From Nimby to Yimby: Understanding Community Opposition to Special Needs Residential Facilities in Vancouver
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PROM NIMBY TO YIMBY: UNDERSTANDING COMMUNITY OPPOSITION TO SPECIAL NEEDS RESIDENTIAL FACILITIES IN VANCOUVER Liza Jimenez Bachelor of Arts, Simon Fraser University 2002 PROJECT SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF PUBLIC POLICY In the Faculty of Arts & Sciences O Liza Jimenez, 2005 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Spring 2005 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL Name: Liza Jimenez Degree: M.P.P Title of : From Nimby To Yimby: Understanding Community Opposition To Special Needs Residential Facilities In Vancouver Examining Committee: Chair: Nancy Olewiler Nancy Olewiler Senior Supervisor Kennedy Stewart Supervisor Jon Kesselman Internal Examiner Date Approved: Friday, April 1 2005 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENCE The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. The author has further granted permission to Simon Fraser University to keep or make a digital copy for use in its circulating collection. 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Bennett Library Simon Fraser University Burnaby, BC, Canada Abstract This study investigates the nature of opposition towards a Special Needs Residential Facility (SNRF) for people with problems related to physical disabilities, psychiatric problems, addictions, legal custody, or emergencies. The term NIMBY describes people who oppose the location of such a facility in their neighbourhood. The literature on NIMBY argues that residents oppose these projects because they fear for their personal safety, property devaluation, and neighbourhood appearance. Qualitative and quantitative analyses revealed that Vancouver residents want more transparency and involvement during the planning stage of siting SNRFs. A review of seven case studies provided insight into the factors that determine the extent of NIMBYism. A survey revealed which individual characteristics predict who is more likely to be a NIMBY-minded person. A number of policy alternatives encourage discourse among stakeholders, to alleviate distrust among residents, and to reduce the chance of encountering opposition to establishing SNRFs. Executive Summary This study employs two approaches, qualitative and quantitative, to test why some community members are more likely to oppose the location of Special Needs Residential Facilities (SNRFs) in Vancouver. The acronym NIMBY, meaning 'not in my backyard', describes the opponents. Seven cases in five communities (Central Business District, KensingtodCedar Cottage, Killarney, Mt. Pleasant and Strathcona) compare common NMBY arguments and evaluate key factors that affect opposition. Common arguments against SNRFs include fears for personal safety, property devaluation, and neighbourhood degradation whereas common factors that influence opposition are characteristics of the facility such as size and clientele, characteristics of the consultation process and characteristics of the neighbourhood. Analysis reveals that size, location, or clientele types do not affect the extent of opposition. However, the cases support common arguments of NIMBYism such as fear of personal safety, property devaluation, and neighbourhood degradation. In addition, the timing of public consultation proved to be a factor in lessening NIMBYism. Agencies that engaged affected communities before applying for the development permit tended to face less opposition than those that did not. The investigation also uncovered a NIMBY argument that did not appear frequently in the literature. This is the argument of 'fair share' where some neighbourhoods felt overloaded with more than their fair share of SNRFs. Further investigation as to the distribution of SNRFs throughout the City revealed that in most cases these claims are unfounded when measured in terms of the proportion of the population relative to the proportion of total SNRF beds. Furthermore, over the past ten years opposition in terms of petitions and correspondence to the placements of SNRFs has decreased with time suggesting a decline in NIMBY. Survey results illustrate who are more likely to hold NIMBY attitudes. Conducted in a NIMBY neighbourhood, the survey sought to identify individual characteristics of NIMBY persons to profile who hold these beliefs and to evaluate the effectiveness of the public meetings. Logistical regression analysis reveals that long-tenn residents, those who have lived in the community for 15 to 19 years, are over three times more likely to have NIMBY beliefs than someone who has lived in the community for less than four years. Further, those who attended the public meetings are twice more likely to be NIMBY. In addition, the analysis revealed that public meetings did little to change minds of even the undecided attendees. These findings prompt five policy options. Each option is assessed against the criteria of equity, social feasibility, political feasibility, and economic costs. The first alternative is to maintain the status quo. As the survey indicates, NIMBY is not as prevalent as the media or others lead us to believe. In the neighbourhood where there was an uprising against a proposed 39-unit facility, 57 percent of the respondents held strong NIMBY beliefs, compared with 43 percent who do not oppose. Historically, the extent of community opposition, as measured by correspondence, turnout, and petitions, has been decreasing. This trend suggests a laissez-faire approach where the City adjusts to each contentious project may be just as productive as an intervention. Second, the City of Vancouver should publish annual SNRF reports to mitigate the underlying public distrust. This display of increased transparency will also address the NIMBY argument of 'fair share7where residents feel an unequal distribution of SNRFs across the city. Such a report should include all city owned and leased properties as well as any future SNRF plans for at least the next two years. This approach was undertaken in New York City and has been lauded by planners and decision makers, like the American Planning Association and ex- mayor Rudolph Giuliani. The report should also provide social demographics such as population density and income distribution to enable the public with more information to assess issues of equity. Third, the opportunity to ask questions and be included during the planning process is important to residents, but the City should reduce their reliance on large-scale public meetings as they are at best ineffective and at worst serve to increase NIMBYism. Instead, the City should mandate that SNRF applicants host small-scale public meetings where the number of attendees is more manageable and productive. Fourth, as long-term residents pose the most resistance to establishing SNRFs, the City should seek to develop SNRFs in new communities like areas such as False Creek. New residents are less resistant because they have not had enough time to establish strong community roots to the area or because new residents have not had the opportunity to network, which makes it difficult to mobilize a united opposition. New buyers will be aware that a SNRF existed prior to buying a home or establishing roots, which illustrates a transparent element in establishing SNRF on behalf of the City. Finally, the City should develop a policy network of applicants, health care professionals, social planners, citizens, and other stakeholders in order to exchange information on lessons learned and to develop educational material according to the type of clientele that the SNRF will house. Regression analysis shows which characteristics