AFTERMATH: Return and Reconstruction Contents There

AFTERMATH: Return and Reconstruction

Contents

There is little doubt that the war in Yugoslavia and Kosovo is a conflict not restricted to that region alone. This part of the special examines the complexity of the international response, both military and humanitarian, and the global balance of power that has shifted significantly as a result of the conflict. But it is perhaps the international response to the refugee situation and the questions of ethnic cleansingthe causes and effects of the conflictthat are at the heart of this part of the story.

Introduction The Real Picture Inhumanity Method in Madness Crimes Against Humanity Credibility and Plausibility Resistance Within and Without Ravage and Refuge Discussion, Research, and Essay Questions

Indicates material appropriate or adaptable for younger viewers. Comprehensive News in Review Study Modules

Using both the print and non-print material from various issues of News in Review, teachers and students can create comprehensive, thematic modules that are excellent for research purposes, independent assignments, and small group study. We recommend the stories indicated below for the universal issues they represent and for the archival and historic material they contain.

"The Persian Gulf War," March 1991 "The Kurds: Another Displaced People," May 1991 "Somalia: War and Starvation," October 1992 "Refugees in Canada: Getting Through the Door," March 1994 "Somalia: Help Arrives," February 1993 "Rwanda: The Crisis and the Challenge," September 1994

AFTERMATH: Return and Reconstruction

Introduction

"[Seeing] the brutality, the humiliation of people simply because of their ethnic background, the systematic rape of women, the terrorizing of young children . . . How can you not think that it is wrong? . . . I have honestly never had a moment's doubt that it was right to do this." This was the response of British Prime Minister Tony Blair when he was asked in a CNN interview why he felt it was necessary for the NATO forces to act so decisively against the Serbs in Kosovo. He spoke with conviction, which was expected since he, more than any other Western leader, championed the cause of the role of NATO in the air strikes for humanitarian reasons.

Those strikes started on the evening of March 24, 1999. At the same time, a wave of increased violence against the ethnic Albanians in Kosovo by Serb forces occurred. Critics have argued that although atrocities occurred prior to NATO air strikes, the bombing campaign only served to intensify them. However, supporters of the air attacks argue that in light of the grave human rights violations committed against the ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, the member nations of NATO had no choice but to act.

While each side argued its respective points, the bombs continued to fall, both in Yugoslavia as a whole and in the formerly semi-autonomous province of Kosovo. The costs in terms of the destruction of the infrastructure in the country and of civilian and military casualties as a result of the bombing campaign is difficult to calculate at the present time, but conservative estimates suggest that for the Yugoslavian people as a whole, rebuilding the infrastructure so that life returns to some semblance of normalcy will take years, if not decades. And for many of the estimated 900 000 refugees, internal and external, who left their homes, life may never be the same.

Some would say that, in an attempt to provide a neutral and objective understanding, there is a tendency in news media, historical documents, and learning materials to focus the analysis of war on dates, major events, political and historical dynamics, alliances, and outcomes, with only a superficial recording of the suffering of the victims. This is understandable given that the study of news, current affairs, and history requires a certain degree of emotional detachment. Such "neutrality," however, can be both a strength and a weakness. In crises, cool heads must prevail for practical reasons. On the other hand, if we fail to understand fully what the real costs are in terms of human suffering, we have only studied part of the historical event. Wars are sorrowful and significant events in human history as well as historical phenomena to be studied in as objective a context as possible.

When war occurs how do we decide which victims to help first? Is there a priority or hierarchy among the victims of war? In his position as head of government of a NATO power, Tony Blair responded first to the ethnic Albanians and stated Britain's intention to withhold postwar aid to Yugoslavia until Milosevic was removed from power. Serbs in Yugoslaviafor the most part ordinary citizenshave certainly suffered because of an attack directed at their country primarily as a result of the actions of their head of state, a dictator who many critics would say has remained in power because the people have allowed it. And with the return of the refugees, the minority Serbs in Kosovo also suffered heavy losses. How should the world community respond to their suffering? What is the difference between accountability, retribution, and vengeance? How will these people achieve truth and reconciliation?

The Real Picture

"There are horrors that must not be tampered with, a pain so intense that even compassion is insulting. To go beyond the mere description of such terror and such anguish is to belittle it. There are no inferences to be drawn from it, there are no lessons to be learned from it, there is no hope of ever achieving the absolute, the categorical ruthlessness and self-sufficiency of such an experience." Fred Licht from the article "The Disasters of War" in the book Goya: The Origins of the Modern Temper in Art

In 1808, Napoleon, in his quest for increased power in Europe, invaded Spain. The Spanish people, determined to rid their country of this foreign invader, took up arms and created an effective resistance to Napoleon's armies. The campaign dragged on until 1813, when guerrilla warfare by Spanish civilians, aided by the presence of the British Army, finally drove the French troops back across the border. Thus ended one more war, in a European history rife with wars.

A student sitting in a classroom in 1999 reading about Napoleon's Spanish campaign in a history textbook might find at most a page or two describing the invasion. The textbook might explain Napoleon's reasons for invading Spain, the manner in which he installed his brother Joseph Bonaparte onto the Spanish throne, the reasons for Spanish resistance, and the part played by the British in helping Spain repel the invasion by the French. The textbook would probably discuss the significance of the battle, identifying the first indication that Napoleon could be beatena foreshadowing of things to come. The student might make notes of the salient points, learn the important dates, and summarize the importance and significance of this conflict. In the same manner, the student would study other wars.

Yet, in this relatively obscure event in time, people died horrible, brutal deaths. These deaths were documented through the art of Francisco José de Goya in a series of etchings titled The Disasters of War (Los Desastres de la Guerra). Goya depicted the atrocities of the 1808 invasion of Spain in 62 etchingsa testimony to the terror, chaos, brutality, and insanity of this war and of war in general.

The images are horrific, the portrayals too graphic to be considered romantic. The series was not meant for public consumption, but rather was a form of personal exorcism of the horrors that Goya personally witnessed. The series was not exhibited until 1863, 35 years after Goya's death and 50 years after the end of Napoleon's invasion of Spain.

The titles ascribed to the images render them even more haunting. "I saw this" is the caption on Plate 44; "Why?" is the simple, yet profound, caption on Plate 32. The images and titles can overwhelm or even confuse the viewer. They do not, however, lay blame. They do not provide simplistic answers; they depict the horror. Atrocities were committed by both sides in the conflict. Rather than tallying up the wrong-doings of either side, Goya's etchings demonstrate through their brutal honesty the importance of recording what occurred. They do not "go beyond the mere description of such terror and such anguish" thus belittling it.

In the same article in which Licht writes about this monumental series of etchings, he also says "Either every fiber within us calls out to stop the killing or else we seek cowardly refuge by trying to get the facts straight so that we can judge.' But there is no time to get the facts straight."

Do we use an academic study of the facts of war as a filter to help us reconcile the horror? Have we become immune to the images of war? Have no lessons been learned? The horrors witnessed and recorded by Goya have been played out many times since 1808 in many different venues: the extermination of over six million Jews at the hands of the Nazis during the Second World War, the killing fields created by the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, and the 1994 massacre of hundreds of thousands of Tutsis in Rwanda are just a few examples. The only thing that seems to have changed is our reaction to the images of war. When Goya's etchings were first shown to the public, people were shocked by them. Images depicting horror of that magnitude had never been exhibited before. Today, television coverage brings similar images into our homes on a daily and often hourly basis. Have we become saturated by the coverage and lost our ability to be horrified? Have we become desensitized or even bored by images of war? What coping mechanisms does the contemporary news watcher use consciously or subconsciously? Do we change the channel and watch The Simpsons?

During Viewing It is important to understand that by watching this news report, you are not required to "solve" the conflict or resolve the suffering that occurred. Like Goya, however, you can be a witness and in your own way express your reaction to the war in Yugoslavia. For a short and important period of time, during and after viewing, you can try to identify with the real human beings who experienced this war first-hand. Look closely at the ethnic Albanians shown in the video and listen carefully to their stories. What must they have felt losing their homes, being dispersed and separated from their family members, not knowing if or when they could return? What must conditions really have been like living in the refugee camps? Can you imagine having to leave Canada for shelter in another country?

After Viewing In his article about Goya, Fred Licht says, "Goya seeks to bear witness to the fundamental nature of man's eternal warfare against himself, he seems to bring to the attention of the fatuous and the forgetful the fact that the world is divided into two races: the complacent and the wretched. Both states of mind are equally incompatible with the dignity man might achieve."

As a class, discuss the meaning of this quote and express it in your own words. Do you agree with what Licht says? Suggest words and phrases to describe someone who is able to watch and listen to the victims of Kosovo without being complacent or without also becoming wretched.

Inhumanity

It is easy to understand why, for strategic reasons, the Serbs wanted to take the Kosovar city of Djakovica. With 60 000 inhabitants, Djakovica was almost entirely populated by ethnic Albanians and was located next to the Accursed Mountains, a range that runs between Albania and Kosovo. The mountain range provides cover for the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), and by cutting off the city, the Serbs would cut off a major supply line to the outlawed rebels.

One might be able to make sense of the military reasons for taking Djakovica but the atrocities that accompanied this military action are incomprehensible. Although the assault on the city started on March 19, it did not escalate into an all-out attack until the night of March 24, the night NATO began bombing Yugoslavia. The terror and barbarism that occurred during that night exemplify the darkest moments of this war. The events defy explanation. They only serve as a warning once again of the "thin veneer of civilization." As painful as the following accounts are, why must such stories be documented?

Hani Hoxha, a dignified older gentleman, spoke with a reporter from The New York Times about his experiences that night. Around midnight, he was sleeping with the rest of his family in their home, while his son-in-law kept watch. They were awakened when his son-in-law saw Serb troops approaching the house. Believing that the Serbs were only interested in the men of military age, Hoxha and two other men climbed out of the second story window and escaped. They remained in hiding squeezed into a narrow space between two buildings for the next seven hours. There was nothing they could do as they listened to the screams and gunfire shots that came from the building. The next morning, when the horror had ended, the three men returned to the house to find all of the other inhabitants dead. It was the 10-year-old boy next door who witnessed what happened. Hoxha learned that the Serbs first shot his 15-year-old daughter, Flaka, and then his older daughter, Tringa. Both were shot in front of their mother. Rather than listen to the pleas of his wife to save the children, the Serbs turned the gun on her next. Hoxha found one of his granddaughters, six-year-old Shihana, in a closet. She had run into the closet to hide but was found by the Serbs and shot. The closet was then set on fire.

The witness, Dren Caka, was hiding with 20 members of his extended family in the basement of the house next door when the Serb forces entered the house. They were discovered and 18 were shot, execution style, in the back of the head. Dren somehow escaped death but a bullet lodged in his left arm. Falling under the lifeless bodies of his family members he was able to pretend that he was dead in order to survive the attack. After the Serbs left he escaped from the house though a window. However, because of his injury, he was unable to take his two- year-old sister with him. She was later burned alive when the Serbs set fire to their home.

Similar stories occurred in other Kosovar cities and towns. For Behar Haxhiavdija, a 39-year-old economist who arrived as a refugee in Canada on May 14, 1999, all that is left of his family are photographs. On the night of April 1, Serb forces smashed their way into his home in the town of Jakova. His wife, Valbona, and his three children, daughters Doruntina, age eight, and Rina, age four, and his son, five-year-old Egzon, were taken to an empty building, shot, and set on fire. Some of the killers were former neighbours, who according to Haxhiavdija, were pressured into joining Serbian paramilitary gangs. As the tearful Haxhiavdija told The Toronto Star, "The people who did this are not animals, because animals do not kill for nothing. But they are not human. I do not know how to describe them."

Method in Madness

Throughout the ethic cleansing that occurred in Kosovo, almost a million ethnic Albanians were displaced from their homes. It is estimated that over 800 000 fled the country to neighbouring Albania and Macedonia while another 100 000 were displaced within Kosovo itself. Many of the latter group hid in forests or in the mountains or sought refuge in villages penned in by snipers. By emptying Kosovo of ethnic Albanians, the Serb forces intended to achieve three major goals:

1. Before the start of this war, ethnic Albanians made up 90 per cent of the population of Kosovo, and their birth rate was far higher than that of the Serbs, thus substantially increasing their numbers. To maintain full control of the region, Serb President Slobodan Milosevic decided he had to "cleanse" the region of the ethnic Albanian who were also citizens of Yugoslavia.

2. By removing the ethnic Albanians from Kosovo, the Serbs also hoped to remove the Kosovo Liberation Army's support base and its ability to find cover, thus giving a significant military advantage to the Serb forces.

3. By forcing the refugees over the border, the Serb forces calculated that NATO troops stationed in Macedonia would be overwhelmed by the relief effort and that this would hamper NATO's ability to launch its air attacks on Yugoslavia.

Discussion 1. Some critics have argued that a direct correlation exists between the NATO bombing campaign and the violence in cities like Djakovica. For more analysis of this view, read the opinions of Noam Chomsky in the resource guide of "The Battle of Kosovo: NATO hits Yugoslavia" in the April 1999 issue of News in Review. Suggest why this is a dilemma in many wars.

2. Behar Haxhiavdija, whose story was mentioned in the previous section of this guide, told The Toronto Star, "I thought first of joining the KLA. I was desperate for revenge. But as I walked I began to realize that if I were to kill, the Serbs would have won because I would have sunk to the level of murderer." Explain the universal nature of the dilemma that Haxhiavdija's comments suggest. What is the importance of the use of the word murderer?

3. To what extent do you think the relief efforts of Western nations unwittingly helped Milosevic achieve his goals, at least initially?

Crimes Against Humanity

On May 28, 1999, after years of investigation, Louise Arbour, the head of the UN's International Tribunal and recent appointee to the Supreme Court of Canada, issued an arrest warrant for Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic. He and other leading Serbian officials were charged with crimes against humanity, including the murder, forced deportation, and persecution of ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. Arbour's decision was not without controversy, but in terms of the precedent it set and its long- range implications, it was a significant moment in this war.

As you read the following information, consider why the decision of this Canadian judge was so important.

"Arrest warrants have been issued against all five accused and are being served to all member states of the United Nations and Switzerland. . . . I also call upon all states to comply with the execution of these, and all outstanding arrest warrants issued by the Tribunal. These warrants are issued under the authority of a [UN] Security Council resolution, which requires all States to comply with the orders of the Tribunal."

With this indictment Milosevic became the first sitting chief of state in modern history to be charged with committing war crimes. The opening statements of the tribunal indictment were very clear, as were the duties of the member states of the UN. By joining the UN as sworn members, the nations involved in this latest Balkan tragedy had a moral and legal duty to uphold the demands of the tribunal and the Security Council.

U.S. President Bill Clinton stated publicly, "I welcome the decision of the international war crimes tribunal to indict Slobodan Milosevic and four other senior Serbian leaders of crimes against humanity and war crimes." At the time, however, U.S. officials speaking off the record and others expressed grave concern over the timing of the announcement. Writing in The New York Times, Roger Cohen suggested that "at a minimum, Milosevic's incentive to bring a quick end to the war no longer seems clear, for peace would bring him no protection from the court's quest to have him arrested." The Russians also expressed their doubts over the content, importance, and timing of the indictment. Viktor Chernomyrdin, Russia's Foreign Minister, issued a statement saying that the indictment was "politically motivated."

In her closing statements, Arbour said that, "finally, I am mindful of the impact that this indictment may have on the peace process in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. I am confident . . . that the product of our work will make a major contribution to a lasting peace, not only in Kosovo, but in the whole region in which we have jurisdiction. No credible, lasting peace can be built upon impunity and injustice. The refusal to bring war criminals to account would be an affront to those who obey the law, and a betrayal of those who rely on it for their life and security."

Arbour and the tribunal, however, were given a similar task during the wars in Bosnia- Herzegovina. But despite a thorough investigation into the activities of Serb forces in that conflict, NATO forces have been unwilling or unable to arrest the Bosnian Serb political and military leaders, Radovan Karadzic and General Ratko Mladic, both of whom were indicted in 1995.

Follow-up Discussion What are the international legal implications of Louise Arbour's decision, and what, in your opinion, are the chances that the tribunal will have any real long-term effect?

Credibility and Plausibility

Military conflicts have always also been propaganda wars. For centuries, opposing nations in Europe have used rhetoric in waging war against the "enemy." The great war machines of Nazi Germany, Stalin's Soviet Union, Mao's Communist China, and even the United States in its conflicts in Vietnam, Cuba, and Iraq, have all used propaganda to affirm and justify their actions. Even the most reprehensible political regimes have fought in the name of a "great cause" or to defend alleged wrongs.

The current Balkan crisis is no different. Long before the UN International Tribunal's indictment of Milosevic, Serbia was already claiming its innocence in the face of unwarranted Western "imperialist aggression." When Yugoslavia began to break up in the late 1980s, genocide became a frequently used word in the Serbian political vocabulary. It was applied to the effects of the Western trade embargo on Serbia in the early 1990s, to Croatian attacks on the Serbs between 1991 and 1995, and, most recently, to NATO's bombardment.

Milosevic's use of such language has reinforced an image among Serbs of their status as perpetual victims. Political observers claim that Milosevic's war of words has blinded many Serbian civilians to the violence committed against non-Serbs throughout the region during the wars their nation has waged since 1989. Many Serbs have viewed their army's activities in Kosovo as actions taken to protect themselves from the insurgent Kosovo Liberation Army that, in their view, is fighting to take Kosovo away from Serbia. As one Serbian official stated, "This [the UN tribunal's indictment] is a precedent in world history, when someone defending his country is accused of war crimes." On the other hand, the Western nations, led by NATO, clearly have a different point of view.

Louise Arbour declared that "the present indictment is based exclusively on crimes committed since the beginning of 1999 in Kosovo." Her indictment alleges crimes that have included the execution of at least 4600 Kosovar men, women, and children, the burning of at least 300 Albanian villages, and the forced deportation of 800 000 ethnic Albanians from Kosovo.

For citizens of Serbia or citizens of other nations who are of Serbian birth or of Serbian heritage, the war of wordsthe moral indictment of their homelandcan be a painful and perplexing situation. In a similar fashion, Germans who fought for their homeland in the First and Second World Wars, and indeed their descendants, have had to come to terms with a similar responsibility.

Follow-up Discussion When reviewing the Second World War, historians and political analysts carefully differentiate between Germany, Germans, Nazi Germany, and Nazi forces. When the war in Yugoslavia is a thing of the past, what issues, terminology, or events will need to be clearly defined in order to avoid an ongoing war of words?

Resistance Within and Without

History once again has shown us that resistance movements can be highly effective despite the imbalance of power they face. As you read the following information, consider which other resistance movements around the world have ultimately met their goals.

"I came back as soon as I saw the pictures of the massacres, the destroyed houses, and the bodies of women and children. I left everything in Germany when I understood what the Serbs were doing to my people. It was my duty . . . we are fighters."

Like many resistance movements throughout the world, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) is supported internationally by members of a diaspora of people who have strong cultural, emotional, and genealogical ties to Kosovo. Born in the Drenica valley, the KLA was a largely rural movement tied to local, traditional clans that rallied around the fight for a separate Albanian state of Kosovo. They first showed signs of an organized, paramilitary resistance in early 1998, but at the time appeared to be lacking a centralized command and long-term military and political strategy. Their primary objective seemed to be the defence of their local communities and villages from Serbian aggression.

Engaging mainly in local, guerrilla-style tactics, the KLA met with its first serious challenge in the summer of 1998. Tired of the KLA's resistance activities, Milosevic launched a large-scale crackdown against them in June 1998. Although successful in the short-term, the KLA surprised the world by staging a full- scale comeback in late 1998. As Jane Perlez of The New York Times described it in November 1998, the KLA "who sprung out of nowhere this spring and were then pummeled by a Serbian offensive in the summer, are bouncing back more resilient and better organized than expected." This relatively small resistance movement has since then been instrumental in involving the world community in this war.

National Heroes or Local Thugs? One of the top leaders of the KLA is Naim Maloku. Considered by some to be a rather romantic figure and having a certain mystique, he is a highly competent strategist and former captain of the Yugoslav army. Active as a distinguished Yugoslav military officer, he is in many ways a symbol of the KLA itself. At one point he was reported killed by Serbian forces, but Maloku suddenly reappeared within the KLA. Tall and well built, he wears his Yugoslav pistol at his waist and the red and black emblem of the Albanian double-headed eagle on his cap. As with many others, he returned to the area upon hearing of the attacks upon his people and the refugee crisis they created. Under leaders such as Maloku, the KLA conducted a major reassessment, reorganization, and rearmament, one that brought it to the attention of Western diplomats, the United Nations, and the U.S.-led NATO offensive.

Like many of the new rebel leaders, Maloku raised hundreds of thousands of dollars for the purposes of rearmament from the diaspora of ethnic Albanians living abroad. He has stated that the West should not be surprised by what the KLA has done. "We made tactical, organizational, and propaganda mistakes, but now we are trying to institutionalize and give the forces a reasonable political leadership." Some observers questioned the ability of the KLA to stay united; it has been made up of fighters from very diverse political ideologies who, according to one Western diplomat, "can agree only on one thing: driving out the Serbs."

Although some Western skeptics are worried about the long-term cohesiveness of the KLA, they do not dispute that they successfully reorganized and were a force to be reckoned with. One military-trained NATO observer was stunned to learn that the KLA had grown in size to about 60 000 members and acquired a large supply of the high-powered, U.S.-manufactured Barret assault rifles. These rifles are capable of "blowing a head off from a mile away," said the NATO officer.

Despite their surprise at the strength of the KLA, the Western powers adapted quickly to this dynamic player in the area. Reflecting the effectiveness of the KLA's resistance, one diplomat stated, "Where they're coming back, they're coming back pretty good . . . the wild card in all this is what the Kosovo Liberation Army is up to." Having gained diplomatic status from the G8 countries in the discussions around NATO's eight-point peace plan and the conference in Rambouillet, the KLA became a recognized voice on the international scene. This new status and their refusal initially to endorse the G8's plan to disarm them served to increase their popularity and credibility within Kosovo and Albania. As one former Albanian Kosovar administrator remarked, "We are only safe if we're independent and well- armed. . . . I trust the KLA and agree with all their main arguments."

Refusing to be disarmed by the G8 or to cease their attacks against the Serbian forces that were active in Kosovo, the KLA swore to protect the ethnic Albanians in the area and their right to the lands of Kosovo. So the question inevitably arose as to what the KLA would do next. One NATO official suggested at one point that "it would make sense at some levels to arm the guerrillas and use them as a ground force."

Michael Doyle and Stephen Holmes, political scientists at Princeton University, also advocated this strategy. They suggested that, although the idea is not appealing to many in the West, the arming and deployment of the eager and radically charged KLA would make a great deal of strategic sense. In light of the U.S.'s distaste for U.S. military casualties, using a regional force to lead a NATO-supported ground assault in an area like Kosovo is reminiscent of the early years of Vietnam. It also brings to mind the arming from overseas of such groups as the IRA in Ireland. Such military strategies created and effected from outside a nation at war, however, change the nature of the conflict and give an additional and significant international dynamic to a conflict.

The fact that the KLA was in a position to actually participate in the peace negotiations at Rambouillet exemplifies the effective role a relatively small but determined resistance movement can have not only within the country but also on the international scene. Such resistance movements are serious political and military factors in the delicate balance of power in troubled regions such as the Balkans.

Discussion 1. In what way is the KLA related to the refugee crisis that occurred in Kosovo?

2. Both sides in this conflict have been condemned for smuggling arms and drugs. Why would the KLA engage in this type of activity? Should the KLA be held accountable for such illegal activities? 3. What are the implications of using a resistance force like the KLA as a ground assault force in a civil war? What long-term complications could this produce? For more information on this issue, consult "Arm the KLA" by Michael Doyle and Stephen Holmes in The New York Times, May 25, 1999, and "The protectorate of Kosovo" by Jeffrey Simpson in The Globe and Mail, May 7, 1999.

4. British author Louis de Bernière has written several satirical and compelling books looking at the tragedies of war in the complex political arenas of Greece and South America. Read one of the following novels to further your understanding of the role of paramilitary resistance units in local and regional wars: Captain Corelli's Mandolin or The War of Don Emmanuel's Nether Parts.

5. Do you believe that the KLA are national heroes or local thugs? Substantiate your opinion with factual information.

6. Many nations have known resistance movements, some involving armed combat and terrorism, others primarily political forces. What role have the following played in their nations: the IRA, the Viet Cong, the ANC, the FLQ, the Black Panthers, the PLO?

7. By their very nature, resistance movements create conflict within a nation. For members of the world community, it can be difficult to assess the validity and legitimacy of resistance movements. And this is an important issue because the international community cannot avoid responding in some way to resistance movementsfor moral, political, or military reasons. As a class, try to compose a list of criteria that defines a lawful and legitimate resistance movement. Consider carefully the importance and implications of these two adjectives. Introduction The Real Picture Inhumanity Method in Madness Crimes Against Humanity Credibility and Plausibility Resistance Within and Without Ravage and Refuge Discussion, Research, and Essay Questions AFTERMATH: Return and Reconstruction

Ravage and Refuge

When more than 800 000 ethnic Albanians flooded over the borders of Kosovo to neighbouring Macedonia and Albania, a major refugee crisis was created, and subsequently a massive relief effort was undertaken. Numerous makeshift camps were erected for which the logistics, costs, and political ramifications were enormous. One of those involved in the relief effort was Judith Drost, a worker with CARE Canada who experienced the camps in Macedonia first-hand. News in Review asked Drost to share some her experiences.

I pulled my coat around me against the chilly night breeze and checked my flashlight as we waited for the bus to round the corner. It was 11 o'clock, and we were waiting to receive new refugees into Camp Stenkovec II. In some cases people had travelled by foot to Kosovo's border and then waited days until Macedonian authorities allowed them through. Most had been driven from their homes or from home to home hoping to wait out the conflict and protect their property. Now they were here with nothing but the clothes on their back and the hope of returning to Kosovo.

Refugees who had already been in the camp gathered around at the news of the arrival of a new bus. It meant that family or friends might be aboardfamily and friends from whom they were separated by force or when people were jammed on buses or trains to exit Kosovo. When the bus arrived a member of our local staff went aboard to inform the people that they were safe and would be accommodated in a large tent until daylight, when they would be integrated in the camp community. Volunteers assisted people off the bus and distributed bread, canned meat, oranges, water, and milk. They came off the bus one by one: the journey-worn elderly, tired and frightened children, women desperate to keep the family members together, and men drained by stress and shame.

Volunteers from among the camp population had prepared the tent, lining the ground with sleeping bags and blankets. "How many blankets should I give each person," Kushrim asked me. "Three," I said, grateful that we had enough tonight and that I didn't have to limit the number. Kushrim was 17he had just had his birthday the week before. We celebrated with a cake and a gift of a T-shirt and cap. He volunteered selflessly for usshowing up at the CARE tent each morning.

The first week he used to appear with his sidekick Argon. Argon enjoyed speaking English with us, charming us by his impersonations of American movie and TV stars. One day Kushrim showed up alone. "Where's Argon?" I asked. "He's gone to Germany with the humanitarian evacuation. I don't want to go," Kushrim answered the question I hadn't asked. "I just want to go back home." That's what they all wantdespite the horror they've left behind and the rubble that once was their homes and villages, they'd rather go back to face the nightmares and rebuild than start over and abandon their land.

Kushrim was from Pristina, the capital of the Kosovo province. I worked in Pristina two weeks before we were evacuated because of the start of air strikes. I felt like I had been there longer; it was so familiar to me. Young people congregated at café bars where they could make one Coke last two hours. Or they'd be huddled around tables at the Bosna bakery where bureka greasy cheese or meat filled pastrywas the specialty. You could also order the hamburger speciala large bun stuffed with a burger and fries smothered with ketchup and mayonnaise. "We had everything," said my friend Lina, reminiscing about her life in Pristina, "and now we have nothing."

People ask me if it is the children for whom I feel sorry. In some ways it is, but children young enough can be occupied and made happy with a simple toy. My heart goes out to the elderly of Kosovo who appear so weary and disoriented. Some had lived through so much: world wars and the conflict in the former Yugoslavia just five years ago. But they remained in Kosovountil now. And now they didn't know if they would ever returnor if their children or grandchildren would. They had their life. The youth have their life ahead of them. What kind of life will it be?

Discussion 1. In what ways are the teenagers described in Judith Drost's piece similar to those in Canada? To what extent can you identify with the teenagers she writes about?

2. In 1994, the book Zlata's Diary: A Child's Life in Sarajevo was released. In it, Zlata Filipovic tells of the fears and frustrations of growing up in a war zone. Read this book and write a review of it. In what ways is Zlata's life similar to yours and in what ways is it different?

3. Judith Drost wrote a piece for the resource guide of the September 1995 issue of News in Review relating to the 50th anniversary of the United Nations. At the time she was working for the UN in Croatia. Read her 1995 contribution and discuss what additional perspective this first-hand account gives to the situation in the Balkans.

Discussion, Research, and Essay Questions

1. Throughout history, there have been numerous documented cases of genocide. The term suggests systematic measures taken by an oppressor to exterminate a national, cultural, religious, or radical group. Examples of genocide that the world has known are the Jews during the Nazi Holocaust and the Tutsis in Rwanda. Did genocide occur in Kosovo? Justify your answer with evidence.

2. Canada helped in the relief efforts for Kosovo by airlifting 5000 Kosovar refugees to Canada. Many were housed on military bases and many were assisted by local communities. For some, the decision whether to stay in Canada or to return to their homeland will be a wrenching one. Discuss reasons why this would be such a difficult decision.

3. Using your school or public library, try to locate copies of José de Goya's etching series "The Disasters of War." Write descriptive critiques of one or more of the etchings. You may also wish to make a presentation to the class.

4. As a country Canada has always opened its doors to refugees. What groups of refugees have arrived in the past? Find and interview someone within your community who has had a refugee experience. Where have they come from? What event forced them from their homeland? At any time were they in refugee camps? What was that experience like? How difficult or easy was the adjustment to life in Canada? As background information, review "Refugees in Canada: Getting Through the Door," in the March 1994 issue of News in Review.

5. Research the International Declaration of Human Rights. What are the guarantees outlined in this document? In your opinion, did Slobodan Milosevic contravene the human rights enshrined in the Declaration?

6. Louise Arbour, the head of the UN's tribunal, is a Canadian. Research her career, her appointment to that position, and her recent appointment to the Supreme Court of Canada. Suggest why she was chosen for both positions.

7. By accessing the Kosovo Crisis Center Web site at www.alb- net.com, examine the plight of the Kosovar refugees. The Web site is sponsored by alb-net, an Albanian group. Why is it important to know this? How might the Web site administrators influence the type of information found on the site?

8. Primarily through NATO, the international community became directly involved in the war in Yugoslavia. Write a short editorial in which you express your opinion regarding the long-range implications of this involvement.