Library RAYMOND ARON A CRITICAL RETROSPECTIVE AND PROSPECTIVE 1985 Edward A Kolodziej Program m Arms Control, Disarmament and International Security University of Illinois at Urbana-Chamoaign 330 Davenoort Hall 607 South Mathews Street Urbana, Illinois 61801 Raymond Aron A Critical Retrospective and Prospective* Rationale for the Symposium Few intellectuals and political analysts have dominated their times more than Raymond Aron His death in fall 1983 elicited press notice from around the globe Aron’s writings, covering over fifty years of ceaseless productivity, reached every corner of the world He was truly a scholar and teacher of global proportions Often at odds with his contemporaries m Europe, he was perhaps more appreciated, if not always fully understood, by his English-speaking peers m the United States and England than by his French and European colleagues Yet he was too formidable to be ignored or dismissed by his adversaries and too original and iconoclastic to be cast as the representative of any one school of politics or political analysis Aron’s death, coming shortly on the heels of the publication of his best-selling memoirs,^ prompted the editors of the International Studies Quarterly to attempt an evaluation of his contribution to the study and understanding of international relations This project has several related aims First of all it seeks to identify some of the principal elements of Aron’s work and approach to international politics that merit attention and preservation Second,