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The British Columbia CCF's Working-Class
CONTROVERSY / POLÉMIQUE The British Columbia CCF’s Working-Class Moment: Socialism Not Populism James Naylor In August 1934, delegates of the Socialist Party of Canada, the dominant of the two affiliates to the British Columbia Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (bc/ccf), returning from the National Convention of the ccf in Winnipeg, lamented that “the Convention was far from being revolutionary, and tended further to the right.” The only bright spot on the horizon, they felt, was the small national youth movement that understood the necessity of “forg[ing] an instrument” capable of “the revolutionary transformation of our economic and social system.”1 Throughout the 1930s, the bc ccf was consid- ered nationally as the most left wing of the movement’s provincial sections, and the bc ccf itself considered itself to be responsible for providing a revo- lutionary and working-class anchor to a national movement that seemed, at times, to drift from its socialist moorings. And, for the most part, historians – most recently Benjamin Isitt – have acknowledged the bc ccf’s place on the left-wing of the Canadian movement in the 1930s and beyond.2 As Robert A.J. McDonald rightly argues, however, there was much in the day-to-day practice and language of the bc ccf that seemed to violate its own self-perception. Indeed, its actions appear not very different, for the most part, than other provincial ccf sections that engaged in socialist education and ran in elections. He argues that was most apparent in the ccf’s breakthrough pro- vincial election in 1933, which he sees as a “populist moment” wherein the 1. -
ARTICLES Rebel Or Revolutionary? Jack Kavanagh and the Early Years of the Communist Movement in Vancouver, 1920-1925
ARTICLES Rebel or Revolutionary? Jack Kavanagh and the Early Years of the Communist Movement in Vancouver, 1920-1925 David Akers DURINGTHE1919VANCOUVERGENERALSTRIKE, the guardians of conventional 'law and order' in the city, the middle-class Citizens League, bemoaned the evils of "Kavanagh Bolshevism" and its "red-eyed vision of Soviet control."1 Jack Kavanagh — a member of the general strike committee, prominent "platform speaker" for the Socialist Party of Canada (SPC), and the provincial chairman of the One Big Union (OBU) in British Columbia — was a prime target for the establishment backlash against labour militancy in Vancouver.2 Red Scare hysterics aside, Kavanagh did, from October 1917, openly embrace the Russian Revolution and its "proletarian dictatorship," as he labelled the Soviet 'Vancouver Citizen, 25 June 1919. "On Kavanagh's role in the 1919 Canadian labour revolt, see Paul A. Phillips, No Power Greater: A Century of Labour in British Columbia (Vancouver 1967), 66-84; Martin Robin, Radical Politics and Canadian Labour, J880-1930 (Kingston 1968), 138-98; A. Ross McCormack, Reformers, Rebels, and Revolutionaries: The Western Canadian Radical Movement, 1899-1919 (Toronto 1977), 145-54; David J. Bercuson, Fools and Wise Men: The Rise and Fall of the One Big Union (Toronto 1978), 57-170; Gerald Friesen, '"Yours in Revolt' : The Socialist Party of Canada and the Western Canadian Labour Movement," in Labour/Le Travail, 1 (1976), 139-55; Dave Adams, "The Canadian Labour Revolt of 1919: The West Coast Story," in Socialist Worker, 161 (November, 1990). David Akers, "Rebel or Revolutionary? Jack Kavanagh and the Early Years of the Com munist Movement in Vancouver, 1920-1925, Labour/Le Travail 30 (Fall 1992), 9-44. -
Women and the Communist Party of Canada, 1932-1941, with Specific Reference to the Activism of Dorothy Livesay and Jim Watts
Mother Russia and the Socialist Fatherland: Women and the Communist Party of Canada, 1932-1941, with specific reference to the activism of Dorothy Livesay and Jim Watts by Nancy Butler A thesis submitted to the Department of History in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada November 2010 Copyright © Nancy Butler, 2010 ii Abstract This dissertation traces a shift in the Communist Party of Canada, from the 1929 to 1935 period of militant class struggle (generally known as the ‘Third Period’) to the 1935-1939 Popular Front Against Fascism, a period in which Communists argued for unity and cooperation with social democrats. The CPC’s appropriation and redeployment of bourgeois gender norms facilitated this shift by bolstering the CPC’s claims to political authority and legitimacy. ‘Woman’ and the gendered interests associated with women—such as peace and prices—became important in the CPC’s war against capitalism. What women represented symbolically, more than who and what women were themselves, became a key element of CPC politics in the Depression decade. Through a close examination of the cultural work of two prominent middle-class female members, Dorothy Livesay, poet, journalist and sometime organizer, and Eugenia (‘Jean’ or ‘Jim’) Watts, reporter, founder of the Theatre of Action, and patron of the Popular Front magazine New Frontier, this thesis utilizes the insights of queer theory, notably those of Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick and Judith Butler, not only to reconstruct both the background and consequences of the CPC’s construction of ‘woman’ in the 1930s, but also to explore the significance of the CPC’s strategic deployment of heteronormative ideas and ideals for these two prominent members of the Party. -
The Calgary Working Class and the Social Credit Movement in Alberta, 1932-35
The Calgary Working Class and the Social Credit Movement in Alberta, 1932-35 Larry Hannant THE SOCIAL CREDIT MOVEMENT and government in Alberta constitutes one of the most closely-examined phenomena in Canadian history. Among the many studies of it, C.B. Macpherson's Democracy in Alberta: Social Credit and the Party System, written in 1953, was one of the first. Some recent criticism notwithstanding, it is still regarded as the classic work on the sub ject.' Perhaps because of the authority of Macpherson's contention that farmers have exercised overwhelming political domination in Alberta and in the Social Credit movement, no one has yet conducted even the most superficial study of the role of the working class in Calgary in the growth of that movement up to the election of the first such government in the world in August 1935. The formative influence of the Calgary working class on Social Credit has therefore been overlooked. To redress that imbalance, this essay will demonstrate first that Calgary in the 1930s had a relatively large and politically active working class. Moreover, it will be shown that workers — as individuals and en masse — injected a powerful drive into the organization of the Social Credit movement in the critical period of its infancy and adolescence. I FROM THH BIRTH OF the province, labour's influence on Alberta provincial politics was significant, a fact which is often overshadowed by the strength of the farmers' movements of the early twentieth century. The triumph of the farmers' concept of group government which occurred with the election of the United Farmers of Alberta (UFA) as the provincial administration in 1921 did not leave the labour movement untouched. -
Core 1..174 Hansard (PRISM::Advent3b2 10.50)
CANADA House of Commons Debates VOLUME 141 Ï NUMBER 126 Ï 1st SESSION Ï 39th PARLIAMENT OFFICIAL REPORT (HANSARD) Thursday, March 22, 2007 Speaker: The Honourable Peter Milliken CONTENTS (Table of Contents appears at back of this issue.) Also available on the Parliament of Canada Web Site at the following address: http://www.parl.gc.ca 7747 HOUSE OF COMMONS Thursday, March 22, 2007 The House met at 10 a.m. COMPETITION ACT Mr. Peter Julian (Burnaby—New Westminster, NDP) moved for leave to introduce Bill C-414, An Act to amend the Competition Prayers Act and the Food and Drugs Act (child protection against advertising exploitation). ROUTINE PROCEEDINGS He said: Mr. Speaker, I introduce today a bill to amend the Competition Act and the Food and Drugs Act to provide child (1005) Ï protection against advertising exploitation. [Translation] FIRST NATIONS WATER MANAGEMENT What we see with children is an overload of commercials and Hon. Jim Prentice (Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern advertising. Essentially, the bill would ban commercial advertising Development and Federal Interlocutor for Métis and Non-Status or promotion of products such as fast foods, drugs, cosmetics, and Indians, CPC): Mr. Speaker, pursuant to Standing Order 32(2), I devices aimed at children younger than 13. have the honour to table, in both official languages, copies of the Plan of Action for Drinking Water in First Nations Communities— The average Canadian child sees 350,000 commercials before Progress Report March 22, 2007. graduating from high school. That is an astonishing number. This type of bill has already been in place in Quebec. -
The Labour Imperialists: a Study of British Labour Party
THE LABOUR IMPERIALISTS: A STUDY OF BRITISH LABOUR PARTY LEADERSHIP ATTITUDES TOWARDS THE EMPIRE IN THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY by GARY MADISON SAUNDERS B.A., University of British Columbia, 1965 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of History We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1981 (c) Gary Madison Saunders, 1981 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date . ABSTRACT The attitudes toward the empire of a small group of Labour Party spokesmen are compared in this thesis. Considered collectively these attitudes suggest that the Labour Party had developed a distinctive form of imperialism which was derived from a reasoned evaluation of the needs and aspirations of the dependent peoples. The historiography of the Labour Party indicates some Labour interest in the peoples of the empire, but it has not, as yet, systematically examined the collective views of key Labour leaders. It would seem that historians have assumed generally that, except for the Fabian Society, the Labour Party was decidedly anti-imperialistic. -
Members List
MEMBERS OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY Second Session of the Sixty-First General Assembly Speaker: The Honourable Charlie Parker1 Constituency Member Annapolis Stephen McNeil (LIB) Antigonish Maurice Smith (NDP) Argyle Chris A. d’Entremont (PC) Bedford-Birch Cove Kelly Regan (LIB) Cape Breton Centre Frank Corbett (NDP) Cape Breton North Cecil Clarke (PC)2 Cape Breton Nova Gordie Gosse (NDP) Cape Breton South Manning MacDonald (LIB) Cape Breton West Alfie MacLeod (PC) Chester-St. Margaret’s Denise Peterson-Rafuse (NDP) Clare Wayne Gaudet (LIB) Colchester-Musquodoboit Valley Gary Burrill (NDP) Colchester North Karen Casey (PC)3 Cole Harbour Darrell Dexter (NDP) Cole Harbour-Eastern Passage Becky Kent (NDP) Cumberland North Brian Skabar (NDP) Cumberland South Murray Scott (PC)4 Dartmouth East Andrew Younger (LIB) Dartmouth North Trevor Zinck (I) Dartmouth South-Portland Valley Marilyn More (NDP) Digby-Annapolis Harold Jr. Theriault (LIB) Eastern Shore Sidney Prest (NDP) Glace Bay Geoff MacLellan (LIB)5 Guysborough-Sheet Harbour Jim Boudreau (NDP) Halifax Atlantic Michèle Raymond (NDP) Halifax Chebucto Howard Epstein (NDP) Halifax Citadel-Sable Island Leonard Preyra (NDP) Halifax Clayton Park Diana Whalen (LIB) Halifax Fairview Graham Steele (NDP) Halifax Needham Maureen MacDonald (NDP) Hammonds Plains-Upper Sackville Mat Whynott (NDP) Hants East John MacDonell (NDP) Hants West Chuck Porter (PC) Inverness Allan MacMaster (PC) Kings North Jim Morton (NDP) Kings South Ramona Jennex (NDP) Kings West Leo Glavine (LIB) Lunenburg Pam Birdsall(NDP) Lunenburg West Gary Ramey (NDP) Pictou Centre Ross Landry (NDP) Pictou East Clarrie MacKinnon (NDP) Pictou West Charlie Parker (NDP) Preston Keith Colwell (LIB) Queens Vicki Conrad (NDP) Richmond Michel Samson (LIB) Sackville-Cobequid David A. -
The Early Political Career of Angus Macinnis
THE EARLY POLITICAL CAREER OF ANGUS MACINNIS by RICHARD GREY' STUART B.A., The University of Manitoba, 1967 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER. OF ARTS in the Department of History. We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard. The University of British Columbia September, 1970 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada ABSTRACT The Early Political Career of Angus Maclnnis Angus Maclnnis was elected Member of Parliament for VancouverJSouth in 1930 as a representative of the Independent Labour Party and on a socialist platform. During his first session of Parliament, he began a political career that would last twenty-seven years, and also played a prominent role in the development of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation. The purpose of this study is to determine the nature of Angus Maclnnis' early political career, both in Vancouver and in Ottawa, and to assess his role in the development of the Co-operative Common• wealth Federation in its formative years from 1932 to 193$. The <«ost important primary source of information is the Angus Maclnnis Collection in the Special Collections Division of The University of British Columbia Library. -
Nova Scotia's Promotion of Green Energy and Carbon Reduction
Ecological Modernization in a “Have-Not,” Coal-Powered, Energy-Insecure Province: Nova Scotia’s Promotion of Green Energy and Carbon Reduction DRAFT: Please do not cite Anders Hayden Assistant Professor Department of Political Science Dalhousie University 6299 South St Halifax NS B3H 4H6 Canada e-mail: [email protected] Abstract Nova Scotia has emerged as one of the Canadian provinces most committed to green energy and carbon reduction. Ecological modernization theory suggests that climate action offers “win-win” opportunities for new jobs, profits, and export opportunities. However, compared to other jurisdictions that have linked green-energy strategies to strengthening their well-developed manufacturing bases, Nova Scotia has less capacity to capture the industrial-expansion opportunities. As the province with the fourth highest per-capita carbon emissions and the second lowest per-capita income, Nova Scotia faces particular challenges in absorbing the upfront costs of shifting to green energy and improving energy efficiency. Given such obstacles, how does one explain Nova Scotia’s introduction of relatively strong climate and green-energy policy? This paper argues that the province’s energy insecurity—particularly its vulnerability to the rising costs of imported fossil energy—provides a powerful motivator that compensates for other difficulties in making the economic case for climate action. As such, Nova Scotia differs from many other provinces and more closely resembles some European states, where energy- security concerns have been a key force behind renewable-energy and efficiency policies. However, the province faces key obstacles in reconciling the economic, environmental, and energy-security goals of its green-energy policies, including the double-edged role of steadily rising power rates and the challenges of constructing a politically sustainable green-energy coalition. -
33000 ONDP-Program.Indd
A Celebration of Life Une célébration de la vie July 18, 1950 – August 22, 2011 18 juillet 1950 – 22 août 2011 “So let us be loving, hopeful and optimistic. And we’ll change the world.” « Mes amis, aimons, gardons espoir et restons optimistes. Et nous changerons le monde.» Th e Honourable | L’honorable Jack Layton, P.C., M.P. | C.P., député Saturday, August 27, 2011 – 2:00 p.m. Le samedi 27 août 2011 – 14 heures Roy Th omson Hall Salle Roy Th omson 60 Simcoe Street, Toronto, Ontario 60, rue Simcoe, Toronto, Ontario In Memoriam | En mémoire In lieu of owers, Jack Layton’s family has asked that we help carry on his legacy of building a better country with a donation to the Broadbent Institute. e Broadbent Institute’s mission is to develop and support social democratic principles and give people the tools they need to build a better, fairer Canada. rough progressive education and training, the Institute aims to promote social democracy in all levels of Canadian government. Au lieu d’envoyer des eurs, la famille de Jack Layton a demandé à ce que des dons soient faits à l’Institut Broadbent a n de poursuivre ses e orts pour bâtir un meilleur pays. La mission de l’Institut Broadbent est de soutenir et de faire progresser les principes de la démocratie sociale et de donner aux gens les outils dont ils ont besoin pour bâtir un meilleur Canada, un Canada plus équitable. À travers un programme d’éducation et de formation progressive, l’Institut cherche à promouvoir la démocratie sociale à tous les niveaux du gouvernement canadien. -
Relay #28: the Dexter NDP: Old Wine, New Bottle?
CANADA The Dexter NDP: Old Wine, New Bottle? Matt Fodor “I’ve waited all my life to see a socialist government in clining electoral fortunes, the NDP accepts many neoliberal pre- Nova Scotia. I’m still waiting.” cepts and a greater role for markets. Third Way social democratic – Voter email read on CBC Newsworld on election night1 parties move to the right on such issues as taxes, welfare and crime in an opinion-poll driven attempt to appeal to the broad On June 9, 2009 the New Democratic Party (NDP), led by electorate. The Third Way is presented by advocates such as An- the self-proclaimed “conservative progressive” Darrell Dexter, thony Giddens as an updated version of social democracy that swept to power in Nova Scotia, forming the first-ever NDP gov- serves as a middle ground between traditional social democracy ernment in Atlantic Canada. The NDP won 45 percent of the popu- and neoliberalism.3 The federal NDP, which unlike most social lar vote and 31 of 52 seats. Despite this historic outcome, it should democratic parties has never formed the national government, be noted that the NDP ran on a modest and uninspired platform. continues to be embroiled in a debate between ‘traditional’ social Therefore, it is difficult to declare the election a victory for the democrats and those who advocate a more ‘pragmatic’ and cen- Left. trist “Third Way” course. An examination of party platforms and policy positions over the past decade, however, suggests a right- At the August 2009 federal NDP convention in Halifax, the ward turn.4 It is generally accepted that NDP governments at the newly-elected Premier Dexter called on the party to reach out to provincial level since the 1990s, most notably those of Roy business. -
Provincial Legislatures
PROVINCIAL LEGISLATURES ◆ PROVINCIAL & TERRITORIAL LEGISLATORS ◆ PROVINCIAL & TERRITORIAL MINISTRIES ◆ COMPLETE CONTACT NUMBERS & ADDRESSES Completely updated with latest cabinet changes! 88 / PROVINCIAL RIDINGS PROVINCIAL RIDINGS British Columbia Saanich South .........................................Lana Popham ....................................100 Shuswap..................................................George Abbott ....................................95 Total number of seats ................85 Skeena.....................................................Robin Austin.......................................95 Liberal..........................................49 Stikine.....................................................Doug Donaldson .................................97 New Democratic Party ...............35 Surrey-Cloverdale...................................Kevin Falcon.......................................97 Independent ................................1 Surrey-Fleetwood ...................................Jaqrup Brar..........................................96 Surrey-Green Timbers ............................Sue Hammell ......................................97 Abbotsford South....................................John van Dongen ..............................101 Surrey-Newton........................................Harry Bains.........................................95 Abbotsford West.....................................Michael de Jong..................................97 Surrey-Panorama ....................................Stephanie Cadieux