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Human Nature Interaction in Ifugao Satoyama Landscape; UNESCO Inscribed Heritage Site and GIAHS

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Human Nature Interaction in Ifugao Satoyama Landscape; UNESCO Inscribed Heritage Site and GIAHS International Journal of Culture and History ISSN 2332-5518 2015, Vol. 2, No. 1 Human Nature Interaction in Ifugao Satoyama Landscape; UNESCO Inscribed Heritage Site and GIAHS Vicky Cadalig- Madangeng (Corresponding author) Ifugao State University Nayon, Lamut, Ifugao, Philippines E-mail: [email protected] Received: March 27, 2015 Accepted: April 6, 2015 Published: June 24, 2015 doi:10.5296/ijch.v2i1.7850 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijch.v2i1.7850 Abstract The photography of satoyama landscape was made to document and appropriately label the different heritage sites & GIAHS in Ifugao to include the various human interactions with regards to their series of activities in the rice terraces. Descriptive analyses of the photographs were presented in narrative form in a simple approach that can be understood and be appreciated by every audience. Satoyama landscapes found in Ifugao were built and developed through prolonged interaction between humans and their surrounding ecosystems , as one of grounds that Ifugao is in the UNESCO Heritage Sites (In 1996, the Ifugao Rice Terraces was declared a World Heritage site by the UNESCO) and the only Globally Important Agricultural Heritage Site in the Philippines (GIAHS) and one of the few first listed GIAHS in the world . GIAHS are defined as “ Remarkable land use systems and landscapes which are rich in globally significant biological diversity evolving from the co-adaptation of a community with its environment and its needs and aspirations for sustainable development” (FAO 2002). The researcher used the photos as resources of analysis, defined and labeled the landscapes and human interactions in the heritage sites. The five Ifugao world heritage clusters (Hungduan, Batad, Bangaan, Nagacadan, and Mayoyao,) were considered in this study. Keywords: Rice Terraces,Inscribed Heritage Sites, Land use systems and landscapes 1. Introduction Satoyama literally means “village mountains” in Japanese, as “sato” means village and “yama” means mountain. Satoyama defined as “a mosaic of different ecosystem types — 48 International Journal of Culture and History ISSN 2332-5518 2015, Vol. 2, No. 1 secondary forests, farmlands, irrigation ponds, and grasslands — along with human settlements, which has been managed to produce bundles of ecosystem services for human well-being”. Fundamental to the definition is the Ifugao satoyama with its natural areas and human settlements coexist in harmony, a habitat of abundant plant diversity and various animal lives. The IRT symbolize not only the Ifugao industry and engineering skills but also their love of freedom & respect of nature notwithstanding that the IRT has been managed traditionally by their ancestor for survival and existence. The national recognition to protect the IRT started way back 1973 when the late Pres. Ferdinand E. Marcos signed into law Presidential Decree No. 260 recognizing the IRT as national landmark having a high value from the viewpoint of the world culture and considered an “irreplaceable treasure of the country.” There is a need to preserve our cultural traditions and conserve our heritage landscapes, the ancestral knowledge and ingenuity that built the rice terraces should be handed down to the future generation. Through documentation, the people will learn to appreciate and understand the heritage sites, respect the people and treasure the cultural practices in the rice terraces communities, thus this Ifugao satoyama landscape photography project. Ifugao is located in Northern Philippines at the foot of the majestic Cordillera mountain ranges (Socio Economic Profile, Ifugao Province, 2007). It is bounded on the north by Mountain Province, on the east by Isabela, on the west by Benguet and on the south by Nueva Vizcaya. It is a landlocked province where there is no outlet to the sea. Ifugao, a part of the Gran Cordillera Central is generally mountainous. Mt. Napulawan is found in the municipality of Hungduan. Mossy forested with chains of creeks, streams and rivers all around the province. The natural boundaries that surround Ifugao are as follows: Eastern “lagud” side between the province of Ifugao-Isabela is the Magat River; Western “kay-ang” side between Ifugao-Benguet is Mt. Pulag; Northern “huddokna” part between Ifugao-Mountain Province is Mt. Pulis; and on the southern “muyadna” portion lies the Lamut river that separates Ifugao and Nueva Vizcaya, (DENR, CY 2007). This study was conducted in the four chosen municipalities of Ifugao from the eleven registered municipality. The satoyama landscape covered in the study are the following rice 49 International Journal of Culture and History ISSN 2332-5518 2015, Vol. 2, No. 1 terraces in the municipalities recognized by the United Nations as a world heritage; the whole of Hungduan Rice Terraces, the Batad Rice Terraces and Bangaan Rice Terraces of Banaue, the Central Mayoyao Rice Terraces of Mayoyao, and the Nagacadan Rice Terraces of Kiangan. In the Ifugao Satoyama landscape, what the people make out of their given environs spell the kind of beliefs, customs and traditions they have. The kind of landscape in a way determines to a large extent towards conservation and preservation of the heritage and culture of the people. 2. Results and Discussions 2.1 Eco-evolution of the Ifugao Rice Terraces Ifugaos have no written history regarding evolution of rice terraces, however, foreign scholars cited three theories and one local author with his own study and analysis. The first is H. Otley Beyer of his theory that the ancestors of the Ifugao belonged to the first wave of Malays who came from the Philippines from the Southeastern part of the Asian continent many years ago. They occupied the area around the Lingayen Gulf. After a long period of time their descendants moved up, following the Agno River through Benguet. Coming up to Bokod, they crossed the ridge over to the Kayapa, Beyer wrote, that they settled and built rice terraces. After many years, the descendants of these people moved northeast into ifugao. They passed through what are now the municipalities of Asipulo, Kiangan and Hingyon and proceeded to Banaue, where they began the construction of the first rice terraces in Ifugao. One of the Beyer’s bases of his theory on the migration path of the Ifugao from Pangasinan to Ifugao is that the rice terraces in Kayapa, according to him, are older than those in Banaue. This theory, specifically on the migration movement from Pangasinan to Ifugao via Benguet and Kayapa, has raised serious doubts and questions among scholars in recent years. The second theory of Felix Keesing, he stated that the present-day Ifugao are descendants of a people who lived in Central Cagayan Valley. Fearing the Spaniards who where then subjugating Cagayan and Isabela, these people gradually retreated, following the Cagayan River upstream. After reaching the Magat River, a tributary of the Cagayan River, some went straight to Nueva Viscaya, while the rest returned right and entered the mountains in what is now Ifugao and ended their final flight from the Spaniards. One basis of Keesing for his theory was his “discovery” of the presence of an area near Carig (now Santiago) which appeared to be terraced and where some gabi plants were found. Since rice terraces are common in Ifugao and the people raise gabi, Keesing included that the fields and gabi plants found in Carig were abandoned by the Ifugao when they retreated farther into the mountains of Ifugao. On careful reflection, one realizes that rice - terraces building are not a monopoly of the Ifugao; neither is gabi is propagated exclusively by them. Rice – terraces construction was practiced or resorted to by people in Southeast Asia who live in sloping or steep places. Gabi, too, which belongs to the taro family, is cultivated worldwide. The third theory is that of Barton. In his book Mythology of the Ifugaos, Barton claims that “Ifugaoland was settled by migrations from various directions that displaced the aboriginal 50 International Journal of Culture and History ISSN 2332-5518 2015, Vol. 2, No. 1 Negritos.” First, he says that “A migration of kankanai, or proto-kankanai, from across the Cordillera to the west” entered Ifugao. A proof of migration is “the very close kinship between the Kankanai and the Ifugao languages.” The second migrating groups includes “the Ifugao of the Lamot valley, to the south (who) speak a different language from other Ifugaos , then there are the Ifugaos of Lagawe (who)had a secret language for which they were famous and in which a few of them could converse.”Barton further indentifies the “Silipanes” found in the eastern foothills who were dry rice cultivators and “have a different religion and speak a different dialect from other Ifugao.” He also includes the Mayoyao (who) “have a markedly different pantheon and ritual, a different dialect with some lexical differences, different color preferences and ornamentation.” He mention to those on the Tinoc region who migrated “from Benguet during the American times.” Except from the proto-Kankanai who migrated from the Cordillera to the west and those in Tinok region who came from Benguet, Barton does not mention where the other Ifugao groups originated, although at the start he asserts that “Ifugaoland was settled by migration from various directions.” The fourth theory on the origin of the Ifugaoland their migration to their present habitat is the one held by Mr. Manuel Dulawan. This theory is in agreement with Beyer’s assumption that the Ifugao’s great ancestors came by crude boats from the southeastern part of Asia and landed on the western coast of Luzon. However, the author stated that the ancient Ifugao, sailing on their balangay, landed somewhere on the La Union-Ilocos Sur coast. Moving eastward to the mountain region, descendant of the Malays who had settled in the Ilocos reached the central part of the Cordillera range, specifically what are now Western Mt.
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