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Chinese Restaurant Entrepreneurship and Zimbabwean Migrant Workers in South Africa

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Chinese Restaurant Entrepreneurship and Zimbabwean Migrant Workers in South Africa INTRA-MIGRANT ECONOMY: CHINESE RESTAURANT ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND ZIMBABWEAN MIGRANT WORKERS IN SOUTH AFRICA by Ying-Ying Tiffany Liu A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario © 2018 Ying-Ying Tiffany Liu 1 ABSTRACT South Africa is “home” to the two largest populations of foreign nationals on the African continent. Its Chinese population numbers at least 300,000, and its Zimbabwean population, the largest outside of Zimbabwe, numbers at least one million. Many of these migrants end up working in Chinese restaurants as this is, by and large, a low-wage, low- skill, and low-barrier-to-entry sector. Based on original ethnographic research conducted in Johannesburg for fourteen months, this dissertation explores the cultural politics of diasporic entrepreneurs and migrant labourers, what I call the “intra-migrant economy,” among everyday racialized insecurities in urban South Africa. I use the term “intra- migrant economy” to refer to the employment of one or more group of migrants by another group of migrants as an economic strategy outside the mainstream labour market. With little capital, Chinese restaurant owners are able to maximize profit through cheap Zimbabwean labourers, while Zimbabweans can easily obtain jobs without proper procedure or formal training. Through exploring the structure of this sector, and the complex economic realities of and working relationships between Chinese and Zimbabwean migrants, I examine how the migrant and economic flows are negotiated and localized in South Africa’s market, which also provides a concrete case study of intercultural (mis)communication. Anthropologists have paid attention to how economic practices are intertwined and embedded in historical, political, and cultural systems. This dissertation suggests that not only are these factors intertwined but they also reinforce each other. The intra- migrant economy is thus more than a story about migrants’ economic hardships; it is also a reflection on two migrant groups who are linguistically and culturally different, the social structures that create their exploitation, and how they construct informal labour relations and cope with wider forms of uncertainty in one of the most notably racialized states in history. 2 ACKNOWLDEGEMENT First and foremost, I would like to thank my research participants for telling me their stories and sharing their restaurant life with me. I am especially grateful for those who fed me with their homemade food, invited me to their homes, gave me a ride when my car broken down, introduced me to more research participants, and shared their hopes and fears with me. I thank Dr. Blair Rutherford for many years of supervision and mentorship. I owe much of my scholarly accomplishment to his guidance and support. I am grateful for the inspiration and encouragement provided by my committee Dr. Bernhard Leistle and Dr. Michael Mopas. I greatly appreciate having had the opportunity to work with the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, the Institute of African Studies, and the Migration and Diaspora Studies at Carleton University. I thank the administrative staff for their kindly assistance, and many PhD colleagues for their interdisciplinary intellectually stimulating inspiration. I could not have completed the fieldwork without the assistance and support from Dr. David Moore at the University of Johannesburg; Dr. Philip Harrison, Dr. Yan Yang, and Dr. Khangelani Moyo at the University of the Witwatersrand; Dr. Haifang Liu, Jun Liu, and Menghan Wu at Peking University. Mrs. and Mr. Lin from Taiwan helped me in many ways while I was living in Johannesburg. I thank Tichaona Marvel Makambwa for sharing days walking around and educating me about life in Zimbabwe. I am thankful for sharing my graduate studies journey with Kim Chi Tran and Wangui Kimari. Last but not least, I am forever grateful for my parents Mr. and Mrs. Liu and my partner Graeme for their love and support. 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT 1 ACKNOWLDEGEMENT 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS 3 INTRODUCTION Tales of a Post-Apartheid City 6 Setting Out the Fieldwork 13 Notes on the Role of Ethnographer and Translation 19 My Food Journey 20 Challenges of Translation 28 Organization of Chapters 31 CHAPTER I: EVERYDAY RACIALIZED INSECURITIES Inside the Restaurants 41 Petty Capitalists 45 Training, Transition, and Recruitment 51 Local vs. Migrant Employees 58 Minimum Wage 63 On Becoming Paranoid 66 (Dis)similarity Through Food and Insecurities 80 Identity as Process 82 To Go Aboard is To Return 86 CHAPTER II: EXPLORING GUANXI WITH THE CHINESE Why Guanxi? 93 Who are the “Chinese” in South Africa? 97 Migration Agency 100 The Complex Nature of Guanxi 105 Mianzi (Face/Honour) and Renqing (Human Emotion) 111 Guanxi or Corruption? 118 Concluding Remarks 126 4 CHAPTER III: CONCEPTUALIZING THE INTRA-MIGRANT ECONOMY WITH THE ZIMBABWEANS The Price of R10 129 Ndebele in Johannesburg 133 Migrant Networks 137 Everyday Racialized Insecurities: Xenophobia 144 Sitofela: Rotating Savings and Credit Association 150 Intra-migrant Economy: Racialized Labour Market 155 Concluding Remarks 161 CHAPTER IV: CROSS-CULTURAL (MIS)UNDERSTANDING AND (MIS)COMMUNICATION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE INTRA-MIGRANT ECONOMY Conflict, Collaboration, Emotion 163 Language Issues 166 Racial Discrimination or Ignorance? 169 “Not just about English” 175 Intercultural (Mis)communication: Zimbabwean Employees 184 Passive-Aggressive Resistance: Chinese Employees 190 Concluding Remarks 196 CHAPTER V: UNEQUAL INTERDEPENDENCY Division of Labour 199 Questions of Loyalty and Trust 203 Employee Theft 207 Absence of Contract 209 The Discourse on Illegality 213 Begging or Reciprocity? 216 Money Borrowing and Lending 221 Questions of Freedom and Exploitation 225 Equal but not Equal; Free but not Free 229 CONCLUSION Rethinking Diaspora 235 Ending Remarks 240 Future Research 246 5 Last but not Least 251 REFERENCES 255 LIST of TABLES Table 1: Minimum Wages for Wholesale and Retail Sector in Area A (2014–15) 64 Table 2: Minimum Wages for Domestic Workers Who Work More Than 27 Ordinary Hours per Week (2015–16) 65 Table 3: Large-Scale Xenophobic Attacks in South Africa since May 2008 147 Table 4: Distribution of Income within Chinese Restaurants 151 Table 5: An Example of Sitofela 154 Table 6: Average Annual Income of the Household Head by Racial Group 159 LIST of ILLUSTRATIONS Map 1: Two Routes from the University of Johannesburg to the New Chinatown 8 Figure 1: Photo of Downtown Johannesburg 11 Figure 2: Chinese Take-Away Menus in South Africa 47 Figure 3: Advertisements for Restaurants for Sale 52 Figure 4: Recruiting Through Friends 55 Figure 5: Job Advertisement 55 Figure 6: Job Search Advertisement 56 Figure 7: Looking for Trainees 56 Figure 8: Safety Tips for the Chinese Residents in Johannesburg 70 Figure 9: Safety Tips When Travelling in Johannesburg 72 Figure 10: Job Advertisements with Preference 110 Figure 11: Fahfee 117 Figure 12: Rental Advertisements on Telkom Towner Wall in Hilllbrow 140 Figure 13: Chinese Helping Zimbabweans Job Search 141 Figure 14: Warning Posts 143 Figure 15: Discourse on “Undocumented African Migration” 214 6 INTRODUCTION Tales of a Post-Apartheid City Alice1 was late when I went to pick her up in Hillbrow, downtown Johannesburg, for our first interview. I sat inside my car exploring the surroundings while waiting for Alice. It is not a neighbourhood that I—or anyone who is not in certain segments of the migrant working class—would usually go to in South Africa. An endless stream of cars and minibus taxis2 made non-stop honking noises in the background. High-rise buildings in ruins gave the appearance of abandonment, but the busy crowd and washed clothes hanging outside of the broken windows suggested residency. Countless street hawkers were selling inexpensive goods, and food items were scattered around crowded and cluttered sidewalks. Most pedestrians did not look like they were from South Africa, but I was probably the only non-black person there. Hillbrow, once called the New York of Africa, was a glorious symbol of the apartheid regime’s prosperity and success (Smith 2015). Through interviews with Chinese chefs, I learned that two top-of-the-line Chinese restaurants used to be in this formerly whites-only area during the heyday of apartheid. Apartheid is an Afrikaans term that means separateness. It was an institutionalized legal system of racial segregation where the whole population was racially divided in every sphere of life (Yap and Leong 1 All names of people and restaurants are pseudonyms. Detailed locations of the restaurants and participants’ hometowns are not provided to protect their privacy; instead, I use broad markers such as “an upper-middle-class neighbourhood in Johannesburg” or “a rural town in Guangdong,” with the exception of certain areas in Johannesburg such as Hillbrow and Cyrildene. 2 Minibus (share) taxi is the main form of transportation for working-class people in South Africa. Commuters stand on the street, stick out their hands, and signal where they want to go. Drivers stop when they are going in the same direction. Passengers can be picked up or let off anywhere along main routes. 7 Man 1996). The system distributed economic wealth and reinforced social privilege along racial lines (van der Berg 2011). Black people then had to carry “passbooks”3 to work in white neighbourhoods, and they had to leave before nightfall to return to the townships4 or have permission to live in a cottage5 at the edge of their white employer’s garden (Johnstone 1976). After the official collapse of apartheid in 1994, blacks who had been segregated in townships and homelands6 were free to move into inner-city areas. Hillbrow has been considered a “migrant space” because of its high percentage of African migrant residents, including Zimbabweans (Moyo 2017). Gang members have “occupied” or “hijacked” buildings and then collected income by renting out space to foreign-born African residents who cannot afford a self-contained unit (Silverman and Zack 2008).7 Black people came, and white inhabitants left.
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