The Relationship Between Wrestling, Television and American Culture
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W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 2001 The Squared Circle and that Household Box: The Relationship between Wrestling, Television and American Culture Brian Stewart College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the American Studies Commons, and the Mass Communication Commons Recommended Citation Stewart, Brian, "The Squared Circle and that Household Box: The Relationship between Wrestling, Television and American Culture" (2001). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539626288. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-ac4d-fy14 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Squared Circle and That Household Box: The Relationship Between Wrestling, Television and American Culture A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of American Studies In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by Brian Stewart 2001 APPROVAL SHEET This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Author Approved, May 2001 TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT I. HOW I GOT INTO THIS MESS AND THE MESS ITSELF: AN INTODUCTION II. TRADITIONAL WRESTLING: THE WAY THINGS WERE III. CONTEMPORARY WRESTLING: THE LENGTHS TO WHICH SOME PEOPLE WILL GO TO ESCAPE A CAGE IV. THE PHONE, THE MAT AND THE TV; OR THE REASON FOR THE CHANGE V. CONCLUSION: FROM THE SO FAR TO THE SO WHAT BIBIOLOGRAPHY ABSTRACT This thesis is meant to update and expand scholarship in the field of professional wrestling. All previous scholarship in this realm has centered itself on the theory-often attributed originally to Roland Barthes-that professional wresting is a dramatic portrayal of good vs. evil, wherein the combatants take on opposing moral valences and then pantomime a physical encounter, the underlying purpose of which is to engage, and finally uphold, the audience’s preconceived notions of good and evil. In recent years, though, this model of professional wrestling has become inapplicable. By using previous scholarship, this thesis discovers the basic assumptions and narrative conventions necessary for old theories of professional wresting to be functional, then, through explications of recent matches and current fan literature, shows how these properties are no longer in use. Instead of a morality play, this thesis shows that contemporary wrestling is an entertainment, concerned with spectacle and not good and evil. Furthermore, this thesis shows that a primary cause for the shift in wrestling’s thematic dynamics is the rise of televised competition between the two major wrestling federations, the WWF and the WCW. Finally, this thesis touches on scholarship in the field of television, generally locating wrestling’s place within the wider culture and suggesting how its study may further the study in other areas dealing with television and culture. iv The Squared Circle and That Household Box: The Relationship Between Wrestling, Television and American Culture 1. How I Got Into This Mess and The Mess Itself: An Introduction In 1956, my great-grandparents shared a two flat brownstone on Chicago’s North side with their daughter, my grandmother, and her family. At that time, the older couple did not own a television set, and by all accounts found very little use for one. My great-grandpa amused himself with a pipe and racing form while great grandma spent her idle time listening to the radio or humiliating various family members in backgammon. When my grandmother and her family bought their first TV in the early fifties, her parents treated it as little more then a curiosity, indulging themselves mostly in the old fashioned diversions they had always enjoyed. On certain nights, though, great-grandma, then in her fifties, would creep down to her daughter’s apartment, turn on the newfangled toy, and watch professional wrestling. Given great grandma’s generally gentle demeanor, the appeal of this program baffled her family. Still, there she would sit, alone on the couch, squinting at a nine inch, black and white television and working herself into what grandpa has described as a “hilarious frenzy” watching the exploits of Gorgeous George and the other prominent wrestlers of the day. She enjoyed the show with so much vigor that occasionally the yelps of encouragement she offered the men on screen became so loud they would wake my then nine-year-old mother two rooms away. When the show had ended, great-grandma would calmly shut off the TV and, being of an overwhelmingly courteous and polite nature, carefully tip-toe back up to her own apartment so as not to disturb anyone. About the time my great-grandma was whooping in her daughter’s living room, the French semiologist Roland Barthes was writing his classic essay on professional wrestling, entitled, simply, “The World of Wrestling.”1 His work dealt with the live version of the activity that was then popular in the “second rate halls” of Paris. Its general purpose was to dissect the 2 3 peculiar popularity of this spectacle. His understanding placed wrestling well within the scope of my great grandmother’s tastes. Besides the appeal of half naked men throwing themselves around the ring, which perhaps should not be underestimated, Barthes would postulate that the wrestling match fulfilled a mythological script for her, giving her an event ripe with themes of justice and moral truth. At the center of Barthes’ observations lies the claim that wrestling is a drama. Unlike a sporting event, which derives much of its appeal from the uncertainty of the outcome, a wrestling match, he says, is obviously scripted, and even more then that, the script is thoroughly predictable. For Barthes, wrestling’s central narrative dramatized a moral struggle. As he said, “wrestlers remain.. .the key which opens Nature, the pure gesture which separates Good from Evil, and unveils the form of a Justice which is at last intelligible.”2 The event, he says, therefore represented a cathartic experience for the audience. That is, Justice and Good were perhaps unreachable ideals in the real world of the spectators, but, in Barthes’ perception, within the confines of the wrestling match, they were nothing less then expected. The spectators then could experience in the auditorium what they could not in their everyday lives, and the event offered a chance to witness, and cheer for, high ideals that might not otherwise clearly manifest themselves. The same morality play that Barthes described in his slim, frankly interpretive, even speculative, essay was also described as occurring in America, and continued to be observed into the mid-1990’s. Outside observers during this time-the social critics and academics interested in the pro wrestling phenomenon-unanimously depict a narrative centered on a paradigm of good vs. evil in keeping with the Barthes’ contention. In 1972, scholars Gerald Craven and Richard Mosely, drawing their conclusions from their own watching of matches, wrote that wrestling fans witnessed “the eternal conflict of good versus evil personified in the physical struggle for 1 Roland Barthes. Mythologies, trans. Annette Lavers (New York: Hill and Wang, 1972): 15-26 2 Ibid., 26 4 dominance by actors on a canvas stage.”3 In 1985, Gerald Morton and George O’Brien, also speaking from their own observations of the event, found that it was an “exaggerated morality play.”4 Even those closely connected with the event saw morality as wrestling’s central driving force as when, in 1954, A1 Mayer, editor ofWrestling World magazine, said, “what the new wrestling public is interested in is villainy as villainy, virtue as virtue. It is very ethical.”5 When I arrived at graduate school in 1999,1 found that my roommate was a die-hard pro wrestling fan. He would watch all of the regular TV broadcasts (each of the two major federations had two per week) and friends would send him the Pay-per-view specials our limited cable system did not carry. Wanting to be social, I joined him. For a semester, September to December, I watched, with a shifting group of about eight others, as much wrestling as I could, even going as far as attending a live taping of the show. Probably due to the thesis idea brewing in my mind, and my generally dispassionate nature, I never matched the same level of enthusiasm attributed to my great-grandmother, but my roommate sure did. Such wrestlers as Mick “Mankind” Foley, “Stone Cold” Steve Austin and The Rock tossed themselves about the ring and risked life threatening injury while my roommate shouted and sighed in what I think could easily be described as a “hilarious frenzy.” The events my great-grandmother and I saw were ostensibly the same event-men crashing into each other in the center of a canvas ring-but, in actuality, they represented quite different phenomena. On the surface, they were similar but the traditional wrestling that thrilled previous generations and the contemporary wrestling that interested me represented distinct cultural entities. Wrestling, as I saw it performed over the course of several months, did not 3 Gerald Craven and Richard Mosely “Actors on the Canvas Stage: The Dramatic Conventions of Professional Wrestling.”Journal of Popular Culture 6.2 (1972): 332 4 Gerald Morton and George O’Brien.Wrestling to Rasslin: Ancient Sport to American Spectacle. (Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green State University Popular Press. 1985): 130 5 A. J. Liebling. “A Reporter at Large: From Sarah Berhardt to Yukon Eric.”The New Yorker, 13 November 1954, 122.