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Citation: Twomey, Lesley (2019) Christ’s Holy Week Sermons: Women’s Preaching and its Oral and Written Sources in Late-Medieval Valencia. Bulletin of Hispanic Studies, 96 (10). pp. 1113-1134. ISSN 1475-3839

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Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

Christ’s Holy Week Sermons: Women’s Preaching and its Oral and Written Sources in Late-Medieval Valencia

Journal: Bulletin of Hispanic Studies / Bulletin of Contemporary Hispanic Studies

Manuscript ID 10-18-BHS-1301 Manuscript Type:ForOriginal Peer Article Open Review Access Isabel de Villena, Improperia, anti-Jewish preaching, women's preaching, Keywords: Holy Week liturgy

This article begins by reviewing speculation that Isabel de Villena preached to her nuns in the Santa Trinitat convent. The article then examines the nature of women’s preaching relating it to female verbal authority expressed in the Vita Christi. It draws evidence drawn from the sermons recorded from other female preachers, such as Hildegard of Bingen, and also from male vernacular preachers, such as the Valencian St Vincent Ferrer, as well as from the medieval Ars Praedicandi in the Peninsula. After contextualizing possible sermonizing in Isabel de Villena’s work, the article turns to the Vita Christi to present evidence that Isabel embedded her own sermons, considering whether these might have been preached in the convent and subsequently embedded in the text. To do this, it examines the words of the Christ preaching to the disciples in Holy Week tracing thesources for Villena’s Latin quotations. It examines convent records to establish when and where sermons were heard during Holy Week in Valencian convents. It discovers that Villena’s preaching is not traceable to standard written Vita Christi sources but rather takes orally delivered liturgy as its starting point. Este artículo empieza con el argumento sostenido durante años de que Abstract: Isabel de Villena predicaba a sus monjas en el convento de la Santa Trinidad, Valencia. El artículo examina la naturaleza de la predicación femenina la que vincula a la autoridad oral expresada en ciertas partes de la Vita Christi. Refiere a ejemplos de otras predicadoras públicas y privadas, tales como Hildegard of Bingen, y a los predicadores contemporáneos, tales como el fraile dominico San Vicent Ferrer, y además a los Ars Praedicandi peninsulares. Tras contextualizar los rasgos sermonarios en la obra de Isabel de Villena,el artículo se enfoca en la Vita Christi para considerar las ruebas que sugieran que la monja incluyía sus propios sermones en el texto, evaluando si dichos sermons trazados a través de un texto escrito hubieran podido haber se pronunciado en el convento antes de incluirse en la Vita Christi. Examina los sermones pronunciados en el templo en Semana Santa, trazando varias posibles fuentes, incluso la fuente oral de la liturgia. Después considera detalles sobre los sermones profesionales descubriendo que no se oyían sermones profesionales, pagados a los frailes, cada día en la Semana Santa, por lo tanto dejando lugar a sermones pronunciados por una abadesa. Concluyeque los sermones no remontan a las fuentes Vita Christi de sus antepasados en la tradición sino que se construyen a raíz

The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Page 1 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 de la liturgia de la Semana Santa oída en el convento. 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 For Peer Review 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 2 of 57

1 2 3 4 5 6 Christ’s Holy Week Sermons: Women’s Preaching and its Oral and Written 7 8 Sources in Late-Medieval Valencia 9 10 11 12 13 Understanding sermons is essential to any study of orality, although, until recently, it has never 14 15 1 16 been considered part of the same phenomenon as the oral in folkloric or epic poetry. This article 17 18 evaluates a sermon preached by Christ in Isabel de Villena’s (1430–1490) Vita Christi (1916 19 For Peer Review 20 [VC]). It compares Villena’s ‘sermon’ with that in other versions of Christ’s life. It then 21 22 examines the correlation between anti-Jewish sentiment expressed in Villena’s version, showing 23 24 25 where there are traces of Holy Week liturgies Villena and her community might have known. 26 27 Preaching was a commonplace feature of late-medieval life. Xavier Renedo and Lluís 28 29 Cabré, in their introduction to a collection of sermons by St Vincent Ferrer (1350–1419), the 30 31 32 acclaimed Valencian preacher, canonized in 1455, argue the sermon is comparable to a sales 33 34 pitch or troubadour performance: 35 36 El predicador– deia un dels primers teòrics– ha de ser plaent com un joglar i hàbil com un 37 38 39 mercader. Entretingut i convincent–glossàriem–, capaç doncs, de seduir el públic amb 40 41 recursos que van des de la dramatizació a l’argumentació astuta. (Ferrer 1993: 4) 42 43 [One of the earliest theorists said, a preacher has to be able to please like a troubadour 44 45 and skilled like a market trader. Engaging and persuasive, we would add, and thus 46 47 48 capable of winning over the public with resources ranging from dramatic effect to clever 49 50 argument.] 51 52 53 54 55 1 Recent studies of sermons and orality include the introduction by Cátedra (2002) to his edition 56 of vernacular sermons and Hauf Valls (2004). 57 58 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Page 3 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 Performance, strategies to ‘seduce’, or capture the attention of the public, winning it over to 4 5 6 acceptance of a message delivered orally, and dramatic techniques, all combine within the 7 8 sermon genre. Francisco Rico in his study of sermon and literature draws the two together (1977: 9 10 5). He does not consider the oral component of each but rather the use of rhetorical elements, 11 12 allegory, personification, and poetic devices, such as sermons developed on a single letter (18). 13 14 15 Sermon texts enable readers to approach the oral within the written. The words of 16 17 preachers, such as Ferrer, were directly transcribed during the preaching event by reportatores 18 19 (scribes tasked with preservingFor a record Peer of the sermon). Review2 Sermons retain traces of exclamations 20 21 22 and other elements of oral delivery, frozen in time. Transcribing Ferrer’s sermons differs greatly 23 24 from the case of Villena, where any oral sermons, if these can be distinguished, are embedded 25 26 within a literary work and copied in her own hand. As an example of Villena’s possible 27 28 29 preaching style, two ‘sermon’ texts will be examined. Both are pronounced by Christ in Holy 30 31 Week. 32 33 Speculation that Villena wrote sermons and preached to her nuns dates from at least the 34 35 eighteenth century. The historian, Agustín Sales y Alcázar, was convinced that she wrote 36 37 38 ‘algunos tractados y sermones’ [some treatises and sermons], even though none have survived 39 40 (1761; cited by Hauf 2006: 32, n. 7). Albert Hauf (2004: 257–58) addresses sermon evidence in 41 42 the VC tradition arguing that all religious literature in the Middle Ages may be considered a 43 44 45 written sermon. His argument refers specifically to Francesc Eiximenis’s (1327/32–1409) Vida 46 47 de Jesucrist (Vida), printed about a century later as Llibre de la sagrada vida de Jesucrist 48 49 (1500): 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 2 On reconstituting the oral preaching style from Ferrer’s sermons, see Losada (2015). 57 58 2 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 4 of 57

1 2 3 En referir-me doncs a la literatura religiosa medieval com una forma de predicació escrita 4 5 6 ho faig a partir d’una definició més aviat lapsa i molt genèrica de la finalitat intrínseca, 7 8 didáctica i exhortativa de la predicació. (Hauf 2004: 158) 9 10 [Thus, in referring to medieval religious literature as a form of preaching in writing, I do 11 12 so relying on a generic definition now little used of the intrinsic, didactic, and exhortatory 13 14 15 purpose of preaching.] 16 17 This article will assess how far Hauf’s argument applies to other Vitae Christi. 18 19 Evidence of womenFor preaching Peer in Clare conventsReview has been assembled by Bert Roest 20 21 22 (2005). Roest even discusses Villena as a preacher, asserting that ‘as abbess of this important 23 24 royal foundation, she was given permission to preach’ (2005: 80). He mentions the collection of 25 26 sermons Villena wrote, although there is no trace of it. He also advocates that for an ‘inkling of 27 28 29 Isabella’s [sic] homilectic message, we may have to turn to another work, namely her [...] Vita 30 31 Christi’ (2005: 80). Roest’s tantalizing words give no indication of how the ‘inkling’ is to be 32 33 traced. It is the purpose of this study to seek to discern what a convent sermon might be like and 34 35 how and where it might be embedded in the VC. In doing this, I build on a previous study about 36 37 38 female preaching where I examine the Virgin’s post-Resurrection ‘sermon’ to the female 39 40 disciples as an example of a woman instructing women behind closed doors (2015: 434–39), 41 42 arguing it relates to women’s preaching to and for women. In her study of Mother Juana de la 43 44 45 Cruz, Jessica Boon argues that a medieval abbess was able to expound a lectio divina (2016: 20) 46 47 for her nuns. Of course, women religious, including Hildegard of Bingen (1098–1179) and 48 49 Umilità of Faenza (1226–1310), had preached in public in the early part of the Middle Ages 50 51 52 (Mooney 1998). 53 54 55 56 57 58 3 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Page 5 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 It is certainly the case that female leadership, expressed in carefully worded counsel, 4 5 6 guidance, or permission, and exemplified in the role of the Virgin Mary, abounds throughout the 7 8 VC. Her authoritative counsel is sought when the magi have been warned to return by another 9 10 route (Matthew 2:12). In Villena’s VC they consult the Virgin: ‘el los reys molt spantats, 11 12 retornaren a la senyora, maestressa sua, per pendre consell de sa senyoria’ [and the kings, 13 14 15 thoroughly shocked, returned to the lady, their teacher, to take counsel from her ladyship] (I, 16 17 298). Other VC do not include guidance from the Virgin before the return journey. In the 18 19 Meditationes Vitae ChristiFor (MVC), Peerpurportedly byReview John of Caulibus (active fourteenth century), 20 21 22 long thought to be by St Bonaventure, the magi do not take leave of the Holy Family. They 23 24 simply hurry away (1997: 44). In Eiximenis’s Vida, they take their leave formally: ‘prengueren 25 26 humil e reuerent comiat del Salvador e de la sua mare’ (MS 209, fol. 130r). No counsel is sought. 27 28 29 Another example of female guidance and direction of men’s activity in the VC is when 30 31 the Virgin plans the disciples’ preaching in the different regions: ‘e la Senyora, ab molta dolor e 32 33 pietat, ordenà cascú d’ells en quina provincia seria la preÿcació sua’ [and the Lady, with great 34 35 sorrow and piety, ordained for each of them the region where they would preach] (III, 299). 36 37 38 Although there is no indication of such guidance being provided in the form of preaching, both 39 40 examples provide a positive view of women’s authoritative voice, as adviser and director of 41 42 spiritual activity. Even though advice is confined to the Virgin Mary, the most authoritative of 43 44 45 female saints, it establishes a way of justifying women’s role as preachers. 46 47 48 49 Christ preaching in the VC tradition 50 51 52 Presenting Christ as a preacher occurred in a variety of ways in the lives of Christ. 53 54 Ludolph of Saxony (1295–1378) emphasizes how Christ preached at different points in the 55 56 57 58 4 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 6 of 57

1 2 3 narrative (Bodenstedt 2007: 107, n.77). Roís de Corella (1435–1497), translating the VC into 4 5 6 Valencian, follows closely. Villena had access to the MVC, Ludolph’s VC, and Francesc 7 8 Eiximenis’s Vida. A copy of Ludolph’s VC and Eiximenis’s Vida were given as bequests to the 9 10 convent (Benito Goerlich 1998: 71) by Jaume Exarch, the Vicar General (Hauf 2006: 45–46). 11 12 Having multiple versions was by no means unusual. Jaume Aurell and Alfons Puigarnau show 13 14 15 how Frances de Junyent, a wealthy merchant, possessed many different versions of the VC in his 16 17 library (1998: 210).3 Maria de Castilla’s copy of the MVC also entered Santa Trinitat convent 18 19 library.4 For Peer Review 20 21 22 Eiximenis’s Vida incorporates several chapters about Christ’s activities in the Temple in 23 24 Holy Week, such as Christ expelling the traders and merchants from the Temple (Chapter 38, 25 26 BH MS 0209, fol. 290r). Villena also includes these activities. Eiximenis dedicates three 27 28 29 chapters to narrating the expulsion of the traders and adds contemplation on Christ driving them 30 31 out (Chapter 40, BH MS 0209, fol. 290v). 32 33 Villena’s VC emphasizes preaching as one of Christ’s final acts before his crucifixion: 34 35 ‘com lo Senyor vingué a preÿcar en lo temple’ (II, 193), including two sermon texts preached on 36 37 38 Monday and Tuesday of Holy Week. This is not the case in every VC, and many do not include 39 40 Christ preaching in Holy Week, such as the MVC or Eiximenis’s Vida. 41 42 After the story of the widow’s mite, Ludolph of Saxony and Roís de Corella intercalate a 43 44 45 series of illustrations of final judgement, including parables such as the invitation to the wedding 46 47 48 49 3 Julian Weiss (2006: 1128) notes the boundaries of lay culture were marked by gender. Villena, 50 as a conventual writer, had better access to relevant sources than other women of her class. 51 4 52 Hauf (2006: 45) advises that, among Maria de Castilla’s possessions, there was a copy of the 53 MVC: ‘item un altre llibre appellat De la vida de Jhesu Christ de Bonaventura, scrit en pergamí 54 ab posts de fust cubertes de cuyro vermell’. Bequeathed to Violant de Montpalau, one of the 55 ladies-in-waiting, it was brought to the Santa Trinitat convent by Violant, when she professed in 56 later life. 57 58 5 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Page 7 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 feast, the two sons and the vineyard, the Pharisees’ question about paying tribute, and the woman 4 5 6 with seven husbands. In Lo quart, Chapter 35, Roís de Corella introduces the Tuesday sermon: 7 8 ‘dimarts el mateix dia no volgue el senyor que’ls pobles i els seus dexebles sens doctrina 9 10 stiguessen’ (1495a: fols 121r–v). Ludolph mentions the ‘feria tertia’ [third day of Holy Week] 11 12 and also how the Pharisees sought to catch him out in his words rather than his deeds (2006: III, 13 14 15 519). There can be no doubt this lengthy intervention spread over several chapters of Ludolph’s 16 17 VC is intended to be read as a preaching activity. 18 19 Villena’s VC emphasizesFor the Peer orality of Christ’sReview sermon by referring to its unwilling 20 21 22 auditors: ‘molts poch lo volien hoir’ (II, 188). This concept is further developed in the sermon 23 24 itself, where Christ, as he preaches, remonstrates with those listening for not paying attention to 25 26 his words: ‘quaranta mesos ha que us preÿque, e molts pochs se són convertits’ [I have been 27 28 5 29 preaching to you for forty months and very few of you have accepted conversion] (II, 194). 30 31 Christ’s sermon in Villena’s VC, thus, is a heard event, even though its auditors do not wish to 32 33 pay heed. 34 35 The context for Villena’s sermon is the subject of Christ as a preacher. Understanding 36 37 38 Christ’s ministry as a model for preachers was a sermon topic used by other Valencian preachers. 39 40 Ferrer, for example, dedicates a sermon to ‘Crist com a model de predicador’ [Christ as a model 41 42 preacher] (1993: 23). As a member of the Order of Preachers, Ferrer emphasizes how those who 43 44 45 exercise a preaching ministry follow the model in the Gospels. Ferrer makes several points about 46 47 why Christ is a model for preachers but one of the most important is how he expressed 48 49 50 51 52 5 53 The point Villena makes may take its origin in Ludolph’s assertion that the Pharisees were 54 more ready to dispute with than to learn from Christ (2006: II, 367; III: 522): ‘interrogavit, 55 tentans, non scire desiderans, non ut disceret, sed ut deciperet’ [they asked questions to tempt 56 him, for they were not wanting to know and learn but deceive]. 57 58 6 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 8 of 57

1 2 3 everything known about Christianity ‘amb les seves pròpies paraules’ [in his own words]: ‘la 4 5 6 tercera obra que Jesucrist va fer en aquesta món va ser autèntica predicació, ja que ell mateix va 7 8 expressar amb les seves pròpies paraules tota la fe cristiana i catòlica’ [the third work that Christ 9 10 undertook in this world was to bring authenticity to his preaching, for he expressed in his own 11 12 words the entire Christian and Catholic faith] (1993: 23). Later, Ludolph mentions that one of the 13 14 15 signs of Christ’s love for humanity is his preaching: 16 17 Tots aquests senyals de amor lo Senyor mostrà per nosaltres, preÿcant en paraules, 18 19 benificant-nos en obres,For treballant Peer e circuhint Review la terra de Judea; e lavant los peus als 20 21 22 apòstols, e dexant-nos lo seu cors en vianda, e finalment, morint en la creu perquè 23 24 nosaltres vixquésem. (1495b: n.f.)6 25 26 [All those signs of love the Lord demonstrated for us, preaching in words, blessing us in 27 28 29 works, working and going around the land of Judea, washing the Apostles’ feet, leaving 30 31 us his body for fleshly delicacy, and, finally, dying on the cross so we might live.] 32 33 This might give an insight into why Villena includes the Holy Week sermons Christ preaches. 34 35 She too may have considered Christ a model preacher and the sermons preached in Holy Week 36 37 38 gave her an opportunity to demonstrate her own, written, sermon style. 39 40 Nicholas Love († 1424), a Carthusian, and Prior of Mount Grace Priory, in his Mirrour of 41 42 the Blessed Lyf of Jesus Christ (Mirror), weaves the period after Palm Sunday and before the 43 44 45 Passion into his narrative: ‘What oure lorde Jesus dide fro Palmesonday in to þe þoresday aftere 46 47 nekxte suwyng’ [what our Lord did from Palm Sunday to the following Thursday] (Sargent 48 49 1992: 143). He, like Villena, emphasizes Christ preaching in the Temple on Monday and 50 51 52 Tuesday of Holy Week: 53 54 55 56 6 Somni image 341, available at http://weblioteca.uv.es [consulted 23.10.17]). 57 58 7 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Page 9 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 […] he trauailed bisily in preching & teching opunly to the peple, & specially in þese þre 4 5 6 daies, þat is to sey first on þe someday, as it was now last tretede’, and þen on þe 7 8 moneday and þe tywesday to gidere suwyinge. In þe whiche daies he came erely in þe 9 10 temple & þere continued in preching & teching to þe peple, & disputing with þe scribes 11 12 & þe pharisees, & answering to hir deceyuable questions and many sotel temptynges, & 13 14 15 so he was occupiede fro þe morow’ in to þe euentyde. (1992: 143) 16 17 [(…) he worked busily preaching and teaching openly to the people and especially on 18 19 these three days, thatFor is first Peer on the Sunday, Review as just explained above, and then on both the 20 21 22 following Monday and Tuesday. On these days, he came early to the Temple and there 23 24 continued preaching and teaching to the people and disputing with the scribes and the 25 26 Pharisees, and answering their deceptive questions and many subtle tricks, and so he was 27 28 29 occupied from morn till evening.] 30 31 Love’s Monday and Tuesday of Holy Week summary has common features to Villena’s, and his 32 33 emphasis on preaching shows how Ludolph’s VC was interpreted by his contemporaries. Both 34 35 follow previous lives of Christ but place their own focus on the events, to suit their readers. 36 37 38 In the next section, I examine the sermon Christ gives in Villena’s VC for Holy Tuesday, 39 40 followed by Christ’s brief sermon and reflection for Holy Monday. I review what features of an 41 42 oral sermon, if any, can be distinguished in these two sermons preached in Villena’s VC. 43 44 45 46 47 Sermon structure in late-medieval Spain 48 49 Before this article begins to examine possible sermons embedded in the VC, it briefly examines 50 51 52 how medieval sermons were structured. There were few Hispanic Artes Praedicandi (Faulhaber 53 54 1972: 39; Hauf 1979: 235; Sánchez Sánchez 1999: 64; Wenzel 2015 includes them as nos. 28, 55 56 57 58 8 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 10 of 57

1 2 3 29, 32, 43). Pedro Cátedra, studying the vernacular sermons collated in Codex 40 in the Real 4 5 6 Colegiata de San Isidoro de León, outlines their format (2002: 58), beginning with a ‘thema’ or 7 8 lesson based on the text for the day. According to Cátedra, sermons should include prayers 9 10 before the subject matter is introduced, followed by the third step, the division of the sermon into 11 12 three parts [divisiones]. Other guides for preachers circulated widely, such as Alain de L’Isle’s 13 14 15 (Evans 1981). 16 17 For Alfonso d’Alprão, author of an Ars Praedicandi, prayer also plays its part for the 18 19 ‘thema sermonis vel seu collationisFor Peer est oratio sumpta Review de Sacra Scriptura’ [the subject of the 20 21 22 sermon or of the recollection is a prayer from Holy Scripture] (1.1, Hauf 1979: 265). D’Alprão 23 24 provides ten ways of introducing the subject of the sermon: using syllogisms, inductio [inductive 25 26 reasoning], exempla, authorities from philosophy, prefigurations, questions (Hauf 1979: 295– 27 28 29 314). Renedo, in the introduction to his translation of Francesc Eiximenis’s Ars Praedicandi 30 31 populo (APP) notes received wisdom was that sermons should begin with a text from Scripture 32 33 (2009: xvi). Eiximenis advises on how to construct a sermon: 34 35 Tingues en compte que per construir el sermó has de posar el tema, o la matèria sobre la 36 37 38 qual vols predicar, en el centre d’un cercle imaginari, i tot omplint la resta del cercle has 39 40 d’estructurar el sermó segons l’ordre dels deu manaments, dels articles de la fe, dels dons 41 42 de l’Esperit Sant, de les vuit benaurances, dels cinc sentits corporals, de les set obres de 43 44 45 misericòrdia, de les set virtuts o dels set vicis. I després relaciona ordenadament les parts 46 47 de la matèria sobre la qual vols predicar amb les peces de alguna de les sèries abans 48 49 esmentades d’acord amb les relacions d’afenidad o manqua d’afenidad que hi pugues 50 51 52 establir […]. (2009: 38 [3.7.1.6]) 53 54 55 56 57 58 9 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Page 11 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 [bear in mind that to construct the sermon you have to set the subject or material you 4 5 6 wish to preach on at the centre of an imaginary circle and, filling out the remainder of the 7 8 circle, you have to structure the rest of the sermon according to the order of the ten 9 10 commandments, the articles of faith, the gifts of the Holy Spirit, the eight beatitudes, the 11 12 five senses, the seven works of mercy, the seven virtues or the seven vices. Then point by 13 14 15 point relate the parts of the subject you wish to preach on to the parts of one of the 16 17 teachings mentioned earlier, in so far as it is in accord with or lacks accord for you to 18 19 establish.] For Peer Review 20 21 22 Eiximenis’s radiating number-based sermon structure has some features in common with 23 24 Fray Martín de Córdoba’s. Martín de Córdoba considers the relationship of the thema and its 25 26 development to be like the root and the tree, the stream and the waterfall, the sun and its rays, or 27 28 29 the body’s head and its limbs (Rubio 1959: 332). In the same way, Eiximenis’s APP divides the 30 31 introduction into two parts, the first containing the Ave Maria and the second the introductio 32 33 thematica (Barcelona 1936: 333). The introduction is a solid central part of the sermon, 34 35 described as the tree trunk (Eiximenis 2009: xxxvii) and may use questions, references to other 36 37 38 biblical texts, or to the writings of the Fathers, distinctions, or syllogisms. Eiximenis, like Fray 39 40 Martín de Córdoba, provides ten methods (2009: 56–60; 1959: 337–41). Each of the parts is then 41 42 developed and may be subdivided corresponding to the branches of the tree (Eiximenis 2009: 43 44 45 xliii). According to Eiximenis: ‘Diuisio autem thematis inuenta fuit ad dandum predicatori 46 47 copiosam materiam ad predicandum’ [divisio was invented to give a wealth of material to the 48 49 preacher] (1936: 334). These branching elements of the sermon is where the subject is explained 50 51 52 with reference to the natural world, exempla, and other support taken from ordinary experience. 53 54 The sermon often concludes by narrating a saint’s life, ‘ystoria’, for the feast in question 55 56 57 58 10 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 12 of 57

1 2 3 (Cátedra 2002: 58) or it may draw moral conclusions for people’s lives. This section is termed 4 5 6 the dilatatio, and is akin to the leaves or fruits of the tree (Eiximenis 2009: xlviii). 7 8 9 10 11 12 The structure and nature of the sermon for Holy Tuesday 13 14 15 Villena begins the sermon in the standard way with Christ providing an exposition on a 16 17 text: ‘pres per tema’ [he took as his text] (II, 193). By taking the Old Testament as her text, she 18 19 signals a sermon is beginning.For Villena Peer opens it withReview ‘Jerusalem convertere’ from Hosea 14:2; ‘O 20 21 22 Israel, return to the Lord, thy God’. This text is significant, as I will demonstrate shortly. 23 24 Villena’s sermon for Tuesday in Holy Week is in distinct parts. The first part consists of 25 26 Latin texts many of them identifiable from the Fathers, rendered in vernacular glosses. This 27 28 29 section of Christ’s sermon is not dissimilar to her style and approach throughout the narrative 30 31 where she follows Latin texts and translations. Hauf, in his study of the interrelationship of the 32 33 written and oral sermon, reminds us that glossing had an oral root, as a principal medieval 34 35 teaching method: ‘la importància del gloriós art de glosar, que fou durant segles, la clau de 36 37 38 l’ensenyament’ [the importance of the glorious art of glossing which for many centuries was the 39 40 cornerstone of teaching] (2004: 254). Villena’s glossing serves the purpose of explaining what 41 42 the Latin verses mean to her readers and auditors. 43 44 45 Villena constructs the first part of Christ’s Holy Tuesday sermon from a series of Latin 46 47 texts, some of them related to Passion liturgy. In the opening lines, the addressee for the sermon 48 49 is the city of Jerusalem: ‘converteix-te […] gira·te […] no oblides axi del tot la tua salut’ 50 51 52 [convert, turn back, do not completely forget your salvation] (I, 191). It is delivered in the second 53 54 person. After a short section addressed to the city, the addressees change and become the 55 56 57 58 11 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Page 13 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 inhabitants of the city: ‘vosaltres, pobladors de aquesta ciutat’ [you inhabitants of the city] (II, 4 5 6 193). Ludolph, after his eight imprecations against the Jews (III, 528–31) addresses Jerusalem 7 8 directly: ‘Jerusalem, Jerusalem’ (III, 531).7 The invocation of the city in the second person by 9 10 Ludolph is the source of the citation from Hosea Villena adopts, although she extends it, using 11 12 other material. 13 14 15 The next section of the sermon corresponds to the introduction or the section of 16 17 commentary on the thema. One way of doing this is through other authoritative citations either 18 19 from Scripture or patristicFor texts (Eiximenis Peer 2009: Review xxxix; 57 [3.7.5.3 and 3.7.5.4]). When she 20 21 22 cites ‘Quomodo sanaberis que nullum ad te medicum pervenire permittis?’ [how will you be 23 24 healed when you do not allow a doctor to come to you] (II, 193), her text echoes several Gospel 25 26 verses, such as Christ’s response to criticism for eating at the house of Levi with tax-collectors 27 28 29 and ‘other outcasts’ (Matthew 9:12; Luke 5:31; Mark 2:17): ‘Jesus heard them and answered 30 31 people who are well do not need a doctor but only those who are sick. I have not come to call 32 33 respectable people but outcasts’. This text appears in several medieval expositions, including the 34 35 Expositio in Evangelium Matthaei, Book 10 (PL 120, col. 790) by Paschasius Radbertus. It 36 37 38 derives from St John Chrysostom’s (347–407) sermon on Matthew’s Gospel (PG 56, cols 890– 39 40 98). It is again cited by Ludolph (III, 531), as part of Christ’s teaching for Holy Tuesday and it 41 42 may be from there that Villena derives it. St Augustine’s Sermon 80 (on the Scriptures), as well 43 44 45 as his Enarrationes in Psalmos, used as the fifth lesson in the Good Friday first nocturn are 46 47 evoked, where Augustine compares fallen humanity, refusing a cure, to madmen (Ruddy 2004: 48 49 93) and relates insanity of patients, who fail to recognize Christ, the Physician, to the Jews: ‘his 50 51 52 53 54 55 7 Ludolph then explains he is addressing the inhabitants [habitatores] and not the buildings 56 [aedificia civitatis] (III, 531). 57 58 12 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 14 of 57

1 2 3 omnibus curationibus ingrati, tamquam multi febre frenetici insanientes in medicum qui venerat 4 5 6 curare eos excogitaverunt consilium perdendi eum’ [ungrateful for all the cures, like madmen 7 8 with frenetic fury directed at the physician who had come to cure them, they devise plans for 9 10 getting rid of him]. 8 11 12 The motif of Christ-Physician flows throughout Augustine’s writing. Rejecting the 13 14 15 Physician, causes the Jews to arrest then kill him: ‘ut medicum tenerent, ligarent, flagellarent, 16 17 spinis coronarent, ligno suspenderent, cruce necarent’ [that they might hold, bind, scourge, 18 19 crown with thorns, hang theFor Physician Peer on the cross, Review and kill him]. Villena takes the text from St 20 21 9 22 Augustine’s sermon De verbis Evangeliis Matthaei, chapter 17.18–20 (PL 38, col. 496). 23 24 Villena’s emphasis on Christ-Physician both here and in other parts of the VC suggests 25 26 she was familiar with how preachers used collections of texts on a set theme. Manuel Sánchez 27 28 29 Sánchez refers to the techniques medieval preachers used for sourcing key texts by means of a 30 31 florilegium (1999: 62–63) and Villena’s insistence on this theme throughout the VC suggests she 32 33 sourced quotations from such an intermediate text. As an example, the long discourse by Mary 34 35 Magdalene on Christ’s feet references Augustine’s motif of Christ-Physician. Mary Magdalene 36 37 38 calls on those present to bewail the death of ‘aquest gloriós metge’ (III, 109) and then refers to 39 40 Christ’s death on the Cross as medicine for humanity: ‘Veniu e feu gran planct de la mort de 41 42 aquest gloriós metge, qui tota la sanch sua ha despés en medicines per a la salut nostra!’ (III, 43 44 45 109). Villena’s lengthy development of the ‘metge’ motif in the mouth of Mary Magdalene 46 47 48 49 8 See for example Sermo 175, 2–4 (PL 38, cols 945–47). Augustine writes of the Jews who in 50 their spiritual madness turned away the Physician, who, during his very Passion, ministered to 51 52 his spiritually sick persecutors (trans. Arbesmann 1954: 17). See, for example, ‘Omelia sancti 53 Augustini’, set as sixth lesson in the Breviarium secundum Romanae ecclesiae (Venice: Robert 54 Jensen, 1478), Universitat de València, Biblioteca Històrica (BH), Inc. 033, folios unnumbered 55 (Somni image 295, available at http://weblioteca.uv.es [consulted 20.10.17]). 56 9 See also his Evangelium in Johannis tractatus 3.2 (PL 35, col. 1396). 57 58 13 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Page 15 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 indicates she was aware of its repeated use in St Augustine to exemplify his salvific acts. The 4 5 6 second text, ‘Omnes medici spirituales in te defecerunt et tu curata non es’ [every spiritual doctor 7 8 meets his end in you and you are not cured] (II, 193), relates getting rid of those sent to heal. 9 10 This text, occurring a few lines later in Chrysostom’s sermon, is glossed by Villena as follows 11 12 ‘car tots los metges spirituals a tu tramesos per lo meu Pare e per mi han defallit en tu, donant a 13 14 15 ells cruel mort e tu no restes curada’ (III, 109). Again, the text is cited by Ludolph in Chapter 38 16 17 of his VC. Her gloss shows that, she follows Ludolph in relating the text to killing the prophets. 18 19 In Matthew’s Gospel, Christ’sFor lament Peer over Jerusalem Review includes the words: ‘You kill the prophets 20 21 22 and stone the messengers God has sent you’ (Matthew 23:37). Matthew’s words relate to 23 24 warnings in the Old Testament about turning away, killing, or crucifying the prophets.10The 25 26 same text is cited by several medieval theologians, including Hincmar (c. 806–82), Archbishop 27 28 29 of Reims, in his De praedestinatione Dei et libero arbitrio posterior Dissertatio (PL 125, col. 30 31 246). 32 33 Finally, Villena turns to Christ’s words in the Gospel, linking four verses. ‘Quem vos 34 35 dicitis quia Deus vester est, et non cognovistis eum’ [by the one of whom you say he is our God, 36 37 38 although you do not know him] (John 8:54). The words are from Christ’s earlier clash with the 39 40 Jews in John’s Gospel not his final preaching in the Temple, responding to their question: ‘Are 41 42 we not right in saying you are a Samaritan and possessed by the Devil?’ (John 8:48). ‘Cur ego et 43 44 45 pater unun [sic] sumus’ [I and the Father are one] (John 17:11) is spoken as a prayer for the 46 47 disciples just prior to Christ’s arrest, resulting in Villena’s mind, from the traitorous conduct of a 48 49 Jew, Judas. Teaching about the nature of God (John 14:9): ‘qui videt me et videt patrem’ 50 51 52 53 54 55 10 ‘Therefore, I am sending you prophets, sages, and teachers. Some of them you will kill and 56 crucify, others you will flog in your synagogues’ (Matthew 23:34). 57 58 14 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 16 of 57

1 2 3 [whoever has seen me has seen the Father] (II, 194) is the thematic link between these Gospel 4 5 6 citations. The final citation returns to the debate with the Jews: ‘Propterea vos non auditis, quia 7 8 ex Deo non estis’ [the reason why you do not listen is that you are not from God] (John 8:47). It 9 10 answers the point the Jews make about their relationship with God: ‘We were not born 11 12 illegitimate. We have no father but God’ (John 8:42). 13 14 15 Villena begins Christ’s sermon, as mentioned earlier, with the text ‘Hierusalem, 16 17 Hierusalem, convertere ad Deum dominum vestrum’ [Jerusalem, Jerusalem, turn to the Lord 18 19 your God] (II, 193). As MartínFor d’Alprão Peer advocates, Review the opening text is a prayer. Villena looks to 20 21 22 the liturgy for her inspiration for the lamentations. Hosea’s words are set in the Improperia, a 23 24 series of antiphons and responses, sung at the Tenebrae liturgy for Thursday, Friday, and 25 26 Saturday of Holy Week (Brockett 2012). Clyde W. Brockett’s study demonstrates these 27 28 29 antiphons were sung from the eighth century onward. In the Valencia 1478 Roman-rite breviary 30 31 as well as in the Zaragoza breviary, the lament is attributed to Jeremiah: ‘Incipit lamentatio 32 33 Jeremie prophete’.11 The verse from Hosea reoccurs throughout the Tenebrae liturgy, forming a 34 35 response to each remonstration uttered.12 The Improperia reproaches about the characteristics 36 37 38 and actions of the Jews are voiced by the priest, as though they were spoken by Christ. The 39 40 responses, although taken from Jeremiah’s lamentations, were spoken in the Good Friday and 41 42 43 44 45 46 11 Breviarium (1478). Universitat de València, BH Inc. 033, folios unnumbered (Somnium image 47 289, available at http://weblioteca.uv.es [consulted 2.10.17]). The attribution was not unusual. 48 See also Breviarium Caesaraugustanum (1479: fol. 77v); Breviarium, BH MS 887 (1475: fol. 49 262v) (Somnium image 528, available at http://weblioteca.uv.es [consulted 18.12.17]. 50 12 Breviarium, BH Inc. 033, folios unnumbered (Somnium images 290, 294, and 298, available at 51 52 http://weblioteca.uv.es [consulted 2.10.17]). The response occurs after the second and third 53 readings over the three days. See also Breviarium (1467). Universitat de València, BH MS 890, 54 fols 167v, 171v. This manuscript, decorated in Naples, belonged to the library of the Dukes of 55 Calabria. See also Breviarium Caesaraugustanum (1479: fol. 77v), produced for the 56 neighbouring Zaragoza diocese in Venice. 57 58 15 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Page 17 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 Holy Saturday liturgies and would have been familiar to Villena and her readers.13 When set in 4 5 6 Christ’s sermon, they commemorate the spoken liturgical word, as well as a different hue of 7 8 meaning and prophetic value because of their liturgical context. I have previously noted how 9 10 Villena embeds liturgical practice and other convent devotions into her VC (2013: 204–29) and, 11 12 here, she weaves the words of the Improperia into Christ’s sermon. 13 14 15 Lament over Jerusalem in the New Testament also echoes numerous Old Testament 16 17 occasions when prophets, like Jeremiah, lament the people’s failure to respond to God. In St 18 19 Luke’s Gospel Christ weepsFor over JerusalemPeer (Luke Review 20:41–42), before entering to go to his 20 21 22 Passion. He cries out again about the destruction of the city, as he makes his way to the cross 23 24 (Luke 21:20–24) and laments for the women of Jerusalem, who in turn weep for him (Luke 25 26 23:28). Christ’s love for Jerusalem is emphasized in Matthew’s Gospel, just after he has 27 28 29 condemned the Pharisees (Matthew 23:37–39). There Christ’s warning about Jerusalem follows 30 31 his address to the crowd in the Temple (Matthew 24:1). In Luke’s Gospel, the context is 32 33 different: it occurs after some Pharisees come to Christ to warn him to stay away from Jerusalem 34 35 (Luke 13:34–35). Roís de Corella (1495b: fols 94r–97v [chapter 28]), following Ludolph (III, 36 37 38 494–98), has Christ weep over Jerusalem, before entering on Palm Sunday,14 incorporating 39 40 lamentations.15 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 13 See, for example, the first lesson in Breviarium, BH, Inc. 033, fols unnumbered (Somnium 48 image 298 available at http://weblioteca.uv.es [consulted 2.10.17] 49 14 For a recent edition and study of Lo terç del Cartoixà, see Furió Vayà (2015). 50 http://roderic.uv.es/handle/10550/50025 [consulted 16.10.17]. The events of Christ’s life from 51 52 the Transfiguration to the Last Supper, including the ‘sermó’ Christ spoke there, are included in 53 Lo terç (1495b). The events of the Holy Week from Christ’s departure for the garden of 54 Gethesemane and the beginning of his Passion are in Lo quart (1495a). 55 15 Lo terç, Chapter 26, fols 94–7. (Somnium image 183, available at http://weblioteca.uv.es 56 [consulted 2.10.17]). 57 58 16 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 18 of 57

1 2 3 Roís de Corella, like Ludolph, has Christ preach against the Pharisees and doctors of the 4 5 6 law on two earlier occasions during his ministry in Lo segon (1500). First, Christ attacks the 7 8 Jews in Chapter 35, entitled ‘com increpa als Fariseus i als doctors de la ley’ [how he lambasts 9 10 the Pharisees and doctors of the Law] and then again in ‘Dels constitucions dels fariseus contra 11 12 les manaments de Déu’ [on the Pharisees’ rules against God’s commandments] (Chapter 47]).16 I 13 14 15 discuss both below. 16 17 The second part of Villena’s sermon, suggested by the Improperia, is dedicated to the 18 19 twenty-four curses that DavidFor supposedly Peer called Review down on the Jews. There are twenty-four curses 20 21 22 in Deuteronomy (28) and Boice (1998: III, 885) reckons a further twenty-four in the imprecatory 23 24 section of Psalm 109:6–20. It is the latter Villena uses in part for her imprecations. Similarities 25 26 are found between Psalm 109:7–10 and the following curses: ‘sereu condempnats a perpetual 27 28 29 mort’ [you will be condemned to everlasting death]; ‘tota la oració sera convertida en peccat’ [all 30 31 your prayer will turn into sin]; ‘la senyoria vostra durara molt poch’ [your lordship will endure 32 33 but little]; ‘us sera levada la dignitat del sacerdoci’ [the dignity of priesthood will be stripped 34 35 from you]; ‘d’aqui en avant los fills de la sinagoga seran dits òrfens’ [from now on the sons of 36 37 38 the Synagogue will be called orphans]; ‘la vostra sinagoga sera prestament viuda’ [your 39 40 Synagogue will soon be widowed]; ‘sereu lançats de la propia terra’ [you will be cast out from 41 42 the land]; ‘sereu fugitius per tot lo mon’ [ you will wander across the whole world] (II, 195–96). 43 44 45 Villena adapts the words of the Psalm so that ‘His wife be widowed’ (109:9) becomes 46 47 personified: ‘la vostra sinagoga sera prestament viuda’ [your Synagogue will soon be widowed]. 48 49 50 51 52 16 53 See Ludolph the Carthusian (III, 330–33): Ch. 76, ‘De increpatione Pharisaeorum et 54 Legisperitorum’ [how he lambasts the Phrisees and doctors of the Law]; (2006: III, 376–79): 55 Ch.88, ‘De traditionibus Pharisaeorum, etiam contra Dei mandatum’ [ on the customs of the 56 Phrarisees, again aganist God’s commandment]. 57 58 17 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Page 19 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 Her adaptation of the Psalm, which she identifies as her source (II, 195) does not include the 4 5 6 original Vulgate Latin which makes it stand out from her usual method where the Latin text is 7 8 always cited. She does not keep close to known translations of Psalm 109 (Vulgate 108), such as 9 10 Roís de Corella’s Psaltiri (2013; see Table 3). It is worth noting that the idea of cursing the 11 12 Scribes and Pharisees is lifted from Ludolph’s VC (III, 527).17 However, Ludolph’s eight curses 13 14 15 are all behavioural: relating to hypocrisy, pride, and greed. Villena’s are scriptural. The idea is 16 17 rooted in Ludolph’s VC but the realization is completely different. An example of how different 18 19 is provided by Love’s Mirror.For Love’s Peer version includes Review denigration of the Jews amid preaching 20 21 22 scenes in Holy Week and he advises his reader that there is too much to write about Christ’s 23 24 reprehending of the Jews. He proposes to pass over it to start the Passion: 25 26 Bot for als mich as it were longe processe to trete in special of alle þe maters þat tyme 27 28 29 bytwix our Lord Jesus & þe Jues, & lettynge fro þe purpose þat we bene nowe inne of þe 30 31 passion, þerefor passing ouer alle þe parables & ensaumples by þe which oure lord 32 33 reprehended þe Jues […]. 34 35 [But as for me, as it would be a long task to write about all the matters that happened 36 37 38 between our Lord Jesus and the Jews, and, stepping aside from the purpose that we are 39 40 now in the Passion, thus, passing over all the parables and examples our Lord used to 41 42 reprehend the Jews.] 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 17 Post haec Dominus, qui Legi et praeceptis Evangelicis obedientibus dat benedictiones, ipsis 51 52 Scribis et Pharisaeis inobedientibus comminatur vae maledictionis, et in omnibus effectibus 53 hypocrisis ipsorum hanc dictionem vae praeponit, quae maledictionem significat (Ch. 38) [After 54 this, the Lord, who blesses those who are obedient to the Laws and Precepts, threatened the 55 Scribes and Pharisees who did not obey them with a curse, and he set forth a speech of doom on 56 the effects of their hypocrisy, meaning a curse]. 57 58 18 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 20 of 57

1 2 3 His reference to ‘passing ouer’ suggests Love decided not to include Christ’s full diatribe 4 5 6 against the Jews. He may have taken his structure from Ludolph of Saxony’s Vita. However, this 7 8 does not answer how Villena’s and Love’s narratives both include Christ preaching in Holy 9 10 Week. It is unlikely Villena could have known the Mirror.18 Both Love and Villena may have 11 12 had access to a longer version of the MVC.19 13 14 15 Christ’s reproaches have been summarized in the Mirror and the negative characteristics 16 17 of the Jews Love opts for are pride, hypocrisy, and covetousness, all standard anti-semitic 18 19 criticisms: For Peer Review 20 21 22 And þen after our Lorde Jesus reprehended þe pride, þe hypocrisie, the coueitise, and 23 24 oþer wikkid condicions of hem, and specially of þe scribes & þe Pharisees, seying to hem 25 26 in þese words: ‘Wo to ȝowe scribes & Pharisees þat louen worldly wirchipes in many 27 28 29 maneres’. (1992: 144) 30 31 [and then after our Lord Jesus reprehended their pride, their hypocrisy, their covetousness 32 33 and other wicked ways, particularly of the Scribes and Pharisees, speaking these words to 34 35 them: ‘Woe to you, Scribes and Pharisees, who love worldly homage in many ways’.] 36 37 38 Love is summarizing the words spoken by Christ in Ludolph’s VC. His summary correlates more 39 40 closely to Ludolph’s than Villena’s. 41 42 Villena’s use of the Psalm has something of the preaching style of Vincent Ferrer.20 43 44 45 Ferrer often cited the prophets, turning Old Testament texts against the Jews, to show how God 46 47 48 49 18 Philobiblion includes no versions of Love’s Mirror in Castile or Aragon. 50 http://bancroft.berkeley.edu/philobiblon/biteca_en.html [consulted 2.9.18]. Other English works, 51 52 such as John of Howden or Hoveden’s Speculum Laicae (BETA Textid 1300), are present in 53 Spain’s manuscript collections (Madrid BNE MS 18465 [Manid 1493). 54 19 Sarah Mcnamer’s research examines different versions in both Italian and Latin (2009; 2017). 55 20 Villena does not follow Ferrer’s sermon or sermon content. The comparison is indicated here 56 to show how her literary work correlates with standards of preached sermon technique. 57 58 19 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Page 21 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 was angry with them (Losada 2015: 219). In the VC sermon, curses are adapted from the Psalms 4 5 6 but Villena’s technique relies, like Ferrer’s on a long history of constructing propaganda against 7 8 the Jews, established in Hispanic literature in Gonzalo de Berceo’s Milagros de Nuestra Senora 9 10 with its anti-semitic miracles or sermons preached by his near-contemporary, Ramon de Peñafort 11 12 (c.1185–1275) (Losada 2015: 218–19). The tradition continued with Jeroni de Santa Fe’s Tractat 13 14 15 contra els jueus or the Disputa del Bisbe de Jaen contra els jueus sobrea la fe catholica.21 The 16 17 anti-semitic tradition in the Western Church descends from Tertullian (160–220) in his Adversus 18 19 Judaeos (PL 2, cols 595–642)For and isPeer disseminated Review in St Augustine’s widely read Tractatus 20 21 22 adversus Judaeos (PL 42, cols 51–64). 23 24 Medieval theologians, in Spain and elsewhere, continue the trend, including Fulbert of 25 26 Chartres (†1029), with his Tractatus contra Judaeos, and Petrus Alfonsi’s (b.1106), Dialogus 27 28 29 contra Judaeos (Bodleian MS Laud Misc. 356). Rabbinical dispute is a way of presenting 30 31 counter arguments against the Jews. An early Castilian example is the final scene in the 32 33 anonymous thirteenth-century theatrical piece, the Auto de los Reyes Magos (Gutiérrez 2009: 34 35 26–69). 36 37 38 Anti-Jewish tradition intensified at the end of the Middle Ages, fed by literary assault 39 40 (Rubin 1999), although anti-Jewish sentiment had much deeper roots. Mark D. Meyerson (1999: 41 42 643, n. 10) discusses the missions to convert the Jews instigated by James II, the Just (1267– 43 44 45 1327). Riots and physical attacks on Jews increased following the Black Death (Nirenberg 1996: 46 47 239), with sins committed by Jews seen as its cause. Pogroms in 1391 across the kingdom and 48 49 riots in Valencia led to an upsurge in conversions (Meyerson 1992: 131; 2004a: 279; Nirenberg 50 51 52 53 54 21 Philobiblion. http://bancroft.berkeley.edu/philobiblon/biteca_en.html [consulted 20.9.18], 55 Tractat, BITECA Textid 1909, Barcelona, olim Arxiu Palau Requesens (Manid 1166); Disputa, 56 BITECA Textid 1811, Barcelona, Universitat de Barcelona, MS 75 (Manid 1199). 57 58 20 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 22 of 57

1 2 3 2006: 399), as well as debate about the sincerity of those newly received into the Church by the 4 5 6 1450s (Nirenberg 2003: 140). By the fifteenth century, Valencia was ‘Jew-free’ (Meyerson 7 8 2004b: 83), whilst the Jewish community in the kingdom lived in Morvedre. Despite all this, the 9 10 Jews remained ‘royal treasure’, protected by the crown (Meyerson 2004a: 216), largely because 11 12 of high levels of taxation Jews paid to the crown, up to the end of the fourteenth century, making 13 14 15 for ‘porous borders between the Jewish community and royal government’ (Meyerson 2004b: 16 17 73; 2010: 19). Meyerson outlines the case of a Jewish physician, found guilty of alchemy by the 18 19 Inquisition, but acquitted Forby Ferdinand Peer of Antequera Review (2004c: 170). Interrelationships are 20 21 22 apparent in tax-farming for the crown and Church (Meyerson 2004b: 103). Meyerson also notes 23 24 that royal protection changed after the death of Ferdinand’s heir, Alphonse the Magnanimous, in 25 26 1458 (2004c: 188). King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella finally established the Inquisition in 1478 27 28 29 (Meyerson 1992: 131) and expelled the Jews in 1492. 30 31 Contamination of Christian communities by the influx of conversos was condemned: 32 33 Vincent Ferrer attacked inter-faith adultery, advocating segregation, and seeing sexual danger as 34 35 the root of plagues visited on cities (Nirenberg 2002; 2003: 143, 148). Anti-Jewish sentiment 36 37 38 continued into the early sixteenth century in Valencia. Lester Little notes that in 1519 an edict of 39 40 faith ‘enumerates offences against the Christian religion and then delivers a series of blistering 41 42 curses against those who engage in them’ (1996: 278). Offenders were excommunicated, 43 44 45 anathematized, cursed, segregated, and separated. Such Jews, likely to be backsliding, are to 46 47 ‘share the fate of Pharoah, the people of Sodom and Gomorrah, Dathan and Abiron. They are 48 49 cursed with the curses of Deuteronomy and the Psalms’ (1996: 278). On the significance of 50 51 52 twenty-four, Little adds that Jews were required to swear twenty-four oaths in law, relating to the 53 54 twenty-four books of the law (1996: 278). Holy Week was an important time to recall anti- 55 56 57 58 21 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Page 23 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 Jewish sentiments (Meyerson 2004b: 97), whilst already in 1393, officials in Morvedre 4 5 6 condemned Jews for celebrating a ‘Jewish Easter’ (Nirenberg 2003: 141). 7 8 Villena’s twenty-four curses provide a perfect foil to her thema with its call to Jerusalem 9 10 to repent. This section of the sermon corresponds to the divisio section of the sermon, providing 11 12 linked materials set around a numerical value to illuminate the initial text. 13 14 15 Villena, following this tradition, asserts that David foretold the cruelty the Jews would 16 17 visit on the Messiah. She sets the curses in the second-person plural, directed at the Jews. They 18 19 echo the Improperia, reproachesFor Christ Peer expounded Review from the cross, listing the cruel treatment the 20 21 22 22 Jews meted out. Some of Villena’s curses relate to the Jews being held in captivity: 23 24 ‘primeramente que sereu catius de tota nació’ [first you will be held captive by every nation] (II, 25 26 195), others to their lot as a fugitive nation: ‘dehenament sereu fugitus per tot lo món’ [in tenth 27 28 29 place, you will have to wander all over the world] (II, 196), and others to their sinfulness, 30 31 particularly because they were to cause Christ’s death: 32 33 Dihuytenament: que no sols tendreu lo peccat de la mia mort, ans ne tendreu un altre 34 35 sobre aquell: que sperareu tostemps lo Messies, e per cobrir la vostre oradura, fereu 36 37 38 falsiosos los prophetes, corrompreu tant com poreu les Scriptures sanctes. (II, 196) 39 40 [in eighteenth place, not only will you have the sin of my death on you, but you will have 41 42 another greater sin. For you are always looking for the Messiah to come, and to cover 43 44 45 your foolishness, you will falsify the prophets and misinterpret the Holy Scriptures as 46 47 much as you can.] 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 22 Breviarium, BH Inc. 033, folios unnumbered [Somnium images 295, available at 55 http://weblioteca.uv.es [consulted 2.10.17]). The most significant list of cruelties occurs as the 56 lesson for Sext. 57 58 22 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 24 of 57

1 2 3 The numbering style used by Villena is closely related to both Eiximenis’s Vida and Ludolph of 4 5 6 Saxony’s style in his VC. Ludolph’s eight imprecations (III, 528–31) are numbered ‘in primo 7 8 […], in secondo […], in tertio […]. However, the twenty-four reproaches do not relate closely to 9 10 either of Christ’s sermons reproaching the Jews in Ludolph’s prima pars [first book] or Roís de 11 12 Corella’s Lo segon (see Tables 1 and 2). 13 14 15 Lo segon (Chapter 47) includes reproaches as Christ outlines how the Pharisees 16 17 contravened God’s law. As an example, Roís de Corella quotes Isaiah (29:13) to show how they 18 19 are hypocritical, honouringFor God with Peer their lips andReview not with their hearts: 20 21 22 Dient: ‘ypocrits, bé ha profetizat Ysaies de vosaltres dient aquell poble ab los labis me 23 24 honrra però lo seu cor luny és de mi sens causa ço és sin fruyt colen hi m honrren que 25 26 dissimuladament hi a peruersa intenció fan totes les sues obres hi per simulada santedat i 27 28 29 ypocresia hi no es aquesta causa per seruir la bondat diuina mas per atenyer la felicidat 30 31 eterna que és honrar e fruir a Déu infinit bé nostre’. (1500, fol. 140) 32 33 [saying: ‘hypocrites, Isaiah rightly prophesied about you, saying that people honour me 34 35 with their lips but their hearts are far from me without reason that is without fruit they 36 37 38 worship and honour me for they carry out their works with dissimulation and with 39 40 perverse intention, and with simulated holiness and hypocrisy and that is not simply to 41 42 serve God’s goodness but to come to eternal joy which is honouring God, our infinite 43 44 45 treasure, bringing him joy.] 46 47 The speech against the Jews precedes the story of the Canaanite woman requesting her daughter 48 49 be healed (VC and Roís de Corella Chapter 48, recounting Matthew 15:22). The Jews’ desire to 50 51 52 stone him (Chapter 46, recounting John 10:31) precedes it. Villena positions Christ’s reproaches 53 54 immediately after his entry to Jerusalem. Ludolph’s VC places them before. 55 56 57 58 23 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Page 25 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 Another set of reproaches (VC Chapter 35) begins with the Pharisees’ hypocrisy: ‘O 4 5 6 fariseu ypocrit neteja primer lo teu cor hi pensans de engans, iniquitats hi malicies hi lavors seran 7 8 netes los teues exteriors obres hi sera feta vera la santedat que simules’ (1500, fol. 102v). 9 10 Ludolph and Roís de Corella’s preaching agains the Jews is a lengthy extension of Matthew 11 12 12:49, discussed earlier. However, the reproaches have little in common with Villena’s (see 13 14 15 Table I). 16 17 18 19 The Sermon for Monday ofFor Holy Week: Peer Structure Review and characteristics 20 21 22 Villena’s VC incorporates a second sermon for Holy Week preached on Holy Monday. 23 24 This sermon also begins with Christ railing against the Jews: ‘Popule meus, quid ultra debui 25 26 facere tibi et non feci?’ [O my people what else should I have done for you that I did not do?] (II, 27 28 29 188). This text is taken from the plainchant setting of the Lamentations, sung as an antiphon at 30 31 the Good Friday Improperia (Brockett 2012: 89; Escandell Guasch 2015) to accompany the 32 33 Adoration of the Cross. It dates from the ninth century and is present in the St Martial de 34 35 Limoges troper (BN fr. MS 1240). The processional antiphon for the Adoration was set to music 36 37 38 in the sixteenth century by Tomás Luis de Victoria (1548–1611), chapelmaster for the Descalzas 39 40 convent in Madrid. Janet Hathaway’s research into music-making at the Descalzas convent, from 41 42 a period some eighty years later than Villena’s death, gives an indication of how it shaped nuns’ 43 44 45 spirituality (2011: 210–11). Although indications from Villena’s VC are brief, it is likely that the 46 47 sung antiphon acted like an ear-worm and, for that reason, found its way into Christ’s sermon: 48 49 Villena’s gloss on the text expands it considerably: 50 51 52 O poble judaych, qui per propri t’é elegit. ¿Per què·m has axi desconegut que la mia 53 54 doctrina hoir no vols? No has estimat ni conegut los singulars beneficis per mi fets: sobre 55 56 57 58 24 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 26 of 57

1 2 3 tota nació, t’é exaltat, e tu no penses sinó en aterrar-me; yo vull donar la vida per ti e tu 4 5 6 no vols aceptar la preÿcació mia; […]. (II, 188–89) 7 8 [O Jewish people, whom I have chosen for my own. Why have you failed to recognize 9 10 me and not wanted to hear my teaching? You have not regarded nor recognized the 11 12 wonderful good things done by me. I have exalted you above any nation and you only 13 14 15 think of bringing me low; I wish to give my life for you and you do not want to accept the 16 17 words I preach.] 18 19 The first words she choosesFor for the Peergloss, ‘que perReview propri t’é elegit’ [I have chosen you for my 20 21 22 own], echo Old Testament texts such as Deuteronomy (7:7): ‘From all the peoples on earth, he 23 24 chose you to be his own special people’. These words mark how God issues the Ten 25 26 Commandments, reiterating his covenant with the Israelites. Villena adds to this part of the 27 28 29 sermon the words from the parable of the Good Shepherd: ‘I am willing to lay down my life for 30 31 them’ (John 10:15): ‘jo vull donar la vida per ti’ (II, 188). 32 33 After this combination of Old and New Testament reflections, Villena’s Christ pauses in 34 35 his preaching and sits down in despair at the lack of response from the listening Jews: ‘e lo 36 37 38 Senyor aturmentat dins la sua ànima per la gran durícia e desconexença judayca, veent que ab 39 40 poca devoció lo escoltaven, leixa·s de preÿcar e segue·s en un banch […]’ [and the Lord, his soul 41 42 troubled because of the hardness of heart and the lack of recognition from the Jews, seeing how 43 44 45 they had little devotion and paid so little attention to him, stopped preaching and sat down on a 46 47 bench] (II, 189). This section of the sermon for Holy Monday serves as a preview for the Holy 48 49 Tuesday sermon in that it introduces well-worn characteristics of the Jews, in this case their 50 51 52 hardness of heart. Whilst seated on the bench, Christ watches the widow offer her mite. This 53 54 55 56 57 58 25 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Page 27 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 gives an opportunity to decry the Pharisees’ failure to see the truth, as they praise only those who 4 5 6 give high sums to the Temple coffers. 7 8 9 10 Preaching in the Santa Trinitat convent: Holy Week sermons 11 12 Records from Valencia’s fifteenth-century Poor Clare convents suggests that the early 13 14 15 part of Holy Week would not have had an official sermon preached by a friar. This is likely to 16 17 have been the case in the Santa Trinitat convent too. Might this have then given an opportunity 18 19 for Villena to deliver a sermonFor herself? Peer Any of theReview sermon texts Villena includes in her VC 20 21 22 might easily have been preached in Holy Week in the Santa Trinitat convent. Sermons were 23 24 commissioned from Franciscan friars paid two silver coins per sermon. In the Puritat convent, 25 26 preachers were paid for their sermons for each of the four Sundays of Lent: ‘item doni als frares 27 28 29 que preycaren en la quaresma per iv diumenges viii sous’ (ARV Clero Libro 946, fol. 35v). 30 31 Payment is also explicitly mentioned for the Good Friday sermon: ‘item doni al preycador per 32 33 divendres sant ii sous’ [I also gave two silver coins to the preacher for Good Friday] (fol. 26v). 34 35 The Lent preachers were rewarded with a gift of two goats at Easter: ‘item doni als preycadors 36 37 38 dos cabrits’ [I also gave two little goats to the preachers] (fol. 26v). The friars were paid for 39 40 saying the office during Holy Week: ‘item doni als frares que feren l’ofici de setmana santa xii 41 42 sous’ [I also gave twelve silver coins to the friars who said the Holy Week office] (fol. 35v). 43 44 45 These payments are made year on year. In 1454, in the Puritat, sermons were still being 46 47 remunerated at the rate of one a week in Lent as well as a sermon on Good Friday: ‘Item doni a 48 49 xx d’abril per los sermons de la quaresma ab lo diuendres sant xiiii sous’ [On 20 April I also 50 51 52 gave fourteen silver coins for the sermons in Lent and Good Friday] (ARV Clero Libro 956, fol. 53 54 55 56 57 58 26 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 28 of 57

1 2 3 115r). It was custom to hear sermons preached only on certain days in Lent and Holy Week in 4 5 23 6 Valencian convents. 7 8 The situation was similar in other Valencian convents in terms of frequency of sermons. 9 10 In the Zaÿdia Bernardine convent, just outside Valencia’s walls, payment of sixteen silver coins 11 12 was made in 1454 for the Lent sermons on Sundays and on Wednesday in Holy Week: ‘item 13 14 15 donarem als sermonadors qui sermonaren en les dominiques derrers de la quaresma ab lo 16 17 dimecres sant onze reals [xvi sous vi dines] [we also gave eleven reals (sixteen silver coins, six 18 19 pence) to the preachers forFor sermons Peer on the final ReviewSundays in Lent together with Wednesday in 20 21 22 Holy Week] (ARV Clero Libro 4140, fol. 43r). 23 24 By 1493 things had changed in the Puritat. Because there is a gap in records of just over 25 26 thirty years, it is not possible to pinpoint when the change occurred but, by the time Margarita 27 28 29 Tolsa had taken over as abbess, Holy Week sermons had moved from Sunday to Friday, possibly 30 31 preached by a Franciscan, although the Order is not mentioned. The preacher is mentioned by 32 33 name: ‘Item pels sermons de la quaresma que feu Mestre Moros los diuendres trenta e sis sous’ 34 35 [for the Lent sermon Master Moros preached each Friday, thirty-six silver coins] (fol. 49r). From 36 37 38 these historical records, it is certain that at least one Holy Week sermon was preached and 39 40 remunerated in Valencian convents. There is no reason to suppose the Villena’s convent was any 41 42 different. 43 44 45 The Holy Week sermon placed in Christ’s mouth seems an unlikely choice for her to 46 47 have preached at first sight. The sermon is strongly anti-Jewish and does not seem appropriate 48 49 50 51 52 23 53 O’Mara makes the assumption that sermons were heard every day, because nuns had access to 54 a chaplain: ‘we may have to postulate that nuns would have heard a sermon on most days of the 55 week’ (1998: 97). This may be true in other parts of Europe, however, according to payments 56 made to preachers, in Valencia, this could not have been the case. 57 58 27 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Page 29 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 for a woman to preach to a non-Jewish audience of nuns, all noblewomen from high-ranking 4 5 6 Valencian families. 7 8 A tradition of anti-Jewish preaching across Spain in the fifteenth century, however, had 9 10 close connections to Villena’s city. Ferrer, a Valencian, as noted above, preached frequently 11 12 against the Jews, calling upon them to convert. Although Ferrer died in 1419, his canonization 13 14 15 took place in Villena’s lifetime, and various versions of Ferrer’s life were written, many of them 16 17 focusing on his preaching (Smoller 2011: 786–89). 18 19 Preaching against ForJews had Peerroyal support Review and led to legislation and public support across 20 21 22 the kingdoms of Spain (Nirenberg 2003: 144). It might, therefore, be that this tradition was 23 24 considered appropriate, even in situations where there were no Jews present to convert, 25 26 particularly in the years just before they were expelled in 1492, enabling such a sermon to be 27 28 29 preached in the convent, although its contents seem, to a modern ear, out-of-step with the 30 31 audience. This sermon may have been preached as part of a kingdom-wide call to the Jews to 32 33 repent. It may have begun as a commentary on Deuteronomy 28 or Psalm 109 with their anti- 34 35 Jewish curses. It may also have been intended as a sermon to counter the plague, thought to be a 36 37 38 punishment for the sins of the Jews. 39 40 There is also the possibility that Villena adapted this sermon from a written collection of 41 42 sermons for her purpose. As studies on English convents have shown, nuns were very likely to 43 44 24 45 hold collections of sermons among their books. Equally, in breviaries used in the period, 46 47 written sermons from the hand of the Church Fathers were set for many feast days and were read 48 49 50 51 52 24 53 See Bell (1995); O’Mara (1998). Bell studies the wealthy Syon Abbey, as well as some poorer 54 foundations; O’Mara studies medieval English convents in the same period. D. H. Green 55 discusses how nuns were able to read Latin in certain convents across Europe, although he also 56 notes the rise of the vernacular (2007: 129–45). 57 58 28 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 30 of 57

1 2 3 as part of the liturgy of the day.25 It might also be adapted from a sermon preached by one of the 4 5 6 friars. 7 8 The context for the sermon, Holy Week, meant that there is a possibility a Lent sermon 9 10 may have been preached by Villena for her community. If professional preachers took 11 12 responsibility for one of the principal feasts during Holy Week and preached on it, she, as 13 14 15 abbess, could have taken responsibility for preaching on other days. The longer sermon Christ 16 17 preaches may have been given by Villena as part of Holy Week lectio divina, even though its 18 19 subject matter seems alienFor to convent Peer life. Review 20 21 22 23 24 Conclusion 25 26 I begin this article by demonstrating the authority inherent in the words of a female saint, 27 28 the Virgin Mary. She is granted to advise and counsel male subjects. 29 30 31 Villena, like Love, emphasizes Christ’s activity as a preacher in Holy Week. To do this, 32 33 she constructs sermons for him to preach and these sermons are not derived from other VC. The 34 35 sermons examined in this study reveal how Villena looked to oral sources for inspiration. This 36 37 article argues that oral genres, including sermon subject matter and liturgy are blended to 38 39 40 construct a vernacular sermon. Its oral quality derives from its adaptation of spoken liturgy 41 42 repeated by the nuns in Holy Week, transposed into a sermon. In this sense her method 43 44 corresponds to what Brian Stock defines as a textual community (1983: 90), a text used by 45 46 47 communities dependent on oral participation in religion, to some extent applicable to a 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 25 See for example ‘Omelia sancti Hieronymi’, set for the seventh lesson in the Breviarium 55 secundum Romanae ecclesiae (1478), BH, Inc. 033, folios unnumbered (Somnium image 250, 56 available at http://weblioteca.uv.es [consulted 2.10.17]). 57 58 29 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Page 31 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 community of female religious, even though many of the high-born women were capable of 4 5 6 reading written texts. 7 8 Villena’s Holy Tuesday sermon follows the pattern of medieval sermons advocated in the 9 10 Ars Praedicandi, beginning with a ‘thema’, a development of the text, using other scriptural and 11 12 patristic texts. It extends into an anti-semitic diatribe, directly derived from the thema. One of the 13 14 15 sources for her anti-semitism is the Reproaches of the Tenebrae liturgy for Holy Thursday, Good 16 17 Friday, and Holy Saturday. Another is the twenty-four curses from Psalm 109. Although Villena 18 19 does not follow the ImproperiaFor throughout, Peer she beginsReview with its refrain and takes the concept of 20 21 22 Christ’s imprecations from there, adapting Psalm 109 for the meat of the curses Christ utters. In 23 24 her Holy Monday sermon, she again selects from the liturgy, this time from the Adoration of the 25 26 Cross, using the antiphon ‘popule meus’ as her sermon text. Her technique means that the words 27 28 29 ‘spoken’ by Christ in the Villena’s sermon resonate with the ones the priest speaks on Good 30 31 Friday and Holy Saturday in the Tenebrae liturgy. 32 33 Villena adapts the imprecatory Psalm (109) for her anti-Jewish sermon. Unlike her 34 35 practice throughout the VC, she does not gloss the Vulgate but writes in the vernacular. This 36 37 38 suggests that the original text might have been presented as a sermon delivered by Villena in 39 40 Holy Week, although it could have other reasons, such as working from a vernacular Psalter. 41 42 Whilst it is not possible to assert categorically that the Holy Week sermon was preached 43 44 45 by Villena, its structure, vernacular nature, and adaptation of liturgical texts suggests it could 46 47 have been. Its anti-Jewish sentiments fit well with those of the day, just prior to the expulsion of 48 49 the Jewish community in 1492 when preaching and writing against the Jews was commonplace. 50 51 52 Pointing out the Jews’ sins against God was appropriate for a Holy Week text but may have 53 54 55 56 57 58 30 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 32 of 57

1 2 3 served also to deflect God’s righteous anger from Christian communities, preserving them from 4 5 6 the plague at a time close to the millennial end-time. 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 For Peer Review 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 31 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Page 33 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 Abbreviations 4 5 6 APP Ars Praedicandi ad populum 7 8 ARV Arxiu del Regne de València 9 10 MVC Meditationes Vitae Christi 11 12 PL Patrologia Graeca 13 14 15 PL Patrologia Latina 16 17 SEMYR Seminario de Estudios Medievales y Renacentistas 18 19 VC Vita ChristiFor Peer Review 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 Works cited 30 31 32 33 Arbesmann, Rudolph, 1954. ‘The Concept of ‘Christus Medicus’ in St Augustine’, Traditio, 10: 34 35 1–28. 36 37 38 Augustine, St, 1844–64. Enarrationes in Psalmos, PL 36, cols 67– 1027, PL 37, cols 1033–1967. 39 40 ––––––, 1844–64. Evangelium in Johannis: Tractatus, ed. J.-P. Migne (Paris), PL 35, cols 1379– 41 42 1976. 43 44 45 ––––––, Sermo LXXX, Sermones ad populum. Classis I: De Scripturis, ed. J.-P. Migne (Paris), 46 47 PL 38, cols 493–98. 48 49 ––––––, 1844–64. Tractatus adversus Judaeos, ed. J.-P. Migne (Paris), PL 42, cols 51–6411. 50 51 52 Aurell i Cardona, Jaume, 1994. ‘Els inventaris postmortem i la cultura dels mercaders 53 54 medievals’, Medievalia, 11: 107–21. 55 56 57 58 32 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 34 of 57

1 2 3 ––––––, and Alfons Puigarnau, 2009. La cultura del mercader en la Barcelona del siglo XV 4 5 6 (Barcelona: Omega). 7 8 Barcelona, Martí de, 1936. ‘L’Ars Praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis’, in Homenatge a Antoni 9 10 Rubió i Lluch. Miscel.lània d’Estudis Literaris, Històrics i Lingüístics (Barcelona: n.p.), II, 11 12 pp. 301–40. 13 14 15 Bell, David N., 1995. What Nuns Read: Books and Libraries in Medieval English Nunneries, 16 17 Cistercian Studies Series, 158 (Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications). 18 19 Benito Goerlich, Daniel, 1998.For El RealPeer Monasterio Review de la Santísima Trinidad, Arquitectura Sèrie 20 21 22 Minor, 48 (Valencia: Generalitat Valenciana, Consell Valencià de Cultura). 23 24 Bodenstedt, Mary Immaculate, 2007. ‘An Analysis of the Vita Christi’, in Ludolphus the 25 26 Carthusian: Vita Christi. Introductory Volume (Salzburg: Institut für Anglistik und 27 28 29 Amerikanistik Universität Salzburg), pp. 93–116. 30 31 Boice, James Montgomery, 1996–1999. Psalms and Expositional Commentary, 3 vols (Grand 32 33 Rapids, MI: Baker Books). 34 35 Boon, Jessica, and Ronald E. Sutz, eds, 2016. Mother Juana de la Cruz, 1481–1534: Visionary 36 37 38 Sermons. Introductory material and notes by Jessica A. Boon. Trans. Ronald E. Surtz and 39 40 Nora Weinerth (Toronto: Iter Academic Press; Tempe, AZ: ACMRS). 41 42 Breviarium Ordinis Fratrum Pradicatorum, c. 1467. Universitat de València, Biblioteca 43 44 45 Històrica (BH), MS 890. 46 47 Breviarium, c.1475. Breviarium (Naples: s.n.). Universitat de València, BH, MS 887. 48 49 Breviarium, 1478. Breviarium secundum ordinem Romanae ecclesia (Venice: Robert Jensen), 50 51 52 Universitat de València, BH, Inc. 033. 53 54 Breviarium, 1479. Breviarium Caesaraugustanum (Venice: s.n.), Biblioteca de Catalunya. 55 56 57 58 33 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Page 35 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 Brockett, Clyde W., 2012. ‘Antiphons for the Adoration of the Cross Replica’, Plainsong and 4 5 6 Medieval Music, 21 (2): 85–111. 7 8 Cátedra, Pedro M., 2002. Los sermones en romance de la Real Colegiata de San Isidoro de 9 10 Léon, Publicaciones de SEMYR, 2 (Salamanca: SEMYR). 11 12 Cohen, Thomas V., and Lesley K. Twomey, 2015. Spoken Word and Social Practice: Orality in 13 14 15 Europe (1400–1700), MRAT 14 (Leiden: Brill). 16 17 Eiximenis, Francesc, 2009. Art de Predicació al poble, ed. Xavier Renedo, trans. Enric Tremp, 18 19 Textos pedagògics,For 47 (Vic: Peer Eumo). Review 20 21 22 ––––––, Llibre de la sagrada vida de Jesuchrist, Universitat de València, Biblioteca Històrica, 23 24 MS 0209. 25 26 Escandell Guasch, Jaume, 2015. ‘Lamentaciones del profeta Jeremías’, Anuario Musical, 70.1: 27 28 29 27–42. 30 31 ––––––, 2009. Art de predicació al poble, ed. Xavier Renedo (Vich: Eumo). 32 33 Evans, G. R., ed. and trans., 1981, Alan of Lille: The Art of Preaching, Cistercian Publications, 34 35 23 (Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications). 36 37 38 Faulhaber, Charles, 1972. Latin Rhetorical Theory in Thirteenth- and Fourteenth- Century 39 40 Castile, University of California Publications in Modern Philology, 103 (Berkeley: 41 42 University of California Press). 43 44 45 Ferrer, St Vincent, 2002. Sermonario de S. Vincent Ferrer del Real Colegio-seminario del 46 47 corpus Christi de Valencia, ed. Francisco Gimeno Blay and María Luz Mandingorra 48 49 Llavata, trans. Francisco Galero Galero (Valencia: Ajuntament de València). 50 51 52 ––––––, 1993. Sermons, ed. Xavier Renedo and Lluis Cabré, Tria de Clàssics, 7 (Barcelona: 53 54 Teide). 55 56 57 58 34 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 36 of 57

1 2 3 Fulbert of Chartres, 1844–64. Tractatus contra Judaeos, ed. J.-P. Migne (Paris), PL 141, cols 4 5 6 305–18. 7 8 Furió Vayà, Joan Maria, 2015. ‘El Terç del Cartoixà: edició i estudi’, PhD dissertation, 9 10 Universitat de València. Available at http://roderic.uv.es/handle/10550/50025 [consulted 11 12 16.10.17]. 13 14 15 Gutiérrez, César, 2009. ‘Estudio e edición del Auto de los Reyes Magos: análisis paleográfico, 16 17 lingüístico y literario’, Diálogos de la lengua, 1: 26–69. 18 19 Hathaway, Janet, 2011. ‘SpiritualityFor Peer and Devotional Review Music in the Royal Convent of the 20 21 22 Descalzas Madrid’, Journal of Musicological Research, 30: 202–26. 23 24 Hauf, Albert G., 1979. ‘El “Ars praedicandi” de Fr. Alfonso d’Alprão, O.F.M.: Aportación al 25 26 estudio de la teoría de la predicación en la Península Ibérica’, Archivum Franciscanum 27 28 29 Historicum, 72 (3–4): 233–329. 30 31 ––––––, 2004. ‘Del sermó oral al sermó escrit: la Vita Christi de fra Francesc Eiximenis com a 32 33 glossa evangèlica’, in La cultura catalana en projecció de futur: homenatge a Josep 34 35 Massot i Muntaner, ed. Germà Colón, Tomàs Martínez, and María Pilar Perea (Castellón 36 37 38 de la Plana: Universitat Jaume I), pp. 253–89. 39 40 ––––––, 2006. La Vita Christi de Sor Isabel de Villena (s. XV) como arte de meditar: introducció 41 42 a una lectura contextualizada (Valencia: Biblioteca Valenciana). 43 44 45 Hincmar Rhemensis, 1844-64. De praedestinatione Dei et libero arbitrio posterior dissertatio, 46 47 ed. J.-P. Migne (Paris), PL 125, cols 65–474. 48 49 Johannis de Caulibus, 1997. Meditaciones vite Christi, olim S. Boanventurae attributae, ed. M. 50 51 52 Stallings-Taney, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Medievalis 153 (Turnholt: Brepols). 53 54 55 56 57 58 35 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Page 37 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 John Chrysostom, St, 1844-64. Homilia in Mattheum, XLVI, ed. J.-P. Migne (Paris), PG 56, cols 4 5 6 890–98. 7 8 Kendrick, Robert, 2014. Singing Jeremiah: Music and Meaning in Holy Week (Bloomington: 9 10 Indiana University Press). 11 12 Libro de dades he rebudes fetes per la reuerent sor Beatriu de Soler, abbadessa del monestir de 13 14 15 Senta Clara de la ciutat de València (1454–60, 1492), ARV, Clero Libro 956. 16 17 Libro de recibo y gasto (Recibos de 1439 a 1499), ARV, Clero Libro 946. 18 19 Libro de recibos y entradasFor del convento Peer de la ZaÿdiaReview de monjas bernardas (1454), ARV, Clero 20 21 22 Libro 4140. 23 24 Little, Lester K., 1993. Benedictine Maledictions: Liturgical Cursing in Romanesque France 25 26 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell UP). 27 28 29 Losada, Carolina, 2015. ‘Powerful Words: St Vincent Ferrer’s Preaching and the Jews in 30 31 Medieval Castile’, in Spoken Word and Social Practice: Orality in Europe (1400–1700), 32 33 ed. Thomas V. Cohen and Lesley Twomey, Medieval and Renaissance Authors and 34 35 Texts, 14 (Leiden: Brill), pp. 206–27. 36 37 38 Ludolph, the Carthusian, 2006. Vita Christi (Salzburg: Institut für Anglistik and Amerikanistik, 39 40 University of Salzburg). 41 42 McNamer, Sarah, 2009. ‘The Origins of the Meditationes vitae Christi’, Speculum, 84: 905–55. 43 44 45 ––––––, 2017. Meditations on the Life of Christ: The Short Italian Version (Notre Dame, IN: 46 47 University of Notre Dame Press). 48 49 Meyerson, Mark D., 1992. ‘Aragonese and Catalan Jewish Converts at the Time of the 50 51 52 Expulsion’, Jewish History, 6.1/2: 131–49. 53 54 55 56 57 58 36 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 38 of 57

1 2 3 ––––––, 1998. ‘The Economic Life of the Jews of Murviedro in the Fifteenth Century’, in In 4 5 6 Iberia and Beyond: Hispanic Jews Between Cultures. Proceedings of a Symposium to 7 8 Mark the 500th Anniversary of the Expulsion of Spanish Jewry, ed. Bernard Dov 9 10 Cooperman (Newark, NJ: University of Delaware Press), pp. 67–95. 11 12 ––––––, 1999. ‘Bishop Ramon Despont and the Jews of the Kingdom of Valencia’, Anuario de 13 14 15 Estudios Medievales, 29: 641–53. 16 17 ––––––, 2004a. Jews in an Iberian Frontier Kingdom: Society, Economy and Politics in 18 19 Morvedre (1248–1391)For, Medieval Peer and Early Review Modern Studies in the Iberian World, 20 20 21 22 (Leiden: Brill). 23 24 ––––––, 2004b. A Jewish Renaissance in Fifteenth-century Spain (Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP). 25 26 ––––––, 2004c. ‘Samuel of Granada and the Dominican Inquisitor: Jewish Magic and Jewish 27 28 29 Heresy in Post-1391 Valencia’, inFriars and Jews in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, 30 31 ed. Stephen J. McMichael and Susan E. Myers (Leiden: Brill), pp. 161–89. 32 33 ––––––, 2010. ‘Bloodshed and Borders: Violence and Acculturation in Late Medieval Jewish 34 35 Society’, in Late-Medieval Jewish Identities: Iberia and Beyond, ed. Carmen Caballero- 36 37 38 Navas and Esperanza Alfonso (New York: Palgrave Macmillan), pp. 13–26. 39 40 Mooney, Catherine M., 1998. ‘Authority and Inspiration in the Vitae and Sermons of Humility of 41 42 Faenza’, in Medieval Monastic Preaching, ed. Carolyn Muessig, Brill Studies in 43 44 45 Intellectual History, 92 (Leiden: Brill), pp. 123–44. 46 47 Muessig, Carolyn, ed., 1998. Medieval Monastic Preaching, Brill’s Studies in Intellectual 48 49 History, 90 (Leiden: Brill). 50 51 52 Nirenberg, David, 1996. Communities of Violence: Persecution of Minorities in the Middle Ages 53 54 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP). 55 56 57 58 37 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Page 39 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 ––––––, 2002. ‘Mass Conversion and Genealogical Mentalities: Jews and Christians in Fifteenth- 4 5 6 century Spain’, Past & Present, 174: 3–41. 7 8 ––––––, 2003. ‘Enmity and Assimilation: Jews, Christians, and Converts in Medieval Spain’, 9 10 Common Knowledge, 19.1: 137–55. 11 12 ––––––, 2006. ‘Figures of Thought and Figures of Flesh’, Speculum, 81: 398–426. 13 14 15 ––––––, 2012. ‘Discourses of Judaizing and Judaism in Medieval Spain’, La corónica, 41.1: 16 17 207–33. 18 19 O’Mara, V.M., 1998. ‘PreachingFor to Peer Nuns in Late-Medieval Review England’, in Medieval Monastic 20 21 22 Preaching, Brill’s Studies in Intellectual History, 90 (Leiden: Brill), pp. 93–119. 23 24 Paschasius Radbertus, 1844–64. Expositio in Matthaeum, ed J.-P. Migne (Paris), PL120, cols 25 26 31–994. 27 28 29 Petrus Alfonsi, Dialogus contra Judaeos, Oxford Bodleian MS Laud Misc. 356. 30 31 Philobiblion. http://bancroft.berkeley.edu/philobiblon/biteca_en.html [consulted various dates 32 33 from 2.9.18]. 34 35 Rico, Francisco, 1977. Predicación y literatura en la España medieval (Cadiz: Universidad 36 37 38 Nacional de Educación a Distancia). 39 40 Roest, Bert, 2005. ‘Ignorantia est mater omnium malorum”: The Validation of Knowledge and 41 42 the Office of Preaching in Late Medieval Female Franciscan Communities’, in Saints, 43 44 45 Scholars, and Politicians: Gender as a Tool in Medieval Studies, ed. Mathilde van Dijk, 46 47 and Renée Nip, Medieval Church Studies, 15 (Turnhout: Brepols), pp. 65–83. 48 49 Roís de Corella, Joan, 1495a. Lo quart del Cartoxà arromançat (Valencia: Lope de Roca). 50 51 52 ––––––, 1495b. Lo terç del Cartoxà tredellat del latí al romanç (Valencia: Pere Hagenbach and 53 54 Leonart Hutz). 55 56 57 58 38 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 40 of 57

1 2 3 ––––––, 1500. Lo segon del Cartoxà arromançat (Valencia: [Cristofol Cofman]). 4 5 6 ––––––, 2013. Lo Psaltiri: edició crítica, ed. Josep Lluis Martos, Biblioteca d’autors valencians, 7 8 59 (Valencia: Institució Alfons el Magnànim). 9 10 Rubin, Miri, 1997. Gentile Tales: The Narrative Assault on Late-Medieval Jews (New Haven, 11 12 CT: Yale UP). 13 14 15 Rubio, Fernando, 1959. ‘“Ars praedicandi” de Fray Martín de Córdoba: Nota preliminar’, 16 17 Ciudad de Dios, 172: 327–48. 18 19 Ruddy, Deborah Wallace,For 2004. ‘The Peer Humble God:Review Healer, Mediator, and Sacrifice’, Logos: A 20 21 22 Journal of Catholic Thought and Culture, 7 (3): 87–108. 23 24 Sales y Alcázar, Tomás Agostín, 1761. Historia del Real Monasterio de la Ssma Trinidad, 25 26 religiosas de Santa Clara de la Regular Observancia, fuera los Muros de la Ciudad de 27 28 29 Valencia (Valencia). 30 31 Sánchez Sánchez, Manuel Ambrosio, 1999. Un sermonario castellano medieval: el MS 1854 de 32 33 la Biblioteca Universitaria de Salamanca, 2 vols, Textos Recuperados, 19, (Salamanca: 34 35 Universidad de Salamanca, 1999). 36 37 38 Sargent, Michael G., ed., 1992. Nicholas Love’s Mirror of the Blessed Life of Jesus Christ: A 39 40 Critical Edition Based on Cambridge University Library Additional MSS 6578 and 6686 41 42 (New York: Garland). 43 44 45 Stock, Brian, 1983. The Implications of Literacy: Written Language and Models of Literacy in 46 47 the Eleventh Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press). 48 49 Smoller, Laura Ackerman, 2011. ‘From Authentic Miracles to a Rhetoric of Authenticity: 50 51 52 Examples from the Canonization and Cult of St Vincent Ferrer’, Church History, 80.4: 53 54 773–97. 55 56 57 58 39 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Page 41 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 Tertullian, 1844–64. Liber Adversus Judaeos, ed. J.-P. Migne (Paris), PL2, cols 595–642. 4 5 6 Twomey, Lesley K., 2015. ‘Preaching God’s Word in a Late-medieval Valencian Convent: 7 8 Isabel de Villena, Writer and Preacher’, in Spoken Word and Social Practice: Orality in 9 10 Europe (1400–1700), ed. Cohen and Twomey, pp. 421–45. 11 12 ––––––, 2013. ‘Mary Magdalene and the Virgin Mary: Women Seeing the Resurrection in Isabel 13 14 15 de Villena’s Vita Christi and in the Vita Christi Tradition’, La corónica, 42.1: 321–48. 16 17 Villena, Isabel de, 1916. ‘Vita Christi’, compost per Isabel de Villena, abadessa de la Trinitat de 18 19 Valencia, ara novamentFor publicat Peer segons Reviewl’edició de l’any 1497, ed. Ramón Miquel y 20 21 22 Planas, 3 vols, 2nd edn (Barcelona: Casa Miquel-Rius). 23 24 Weiss, Julian, 2006. ‘What Every Noblewoman Needs to Know: Culural Literacy in late- 25 26 Medieval Spain’, Speculum, 81.4: 1118–49. 27 28 29 Wenzel, Siegfried, 2015. Medieval ‘Artes Praedicandi’: A Synthesis of Scholastic Sermon 30 31 Structure (Toronto: University of Toronto Press). 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 40 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 42 of 57

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 For Peer Review 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 41 59 60 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN Page 43 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 Table I: Comparison of Villena’s Vita Christi, Tuesday sermon with Joan Rois de Corella’s Lo segon and Lo terç 4 5 Villena VC: 24 maledictions Roís de Corella. Com increpa Roís de Corella, Dels Roís de Corella. Dels fariseus Rois de Corella, III, ch.34 6 (II, 195-96), Ch. 139 als fariseus, II, Ch. 35 (fol. constitucions dels fariseus hi doctors quels devien De aquells aui es deguda 7 102r) contra los manaments de seguir en la doctrina e no en la consolació (BH Inc 101 8 9 Déu, II, Ch. 47 la vida, III, Ch. 35 (fol. 121r) [2]) 10 Intro. Sabeu què és lo Intro. O fariseu ypocrit Intro. Los doctors de la ley Comença lo Senyor sa […] per lo contrari en 11 que diu aquest profeta neteja primer el teu cor (fol. que stimaven tenir perfecció preycació en semblants aquest capitol als ypocrits 12 que us atenyerà 102v) hi los fariseus en santedat de paraules: en la cadira de que la sua evangelica ley 13 vida (fol. 139r) Moyses ab auctoritat de trenquen […] huyt vegades 14 For Peer Reviewjutjar segueren (fol. 121v) les diure que maledicció 15 significa 16 1. Sereu catius de tota 17 18 nació 19 2. Lo diable sera lo duc 7. hi cegats per la sua 5.Cechs hi guia de cechs. La 20 e guiador vestre malicia aquesta clau ceguedat sua porta en error 21 portant-vos de mal amagaren (fol. 103v) los altres (fol. 140r) 22 en peor ab extrema 23 cegüedat 24 d’enteniment 25 3 sereu condempnats a b) de grant pena es digne lo 26 27 perpetual mort e doctor que peca, contra la 28 servitut ley que preyca (fol. 121v) 29 4. tota la oració sera 30 convertida en peccat 31 5. la senyoria vostra 1.primerament los increpa 32 durara molt poch de superbia et avaritia 33 (Somni image 243) 34 35 6. us sera levada la 36 dignitat del sacerdoci 37 7. d’aqui en avant los 38 fills de la sinagoga 39 seran dits òrfens 40 41 42 43 44 45 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 44 of 57

1 2 3 8. la vostra sinagoga 4 sera prestament 5 6 viuda 7 9. sereu lançats de la 8 propia terra 9 10. sereu fugitius per tot 10 lo mon 11 11. en vituperi continu 12 sera la vida vostra 13 14 12. sereu tan donats e 15 guanyats usuaris, que For Peer Review 16 sereu depullats de 17 vostres mal 18 guanyades riquees 19 13. altri poseyerà e 20 destroyrà lo per 21 vosaltres[…] guanyat 22 23 14. sens misericòrdia 24 sereu tractats per 25 tots aquells que 26 haveu a contractar 27 15. vostres fillets, posats 28 en necessitat, no 29 trobaran qui’ls haveu 30 pietat 31 32 16. en tanta diminució e 33 aterrament vendreu 34 que nengú ab veritat 35 no sabra dir de quin 36 trib es 37 17. los fills vostres […] 38 seran vituperats e 39 confusos per devallar 40 41 42 43 44 45 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 45 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 de la maliciosa 4 generació vostra 5 6 18. no solament tendreu 5. si fossen stats en los 7 lo peccat de la mia temps en que los pares 8 mort: ans ne tendreu uiuen, no foren stats morts 9 un altre sobre aquell: los prophetes: hi ells molt 10 que sperareu mes cruels e nefandíssims 11 tostemps lo Messies, que los pares persiguen hi 12 e per cobrar la vostra finalment mataren lo senyor 13 oradura, fareu (fol. 103v). 14 15 falsiosos los 6.ReprénFor los aprés el senyorPeer Review 16 prophetes que falsament exponíen la 17 sacra scribtura (fol. 103v) 18 19 19. sou e sereu enemichs 1.Aquest poble ab los labis a)Si tu preycas e vius en 20 de Déu me honra però lo seu cor mala vida a Déu mostres 21 luny es de mi (fol. 140r) com te condampne 22 20. la memòria de 3.plens d’iniquitat, avaricia 23 24 vosaltres en tot be e hi altres peccats inmundes; 25 virtut es delida hi los manaments de Déu 26 obliden 27 21. la memòria de vosaltres 1.los fariseus mundaven les 2.Ypocrits nefandíssims Setenament […] semblants 28 en tot be e virtut es delida exteriors inmundicies (fol. molts solicits dels exteriors son a les blanchs nets 29 102v) mundicies i poch de les reparats sepulchres que 30 interiors malícies (fol. 139v) molt gentils se demostren 31 a la part defora e dins 32 33 plens d’ossos morts e de 34 grans immundicies (247) 35 22 haveu avorrida benedictió 3.plens d’iniquitat, avaricia 3.Ells son plens d’iniquitats 36 e atesa maledictió hi altres peccats inmundes; sceleratíssimes (fol. 139v) 37 hi los manaments de Déu 38 obliden 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 46 of 57

1 2 3 23. Sereu axi complits de tota 4.Dissimuladament hi ab 4 natura de mals que cascuna mala intenció fan totes les 5 6 part vis cenyiran axí com una sues obres (fol. 139v) 7 corretja que tostemps 8 portareu cenyida 9 24. las maledictions vostres 4.maledicció sera a vosaltres 10 seran intrínseques e foranes fariseus qui voleu les 11 e vos cubriran del cap fins als primeres cadires (fol. 103r) 12 peus com una vestidura 13 dolorosa 14 15 For Peer6.Portauen Review enganats los 16 pobles (fol. 140r) 17 Segonament los increpa 18 de gola (Somni image 244) 19 Terçament los increpa de 20 treball inutil e malicia 21 (244) 22 23 Quartament los argueix de 24 fraudulent follia (245) 25 Quintament lo senyor los 26 increpa de perea e 27 negligencia (245) 28 Sisenament lo senyor los 29 increpa de simulació e de 30 falsia (246) 31 32 Huyenament los argueix lo 33 senyor que son fills de 34 homicides y semblants a 35 los pares (247) 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 47 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 Table II: Comparison of Villena’s Vita Christi with Ludolph of Saxony’s Vita Christi 4 5 Villena VC: 24 maledictions Ludolph De increpatione De traditionibus Ludolphus, Ch. XXXVII (II, Ludolphus, Ch XXXVIII (II, 6 (II, 195-96), Ch. 139 Pharisaeorum II, Ch. LXXV, p. Pharisaeorum, etiam contra 524) De Scribis et Pharisaeis 528) 7 330) Dei mandatum Ch. LXXXVIII in doctrina audiendis, sed Quibus debetur Vae 8 9 (II, 376) non in vi e maliciata aeternum 10 imitandis 11 Intro. Sabeu què és lo que diu Intro. Sed, o Pharisaee, Intro. Quia vero Scribae qui Locutus est ergo ad eos Ipsis Scribis et Pharisaeis 12 aquest profeta que us munda prius quod intus est putabant se habere instruens, et docens inobedientibus 13 atenyerà ( p. 331) perfectionem vitae, et Scribarum et Pharisaeorum comminatur vae 14 For PeerPharisaei Review qui simulabant se doctrinam audiendam, sed maledictionis et in 15 habere perfectionem vitae eorum vitam non omnibus effectibus 16 (II, 376) imitandam (III, 525) hypocrisis hanc dictionem 17 18 vae proponit, quae 19 maledictionem significat. 20 1..Sereu catius de tota nació 21 2.Lo diable sera lo duc e 7. sed ipsi malitia excaecati 5.Caecus autem ut praelatus, Sed postea per invidiam 22 guiador vestre portant-vos de hanc clavem abstulerant si caeco, ut subdito, ducatum caecati perdiderunt et in 23 mal en peor ab extrema (fol. 103v) praestet in regimine aliorum, errorem conversi sunt. (II, 24 cegüedat d’enteniment quia alios in foveam cadunt 529) 25 (II, 377) 26 27 3.sereu condempnats a b) Bene docere et male 28 perpetual mort e servitut vivere, non est aliud quam 29 se sua lingua damnare (II, 30 525) 31 4.tota la oració sera 32 convertida en peccat 33 5.la senyoria vostra durara 1.Redarguit eos de 34 35 molt poch superbia et avaritia (II, 36 528) 37 6.us sera levada la dignitat 38 del sacerdoci 39 7.d’aqui en avant los fills de 40 la sinagoga seran dits òrfens 41 42 43 44 45 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 48 of 57

1 2 3 8.la vostra sinagoga sera 4 prestament viuda 5 6 9.sereu lançats de la propia 7 terra 8 10.sereu fugitius per tot lo 9 mon 10 11.en vituperi continu sera la 11 vida vostra 12 12.sereu tan donats e 13 14 guanyats usuaris, que sereu 15 depullats de vostres mal For Peer Review 16 guanyades riquees 17 13.altri poseyerà e destroyrà 18 lo per vosaltres[…] guanyat 19 14.sens misericòrdia sereu 20 tractats per tots aquells que 21 haveu a contractar 22 23 15.vostres fillets, posats en 24 necessitat, no trobaran qui’ls 25 haveu pietat 26 16.en tanta diminució e 27 aterrament vendreu que 28 nengú ab veritat no sabra dir 29 de quin trib es 30 31 17.los fills vostres […] seran 32 vituperats e confusos per 33 devallar de la maliciosa 34 generació vostra 35 18.no solament tendreu lo 5.Prophetarum dolentes et 36 peccat de la mia mort: ans ne dicentes quod si fuissent in 37 tendreu un altre sobre aquell: diebus patrum suorum, 38 que sperareu tostemps lo monument Prophetarum 39 40 Messies, e per cobrar la quos occiderunt patres, 41 eorum per hypocrisim et 42 43 44 45 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 49 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 vostra oradura, fareu non ex pietate […] sed ipso 4 falsiosos los prophetes opere testificabantur 5 6 quantum paternae nequitiae 7 consenserint persequnedo 8 Christum Dominum 9 Prophetarum eis promissum 10 (p. 333). 11 6.redarguit Legisperitos 12 condemnando eos de prava 13 et perversa Scripturarum 14 expositione (II, 333) 15 For Peer Review 16 17 19.sou e sereu enemichs de 1.populus hic labiis me Tamen obligatus est ad 18 Déu honorat cor autem longe est legem implendam, et 19 a me (II, 377) gravies punietur a Deo, si 20 fecerit contrarium, quia 21 transgressio ejus est propter 22 scandalum (III, 525-26) 23 24 20.la memòria de vosaltres 25 en tot be e virtut es delida 26 21.haveu avorrida benedictió 27 e atesa maledictió 28 22 las maledictions vostres 7. demonstrat hoc idem 29 seran intrínseques e foranes per exemplum 30 e vos cubriran del cap fins als sepulchrorum, ut 31 peus com una vestidura quomodo sepulchra 32 33 dolorosa dealbata calce levigata 34 sunt forinsecus et ornata 35 marmoribus […]; intus 36 vero plena sunt ossibus 37 mortuorum 38 23 axí com no haveu peccat 1.quia de munditia exterior 2.per istos etiam multum 39 per ignorància, sinó per sola in vasis et corporibus suis sollicitos de exteriori et 40 malícia, tendreu continuat errant multum solliciti […] et modicum de interiori, 41 42 43 44 45 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 50 of 57

1 2 3 remordiment de consciència, demunditia interior ipsius signantur hypocritae et 4 e per la enormitat del vostre mentis negligentes (p. 331) simulati (II, 376) 5 6 peccat, no·l gosareu 7 confessar, ans lo defensareu 8 contra tota consciència e juhí 9 de rahó 10 11 12 13 24. Sereu axi complits de tota 3.intus pleni avaritia et 3.et ex cogitationibus malis, 14 15 natura de mals que cascuna iniquitate,For aliisque Peermali actus, Review et verba 16 part vis cenyiran axí com una inmunditiis multfarie ac procederunt ulterius, 17 corretja que tostemps legem Dei postponentes homicidia, adulteria, 18 portareu cenyida (331) fornications, furta, mala 19 testimonia, blasphemiae […]. 20 Dolus, […] impudicitia (II, 21 377) 22 4.vobis Pharisaeis qui 23 24 diligitis primas cathedras in 25 Synagogis (p. 332) 26 4.omnia haec mala, et 27 hujusmodi transgressiones 28 praeceptorum Dei, et ab 29 intus a corrupta voluntate 30 procederunt (II, 377-78) 31 6.Cum pastor per abrupta 32 33 vitiorum graditur consequens 34 est ut grex in praecipitium 35 ducatur (II, 377) 36 Amant primos recubitus, et 2Redarguit eos de gula et, 37 sedes in coenis […] ratione gastrimargia (II, 528) 38 gulae 39 3Redarguit eos de inane 40 labore (II, 528) 41 42 43 44 45 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 51 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 4.Redarguit eos de stultitia 4 et fraudulentia […] 5 6 decipiebant populum (II, 7 529) 8 5.Redarguit negligentiam, 9 et segnitiem quam 10 habebant circa magna et 11 utilia, ad salutem 12 animarum pertinentia (II, 13 529) 14 15 For Peer Review 6.Arguit eos simulationis 16 et mendacii, quia plus 17 curabant lavare sordes 18 exteriores quam interiores 19 II, 530 20 8.Arguit eos filios esse 21 homicidarum (II, 531) 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 52 of 57

1 2 3 4 5 Table III: Comparison of Villena’s Vita Christi with Nicholas’s Love’s Mirror 6 7 Villena VC: 24 maledictions (II, 195-96), Ch. Nicholas Love, Mirror of the Blessed Life of Jesus 8 139 Christ 9 Intro. Sabeu què és lo que diu aquest Intro. Bot for als miche as it were longe 10 profeta que us atenyerà processe to trete in speciale of all þe matere þat 11 12 tyme bytwixt oure lorde and þe Jues (Ch. 38, 13 Sargent 1992: 143) 14 1. Sereu catius de tota nació 15 2. Lo diable sera lo duc e guiador For Peer Review 16 vestre portant-vos de mal en peor 17 ab extrema cegüedat d’enteniment 18 3 sereu condempnats a perpetual 19 20 mort e servitut 21 4. tota la oració sera convertida en 22 peccat 23 5. la senyoria vostra durara molt poch 24 6. us sera levada la dignitat del 25 sacerdoci 26 7. d’aqui en avant los fills de la 27 28 sinagoga seran dits òrfens 29 8. la vostra sinagoga sera prestament 30 viuda 31 9. sereu lançats de la propia terra 32 10. sereu fugitius per tot lo mon 33 11. en vituperi continu sera la vida 34 vostra 35 36 12. sereu tan donats e guanyats usuaris, 37 que sereu depullats de vostres mal 38 guanyades riquees 39 13. altri poseyerà e destroyrà lo per 40 vosaltres[…] guanyat 41 42 43 44 45 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 53 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 14. sens misericòrdia sereu tractats per 4 tots aquells que haveu a contractar 5 6 15. vostres fillets, posats en necessitat, 7 no trobaran qui’ls haveu pietat 8 16. en tanta diminució e aterrament 9 vendreu que nengú ab veritat no 10 sabra dir de quin trib es 11 17. los fills vostres […] seran vituperats e 12 confusos per devallar de la maliciosa 13 14 generació vostra 15 18. no solament tendreu lo peccat deFor la Peer Review 16 mia mort: ans ne tendreu un altre 17 sobre aquell: que sperareu 18 tostemps lo Messies, e per cobrar la 19 vostra oradura, fareu falsiosos los 20 prophetes 21 19. sou e sereu enemichs de Déu 22 23 20. la memòria de vosaltres en tot be e 24 virtut es delida 25 21. haveu avorrida benedictió e atesa 26 maledictió 27 22. las maledictions vostres seran 28 intrínseques e foranes e vos cubriran 29 del cap fins als peus com una 30 vestidura dolorosa 31 32 23. axí com no haveu peccat per 33 ignorància, sinó per sola malícia, 34 tendreu continuat remordiment de 35 consciència, e per la enormitat del 36 vostre peccat, no·l gosareu 37 confessar, ans lo defensareu contra 38 tota consciència e juhí de rahó 39 40 24. Sereu axi complits de tota natura de 41 mals que cascuna part vis cenyiran 42 43 44 45 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 54 of 57

1 2 3 axí com una corretja que tostemps 4 portareu cenyida 5 6 1. Pride 7 2. Ypocresie 8 3. Coveitise and oþer wikked condicions of 9 hem 10 11 12 13 14 15 For Peer Review 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 55 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 Comparison of Villena’s Vita Christi with curses from Psalm 109 (and Roís de Corella’s Ps.108, Psaltiri), Deuteronomy 28 and the Tenebrae in a 4 fifteenth-century breviary 5 6 Villena VC: 24 maledictions, Ps. 109: 6-20 Roís de Corella, Psaltiri, pp. Deuteronomy 28 Breviarium (1489) 7 8 II, Ch. 139 301-03 (Ps. CVIII, 6-20) 9 Intro. Sabeu què és lo que Intro. If you do not keep and 10 diu aquest profeta que us observe all his 11 atenyerà commandments and laws… 12 all these curses will befall 13 you (28:15) 14 1.Sereu catius de tota nació You will father sons and (c) Parvuli eius ducti sunt in 15 For Peer Review daughters but they will not captivitate 16 17 belong to you , since they 18 will go into captivity (28:42) 19 2.Lo diable sera lo duc e 20 guiador vestre portant-vos 21 de mal en peor ab extrema 22 cegüedat d’enteniment 23 3.sereu condempnats a At his trial may he emerge 24 perpetual mort e servitut as guilty (109:7) 25 26 4.tota la oració sera Even his prayers construed La seue oració sia feta en (e)peccatum peccavit 27 convertida en peccat as a crime (109:7) peccat Ierusalem 28 5.la senyoria vostra durara May his life be cut short, Sien fets pochs los seus díes 29 molt poch (Ps.109:8) 30 6.us sera levada la dignitat Someone else take over his e lo bisbat de aquell , 31 del sacerdoci office (109:8) prenga’l alter 32 7.d’aqui en avant los fills de His children be orphaned Sien fets los seus fills 33 34 la sinagoga seran dits òrfens (109:9) òrphens 35 8.la vostra sinagoga sera His wife be widowed (109:9) e la sua muller vídua (a) Sedet sola civitas; facta 36 prestament viuda est quasi vidua domina 37 gentium 38 9.sereu lançats de la propia Driven from the ruins of b.E sien lançats de seues 39 terra their house (109:10) habitacions 40 41 42 43 44 45 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 56 of 57

1 2 3 10.sereu fugitius per tot lo May his children wander a.tremolants e temorosos (b)Migravit Iuda propter 4 mon perpetually (109:10) sien transportats los fills de afflictionem et servitutem; 5 6 aquell e mendiquen habitauit inter gentes et non 7 inveniat requiem 8 11.en vituperi continu sera Yahweh will send a curse on 9 la vida vostra you (28:20) 10 12.sereu tan donats e scondrinye e cerque lo You will never be anything 11 guanyats usuaris, que sereu logrer tota la substància de but exploited and plundered 12 depullats de vostres mal aquell (28:29) 13 guanyades riquees 14 15 13.altri poseyerà e destroyrà A creditorFor seizes all his PeerE los stranys Review en diverses The foreigners living with 16 lo per vosaltres[…] guanyat goods and strangers make maneres arrapen béns de you will rise higher and 17 off with his earnings aquell higher at your expense (28: 18 (109:11) 43) 19 14 sens misericòrdia sereu You will be the byword, the 20 tractats per tots aquells que laughing stock of all the 21 haveu a contractar people (28:37) 22 23 15 vostres fillets, posats en May there be none left No·s trobe algú que li ajude, (F)omnis populus eius 24 necessitat, no trobaran faithful enough to show him ni sia qui haja misericordia gemens et querens panem 25 qui’ls haveu pietat love, no one take pity on his als pobils de aquell 26 orphans (109:12) 27 16 en tanta diminució e Sien fets los fills de aquell 28 aterrament vendreu que per a la mort; en una 29 nengú ab veritat no sabra generació sia ras de 30 dir de quin trib es memòria lo nom de aquell 31 32 17 los fills vostres […] seran May Yahweh never forget La iniquitat dels pares de 33 vituperats e confusos per the crimes of his ancestors aquell torne en recordació 34 devallar de la maliciosa and his mother’s sins not be en lo conspecte del Senyor, 35 generació vostra wiped out (109:14) e lo peccat de sa mare no sia 36 ras, ans romanga scrit per a 37 venjança 38 18 no solament tendreu lo He had no thought of being Per ço que non fos recordat 39 peccat de la mia mort: ans loyal but hounded the poor lo dit poble de fer 40 41 ne tendreu un altre sobre 42 43 44 45 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 57 of 57 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

1 2 3 aquell: que sperareu and needy to their death misericordia, e ha perseguit 4 tostemps lo Messies, e per (109:16) l’ome freturós e mendicant 5 6 cobrar la vostra oradura, 7 fareu falsiosos los prophetes 8 19 sou e sereu enemichs de Let this be the salary Sien tostemps contra lo 9 Déu Yahweh pays the accusers Senyor 10 who blacken my name 11 (109:20) 12 20 la memòria de vosaltres May Yahweh keep these E desaparegua de la terra la (d) recordata est Ierusalem 13 en tot be e virtut es delida constantly in mind to cut off memòria de aquells dierum afflictionis 14 15 the remembranceFor of themPeer Review 16 from the earth (109:15) 17 21 haveu avorrida He had a taste for cursing, Ha amat maledicció, e 18 benedictió e atesa let it recoil on him! No taste vendrà-li; e no ha volgut 19 maledictió for blessing, let it never benedicció, e lunyar-se ha 20 come his way! (109: 17) de ell 21 22 las maledictions vostres Cursing has been the E ha’s vestit la maledicció 22 seran intrínseques e foranes uniform he wore; let it soak axí com a vestiment; hi és 23 24 e vos cubriran del cap fins into him like water, like oil entrada axí com aygua en 25 als peus com una vestidura right into his bones les entràmenes de aquell, e 26 dolorosa axí com oli en los seus ossos 27 23 axí com no haveu peccat 28 per ignorància, sinó per sola 29 malícia, tendreu continuat 30 remordiment de 31 consciència, e per la 32 33 enormitat del vostre peccat, 34 no·l gosareu confessar, ans 35 lo defensareu contra tota 36 consciència e juhí de rahó 37 24. Sereu axi complits de Let it be as a robe which Sia feta en ell la maledicció 38 tota natura de mals que envelopes him completely, a axí com a vestiment del qual 39 cascuna part vis cenyiran axí sash which he always wears se cobre e axí com a correja 40 (109: 19) 41 42 43 44 45 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Bulletin of Hispanic Studies Page 58 of 57

1 2 3 com una corretja que de la qual és tostemps 4 tostemps portareu cenyida cenyit (p. 302). 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 For Peer Review 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 The University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60