Doctor of Philosophy

PARTICIPATION OF MUSLIM WOMEN IN THE SOCIO-CULTURAL AND EDUCATIONAL ACTIVITIES IN NORTH INDIA DURING THE 19TH CENTURY

THESIS

SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF Doctor of Philosophy

HISTORY

By SHAMIM BANO

UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF PROF. TARIQ AHMAD

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH, INDIA 2015

Dedicated To My Beloved Parents and my Supervisor

Tariq Ahmed Dated: 26th October, 2015 Professor of History

CERTIFICATE

This is to certify that the thesis entitled “Participation of

Muslim Women Socio-Cultural and Educational Activities in North

India During 19th Century” is the original work of Ms. Shamim

Bano completed under my supervision. The thesis is suitable for submission for the award of the degree of Doctor of

Philosophy in History.

(Prof. Tariq Ahmed) Supervisor

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First of all I thank Almighty Allah, the most gracious and merciful, who gave me the gift of impression and insights for the compilation of this work. With a sense of utmost gratitude and indebtedness, I consider my pleasant duty to express my sincere thanks to my supervisor Prof. Tariq Ahmed, who granted me the privilege of working under his guidance and assigned me the topic “Participation of Muslim Women in the Socio-Cultural and Educational Activities During the 19th Century in North India”. He found time to discuss various difficult aspects of the topic and helped me in arranging the collected data in the present shape. Thus, this research work would hardly have been possible without his learned guidance and careful supervision. I do not know how to adequately express my thanks to him.

I have great pleasure, expressing my deep sense of gratitude to Prof. Ali Athar, Chairman and Co-ordinator, Centre of Advanced Study, Department of History, A. M. U., Aligarh for his kind support. I have always benefited from interaction with the scholars and learned teachers such as Prof. (Retd.) Muhammad Umar (Department of History, A.M.U., Aligarh), Dr. Aneesa Iqbal Sabir. Dr. M. K. Zaman, Dr. Hasan Imam, Dr. Waseem Raja, Dr. Sumbul Halim Khan, Dr. O. P. Shirivastava, Dr. M. K. Pundhir, and I express my gratitude to all of them because of their unhesitating support and encouragement till the completion of this thesis.

I am thankful to Prof. Azizuddin Hussain Sir (Director, Rampur Raza Library), Rampur) who constantly helped me in providing books and research material. I am also grateful to (Late) Mr. Waqar-ul-Hasan Siddiqui (Ex- Director, Raza Library) to who helped me in various ways during my visit to the Rampur Raza Library. Besides, I must thank Shazia baji, Islahi Sir and Mukhtar bhai for helping me in my search of material collection there. I am also thankful to the staff members of Seminar Library, Centre of Advanced Study, Department of History, A.M.U., Aligarh, Maulana Azad Library, A.M.U., Aligarh, Women Studies Library, and Raza Library, Rampur, Sulat Library Rampur, M.J.P. Rohillkhnad University, Centre Library Bareilly (U.P.), National Archives of India, New Delhi and Indian Council for Historical Research, New Delhi, Trimurti Bhaban, New Delhi, Lucknow Archive,They helped me generously in searching and collecting significant reference material for my research from there.

In the course of its preparation I have received help from a number of friends, colleagues and well-wishers. I am thankful to Almas Zaidi, Mrs. Alia, Ms. Areeba Arif, Ms. Farheen Azra, Ms. Sadaf Fatima,Tuhina Islam, Seema, Bushra Apa, Mr. Naiyer Azam, Mr. Salim Ansari, Dr. Muhammad Nafees, Dr. Tariq Ahmad Sheikh, Mr. Rizwan Siddiqui Mr. Mohd. Anas, Mr. Fakrul Islam, Khalid Ahmad and Ms. Tahira Jamal, Anas BaBu T., Geeta Sharma, Rushda Ziya, and Fatima Zaidi, who have helped me in various ways.

My special thanks are due to, Dr. Shamsi Azmi, Dr. Shadma Shahin Dr. Fazila Shahnawaz for all their support and encouragement and they also constantly urged me to complete the work with great care. I am also especially thankful to Mr. Mohd Usman for helping me in various ways.

I must express my gratitude to my parents, brothers and sisters and particularly my mother who always stood by my side and supported me in all ups and downs in my life.

Lastly, I place on record my gratitude to my father Dr. Late Alauddin, my mother Mrs. Nek Bi, my brothers, Raisuddin, Firozuddin, Ajazuddin, and my sisters Ms. Haseena Khatoon, Ms. Firoza and Ms. Parveen for all their

ii love, care, support, encouragement, as well as best wishes which helped me and encouraged me to complete the work in a right way. I am thankful to all of them for bearing with me all the times while I was busy with my work. I want to express my grateful thanks to Nazim Akhter, Samreen, Nazia, Asif, Vicky, and Mohd. Arif.

Though, I received help and guidance from a number of distinguished scholars, but none of them is responsible for the errors that still remain.

(Shamim Bano)

iii

CONTENTS

Certificate Acknowledgements Abbreviation

Introduction 1-9

Chapter-I: Muslim Society and Culture in North India Pre 19th Century 10-35

Chapter–II: Status of Muslim Women during the 19th Century in North India 36-76

Chapter- III Socio Cultural Trends and Traditions 77-116

Chapter-IV Educational System During Muslim Women 117-152

Chapter-V Participation of Muslim Women during the Revolt 1857 153-180

Chapter-VI Prominent Muslim Women in Northern Indian 181-218

Conclusion 219-225

Bibliography 226-244

ABBREVIATIONS

A.N. Akbar Nama

Ain. Ain-i-Akbari by Abul Fazl.

Art.No. Artical Number.

B. G. Bangal Gazetteer of India.

Badaoni Muntakhab-ut-twarikh by Mulla Abdul Qadir Badaoni.

Bernier Bernier Francois- Travels in the Mughal Empire”. English Translation by Constable,Urdu Translation by Khalifa Syed Mohammad Husain.

D.H.N.I. Dynastic History of Northern India by H.C. Ray Choudhary.

De.Laet. Deaet’s “Empire of the Great Mogol’’ Translatd by J.S. Hoyland.

Della Valla Pietro Della Valle-“ The Travels of a Noble Roman into East Indies and Arabian Deserta” London, 1664.

Ed. Edited

Elliot & Dowson Sir Henry M-Elliot and prof. John Dowson’s “History ofIndia as toldby its own Hitorians” Vols.1-8.

Govt. Government.

Hamilton Alexander Hamilton’s “A New Account of the East Indies”.

I.A.E. Indian Art ExhibitionExhibition of Indian Art Cataogue.

J.A.S.B. Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta.

J.I.H. Journal of Indian History

M.A. Ma-Asir-i-Aliamgir

MAO (Mohammaden Anglo Oriental

MS. Manuscript, Handwritten or typed.

N.A.I. National Archives of India,New Delhi.

N.W.P. North Western Province. P.I.H.C. Proceeding of India History Congress.

Storia Storia Do Mogor by Manucci Nicco.

Tavernier Tavenier, Jean Baptiste,”Travels in India”,Translated by V. Ball, London, 1889.

Trans Translated; Translation.

Vol. Volume.

Vols. Volumes. ABSTRACT

The theme taken for the Ph.D. thesis pertains to the regional studies during the 19th century in the Northern India entitled, “Participation of Muslim Women in the Socio-Cultural and Educational Activities in North India during the 19th Century”. The theme is gender specific and the topic has been taken keeping in view the Muslim women and their participation in the socio-cultural and educational activities. This is related to the study of a volatile century of the Indian History i.e., 19th Century North India. As this was the period of great transformation due to complete takeover of the British as a foreign power. So, the study could try to unravel the various facts of homogeneity and contradictions in the Indian society, particularly at the socio-cultural level in Northern India.

The study relates to one of the most important locality which was Muslim dominated part of the present North India, and in that setting or environment, the study about the Muslim women, their participation, public life, their position in the society viz-a-viz., their male counterpart and the freedom they had or fulfilling their aspirations and dreams. The present study sheds light on the Muslim society and culture in northern India, especially in pre-19th century. Further, it highlighted the role of Muslim women in the 19th century, particularly in northern India. Not only the prominent royal ladies, but ladies from the elite class as well as the common women played a crucial role in the struggle against British colonial rule.

The 19th Century was a period of general awakening in different countries of the world, in clouding India. Society, religion, culture, economic condition and political destiny of India received a new shape during this period as a result of the working of a number of forces, exotic as well as indigenous. The external forces were the growth of the British Empire accompanied with the gradual of the consolidation of a new administrative system making for unity and order, the influence of the scientific invention and discoveries, the stride of industrialism and the introduction of Western Education and also the ideas of the political philosophers and economists of the West. Internally, one has to note the potent influence of the splendid modern Indian Renaissance which being essentially a matter of the spirit has produced striking changes society, religion and culture.

The uplift of women has been one of the most valuable contributions of the Indian reformation of the19th century, so that they have now come forward to play dignified parts in different spheres of social and National life. In fact, the history of the Women’s Movement forms a very important and interesting topic of our modern history. I am not aware of any previous systematic attempt at historically tracing the genesis and early stages of this movement. We cannot think of reform without any sir in the realm of thought, which again is produced only when our minds are enlivened through a new education and a broad-based culture. I have tried in the six chapters of this Thesis to prepare on the basis mostly of contemporary sources, a connected account to the history of Education and Social Participation of Muslim Women Socio- Cultural and Educational Activities in North India During 19th century.

In writing this Thesis I have utilized:--Contemporary unpublished and published English records; (Archival sources) Manuscripts, Contemporary histories, pamphlets, tracts, etc., both in English and Bengali; Hindi; Contemporary Journals, Magazines, gazetteers, and reviews in English Hindi as well as in Bengali ; and Biographies of eminent personalities.

I have Deals with many others primary sources published and unpublished Urdu and Persian Sources Tazkirahs, Dastawez, Sanads, Farmans, and Books.

Ain-i-Akabari, Akbar Namah, Gulista-e-Rahmat, Gule-e-Rahmat, Tarikhe-i- Islam ki char sau Bakamal Khawateen, Tarikh-i-Awadh, Taskiratul Khawatin, Taj- ul-Iqbal, Kaisar-ut-Twarikh,Musalman Aurton Ki Bahaduri, Sharif Bibiyan, Nuzha- ul-Khawatir, Tarikh-i-Rohilkhand, Khawatin-a-Hind ke Tarikhi Karname, Tazkirah-i- Shayerate Pakistan and Many other contemporary Persian and Urdu sources are the mirror of the age and therefore, the events that occurred in course gems have been picked up to make the garland.

Indian authors are few and not always free from bias. However I have scanned the material and viewed the situation from a purely objective and incisive angle. My finding is, in many ways, at variance with the popular impression prevalent generally that social evils were rampart everywhere and that social conditions were immutable.

Many of them not only got a modern education, but highly encouraged the other women to get education there were visiting articles in many journals and magazines to promote modern western education among women. 19th century Muslim India witnessed the emergence of a powerful new movement concerned with reform in the condition of Muslim Women. Their reformers concentrated on the female education (the basics of which were literacy home economics and orthodox practice) as a means of both improving the lots of Muslim women and the community in general. Thus in the 1869 A.D. Nazir Ahmad the first time published his novel promoting women’s education , entitled Mirat-i- alrus in 1874 A.D. Altaf Husain Hali produced the Majalisun-Nisa a dedicated work on the female education in 1896 A.D. a women Section was created in Mohammadan Educational Conference, in 1898 A.D. Mumtaz Ali began to publish a women’s Magazine called Tahazib-u- Niswan : In 1904 A.D. sheikh Abdullah stated another women’s journal called Khatun ;in 1905 Ashraf Ali Thanwi’s monumental female curriculum was published, by Bahishti Zewar and in 1906 Aligarh Zenana Madarsa, was stated. These sections of course did not pass without comment or opposition both from within and outside the rank of reformers. Soon, however the opposition to the idea of female education was silenced: and the argument had to do with the degree of education was to be important to them. Given that educated women were batter able to bring up their children and manage their home improve their language moral and religion (their marital prospect as well) provide an intelligent company to their husband and advance their community in the word. Some of the prominent ladies were Azzizunnisa Begum Nawab Qudsiya Begum, Nawab Sikandar Begum, Nawab shah Jahan Begum, Zakia Begum, Sultan Jahan Begum, Shamrou Begum, Qamru Begum, Nawab Malika-i-Kishwar, (Taj Ara Begum), Azizan Begum, Sharafat Mahal, Malaka-i-Zinat Mahal, Nawab Hazrat Mahal, Khusru uz Zamani Begum, Nawab Begum Jahan, and Mumtaz Zamani Begum, Asghari Begum, Raqqasa Azizan, Raqqasa Farhat Jahan, Habiba Begum, Rahimi Khatoon, Kusru Zamani Begum, Green clad or Burqa clad and Nazneen etc. Social-cultural condition in northern India during the 19th century is a subject on which much work has not been done, though some aspects of the social history of the period have been dealt with singly and severally. I have tried to analyze the different facts of social and cultural life to present a connected picture of women and their life. The difficulty of studying social phenomena is great in all countries, partly because of the human factor they involve, and which, it has not taken on a sufficiently large

3 scale. Present aberrations that can seriously vitiate the reasoning of any even the most careful and industrious observer.

In the present work, a humble attempt has been made to mirror the social, cultural status of the Muslim women in the period under review with its social customs and domestic interests, so that it could make it clear how their lives were not wholly colourless and that they were not altogether in such a pitiful plight as is supposed.

In an analytical study it would appear that the facts and figures relating to the Muslim women of Muslim age have been very little known due to the prevalent purdah system. In fact, religion has been the backbone of human activities, and, so was it with the Mughals, their noble and rest of the Muslims population.

Another aspect of the inquiry which is related to the vital aspect of them is understanding or some other such aspects which kept women in seclusion, or none participatory in public life. Was there any contribution of the socio-religious trends and traditions from the passing Mughal empire, or the Muslim society had completely transformed themselves altogether. The study could work as a model for understanding the socio-cultural moorings of other different Muslim localities of Northern India during the 19th century. There are some intricate issues which are also involved in the study.

To cover the Islamic point of view in the thesis help from certain religious books either written in Arabic and Urdu has also been taken in as much as it required for intensive study to deal with the social status of the Muslim women.

At the end, it is imperative to throw some light on certain aspects of the chapters covered in the composition of the proposed target plan on the thesis.

In this regard, the whole work has been analyzed under different headings and has formed six chapters.

1. Muslim Society and Culture in North India Pre 19th century 2. Status of Muslim Women during the 19th Century in North India. 3. Socio-Cultural Trends and Traditions. 4. Educational system and Muslim women. 5. Participation of Muslim women during the revolt 1857. 6. Prominent Muslim women in Northern India.

Chapter-I: Muslim Society and Culture in North India Pre. 19th century

I have deals Social Condition, Political Condition, Economic Condition and Religious Condition in period under review, and the caste system of the Hindus, which could suggest the trends in the society. But the major focus has been on the Muslim women in pre-nineteenth century era, in the Northern India, their position, their participation and the question of their womanhood. Various other social problems and parameters have been studied in this chapter which includes the long tradition of the Pardah System, Marriage, Divorce, and Condition of Widows, Polygamy, Feasts and Festivals and Ceremonies and other such Social evils, which have become part and parcel of Muslim society. The educational aspect has also been taken into account and that could show the opportunities and aspirations of Muslim women. So, this chapter is a study in the background about the problem taken from the research.

Chapter-II: Status of Muslim Women during the 19th Century in North India

In the second chapter, we have discussed the position of Muslim women during 19th century Northern India. Prominent ladies, and belonging to the masses, particularly in the region of Northern India. This Chapter I have divided into 2 parts, first part, Status of Women during 18th to 19th century. And Second part, Women in Social Cultural Life. In this chapter, the positions of Muslim women have been shown in different shades and colours, and the attempts have been made to form the true picture of their position. I have deals Status of Muslim Women in Medieval period, Status of Women in Modern period, Status of Women in Islamic Society, Women in Social cultural life in North India, Women in the family, economic condition, Silent Sufferer, Female dress and the toilet and ornaments.

As after we noticed the suffering of the women in India context in our times, we have tried to analyze that did the Muslim women suffer silently during the 19th century also or were freed from what they are today. Another aspect of their position has been considered in this chapter, which suggests their social aspects, inferiority or superiority. The aspect of reliance of Muslim women has also been studied which deals with the problem whether the Muslim women were self reliance or thoroughly depended on others. For resolving this problem, the economic aspects related to the Muslim have been studied and their participation in economic activities has been studied. Then, the next portion forms the socio-legal aspect of the ownership of property by women and Islamic rules have been taken into account in this study. One of the important aspect of activities related to the Muslim women and which had great cultural values also, comes out of the fact of artistic activities of Muslim women as how many types of trades they have been involved in, which included, embroidery, art of decoration, art of painting and other such activities. So, this chapter reveals the true position of women and their economic condition during the 19th century.

Chapter III: Socio-Cultural Trends and Traditions.

6 detailed, study has been done to know the types of dresses that were worn by the Muslim women. Embroidery, Art of Decoration, Art of Painting during the modern period, different varieties, giving minor details about the dress, of embroidery such as, Chicken Dozi or Chikan Kari Kasheeda, Phulkari dastkari, zarduzi, and other decorative applied on the cloths. In the same chapter, the attempt has been made to understand the various details and intricacies related to the marriage of the Muslim girl from the point of the first engagement, down to the preparation of marriage, the Nikah, dowry, and divorce ceremony, all have been included in this chapter.

Women always played an important role in the social and cultural life of a country. They look after the family and manage the household. They take on a significant role in marriages, spiritual ceremonies and festivals. Women lay and carry on the customs and traditions in society. In Religion, government, politics, learning, dance, music, entertainment, and various other social activities women made their own contributions. The manner of eating and now to arrange, settings for the guests at home, Dresses, ornaments and cosmetics were their special field of interest. Thus, women played a multifarious role in the 19th century.

Chapter IV: Educational system and Muslim women.

The fourth chapter deals with the educational aspects of the Muslim women during the 19th century in North India. In this chapter, the attempt has been made to understand the level of Muslim women and their participation in the educational field.

This chapter is vital from the point of view of understanding the social contradiction of the Muslim society where the women were hardly given opportunity to excel in such field which were considered to be male bastions and unfortunately in this regard education also suffered. The long drawn purdah system in the Muslim society had imputed various such activities related to the Muslim women who could have given them the boost and more social serenity. But the reasons cited for not giving them more chances of education were explained or unexplained social ethos and religious injunctions. Some wrong interpretations of Islamic law and values had led to the limited accessibilities for the Muslim women in the educational field. But nevertheless the Muslim women broke through such unwanted barriers during the 19th century and emerged as intellectuals and scholars of repute. We have references from

7 schools of Muslim women getting higher education during the 19th century also, particularly in the region of Northern India. In this chapter, a great care have been taken to understand the growth of education and educational institutions, meant for imparting education for Muslim women.

Chapter V: Participation of Muslim women during the revolt 1857.

The fifth chapter deals with the role and conditions of Muslim women during the Revolt of 1857 in pre region of Northern India. As the topic suggests it is a study, which have been done, taken into the consideration the fact that the tragedy of 1857 which have engulfed the Muslim society during the middle of the 19th century and had caused a tremendous transformation in the Muslim society.

The participation of the Indian Ladies cannot be ignored. The cooperation of the Indian Muslim Ladies cannot be condemned at all. It is narrated in detail in the above, passage that the names of the Muslim Ladies i.e. Begum Hazrat Mahal, Mumtaz Zamani Begum etc., can off and on be found by all means every now and thenOut of these hidden Muslim Ladies are: Asghari Begum, Taj Ara Begum, Raqqasa Azizan, Raqqasa Farhat Jahan, Habiba Begum, Rahimi Khatoon, Kusru Zamani Begum, Green clad or Burqa clad and Nazneen whose names are liable to be adorned on the golden pages of the history. These ladies had many times proved their love and affection towards their motherland by certifying their bravery and militancy like a militant man. This is the open fact that in the rebels of 1857, the Indian Ladies had suffered the tortures twofold than the so-called men. In the straightway, the punishment which the Indian Ladies had tolerated, exclusively there happened bloodshed, houses set to ablaze; the ravages of house-hold articles by robbers, etc., the Indian fighter’s women for the freedom had fundamentally merged with these ladies.

8 houses or were from the elite class, which jumped into the tray and bravely fought the might of the British and showed tremendous courage and determination against the enemy. Though there are references of a number of unknown ladies who had no position in the society or were from the downtrodden section of the society, also fought in this revolt of 1857, which shows that Muslim women were not altogether different from what were happening around them.

Chapter VI: Prominent Muslim women in Northern India.

This chapter deals with prominent Muslim women during the 19th century. I have to deal with the ladies and their active role in contemporary politics, and their Political contribution and Social contributions. They are Nawab Qudsiya Begum, Nawab Sikandar Begum, Nawab shah Jahan Begum, Zakia Begum, Sultan Jahan Begum, Shamrou Begum, Qamru Begum, Nawab Malika-i-Kishwar Sahiba, Azizan Begum, Sharafat Mahal, Malaka-i-Zinat Mahal, Nawab Hazrat Mahal, Azizunnisa Begum, Khusru uz Zamani, Begum Nawab Begum Jahan, and Mumtaz Jamani Begum etc. This chapter highlights political, cultural, social and Educational contribution of these ladies in 19th century North India.

Now, conclusive to say that women had somewhat better position despite various points for conflicts and contradictions which could emanate from the wrong interpretation of Islam or which could come as a result of interaction with the local culture. North India during 19th century provided Muslim women with all opportunities possible to make advancement to show bravery in the battlefield and to take part in the socio-economic activities whenever and wherever needed, and lived a life of dignity and status. The participation of Muslim women’s in freedom began from the first war of Independence, 1857. This was the time when our society was still dominated by conservative traditions and social customs denied women their rightful place in it. Nevertheless, leaving the hearts and home they come forward and fought against foreign domination. They also made supreme sacrifices without asking for a weaker sex treatment form a cruel world around. These brave women belonged to all the different Indian communities. Here only a few Muslim women have been selected to highlight their contribution which was quite substantial, but is scarce known.

The history does not always employ justice with all others. Mostly the historians entertain as their duty to state the qualities and characteristics of the specific and competent persons.

A careful study of the foregoing chapters leads us to certain general conclusions. North Indian Society, in those days, had been fragmented into two broad divisions, viz., the higher and the well-do-sections, and the commoners, with, of course, practically an inconspicuous middle class, composed of the two broad social divisions generally represented the two extremes of the standard of living. The riche and the well-to-do classes relished a variety of delicious dishes and lived in lofty and magnificent palaces and mansions on the other hand; the food of the commoners was characterized by the lack of variety and quality.

The region of the Northern India has always been an important point of attractions for the historians, particularly the medieval historians or the historians of the later Mughal period. As these regions face tremendous challenges or transformations from time to time and in the case of Northern India we find that it is a typical instance of foreign settlement which came forth as an independent kingdom when the decline has set in the Mughal Empire. The reasons of the decline of the Mughal Empire are numerous, but the emergences of small and the big independent kingdom are another phenomenon of study during the 18th century and 19th century northern India. Thus, it could be considered as a good example for regional account of Northern India. And this example could be applied to the written report of the emergence of several other local rulers or chiefdoms of the general masses. With the selection of regional study as a theme in this PhD Thesis, woman has been taken as a focal point for the theme taken for research. Keeping in mind the socio-cultural, religious and economic aspects, apart from the study of the great transformation brought in by the revolt of 1857.

10 life of dignity and status. The participation of Muslim women’s in freedom began from the first war of Independence, 1857. This was the time when our society was still dominated by conservative traditions and social customs denied women their rightful place in it. Nevertheless, leaving the hearts and home they come forward and fought against foreign domination. They also made supreme sacrifices without asking for a weaker sex treatment form a cruel world around. These brave women belonged to all the different Indian communities. Here only a few Muslim women have been selected to highlight their contribution which was quite substantial, but is scarce known.

Introduction

INTRODUCTION

The present study sheds light on the Muslim society and culture in northern India, especially in pre-19th century. Further, it highlighted the role of Muslim women in the 19th century, particularly in northern India. Not only the prominent royal ladies, but ladies from the elite class as well as the common women played a crucial role in the struggle against British colonial rule. Many of them not only got a modern education, but highly encouraged the other women to get education there were visiting articles in many journals and magazines to promote modern western education among women. Some of the prominent ladies were Begum Sultan Jahan, Muhammadi Begum, Azzizunnisa Begum, Shahajahan Begum, Shamru Begum and etc. Social-cultural condition in northern India during the 19th century is a subject on which much work has not been done, though some aspects of the social history of the period have been dealt with singly and severally. I have tried to analyze the different facts of social and cultural life to present a connected picture of women and their life. The difficulty of studying social phenomena is great in all countries, partly because of the human factor they involve, and which, it has not taken on a sufficiently large

1 scale. Present aberrations that can seriously vitiate the reasoning of any even the most careful and industrious observer.

In this study, we have employed the conventional techniques of understanding the topic and reaching to the conclusion. As it is imperative for working on such theme, it requires going to original sources to study and analyzing it in the light of modern researches. In this work also we have consulted multitudes of sources which can be categories as the primary sources, in the form of manuscripts, in the forms of Insha (Correspondences), in the form of Dastawez, Sanads, Farmans Tazkirahz Archival Sources and similar kind of variety of source materials which could lead us to better understanding of the theme. There are various private collections, archival sources, and other such sources which have been consulted from libraries such as a Rampur Raza library, Sulat library Rampur, National Archive, Lucknow Archive, I.C.H.R. Library, Trimurti Bhavan library, Rohilkhand University library, and Maulana Azad Library Aligarh, Center For Women studies library Aligarh,

Department of History seminar library, also has been included in this work. In regard to over the documents we have the British government records, gazetteers, newspaper reports, revenue records, and also the information from various journals, are to serve for the purpose of forming this thesis and highlighting those important aspects which have not yet been explored.

Review of the Sources; Lastly, a review of the sources utilized for the present discussions necessary is the literary sources which contributed to this work are divided into two groups. Primary sources and Secondary sources.

Primary Sources; Archival sources (published and unpublished sources), Urdu and Persian sources, (published and unpublished sources)

Secondary Sources; Books, Journals, Gazetteers, Articles, Encyclopedia, Lectures, thesis, Newspapers, Magazines and Dictionary.

Being under foreign domination, women moved within certain routes. Hence the difficulty of finding correct facts. I have gauged the tone and atmosphere of society unpublished and published primary sources. For facts, I have mainly depended on contemporary literature on social and political subjects, travelers’ accounts, biographical accounts of important persons and administrative reports. Government records (both published and unpublished) have been consulted on matters pertaining to legislation and government share in the state of affairs. Report on Indian newspapers compiled by the government as also important newspapers, periodicals and journals of the period have been consulted. It was, indeed, no easy job to get the correct picture of the conditions.

There is a wealth of scattered information in the Tazkiras. Among the most important Tzkirahs written in this period were: Khawatin-i-Hind Ke Tarikhi Karnamen, Fazle Haque, Azima Badi, Tazkiratul Khawatin, (Musabver Dard), Janab Maulvi Abdul Wari Sahab, Khawatin, Hafiz Mohammad Aslam Jairajpuri. Sharif Biwibiyan, Munshi Abdul Rauff, Musalman Aurton ki Bahaduri, Syed Sulaman, Taskirah-i-Shayrate-i-Pakistan, Shafiq Barelvi, Tazkirah-i-Shayrat-i-Rohilkhand.

Indian authors are few and not always free from bias. However, I have scanned the material and viewed the situation from a purely objective and incisive angle. My finding is, in many ways, at variance with the popular impression prevalent generally that social evils were rampart everywhere and that social conditions were immutable.

Society and urgent action are needed to upgrade their social status, but when we statistically analyze the status of Muslim women, we find that they are much more backward than women of other communities. As far as my understanding goes, the problems of Muslim women are more complex and more difficult to comprehend. They are the most depressed classes of Indian society for various reasons. Their backwardness has to be viewed both in historical perspective and the light of the social and political forces, in terms of general economic, educational and social backwardness of the community. An Even new Education policy of 1854 placed on record that the Muslim community was educationally more backward compare communities. Though Islam makes it essential for every man and women to acquire knowledge, the Muslims seem to have ignored this injunction of the Holy Quran.

The sources of the accounts of foreign travelers have been quite helpful for the preparation of the thesis and hence their contributions which contained treasures of historical facts have also been dealt with in the preceding chapters. It does not matter that there might be exaggerations or shortcomings in their works yet these are the foundations, and every author has been erecting his building on their foundations so far.

The contemporary Indian languages of the period have been critically examined with reference to various contributions of other contemporary literatures and relevant materials have been properly catered in the thesis. The critical examination is essential in view of the fact that the events ascribed by them were

4 either collected by them personally or from the courtiers or other people associated closely with the royal families.

Various contemporary archival sources of this period and efforts have been made to pick up gems therefore to suit the thesis. Certain archival sources have been closely studied and relevant materials drawn up for inclusion in the thesis. These archival sources are of most importance in as much as they unveil many aspects of the Muslim women.

Some of the semi-contemporary works belonging to a period slightly earlier or later than that under modern period under review with the intention of collecting relevant facts concerning the subject and those found befitting have been properly given due place.

In these works, literatures prose and poetry both have been critically examined and those having resemblances have been taken into consideration. However, Urdu language of the majority of the Muslims, particularly 18th and 19th centuries. Those are also certain outstanding books in Urdu literature left so far, which have been adequately utilized here for the first time to mirror a lot about the Muslim women of the 19th century.

At the end, it is imperative to throw some light on certain aspects of the chapters covered in the composition of the proposed target plan on the thesis.

In this regard, the whole work has been analyzed under different headings and has formed six chapters.

1. Muslim Society and Culture in North India Pre 19th Century. 2. Status of Muslim Women during the 19th Century in North India. 3. Socio-Cultural Trends and Traditions. 4. Educational System and Muslim women. 5. Participation of Muslim Women During the Revolt 1857. 6. Prominent Muslim Women in Northern India.

The first chapter, which is entitled, ‘Muslim society and culture in North India, pre-nineteenth century; also forms an important part of this thesis as without understanding the previous centuries we cannot understand the present. So, in this regard a study in the socio-cultural trends of the pre-nineteen century Northern India had become an important part. In this chapter we also found the study of the Muslim population, their social norms and conditions, viz.-a-viz. Study of Social Condition, Political Condition, Economic Condition And Religious Condition in period under review, and the caste system of the Hindus, which could suggest the trends in the society. But the major focus has been on the Muslim women in pre-nineteenth century era, in the Northern India, their position, their participation and the question of their womanhood. Various other social problems and parameters have been studied in this chapter which includes the long tradition of the Pardah system, marriage, divorce, and condition of widows, polygamy, feasts and festivals and cermones and other such social evils, which have become part and parcel of Muslim society. The educational aspect has also been taken into account and that could show the opportunities and aspirations of Muslim women. So, this chapter is a study in the background about the problem taken from the research.

In the second chapter, we have discussed the position of Muslim women during 19th century Northern India. Prominent ladies, and belonging to the masses, particularly in the region of Northern India. In this chapter, the positions of Muslim women have been shown in different shades and colours, and the attempts have been made to form the true picture of their position. I have deals Status of Muslim Women in Medieval period, Status of Women in Modern period, Status of Women in Islamic Society, Women in Social cultural life in North India. Women in the family, economic condition, Silent Sufferer, Female dress and the toilet and ornaments.

Muslim have been studied and their participation in economic activities has been studied. Then, the next portion forms the socio-legal aspect of the ownership of property by women and Islamic rules have been taken into account in this study. One of the important aspect of activities related to the Muslim women and which had great cultural values also, comes out of the fact of artistic activities of Muslim women as how many types of trades they have been involved in, which included, embroidery, art of decoration, art of painting and other such activities. So, this chapter reveals the true position of women and their economic condition during the 19th century.

The third chapter deals with the socio-cultural trends and traditions of the Muslim women in Northern during 19th century. This chapter is specific to the women related socio-cultural trends and traditions which includes the Purdah, Polygamy, Child marriage, Widow remarriage Infanticide, Female Slaves, right to Inheritance and Property, Marriage, Divorce. As their target was to look freely in this chapter a detailed, study has been done to know the types of dresses that were worn by the Muslim women. Embroidery, Art of Decoration, Art of Painting during the modern period, different varieties. Giving minor details about the dress, of embroidery such as, Chicken Dozi or Chikan Kari Kasheeda, Phulkari dastkari, zarduzi, and other decorative applied on the cloths. In the same chapter, the attempt has been made to understand the various details and intricacies related to the marriage of the Muslim girl from the point of the first engagement, down to the preparation of marriage, the Nikah, dowry, and divorce ceremony, all have been included in this chapter.

The fifth chapter deals with the participation of Muslim women during the Revolt of 1857 in pre region of Northern India. As the topic suggests it is a study, which have been done, taken into the consideration the fact that the tragedy of 1857 which have engulfed the Muslim society during the middle of the 19th century and had caused a tremendous transformation in the Muslim society.

The participation of the Indian Ladies cannot be ignored. The cooperation of the Indian Muslim Ladies cannot be condemned at all. It is narrated in detail in the above, passage that the names of the Muslim Ladies i.e. Begum Hazrat Mahal, Mumtaz Mahal and Zamani Begum etc., can off and on be found by all means every now and then Out of these hidden Muslim Ladies are: Asghari Begum, Taj Ara Begum, Raqqasa Azizan, Raqqasa Farhat Jahan, Habiba Begum, Rahimi Khatoon, Kusru Zamani Begum, Green clad or Burqa clad and Nazneen whose names are liable to be adorned on the golden pages of the history. These ladies had many times proved their love and affection towards their motherland by certifying their bravery 8 and militancy like a militant man. This is the open fact that in the rebels of 1857, the Indian Ladies had suffered the tortures twofold than the so-called men. In the straightway, the punishment which the Indian Ladies had tolerated, exclusively there happened bloodshed, houses set to ablaze; the ravages of house-hold articles by robbers, etc., the Indian fighter’s women for the freedom had fundamentally merged with these ladies.

The revolt of 1857 had not only transformed the socio-cultural tried, but it had led to the westernization in the Muslim society due to the loss of power, prestige and the sources of income. Most of the Muslim Land Lords during the 18th century and up to the second half of the 19th century had lost their fortunes as a result of this great tragedy, so much so that it had greatly affected the psyche of the Muslim women also; as their male counterpart had been fighting the injustices done to them. There emerged a great number of prominent ladies who belonged to the earnest while ruling houses or were from the elite class, which jumped into the tray and bravely fought the might of the British and showed tremendous courage and determination against the enemy. Though there are references of a number of unknown ladies who had no position in the society or were from the downtrodden section of the society, also fought in this revolt of 1857, which shows that Muslim women were not altogether different from what were happening around them.

Chapter-I Muslim Society and Culture in North India Pre 19th Century.

CHAPTER-I

MUSLIM SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN NORTH INDIA PRE 19th CENTURY

(Part-I)

During the 18th century, partially failed politically to create progress in India. Though it passed on socially and culturally but economically it found in humble with the declining Mughal Empire. The increasing revenue demands of the nation, the subjugation of the officials the greed and avarice of the nobles, revenue-farmers, and Zamindars. The marches and countermarches of the rival armies and the ravages of the numerous adventurers roaming the nation during the first half of the 18th century made the spirit of the people quite wretched1.

India Prospered on Various Regional Levels:

India of those days was also a country of contrasts. Extreme poverty existed side by side with extreme wealth and opulence. On the unitary hand, there were the copious and powerful nobles, steeped in luxury and comfort, while on the other hand backward, oppressed and impoverished peasants living at the bare subsistence level and bearing to have all sorts of injustices and inequities. Even thus the spirit of the Indian masses was by and large better at this time than it was after over 100 years of British rule at the remainder of the 19th century2.

The Social condition of the masses is a subject of deep involvement and importance for India, as it is a great deal more so, on account of its antiquity i.e., the long story of the social institutions and the variegated nature of the population.

In Northern India, a part which has endured the brunt of foreign infiltration through the historic periods and hence has witnessed a queer mingling of races and cultures, the social condition in the second half of the nineteenth century form a topic both fascinating and baffling revealing contradictory states3.

1 Bipan Chandra, Modern India, National Council of education research and training, 1971, Delhi, p.35. 2 Ibid. 3 Mill James, The History of British India, Vol.II Associated Publishing House, New Delhi, 1972, p.207.

Posing difficult problems which involved forces of diverse and vague nature. Similarly, the religious element which works everywhere an important and necessary component in the social spirit was a good deal more so in India. The Indians, whether Hindus, Muslims, or Parsis had their social life prominently intertwined with their spiritual practices and dogmas. The everyday affairs of life for them derived their sanction, more or less from religious injunctions and then that they were uniquely sanctified to change the practices of your or to introduce an innovation however small and insignificant was looked upon as blasphemy4. Their devotion to tradition, the dominating influence of tradition, the force of habit and the desire to maintain status quo amounting to a strong aversion to change has been the chief features of their attitude to life. They had made a unique continuity of their institutions, but suffered at the same time yielded results which were highly paradoxical5.

Social Conditions:

The social condition in the middle of the nineteenth century reveals, on the single head, a close identity in many respects to those of the remote antigay except so far as western influence had begun to affect them and on the other head, reveal a complexion of natural growth and change. New religions had sprung up and declined, new dialects had grown into existence, new conquerors had invaded the fail land, rivers had changed their courses, earthquakes had swallowed up or cast down once renowned cities; the sea washed where once the rice fields boomed and the salt marsh or the stand were seen where east6.“Old Ocean made his melancholy the people moan on the whole were the people of the past”. India of the ancient times and that of the mid-nineteenth century had much in common7. They were connected by the unchanging charter of the people, the bulk of them, being Hindus. Despite the changes in the religious practices and the accretions through the centuries, there was a psychological identity between the early Aryan followers of the Vedas and the worshippers of new gods and practitioners of magical incantations. This dictum, in

4 Shiva S. Dua, Society and Culture in Northern India 1850-1900, Indian Bibliographies Bureau Co., Pub. Balaji Enterprises, Delhi India, 1985, p.1. 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. p.2. 7 Bipan Chandra, Modern India,Op.Cit.p.30-33.

11 general, could apply, just as well to other communities living side by side with each other, for they manifested similar traits8.

The society had not been Static nature‟s inexorable low of change, had operated unsparingly. It had through the centuries wrought havoc with the social and the religions institutions. It had lost its intellectual rationale during the millennia of viasitudes. It had degenerated into a complicated system of polytheistic doctrine and caste usages. Ceremonial idolatry, sacrificial rituals and superstitions had become its striking features9. It was principally displayed in endeavoring to avert the anger of evil demons and in doing homage to the local divinities supposed to guard the worshippers from the assaults of malignant idols, trees, rocks stones and shapeless symbols. Great attention was given to private religious usages and the performance of domestic ceremonies at birth, marriage, funeral10.

The popular Islam, or other religious use of popular Hinduism can be said, that it verged on idolatry and subsisted on meaningless ritual, religion, in other words, had for all but another name for the convention. The social institutions, had lost their original rational form, making conditions of, salubrious people were clinging to dead forms and were trying to draw spiritual sustenance there from11.

The corruption and degeneracy of the priesthood, by and large, were appalling. Their ignorance of spiritual teaching was lamentable their one obsession was disputers over points of ceremonial and get their power was a force to reckon with12.

The Political Conditions:

An age starts after the demise of the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb and goes to an end at the initial of the 19th Century. The Mughal Empire began to take down after the death of Aurangzeb. The roots and fundamentals of the Empire administration had become strength lies at the level of common differences and conflicts among the Mughal princes. The then Mughal Rulers had been under a detrimental influence of

8 Raj Pal, Women in Early Medieval North India, The Women Press, 1972, Delhi, p.1-4. 9 Ibid. 10 Monier–Williams, Modern India and Indians, being a series of impressions, notes and essays, London, Oxford University Press, 1878, London, p.161. 11 Ibid. 12 Siva Nath Sastri, History of the Brahma Samaj, 1911, Lahore, p.68.

12 being the prey of inferiority complex because of which the Internal and External Powers had started with strength to face them boldly. The situation had turned to such extent that a locality based rule had been set up13. The British had used up an undue advantage sampling their distant speculation at the place, and they bring great success in their missionary work. Their influence was growing higher day by day. At the political point of view, whatever influence most magnificent and overwhelming power is obtained there, those were the only British. They pervaded all over the lives and conservations of the Indians like a series of Jasmine roots. There were no more points of attraction in India saying negative on the Mughal Empire, no more for Bengal, for Avadh State, for the Marathas, for the Nizam of Hyderabad, no more for State of Mysore and no more for the Sikhs and nothing even for others14. The British East India Company was the genuine superpower on the political point of view. Step by step the entire power started vesting and assimilating to the force of the British. The Emperors, the Nawabs and the landlords were so awkwardly demoralized that they were being defeated in the battlefield because of being mocked into the cage of fall and annihilation. Besides, they were too being flopped repeatedly to the point of financial grounds15.

19th Century was the darkest ages in the history of the urban Muslims. The downfall of the Mughal Empire had embraced its extreme limit. The Muslims had been deprived of their ranks and rights, and had become the victim of the British Rulers. Mohd. Qasim Nanautvi and Sir Syed Ahmad Khan – The Social Reformer had seen the final days of the downfall and annihilation of the Mughal Empire. They had observed that the Mughal Empire had turned strengths and miserable. Their treasury had been vacated and the moneyless situation was to such extent at that time that the salaries of the staff remained on hold if the senior officers do not get loans16. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan – the Social Reformer had himself heard by his ears saying a member of the Royal Family – the Prince that “They bound us dying hungry”. People use to extol at the ruler‟s face and used to laugh at him in his absence. Perceiving the existing

13 M.R.A. Bag, The Muslim Dailams in India, Vikas Publishing house, Kanpur, p.62. 14 Ibid. 15 Mishra K.M., Uttare Bharat Muslim Samaj, Rajsthan Hindi Granth Acadami, jaypur, 1974. p.40. 16 Althaf Husain Hali, Hayat-i-jawedi, ChapakhanaTaraqki Urdu Board, Delhi, 1901,(1315A.H.), p.62.

13 state, it had so been believed that the Mughal Empire is definite to wind up, and the forthcoming ruler will be the British. In 1854, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan had thus written and compiled a historical book “Aasaar al-Sanadeed” on the topics of the old buildings and on the principal personalities of New Delhi, he then overlooked in incidences happened before 1883 i.e. the age when the British Army Commander Lord Lock had pervaded victory over Delhi with a notion that the Indian National should make sure that the Mughal Empire has wound up and the British has set up their Empire in India17.

Economic Condition:

Indian agriculture suffered during the 18th century because it was technically backward and stagnant. The techniques of production had remained stationary for centuries. The peasant tried to make up for technical backwardness by working very hard. Peasant performed miracles of production; moreover, he did not usually stand from a dearth of solid ground. But unfortunately he seldom reaped the fruits of his toil. Even though it was his produce that supported the relaxation of the smart set, his own reward was miserably short18. The earth, the Zamindars, the Jagirdars, and the revenue farmers tried to draw the maximum sum of money from him. 3Even though Indian villages were generally self-sufficient and imported little from outside and the means of communication were backward, extensive trade within the country and between India and other countries of Asia and Europe was run along under the Mughals19.

India imported pearls, raw silk, wool, dates, dried fruits, and rose water from the Persian Gulf region; coffee, gold, drugs, and honey from Arabia, tin, sugar, porcelain, and silk from China; gold musk and woolen cloth from Tibet; tin from Singapore; spices, perfumes, arrack and sugar from the Indonesian islands; ivory and drugs from Africa; and woolen cloth, metals such as copper, iron and lead paper from Europe20.4 India‟s most important article of export was cotton textiles which were

17 Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, AASAAR AL-SANADEED, Naval Kishor Prass, Lucknow, 1876, p. 18 Mill James, The History of British India, Vol.II Associated Publishing House, New Delhi, 1972, p.207. 19 Ibid. 20 R.C. Majumdar, British Paramount and India Renaissance Part-2, Vidya Bhavan, 1981, Bombay, p.156.

14 famous all over the world for their excellence and were in demand everywhere India also exported raw silk and silk fabrics, hardware, indigo, saltpeter, opium, rice, wheat, sugar pepper and other spices, precious stones and drugs. Since India was on the whole self-sufficient in handicrafts and agricultural products, it did not import foreign goods on a large scale. On the other hand, its industrial and agricultural products had a steady market abroad21.

Accordingly, it exported more than it imported and its trade was balanced by import of silver and amber. In fact, India was known as a sink of precious metals. 5 Constant warfare and disruption of law and parliamentary procedure in many areas during the 18th century harmed the country‟s national trade and disrupted its foreign trade to the same extent and in some instructions. Altogether, these elements had an injurious effect on trade thought, much less than generally thought. The poverty of the nobles, who were the biggest consumers of luxury products in which trade was conducted, also injured internal trade. In fact, at the sunrise of the 18th century, India was one of the principal centers of world trade and industry22.

Historians disagree whether there was an overall economic decline as a result of the fall of the Mughal Empire and the rise of a large number of independent nations or whether trade and agricultural and handicraft production continued to climb in some regions of India. At the same time, it is true that in that location was less economic distress or a decline in farming and handicraft production in the Indian states of the 18th century than was to ensue from the impact of British colonialism in the 18th and 19th centuries23.

In 17th Century India was a populated State of the World and was an abroad of Industrial Development. Adam Smith has established India as an enriched State developed in Agriculture and Wealth in Industries in the last and final years of the 18th Century. During the British Rule, first of all the British East India Company and later on the Representative of the Vice Roy had adopted and a high policy in India, that all

21 Ibid. 22 Peter the Great of Russia was led to exclaim. Bear in mind that the commerce of India is the exclusive command it is the dictator of Europe. Bipan Chandra, Modern India, National Council of education research and training, 1971,Delhi, p.35. 23 Ibid. Mill James, The History of British India, Vol.II Associated Publishing House, New Delhi, 1972, p.207.

15 industrial set up had gradually been wound up absolutely24. Generally the company was giving certain type of goods to the Indians to manufacture the same within the stipulated time. Those goods were of such kinds which were not possible to prepare in a time given. Consequently, when the workman becomes capable to manufacture the goods given (to them), their hand thumb used to cut down so they remain incompetent in manufacturing such goods in future25.

It was assumed that in the very beginning of the British Rule, the Indian Nation was extremely depressed and demoralized because of which all capital amount of India started transferring to England. The British Rulers had taken from them forcibly their individual land in order to make them strength lies. Their personal status had become much miserable. Previously, there might have had arranged meetings of Panchayat, but all the administrative management had been wound up26.

On the right side of the 19th Century, the economic state of the Indian villages had always remained self-reliant, but it had ended up gradually. All along the expansion of the British Empire, their Finance Policy was making strength lies and weakened each and every tribe in India. The nation in India whether common or Proper, the status of both were being stranded and miserable because of the Economic Policy of the British Rulers. This Industrial Revolution had stopped the natural rise of the Indian Nation after having finished up the running industries with her.27.

Even later the rebels of 1857 continuing the trend of demoralization and depression continued, this is why the landmark policy stayed functional as usual, hence that a faithful tribe should always be ready to co-operate the Govt. Officials. Thus, India had come to the spot where there may have proper complete indications of poverty and stranded less. The Engineering Industries had not so long taken over the Handloom Industries. Consequently, the Political Improvement of India was

24 Sharma and Harishchandar Singh, Indian Economic, Sahitya Bhawan, Agra, 1979, p. 35. 25 Ibid. 26 Bipan Chandra, Modern India,Op.Cit.p.39. 27 Ibid.The British East India Company had maintained and managed this revolution in a dignified manner after winding up its land lordship completely so that the Indian Nation, through this medium should have been demoralized and depressed

16 tentatively flopped other than that of the British Rulers28. It is of no doubt that some super-businessmen (Baniya) usually convert into a Financial Conservator (Sahookar) and began flourishing under the kindness, sympathy and patronage of the millionaire element was glad and satisfied on a petty margin secured (through the so-called patronage) by being appointed as agent to the British instead of multiplication wealth in his own State (India) and was addicted to commit the crime of robbing and establishing plan to rob India on the stake of the British29.

Thus the employees of the British East India Company were running their own business simultaneously committing their crime of such robbery. The consequences in turn were that the cheaper employees of the British East India Company earning an amount of just Rs.50-60 per month used to purchase lands valuing to millions of rupees and pass their lives in luxury like sheikhs when after some years they go back to England.30

Religious Conditions:

Before the 19th Century there had happened no crucial change in the Hindu Religion after the Devotee Movement. The devotee movement was a mixture and essence of various types of religious thoughts. This was a substitute of the graphic incidence against the Brahmanian though line. There was such a resource to save the Hindus being hatred of their own religion on which a number of properties (lands) of the Buddhists and the Islamic followers had been obtained in the mixture and essence on the ground that was influential on them as a hindrance31. The access state of such

28 Nikhat Parveen , Socio-Economic Condition, of Awadh 1814-1856, New Royal Book Company, Lucknow, 2008, p.17-18. 29 Sharma and Harishchandar Singh, Indian Economic, Op.Cit. p. 36. 30 The agents of the British Rulers very commonly degrade the poor‟s, miserable‟s and stranded people, used to beat them bitterly, used to do with them mischief‟s and blunders, exercise dungeons on them, and moreover exercise their bloodshed cruelly, and the Indian Courts, were hand-bound, unable to go through justice by impartial way. No influence of the Great Leader Raja Ram Mohan Rai and the other social reformers employ against the British Rulers when they (the social reformers) use to oppose and contradict. Radhe Syam, Sualtanat Kalin Samajik Tatha Arthik Itihas, Vohora Publishars, Allahabad, 1987, p.311. 31 The devotee movement was remedied under the Vedas, but there were included the visible ground of the co-priest notions and the Islamic thinking‟s. In the age of the Muslim Ruler, the anti religious thinking between the Hindus and the Muslims did not adopt a political impact. Therefore, now the Hindus had no fear and tension of the increasing numbers of the Muslims in India, since when the trend of conflict between them took place. Nurual Hasan, Sir Syed Aur Hindustani Musalman, Education Book house, Aligarh, 1979, p. 136.

17 useful action was analogous to a social rebel, the mission of which was to eradicate the difference between the high and low caste people by employing on them a significant equity between the two tribes. The questions arising under suspicion within the different terms of knowledge, it had absolutely been employed hard to reply the above arising questions by religious point of view in all the ages by hook or by crook means. Thus the Hindu religion had passed over by the reformer age at the strange situation32.The religious thoughts which came into existence till the time (of holding colleges (college of leadership) they were not being convened for the consequential conflict between the external and internal (state) visibility think line. During the midst of the 19th Century, the influence of science and external visibility had been spread to a large extent and had been started comparison between science and religion. As a matter of fact, after awakening of the general people from poverty, it was a grave matter of comparison between science and religion that either the religion should make an adjustment with science or the one out of the two should be admitted as Chief. The same provisional status is being observed within the general people33.

The dungeonistic and dangerous conspiracy of the British Empire was that they had organized the Hindus against the Muslims. The political background in the Muslims in India was very strong that time. The British had, on the point of that politics, implored the Hindus and explored the Muslims. When the Hindus had been taking a leading point, they had persuaded the way of their own religion and thus both the parties should submit suggestions of their own34.

32 Ibid. 33 The Background was prepared for the religious reforms and commonly the social provisions were instantly affirmative. Whenever changes were being made based on the persons of moderate thinking, the college of leadership had been positively handed by the geniuses and literates others than the professional religious persons. Neshat Parveen, Unnesvi Sadi Ke Muslim Shiksha vido ka Adhunik Bhartiye Shiksha me Yogdan, the computype media, New Delhi, 1996, p.26 34 Ibid.

(Part-II) Muslim Women in Society

Men and women are two inseparable components of human society and they have always shared and joys together. The contribution made by women cannot be studied independently of the study of the social and economic position of women in the society about the opening period of this time. The center of the nineteenth hundred, it was a common baffle that women were fit only for his deeds, that their place was in the kitchen and at best they might occur in the drawing room35.

Then a change in the shape of women added up as a sequel to the advent of the Muslims in Northern India. The social laws and customs which came to be evolved in the changed set up of things, stamped the women with the stigma of mental deficiency and created in them a profound sense of inferiority complex. Gradually they come to be almost totally confined to home and to domestic activities. Though women were still treated with respect, nevertheless, the birth of a female child was looked upon as an unfortunate event in a family36.

Some of the customs which affected their contribution to India nationalism were. Infanticide, child marriage. Conditions of widows, polygamy, offering girls to the deity and prejudice against women‟s education. Muslim women are allowed to earn from their undertaking as provided by Allah in the Qur‟an IV:32. They also have exclusive rights on the disbursement of their earnings37. Nonetheless, modern trends tend to be dissuading them from having a peaceful matrimonial home, especially the cooking-class among modern women is that no husband can harass them, as long as their engagement with their employers remain intact. Thus Muslim women should be maneuvered by the precepts of their religion on Nafagah and home management38.

In the nineteenth century, the “women question” loomed large. This was not a question of what do women want”, but quite how “can they be modernized”? It

35 Moin Shakir, Women in Muslim Society, (Ed.by), Asgar Ali Engineer, Status of Women in Islam, Ajanta Pub. 1987, Delhi, pp.112-115. 36 Dr. P.N. Ojha, North India Social life, Oriental Publishers Distributors, 1975, Patna, p.119. 37 Ibid. 38 Archna, Chaturvedi–Muslim Women and Society, common wealth, 2004, Delhi, p.213

19 became the cardinal question of nineteenth century British India because the foreign rulers had focused their attention along this peculiar facet of fellowship. Enamored with their civilizing mission, influential British writers condemned Indian religion, civilization, and society for their principles and customs regarding women39.

Because social change-in British terms “social reform” became such on important issues, of the Indian Muslim women in the early constituents of the nineteenth century are often in bed with discussions of sati, child marriage, widowhood, polygamy and prohibitions on education. These topics dominate the narrative, leaving us informed about women‟s employment-and occupations, values and emotional lives, and health and physical well-being40.

The social life of economic, cultural or ethnic groups shows marked differences in different geographical areas. Though the general characteristics and value system of the company may broadly be the same. Moreover the repetitive dynamic that is inherent in any social situation imparts some sort of uniformity to the entire social set up. It is, therefore, not only difficult his almost impossible to prove that the pattern of social life in the 18th century was in any manner different from that in the late 16th, 17th or even in the beginning of the 19th century, although some minor differences in trends are discernible here and there41.

This was the period in which the customary culture remained almost unchanged, when the symbolic and ritual more of the caste and class hegemony and the manners, styles and gestures continued to be the same for the most part.The society changes with changes in the psyche of the people, which in this case were facilitated by the impact of western education and technological development42.

Intellectual Stagnation:

Education as an organized system, there was hardly any worth the name. The masses were, on the whole, steeped in ignorance and lived, in a blissful state with no

39 Geraldine forbes, Women in Modern India, Cambridge University Press, Vol.-2, New Delhi, 1996, p.12. 40 Ibid. 41 Pushpa Suri, Social Conditions in Eighteenth Century Northern India, University of Delhi, 1977, p.1. 42 Ibid.

20 realization of it whatever and hence no aspirations to the betterment of their conditions. The intelligentsia, belonging principally to the higher castes and educated mostly in the traditional mode, were content with some cognition of their classical literature and ran in their conventional channels43. A handful of youth, educated at missionary institutions on western lines stood ill at case with their conditions. Skepticism and critical of their environments. They clamored for changes, reform and progress, but without much avail44.

The Intellectual Stagnation was reflected in the general degeneration of the whole system, religious and social a system in which stress was on the community and not on the individual, on mutual obligations and not on the rights of individual self. Men and women are two inseparable parts of Human Society and they have always should sorrows and joys together. If humans have endeavored to discharge themselves from slavery, women have not lagged behind45.

History is full of heroic deeds of both men and women who have fought for independence of their motherland. The history of the struggle for India‟s freedom is like many others a story of joint endeavour of both men and women.

The contribution made by women cannot be studied independently of the study of the social and economic position of women in the society about the opening period of this time46.

Indian Womanhood:

As the nineteenth century, it was a common belief that women were fit only for household work, that their place was in the kitchen and at best they might come into the drawing room. One of the founders of women‟s India Association women‟s conditions and status held the opinion that the condition of women in general all over

43 Shiva s. Dua, Society and Culture in Northern India 1850-1900. Indian , Bibliographies Bureau Co-pub. Balaji Enterprises Delhi 1985, p.4. 44 Ibid. 45 Saraswati Mishra, Status of Indian Women, Gyan publication house, New Delhi. 2002. pp 35, 36. 46 Manmohan Kaur, women in India’s freedom struggle, steering publishers private limited Distributors, 1975, p.18.

21 the country was at its lowest ebb from the point of view of literacy, health, social status and economic independence47.

Some of the customs which affected their contribution to Indian nationalism were Infanticide, child marriage, conditions of widows, polygamy, offering girls to the deity and prejudice against women‟s education. The rigours of the conventional community bore most heavily on women, wielding irresistible influence on the men folk in the domestic sphere he spites all their disabilities and handicaps, they were, nevertheless the greatest sufferers48.

The invidiousness of race and the desire to preserve purity of blood made the social laws highly stringent from birth, women looked upon as a liability on whose account the family might have to suffer compromise, particularly in the matter of marriage which was regarded an essential sacrament performed but once in the life of a woman49.

Purdah System:

“The last down word step”, faithfully possible because of all that had gone before it, was the acceptance of the custom of secluding the women of the upper castes, in women‟s apartment and cutting them off from all participation in public life. Purdah was maintained generally by the Muslim women, and also by some sections of the Hindu women. Particularly belonging to the upper and well-to-do classes50.

There was no purdah amongst the women in ancient India, but it slowly crept into the Hindu society. Purdah was more strictly observed in North India than in the south in fact, wherever the influence of Muslim was strong, the women were kept in seclusion51.

47 Shiva S. Dua, Op.Cit. p .4. 48 Ibid. See Also Manmohan Kaur, women in India’s freedom struggle,Op.Cit. p.7. 49 Monier –Williams, Modern India and Indians, being a series of impressions, notes and essays, London, Oxford University Press, 1878, London, pp.52-65. 50 Dr. P.N. Ojha – North India Social life, Oriental Publishers Distributors, 1975, p.123. 51 Brijbhushan Jamila, Muslim Women in Purdha and Out of it, Vikas Publication House, New Delhi 1980. P.

Child Marriage Early Marriage:

Early marriage had become almost a universal feature of the contemporary Indian Social life, Girls rarely exceeded the ages of nine or ten years and the boys sixteen or seventeen before they were wedded52.

The girls who escaped the cruel custom of infanticide were married very young i.e. between the ages of five and ten years, having no opportunity for the improvement of their mental or physical self. It might be argued that since girls did not go to school and had no social life, they were married young. It also secured their purity. Marriages were arranged by parents. Early marriage was convenient because the younger a girl the easier her adjustment to the new environment53.

Conditions of Muslim Widows:

Muslim widows enjoyed a respectable position in society throughout Mughal period. Unlike Hindus, a Muslim widow was allowed to attend and enjoy the festivities of betrothal, Nikah and birth ceremonies, as Islam takes a more generous and liberal view about them and gives them permission to enjoy the fruits of life the only ban on her, after her husband‟s death, was to observe strictly the period of „Iddat‟ which was of four months and ten days54.

The Hindu widow was compelled to head a forlorn life and was deprived of the minimum comforts of life. She had to live on one meal a day. Sleep on the floor and could not wear nice clothes. It she happened to be under 20 years of age, she was allowed to wear a white sari with a small border55. But if a widow was older, she was supposed to wear an all white suit she was burdened with work. In a family of ordinary means she had to be a kitchen maid, menial servant, a nurse and a housekeeper, all in one. The sign of a widow was considered inauspicious so she was kept out of all festivities56.

52 Mazhar-ul-Haq, Social pathology of the Muslim Society, AmarPrakashan, Delhi, 1978, pp. 26-27. 53 Ibid. 54 Kausar Zinat, Muslim Women in Medieval India, Janaki Prokashan, New Delhi, 1992, p. 299. 55 Shiva S. Dua , Op.Cit. p. See Also Kalikinkar Datta, Education and Social Ameliovation ,( date and time not mention), pp. 34-36. 56 Ibid.

Some of the widows who showed reluctance to become sati’s were either drowned or they had to spend their days in utter misery. They were regarded as untouchables and were not retained in their asset and families. Naturally, these widows had to throw themselves the mercy of low people. Ishwar Chandra Vijyasagar was bee to get an Act passed in 1856 which legalized widow re-marriage57.

However, reformers had taken up the cause of widows. Widow re-marriage associations were started and widow homes were opened to train them for an independent career and thereby save them from dependence on their relatives. The first such home was started by Saispada Benerjee in 1877 at Calcutta. Slowly more such homes came up in Bombay and other places. The problem of widows became less acute with the raising of marriageable age and the spread of education58.

Polygamy:

Polygamy was prevalent among both the upper and lower classes of Muslim society, though ordinarily it was not encouraged peoples of the lower class were normally monogamous, and their lives usually had no rivals in their homes. But those with adequate economic stability could afford to indulge in the extravagant luxury of maintaining several wives59.

Polygamy was allowed in Islam and a man could marry as four wives at a time, besides concubines, and this practice was not disfavoured by the Mughal Emperors. Therefore, all the Mughal Emperors form Babar to Aurangzeb were polygamous, and had several wives in addition to a number of concubines. There is no denying the fact that the higher and richer sections of the Muslim society deeply indulged in this evil practice, as lust and debauchery were common vices then and the maintenance of a number of wives was regarded an index of one‟s richness and social status60.

57 Shakir Moin, Women in Muslim Society: In Status of Women in Islam, (edited by), Asghar Ali Engineer, Ajanta Publication, New Delhi, 1981, pp. 111-112. 58 Manmohan Kaur, Op.Cit. p. 8. 59 Ibid. 60 Fuller M, The Wrongs of Indian womanhood, New York, 1900, P. 33.

The life of Muslim women under a polygamous husband was nothing but a pathetic tale, though they led a very luxurious life whose pomp splendour and luxury could only be imagined by a common lady of the Mughal Period61.

Education of Women:

The 19TH Century was a period of general awakening in different countries of the world, including India. Society, religion, culture, economic condition and political destiny of India received a new shep during this period as a result of the working of a number of forces, exotic as well as indigenous. The external forces were the growth of the British Empire, accompanied with the gradual consolidation of a new administrative system, making for unity and order, the influence of the scientific indigenous62.

The status of women in India has been subject to many great changes over the past few millennia. From a largely unknown status in ancient times through the low paints of the medieval period, to the promotion of equal rights by many reformers, the history of women in India has been eventful. The principal object this is to trace the growth of the modern system of education which came to be established in India during the British Period in suppression of the traditional indigenous system of education which had developed in the country through centuries past. There is no mention of a female scholar attending any of the common schools of the province. This is by no means due to hurry or omission. But the common schools of the time were meant for boys only63.

We find a reference to the education of the females of his haram under his directions, learnt the necessary rules and doctrines of religion, and all engaged in the worship of God, reading and transcribing the „Quran‟. The various customs and practices relating to female education in Muslim India, and he rightly holds that there was a number of educational institutions for women in the different parts of this country, mostly attached to the private house. Muslim widows generally regarded it to

61 Ibid. 62 Kalikinkar Datta, Education and Social Amelioration, date and time not mention, P.1-5. 63 Neshat Parveen, Unnesvi Sadi Ke Muslim Shiksha vido ka Adhunik Bhartiye Shiksha me Yogdan, the computype media, New Delhi, 1996, p. 29

25 be their duty to each up young girls in their own houses. The holy Quran formed their chief textbook64.

The absence of education amongst women was largely responsible for their low status in society. Long before the government took up the cause of women‟s education, missioners had been already at work. The progress in the work was rather show because female teachers from a suitable social position were not available. The shortage of teachers could be judged from the fact that as late as 1881-82, the total number of girls in normal schools through India was sis.The percentage of educated women slowly increased65.

The Eid-ul-fitr:

As Eid-ul-fitr was one of the greatest festivals for men and women generally remembered all their departed friends and relatives towards the end of Ramzan. According to the custom some Muslim Women lamented bitterly in memory of their decreased husbands and children.

The two great festivals of the Muslim world are ‘Eid-ul-filter and ‘Eid-ul- Adha, commonly known In India as ‘Eid and Baqreid. The ‘Eid falls immediately after the close of Ramadan in the month of fasting, that is, on the first of Shawwal, the tenth month of the Islamic calendar. The Ramadan is spent in fasting and prayer, self- denial and restraint and spiritual and moral discipline, for a full lunar month, arid, therefore, the arrival of ‘Eid is eagerly awaited by the followers of the Prophet's faith66. Every Musalman, rich or poor, young or old has his gaze fixated on the sky to spot the silver bow of the concluding day of Ramadhan. If it is not sighted on that evening, the day following it is again spent in fasting. The crescent moon on the thirteenth day is, even so, certain. As soon as a Muslim sights the new moon of ‘Eid,

64 Gouri Srivastava, Women’s Higher Eduction in India 19th Century, Concept Publishing campany, New Delhi,2000, p.25. 65 Manmohan Kaur, Women in India’s Freedom Struggle, Steering Publishers Private Limited, Delhi, 1975, pp.24, 25. 66 As Eid-ul-Fitr was one of the greatest festival for men and women generally remembered all their departed friends and relatives towards the end of Ramzan. Naturally, the sighting of the new moon on the twenty-ninth day or thirty day of Ramadhan provides an occasion for such an additional joy that the new moon of ‘Eid and the crescent of twenty-ninth day have become proverbial for over joy fullness. S. Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi, The Musalman, Islamic Research & Publications, Lucknow, 1997, p. 57.

26 he congratulates everybody around him; happiness is in the air, and all is pleasure and excitement67. During the Modern period in every Muslim house from the emperor‟s to the meanest of his subjects, it was an Indian custom do eat Sheer Khusma, Seir, Food Sewai (very Micelle on the day of Eid). Duly prepared by Muslim ladies with such care as if it was an injunction of Islam on this joyful occasion Muslim lady sent food with good wished to their friends and relatives68.

For weeks beforehand people have been making preparations for the Eid, only the night preceding it, everybody is unusually busy in getting ready with his fresh clothes and making sundry arrangements for the big affair. The morning of the festival witnesses hectic preparations for the ‘Eid prayer. As a token of Divine permission to take food during the daytime after a month, sweets or dates are taken early in the morning69. This is a thanks-giving offer for having completed the fast of Ramadhan. The measure prescribed by the Sharfah for this offering is 1.63 kilograms of wheat or double its weight if it be barley. An amount equivalent to the market price goes these grains can also be paid in cash to the pitiful and destitute. The amount fixed is for each individual and, thus, it must be compensated on behalf of all the dependants including minor children70.

Eid-ul-Adha:

‘Eid-ul-Fitr and ‘Eid-ul-Zoha is the two principal festivals of the Muslim world. In that respect is no dispute about the spiritual sanctity of the two festivals, these are mentioned without any exception, in every state where Muslims reside. There is also no marked difference In the manner these are celebrated in different countries: at least the religious rites performed on both these days have been too well defined by the Qur'an and the Sunnat of the Holy Prophet to allow any variation in

67 Ibid. 68 The special sweet dish, wer micelli, (Shivaeia) prepared on the occasion gives it another name mithi or sweet Id. People gave alms in accordance with the injunctions in the traditions wore their best clothes, assembled in the mosques to say their parers and then spent the rest of the day in visiting, marry making and picnicking. Shiva S. Dal, Society and Culture in Northern India 1850- 1900, 1985,Op.Cit. p.93.s 69 Zinat Kausar, Muslim Women in Medieval India, Janaki Prakashan, Patna, 1992, p .217. 70 S. Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi, The Musalman, Islamic Research & Publications, Lucknow, 1997. p. 58

27 their observance in any country, whether Muslims are in a minority there or form a majority of the land71.

„Eid-ul-Zoha or Baqrid differs from Eid-ul-Fitr in as much as sacrifice is also offered up on this occasion. It is celebrated on the tenth day of Zil Hijjah, the last month of, Islamic calendar, when, after performing the rites of Hijjah, the Meccan pilgrims gather at Mina at a distance of four miles from the holy city for offering sacrifice and worship and recollection of God72.

Muharram:

Muharram was celebrated mainly by the Muslims except the really orthodox. The objections of fanatical Sunnis were instrumental in aggravating the hostility between Shiahs and Sunnis, and led to occasional outbursts of violence, in spite of the fact that many Sunnis also participated73.

The first ten days of the month of Mohammad Commemorate the tragedy of Karbala who witnessed the martyrdom of Imam Husain (the grandson of the prophet Muhammad and his fellow travelers). Although this occasion has special significance for the Shias, the Sunnis also take part in some of the observance74.

The Imambaras are illuminated on the eight and ninth of the month, majlises religious assemblies are held from the first to the ninth and tazias are taken out in procession especially by Shias and Sunnis on the tenth day (Ashra)75.

Religious and reverential, the celebrations involved a good bit of sentimental and emotional expression. Sometimes black cloths and special prayers were read by Shias. Taziyas representing Muslims erected on the plains of Karbala over the remains of Hussain were built at great expense and taken in procession through the streets,

71 Ibid. See Also S. Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi, The Musalman, , 1997,Op.Cit. p. 58 72 Id-ul-Adha, Id-ul-Qurban, Baqarah Id or Id-ul-Kabir (the great Id) was one of the great festivals of the Muslim year and both the learned and the illiterate shared it equally. It was celebrated on 10th day of Zil-Hijjah, the twelfth month of the Muslim year. Zinat Kausar, Op. Cit. 73 Shiva s. Dua, Society and Culture in Northern India 1850-1900, Indian bibliographies Bureau co- pub., Balaji Enterprises, Delhi 1985, p. 2- 3 74 Muhammad Umar, Muslim Society in Northern India During the Eighteenth Century, M/S famous offset press, 1998, p.145. 75 Ibid. Storia Do Mogor, vol. 2, pp. 349-350

28 crowded with thousands of people of all communities, presenting a scene of Uttar confusion. Men and boys disguised in all kinds of quaint getups ran about fencing and jumping. Curiously enough, the Hindus also took part in the ceremonies76.

Shab-i-Barat:

Shab-I-Barat was an important Indian Muslim festival celebrated all over the country with great enthusiasm. Shab-i~Bdrai is another festival occupying an important place in the Muslim social life. It falls on the night of the fifteen Shaban, the eighth month of the Muslim year77. It is believed that God ordains annually on that night all the actions of mankind which they are to perform during the year, how long shall they live and when shall they die, what shall they earn or lose and the vicissitudes of fortune that shall befall them. It is, therefore, enjoined that the night should be spent in prayer and recollection of God78. Many persons also keep fast on the fourteenth of Shaban which is warranted as a commendable act of worship. During the night people keep vigil, recite the Qur'an, offer benedictions for their own self and the near kins and visit the cemetery to pray for their dead relatives. The women, although forbidden to visit the cemetery, also accompany the males to the burial ground. Another custom prevalent in India is to prepare halwa on the occasion of Shab-i-Sarat79.

The Prophet’s Birthday:

The festival of the Prophet's Birthday is celebrated on the 12th of Rabi-ul- Awwal, the third month of the Muslim lunar year- of all the festive days excepting the two „ids, the Prophet's Birthday is the most important and widely celebrated festival throughout the world of Islam. The occasion is marked by mammoth gatherings in

76 Ibid. See Also S. Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi, The Musalman, , 1997,Op.Cit. p. 58 77 Shab-i-Barat also known as Lailatul Barat, being a night of forgiveness of sins and record of all good and evil, was tube spent in prayer and vigil according to Prophet Muhammad. It is believed that on this night God registers annually all the actions of mankind in Nama-i-Amal’ which they are to perform during the year, all the matters of life, as to who are to retain health, life property or any other blessings and sorrows, adversity and also all the children who are to born and to die in the coming year is recorded in heaven. Amal-i-Salih, p. 285. 78 Hindu Muhammadan feasts and Holidays, pp. 102-103. See Also The Muslim of India observes the fourteenth night of the month of Shavan, the eigth month of the Muslim calendar, as a night of prayers and fasting and vigil. Muhammad Umar, Op. Cit. p.147. 79 Ibid Hindu Muhammadan feasts and Holidays, pp. 102-103.

29 which orations are delivered on the life and teachings of the Holy Prophet80. The custom attending the haranguing of the chief event differs from country to country; in certain places a salutation in the honor of the Prophet is sung after describing his birth when everyone present in the Milad is expected to stand erect as a mark of respect to the Messenger of God81. This is known as qiyam. Elaborate arrangements of lighting and decoration of the place of assembly with buntings and flags are usually made while sweetmeats are also distributed at certain places after the meeting is over. Many educated persons as well as religious and social organizations designed to reform social evils are, however, trying to make these meetings more effective and simple in order to acquaint the masses with the life, teachings and achievements of the Prophet of Islam.

Alvida:

Alvida or Jumatul Wida is the last Friday of Ramadhan which has assumed the importance of a festive day in India. It is considered propitious to offer the congregational Friday prayer on the day of Alvid’a in the principal Mosque of the city. The people from the rural and sub-urban areas specially make it a point to visit the nearest city for the purpose82. The Jama Masjid of Delhi has one of the largest congregations on this occasion when the gathering is almost as large as in the ‘Eid, prayer. No trace of any such custom is to be found in early. Neither Islam, nor do we find it mentioned in the Traditions of the Prophet, or in the writings of early Muslim linguists.

Some Other Festivals:

Now we shall briefly mention a few other festivals some of which are of local importance or are observed in India alone. The usages and customs forming part of a

80 Barah Wafat, related with the birth and death anniversary of the Holi Profphet falls on the 12th day of Rabi-ul-Auwal every third month of the Islamic calendar. Feasts and Holidays of Hindu and Mohammadan, p. 98. See also Bahishti Zewar, Vol. VI, p. 68. 81 Ibid. „ Barah „ means twelve and “Wafat‟means death. And see also Zeenat Kausar, Op. cit. p. 224. 82 S.M. Jafar, Some Cultural Aspects of Muslim Rule in India, See Also S. Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi, The Musalman, Islamic Research & Publications, Lucknow, 1997, p. 58.

30 few of these are either unknown to the Muslim world or differ from the traditional form of their observance prevalent in India83.

The Ceremony of Bismillah:

Soon after a child is able to speak and comprehend things an elderly and pious' person is invited to initiate the instruction of the child., This ceremony, known by the name of Bismillah, marks the beginning of the child‟s education, In families which are economically well-off it is a festive occasion celebrated with pride and pomp. Also known as tasmia khwani and maktab nashini, the ceremony is at places performed exactly after the child attains the age of four years, four months and four days84. It is difficult to say if the age fixed for the ceremony has any numerical significance or how it originated, but it has definitely no religious sanction.

The teacher performing the initiation ceremony first asks the child to repeat Bismillah-ir-Rahman-ir-Rahim (In the name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful) and then, after praying God to bless the child with light and learning, formally teaches a few words from a primer of the Qur'an85. In India the preparatory textbooks normally used on the occasion are Qai‟da Baghdad. After the ceremony is over, all those who are present on the occasion invoke the blessings of God for the child, sweets are distributed and the guests are entertained with light refreshments86.

The Fast-breaking Ceremony:

Rozah, also known as saum, is enjoined by the religious law of Islam as an obligatory observance on every Muslim, but, on the condition that he must be an adult and in sound physical and mental health. But, infatuated with enthusiasm to emulate their parents and relatives the young boys and girls insist on keeping fasts along with elder members of the family. The young boys and young girls often begin observing

83 Zinat kausar, op. cit. p. 102. 84 Ideally a Muslim‟s education should start at the age of four years four months and four days. Traditionally in upper class and middle class families it was done by a Moulvi or learned man guiding the child to repeat Bismillah-ir-Rahman-ir-Rahim and sometimes child‟s hand holding a pen to trace the word Bismillah, on a takhti , a small board. This ceremony known as Bismillahkhani‟ or Makhtab ceremony. Jamila, Brijbhushan s of it, Vikas Publication House, New Delhi, 1980, p. 98. 85 K.M. Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, J .A. B. S. Vol. I, 1935, p. 249. 86 Ibid.,

31 the fast secretly or are encouraged by the parents to keep the first fast (rozah) at the age of about ten or eleven years87. This is also being an occasion for family rejoicing, the relatives and friends as well as the chums of the child, keeping the fast are invited to a special feast. The ceremony which is called Roza case provides another occasion for elaborate preparations being made for the fast-breaking meal, or aftari88, which is taken just after sunset. Even the people not in possession of a moderately good Income deem it necessary to make special arrangements for such feasts. The ceremony has, in certain places, gradually assumed sufficient importance with the feast of friends and relatives as its central function89.

Caste System among Indian Muslims:

The social life of Indian Muslims shows a striking contrast between the Islamic belief in equality and universal brotherhood, on the one hand, and the superstructure of social discrimination adopted by them, on the other. The Muslims of India have, undoubtedly, developed a social hierarchy based on the birth of the individual, but unlike the caste system of the Hindus, theirs does not insist on a complete social segregation or untouchability or does it stands in the way of anyone achieving social eminence or respect of the society90. However, the sections of Indian Muslims who were gradually converted to Islam from the Indigenous population retained some of their social customs, including the caste structure and occupations, and thus introduced the counterpart castes of the Hindus into the social structure of Indian Islam91.

The descendants of the Muslim immigrants to the country, on the other hand, fitted themselves in the then social structure by claiming the highest ranks by virtue of their being related to the ruling races such as the Mughals and Pathans, or because they belonged to the lineage of early Muslim nobility as Saiyids and Sheikhs. These sections are closer to the ruling elite of the Muslim era. Naturally, came to regard

87 For the performance of religious observances, the legal age of majority is 15 years. S.Abul Hsan Ali Nadwi, The Musalman, Translated by Islamic Research & Publications , Lucknow, 1977, p. 18. 88 Ibid. p. 19. 89 Ibid. 90 Imtiaz Ahmad, Caste and Social Stratification among Muslims in India, Manohar Publication house, New Delhi, 1978, p. 225. 91 Ibid.

32 themselves as ashraf or shurfa, i.e. belonging to a higher rank than others The Saiyids. Claim their descent from the Prophet while Sheikhs (meaning pious religious teachers) regard themselves as descendants of-the nobility of early Islam, Those two constitute the top-grade of Muslim caste hierarchy and the remaining, as their name indicates, are ethnic groups who their place after the first two92. It seems that the converts from higher caste Hindus wars gradually assimilated by one or the other Ashraf castes as, for example, the Rajput converts to Islam generally use the appellation of khan with their names and the Kashmir Brahmans are all known as sheikhs.

The other sections of Indian Muslims i,e. the converts from the low ranking castes of Hindus generally retained their caste occupations such as those of the Dhobi (laundryman) Julaha (weaver), Gaddi (grazier or the milkman), Nai or Hajjam (barber), etc93. Some of these appear to have converted en masse: Gaddls, Julahas, Bhishtls (water-carriers) and a few other castes are now entirely Muslim while others have their corresponding castes among the Hindus. However, it is difficult to maintain that all these castes among the Muslims are converts from the corresponding Hindu castes for some of them such as Dam (tailors), Qassab (butchers), Mirasi (musicians) and a few similar castes seem to have derived their names from the occupations taken up after their conversion to Islam. Some of the Tower castes have strictly maintained their endogenous social circle or biradri system like their Hindu counterparts, which prohibits, on the one hand marriage outside those castes and also serves94, on the other, as a social constraint for the erring members overstepping caste taboos or other moral limits under the compulsion of excommunication from 'the biradri. Disappearance of the feudal system which had kept most of the lower castes , pegged to their occupations in the rural areas, the recent trend of urbanization with the industrial expansion and the resultant changes in the socioeconomic structure of

92 Ghaus Ansari , Muslim in Uttar Pradesh, 1960,p. 109.S 93 Shiva S. Dua, Society and Cultural in Northern India, 1880-1900, Indian Bibliographies Breau co. publisher Balaji Enterparises, Delhi, 1985. P. 63. 94 Ibid.

33 the society, have combined to accelerate the breaking-up process of certain occupational castes, no longer useful to the society95.

In general the Muslims going to the higher castes maintain an attitude of superiority as against the lower ranks. Among themselves, they have a free social intercourse, although with varying endogamy customs which differ from place to place and from family to family. Certain families, giving undue importance to the purity of blood are far stricter in contracting marriages outside their own caste, or, for that matter, even outside their own family circle. Others among the Ashraf ranks, however, take wives of the castes regarded next below to their own, but do not, as a rule, give their own daughters in marriage to them. It would be of interest to mention here in the Muslim view of the cafe which has the sanction of religious canons also96. The Muslim linguists recognize the necessity of social-equality of the matches for a happy and successful marriage, but it has nothing to do with racial superiority or social discrimination as sometimes exhibited by the higher rank Indian Muslims. The concept of kuf only purports to ensure that the husband should not come from such a lower social stratum that the wife or her relations should feel disgraced by the marriage. The rule places no restraint on marriages between the mates belonging even to two different races if they are otherwise socially, economically and culturally equal97.

The air of superiority exhibited by the ashraf classes has been limited, for all practical purposes, to the rule of endogamy and a few other social customs without any appreciable effect on the free social Intercourse between the lower and the higher castes of the Indian Muslims. An interesting feature of the custom followed In this regard is the exclusion of lower caste Muslims from the ceremonial feasts of higher caste Muslims. The former, if invited, are not allowed to part take their meals with the latter; likewise, servants in the Muslim households of position and rank are made to

95 Zarina Bhatty, status and Power in a Muslim Dominated village Uttar Pradesh (ed. by) Imtiaz Ahmad, also see Ghaus Ansari, p. 209. 96 Ibid. Some of these castes, particularly those having smaller numbers or engaged in a defunct occupation, are gradually getting merged in ether occupational units of equal rank of adopting new professions or by establishing matrimonial relations with other castes. A few of such castes are Bhatyaras, Dhaphalis, etc. Syed Abul Hsan Ali Nadwi, The Musalman, Op.Cit. p. 67. 97 Nikhat Parveen, socio-economic condition of Awadh 1814-1856, New Royal Book company, Lucknow, 2008. pp. 56-57.

34 take their meals separately after other members of the family or relatives belonging to the higher castes have taken their food98. On the other hand, the persons belonging to the higher castes, howsoever poor or engaged in whatever occupation they may be can claim equality of status in such social functions with their well-to-do relatives. These customs are to a target extent, the product of the feudal system under which the higher castes were generally landowners and the lower castes tillers of the soil or engaged in occupations of a socially lower order.. Despite these customs, however, there has never been any social segregation or untouchability as the highest caste Muslims freely takes food with the lower castes on informal occasions or when invited to the social functions of the lower caste Muslims99.

98 Imtiaz Ahmad, Endogamy and status Mobility among the Siddiqui Shaikh of Allahabad Uttar Pradesh (ed.By) cast and social stratification among Muslim in India. Imtiaz Ahmad, Mohohar Publication, New Delhi, 1978, p. 173. 99 Ibid.

Chapter-II Status of Muslim Women during the 19th Century in North India.

CHAPTER -II

STATUS OF MUSLIM WOMEN DURING THE 19th CENTURY IN NORTH INDIA

(Part-1)

Status of Women During the Medieval Period (1200 A.D. 1757 A.D.)

During this period, Muslim invaders had established their ruler ship in India, in parliamentary procedure to propagate their faith as easily as for economic benefits. In 1192A.D., with the victory of Shahabuddin Gouri over Prithvi Raj Chauhan, the Political power of Kashatriyas got finished. In 14th Century Alauddin Khilji attacked south India and set up his ruler ship and in 16th Century Muslims of Mughal tribe established their ruler ship which ran on for a really long time. At this juncture only in the medieval period the 'Bhakti'1 movement started. For checking the lower category of people from becoming Muslims this was the only remedy that the Hindu society should be arrived at democratically, the authority of Brahmins should be hammered and by declaring the human equality struggle should be Started2.

The actions of the women of the imperial families of medieval India indicate that they enjoyed a sizable spot in social-political life of the menses. The princesses and the queens not only proved to acquire social freedom, but they also sought to play significant role in the preparation of the state policies. Some of them played a decisive part in the sequence of the sultan3.

During this point, after the establishment of Mughal imperialism, the position of women became much more pathetic. In order to save Hindu religion, maintain purity of blood and protect the chastity of women, the Brahmins made the rules regarding the women much more rigid4. Education of girls was nearly completed, the

1 Saraswati Mishra, Status of Indian Women, Gyan publication house, New Delhi. 2002. p. 31. 2 Ibid. 3 Lokes Chandra Nand, Womn in Delhi Sultanat, Vohra Publication and Distribution, 1989, Delhi, pp.32-33. 4 Ibid., P. 32. Also see, Sunita Zaidi, Women or Muslim Women in Medieval India, Hajira Kumar, (Edited by) Status of Muslim Women in India, Aakar Books Publication, Sarojini Naidu Centre for Women‘s Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, 2002, p.52.

Purdah system got much more encouraged and the age of the girl's marriage lowered, down up to four years. The number of unseen and unmatched marriages increased. Widow Remarriage stopped completely and custom of Sati reached its peak5. They were made subordinate under men from birth to demise and after snatching all their rights and freedom the 'house hold' was made the sole kernel of their actions and promises. She became the maid and the matter of consumption for her husband who got the right of exercising atrocities on her. Regarding the property, surely some improvements were built in this period. The widow and brother less daughter started having some rights of succession respectively on the belongings of her hubby and father. But the woman could only consume it; neither could sell it, nor could present it, so that it could be preserved for the next successor6.

Status of Women in Modern Period (After 1757 A.D.):

Although Indian Society started coming in touch with Western society along with the arrival or a Portuguese sailor named Vasco-DI Gama in Calicut in the close of the 15th Century, but after Portuguese, Dutch and French people, when Britishers started coming from the 17th century, the contact with foreigners increased. By this time the Mughal imperials had been shattered. The East India Company had come to India only for trading purposes, but later on by taking the advantage of deteriorating social conditions of the country, established the ruler ship in the whole country7. The Company achieved this target in parts. In 1757A.D. the war of Plassey in Bengal was the beginning of this process and in 1849 after obtaining the ruler ship in Punjab, full authority on the princely states also, till 1858, was its end Pleasure seeking incapable Muslim rulers did not make any effort for the progress and development of the country and the ancient social and economic structure continued to remain in existence8. But during the British Period, economic and cultural forces, attached with it gave a new contour to the company. By this time in England industrial and advanced social club had already planted, and in social, economic and political spheres, new revolutionary changes were getting quite often which had already

5 Ibid. 6 Begum Jafri, Muslim Society in India 712-1200 A.D. kanishka Publishers, Distributors & New Delhi, 2002.p. 44. 7 Saraswati Mishra, Status of Indian Women, Gyan publication house, New Delhi. 2002. p. 31. 8 Ibid. See Also Stowell Gordon and Masson, J Edward, The Book of Knowledge, Vol. iv, the woverley company Ltd., London, 1970,pp. 268-278.

decided the charge of development in India. Here also materialism and individualism got encouraged and the importance of rights acquired by birth and religion, got lessened. From 1850 A.D. in India also the process of urbanization and modernization started along with industrialization9. In society to be given the new economic system and central administrative technique in a systematic way, on the unitary hand, means of transportation and communication such as railway, postal service and cable services, telephone system, etc., were broken, widened and used by the Government, and on the other, in parliamentary procedure to get the employees, a network of the former Educational institutions was laid down in the whole country10.

During this time only, in India, Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Dayanand Saraswati, Swami Vivekananda and other social reformer, learned people started with social reform causes, in which mainly religious rituals, idol worshipping, caste discrimination and lower position of adult females, and so forth, were opposed. At this time, for preventing atrocities on women. The British Government, inspired hay the democratic civilization and culture and the values of equality and liberty, passed the social legislation regarding the custom of Sati, child marriage, widow remarriage, right on husband's property,11 etc., and women also got awakened.

Status of Women:

During the British regime every possible effort was made to enhance the status of women and with the consequence their various bands got loosened. Due to the social reform movement of the 19th century, awareness regarding the freedom of women came in the public mind and many organizations were formed. Owing to this awareness only, in the 20th century, women, along with taking part in the national freedom movement started the women‘s movement for complete liberty and equality and formed independent organizations 12 . They advanced further in the fields of education and occupation. British Government also passed the Prohibition of Sati Act, 1829: Widow Remarriage Act, 1856; Civil Marriage Act, 1872; Married Wife

9 Mukharjee Abhitabh [edited by] Women in Indian life and Society, Punthi Pushtak and Institute of historical Studies, Calcatta, 1996, p. 10 Neera Desai, Women in Modrn India, Vohra and Company Publication, Pvt. Ltd., Bombay, 1977, p. 48. 11 G. S. Ghurye, Culture and Society,(As Cited by Desai,1977, Refrenced Above.), 1947, pp.106- 107. 12 Saraswati Mishra, Status of Indian Women,Op.Cit. p. 31.

Property Act, 1874; Child Marriage Restraint Act, 1929 and Indian Government Act, 1935, etc., and thus, the effort was made to raise the status of women through social legislations13. As a result of it the women got emancipated from the pain of economic, social familial and political disabilities. In this way, by giving equal opportunities to women in every aspect of life, the process of practicing the basic principle of respecting a woman as human being got started with a great enthusiasm in this period14.

Education got extended among women and they got the opportunities of earning money. Political movement accelerated the women's movement. From it, such conditions got created, due to which many social bonds and blind faiths got broken and women considered participation in the social activities, as their duty and right. They realized the importance of their lives, evaluated their capabilities, proceeded further, and got involved in the struggle of safeguarding their own interests by taking education; they look careers for economic independence and gave less importance to marriage15. As a solution, along with the increasing age of man and wife, parents gave importance to the desire of the daughter in the selection of a husband for her. Purdah custom lessened, situation of widows improved and wane got right along her husband's belongings. Processes of industrialization, urbanization and modernization changed the familial structure, joint families got broken and the nuclear families emerged in which comparatively better status of women became possible16.

Thus, we see that, great changes occurred in the position of women and the progress in all the aspects of their life could be celebrated during the British period. But, the advantage of all these facilities was taken only by the urban women of the upper class, that too in limited quantity17.

13 P.N. Chopra, The Gazetteer of India,Voi.II, History and Culture, Gaztteers Units Department of Cultural Ministry of Education and Social Welfare , New Delhi, 1973, pp. 644-645. 14 Ibid. Kuppuswamy B., Social Change in India, Knoork Publishers Pvt. Ltd., Delhi, 1990, p. 280. 15 Srivastava Gouri, Women’s Higher Education in India 19th Century, Concpt Publishing Company, New Delhi, 2000, pp.40-43. 16 Brijbhushan Jamila, Muslim Women in Purdha and Out of it, Vikas Publication House, New Delhi 1980. p.19. 17 Simmi Jain, Indian Women Through the Ages, Vol. ii. The Middle Ages, Kalpaz Publication, Delhi, p. 29.

The social, economic, familial and political disabilities of common women, especially in rural areas, could not get lessened even up to the independence of the country, in 1947; and the reason behind it was that the thousands years old deep roots of the traditional Indian social system, which cannot be checked easily and overnight change in the fundamental form of society cannot be brought18.

Status of Women in Islamic Societies:

As Islam had its roots and beginning is the tribal society of the Arabs, it is necessary to find out the position of women in Arabia, the birthplace of Islam, just before the rise of Islam. As the Arab society was almost a tribal one. It did not know the person. Women had no recognized place in the pre Islamic Arabic society. ―The women of Arabia were in a state of subjection either to their nearest male kinsman or the father, brother, son or husband, whose rights over them were regarded as their rights over any other property19.

A birth of a daughter was usually looked down upon by the Arabs, as a calamity and disgrace to the family. As a result of this, the custom of female infanticide was prevalent there even when a girl was allowed to live. She was forced to be married at an early age of 7 or 8. At the back of this custom was the fear of parents that their daughter might be dishonored if they were not given in marriage before attaining puberty20.

Marriage by capture, purchase and contract existed among the Arabs at that time; polygamy was both popular and common among them. Equally to the bit of wives that an Arab could keep there appears to have been laws or rule.A married woman was looked upon as a form of chattel. A wife could be even lent to a guest as a mark of hospitality, for which the Arab was well known21.

18 But it so happened that by this time the people of the country started thinking of the issues regarding the women with a new perspective, which can be said to be an important achievement in itself. Neera Desai, Women in Modrn India, Vohra and Company Publication, Pvt. Ltd., Bombay, 1977, p. 48. 19 M. Indu Menon, Status of Muslim Women In India, Uppal Publication House, New Delhi, 1981, p.6. 20 Ibid., See Also Bo Utas, (edited by ), Women in Islamic Socities: Social Attitudes and Historical Perspctves, Curzon Press Humanities Press, 1983, p. 102. 21 All these reveal the Arab‘s attitude to and treatment of women as mere chattel or property generally believed that the women in pre-Islamic society were given an inferior position and there 40

The following level of inequality is linked up to divorce. In the pre Islamic society, the husband was free to divorce his wife whenever he felt doing so. There was reciprocal right for the wife. There are contradicting views about the property right of Muslim Women the Arabs. For some time women enjoyed property right before the advent of Islam that is challenged by others to women this period did not have any property right since they were analyzed as property22. Islam improved the position of women by restricting polygamy to four wives, prohibiting female infanticide, assigning a share of inheritance to women, by declaring Mehr as a gift to the bride, and by reorienting the Arab law of man and wife and divorce in favor of adult females. More especially Islam contributed to the status improvement of women in the following ways23.

Women were given the right of claiming a divorce on certain ground, Islam allowed the women told any public office, including, the head of an empire or the minister or judge, women give the freedom to remarry after divorce and encouraging her study with regard to marriage, no age limit has been fixed by Islam for the marriage of girls24.

Islamic writers point to the precepts of the Quran and Sunnah and other spiritual books as evidence that adult females are not badly treated by Islam. According to Muhammad Qutb, ‗as a cardinal precept of its system, Islam holds that is a women human being and she delivers a soul similar to that of man‘.

The Quranic passage runs thus: you may marry two, three or four wives, but not more‖. All the same advise men that ―If you cannot deal equitably and justly with

were treated as common property. But Islam improved this position in many areas. The reforms instituted by Prophet Mohammad effected a vast and marked improvement in the position of women. Syed Ahmad Ali, The Spirit of Islam, A History of Islam Evoluton and Ideals of Islam;Christophers , London , 1922, pps.7-11. 22 Ibid.The foster mote accent need to respect and to five good treatments by making women the mistress of her own property her husband had no right to interfere except with her permission. 23 Simmi Jain, Op. Cit.pp. 63-64. 24 Thus men and women were quite equal to each other in their origin, their, bode as well as in their place of return and were as such entitled to similar and equal rights. Islam gives her the right to life, to honor, and to property, like men. Shakir Moin, Women in Muslim Society: Asghar Ali Engineer,(edited by ), In Status of Women in Islam , Ajanta Publication, New Delhi, 1981, pp. 111-112.

all you shall marry only me‖ thus we find that the essential emphasis of the Quran is for justice to women25.

The Quran confers on the husband the pre-Islamic right to divorce his wife without assigning any reason and yet without any misbehavior on her character. But Prophet Mohammad counseled moderation on the percentage of humans. He also conceded to women the right of obtaining a separation on reasonable cause.Granting to the rules of Islam, when widowed or divorced, a woman is at liberty to wed again26.

The only constraint is that they hold to wait for a full stop of three menstrual periods. On that point is, no period of waiting for a liberal woman, i.e. one who is not divorced or widowed. The Islamic law gave considerable rights to free women. As Muslims, they delivered to meet the same responsibilities as human beings. ―Muslim law makes divorce a financial burden for the husband for he had to provide in strictly prescribed measure, at least for a limited time period, for the support his former wife27. Regarding teaching, it is said by Quranic authorities that Islam stood for making education mandatory and universal. ―It is recommended in Islam that every Muslim, man and woman, must receive education and must go to the furthest corner of the globe to acquire knowledge,‖ the against the happed that the Muslim community is perhaps the most educationally backward at present and so far as women are concerned it seems that the Quranic principles, and orders have been completely neglected28.

It is mentioned in Holy Quran the term used in the Quran for discrimination was used to refer to a ―partition‖ dividing the house, never to a ―veil‖. Women are enjoined by the prophet behave modestly and not to flaunt their beauty. Among nearly every individual upon whom Islam has given its symbol there exists a conspicuous for feminine modesty both of dress and behavior. With but few exceptions, most Muslim

25 According to Mohammed Qutb, this is natural and justifiable for it is the man alone. He is charged with shouldering the entire financial obligation. About inheritance Islam to the one male equivalent of two female. Muhammad Qutb, Islam: The Misunderstood Religion, the Board of Islamic Publication, Jamam Masjid Delhi, 1964.p.82. 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid., Prophet Mohammad counseled moderation on the part of men. He also conceded to women the right of obtaining a separation on reasonable grounds. 28 Ibid., See Also Zeenat Shaukat Ali, Women In Islam: Sprit and Progress, Zakia A. Siddiqui,Anwar JananZubri,( Edited by) M.D. Publications Pvt., Ltd., New Delhi, 1993, pp.11-13.

women of the world are required to avoid wearing scanty clothes and to define their public actions29.

In some Islamic region, a woman of honest character is but rarely looked beyond the portals of her house and in many areas women appearing in the lanes and streets only as a silent veiled figure.

There are differences of feeling regarding the Quaranic treatment of adult females. Writers Muhammad Qutub, opinion that Islam gives equal status to men and women30.

In Islam, paradise was promised to a believing woman as it was for a believing man. Granting to an early tradition (Mohammed) prophet was not against allowing women to pray in Public. As Muhammed Ali points out a number of Hadith afford overwhelming evidence of the fact that women, just in the same way as men, used to frequent the mosques and that there was not least restriction in this matter31.

Sir Syed has pointed out that while Islam has given equal status in law and religion to men and women the position of Muslim women is in fact miserable.

Islam has treated women nicely; it has not made her equal status with humans. In regards the adult males and female roles, Islam ascribe a superior position to the former. ―Islamic orders regarding seclusion of women, men have right to divorce, to practice polygamy and other provisions make many believe that the position of women under Islam is inferior32. M. Mujeeb observes that actual practice was based on the custom of the family, which was the custom of the community or the professional group to which the family belonged rather than on religion33.

29 Gail Mainualt, Secluded Scholar: Women’s Education and Muslim Social Reform in Colonial, India, New Delhi,p.14. BrijbhushanJamila, Muslim Women in Purdha and Out of it, Op.Cit.pp.19- 21. 30 Ayub Muhammad, Muslim Mahilayen our Samajik Parivartan, Radha Publications 2008, New Delhi. p.58. 31 He continues, there are other Hadith which show that the Prophet had given orders not to prohibit women from going to Mosque. ―Do not prohibit the handmaids of Allah from going to Mosques of Allah,‖ Prophet says as having said that ―best mosque for women is their own house‖, and adds by way of comment, this shows that.Women are not to go out of their house even for prayers much less for anything else. M. Indu Menon, Op. Cit. pp.7-10. 32 Ibid.,p.11. At every stage Muslim in every case being less equal, after all we came say that though Islam has not given men and women equal status, it treats women with respect and honor. 33 The preoccupation of the Prophet with conquest and conversion left them with little time to reflect 43

The Muslim family was a re-founding of the Arab family within the ethical confines of Islam. They appear that the clean bounds relating to women of Islam and especially her rights and privileges, never appealed to the Muslim male who was determined to activity his acknowledged authority in the family and so his dominance over family members34.

Status of Muslim Women in India:

Indian Muslims are mostly converts from Hinduism and as such have been very much influenced by Hindu culture. Available literature indicates that Indian women who enjoyed a higher state during the Vedic and Buddhistic periods and suffered a reversal in their status during later times, and that exemplified in the famous couplet of Manu35. The position got further deteriorated in later years. The Muslim conquerors established their rule over India, they found that the position of women in Hindu Society more or less conformed to that in their own society and as a result there were even willing to acquire some of their elements from Hindu Society36.

During the period of Muslim rule in the birth of a girl was appraised about an unfortunate and time event in the Muslim family. Early marriage, i.e.,marriage at the age of 8 to 9 years after to common practice during this period. As regards the settlement of marriage, it was entirely the concern of the parents on both sides; they agreed to the conditions of the contract and fixed the date of marriage. At this time Muslim girls were not allowed to express their opinion regarding their marriage37.

Dowry system was rife among the Muslim at that time among the richer people probably borrowed from the Hindu. Dowry was commonly customs during this stop. The Muslims law and customs allowed divorce conditionally the Muslim

on the family norms and even if they had time. They were impossible for them to charge long established family mores of a predominantly ribald person except by compromising on expansionist programmed. Mohd Mujeeb, Islamic Influence on Indian Society, Meenakshi Prakashan, Meerut 1972. p 425. 34 Mohammad Shamim, Islam and Women ,Hajra Kumar, ( edited by) Status of Muslim Women in India,Aakar Books, New Delhi, 2002, pp.22-23. 35 Suri Puspa, Social Conditions in 18th Century Northern India, University of Delhi, Delhi, 1977. p.169. 36 Imtiaz Ahmad, some Reflections on the Study of Muslim Women In India, , Hajira Kumar, (Edited by) Status of Muslim Women in India, Aakar Books Publication, Sarojini Naidu Centre for Women‘s Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, 2002, p. 52. 37 P.N. Ojha,1975, Op. Cit. pp.123-124.

husbands used it freely and copiously. Purdah system isolated these women from the outer-world and confided them to the four walls of their house38. Another pattern that was generally prevalent among the Muslim women during the Mughal period, particularly among high and well to do families was the Purdah or the privacy. The customs were analyzed as a symbol of decency. Women acceptance to the poorer classes had to work outside home for their circumstances and thus could not observe the Purdah like their sisters in the upper division.Among the Muslims were a great dishonor for a family when a wife is compelled to uncover herself39. Polygamy was also common among the Muslim, especially among the high class people even though Emperor Akbar prohibited this practice also law. Conquest and conversion made polygamy not just potential, but socially desirable. As a whole we find that the position of women during the Mughal period was definitely inferior40. The women were not generally considered full persons whose advice were to be sought and experience believed the conclusions were harassed from this acceptance by men according to their temperament and culture41.

During the 19th century, a number of laws were passed like the child marriage Restraint Act (Widow Remarriage) etc. To improve the condition of women and to safeguard them from the prevailing harmful customs, also reforms have been appeal to legalization to cancel child marriage, to give the women's rights to the bequest and safeguard them against the custom of dowry42.

In modern time, economic condition in many families makes it necessary for women to work out of their home, work and so earn their circumstances to supplement the household income.As a consequence of these conditions they cannot observe seclusion or pardon.

38 Chaturvedi Archna, Muslim Women and Society, commonwealth publication 2004, Delhi, p.233. 39 The Purdah was still widely observed during the early part of British rule. However, a series of legislations enacted by the British and the population of western education had a solitary effect especially on the upper class men and that become the unkindness of many of the social injustice brought about on women. Jamila Brijbhushan, Muslim Women in Purdha and Out of it,Op.Cit. pp. 18-23. 40 Rekha Mehra, Women and Rule Transferal, New Delhi, 1983. p. 220. See Also Archna Chaturvdi, Muslim Women and Low, Commanwelth Publication, New Delhi, 2004, pp. 166-168. 41 Ibid. 42 Shiva s. Dua, Society and Culture in Northern India 1850-1900., Indian bibliographies Bureau co- pub. Balaji Enterprises Delhi 1985, p. 2-3.

The educated sections of the Muslim population, these are the feeling that polygamy is harmful customs and many of the Indian Muslim now conditions were miserable. The number of Muslim women leaving of Purdah or seclusion and taking active part in many national affairs is slowly but steadily increasing43.

Late 19th century Muslim India or rather elite Muslim mirth India witnessed the emergence of a powerful new movement concerned with the reform of women‘s conditions. The reformers concert rated on female education as a way of both improving lots of Muslim women and of the community in general.Thus, in 1869 Nazir Ahmad published his first novel promoting women‘s education titled the Mirat– al–Arus, in 187444. Altaf Husayn Hali produced the Majalis-us-Nissa45, a dedicate work on the benefits of female education in 1896 a women‘s section was created at the Mohammdan Educational conference; in 1898 Mumtaz Ali began publishing a women‘s magazine called Tahzib-e-Niswan46; in 1904 ShaikhAbduallh began another women‘s journal, Khatun; in 1905 was published Ashraf Ali Thanvi will‘s monumental female curriculum, the Bihishti Zewar and in 1906 the Aligarh Madrasa was opened47. These activities, of course, did not go without comment or opposition– both forms within and without the ranks of the reformists.Presently, however, resistance to the idea of female education as such was stilled, and the lines that now raged had to act with the point of the education that was to be impaired to them. Give that educated women were better able to raise children manage48.

Their homes, improve their language, morals and religion (and so perhaps their martial prospects as well) provide intelligent company for their husbands (keeping them away from courtesans) and advance their community and the world,

43 Ibid. 44 Mirat- ul- Arus, Nazir Ahmad ‗s first novel, was originally written as a guide for his daughters, because, he explained, it was not customary to educate women in India. and yet there were respectable families whose women kept up the tradition of reading Quran. Nazir Ahmad s interest in women s education went considerable further than Sir Seyed‘s. H realized that the older, home – based system was no longer. Nazir Ahamd, Preface, paraphrased from G.E. Ward‘s Translate, The Bride’s Mirror, pp.1-3. 45 Majalis-un- Nissa was orijinally Published in 1874 A.D. and translated by Gail Minult in English. Altaf Husain Hali, (Trans.&ed. Gail Minault), Voices of Silence, English translations of Majalis- un- Nissa and Chup ki Dad,Chanakya Publication, Delhi ,1986, p.81. 46 Faisal Fatehali Devji, Genderand Politics of Space: The Movement for Women’s Reform 1857- 1900, Sumit Sarkar and Tanika Sarkar, pp. 99-103. 47 Ibid. 48 Gail Minault, Secluded Scholar Women’s Eduaction and Muslim Social Reform in Colonial India, Oxford University Prass New Delhi, 1998, pp. 30-35.

would not too much learning, going to school, and perhaps associating with male teachers and students lead to disobedience, immorality and a rejection of domesticity? Competing versions of restricted circle girls' schools and home learning provided answers to these doubts49.

Historians have often explained religious and social reform in India in the 19th century as the consequence of the western impact upon the heads of human beings.Others have recognized that this was entirely too simple an explanation for the intellectual and social changes that took place in India and other places that fall under foreign colonial rule50.

The comparison of westernization and modernization has made way to a search for indigenous sources of social change The modernity of traditions is one matter; after all understanding the intellectual processes. That produced domestic bring about change is another51.

These jargon-using reformers were involved in religious controversy: with Christian missionaries, with members of other Indian religious beliefs, with members of their own faith or all of the above.Individual derived his arguments from inside his own tradition.Though none was reluctant to use organizational forms and printing technology derived from the west 52 . In analyzing the origins and style of the arguments used by these reformers, we seek a greater understanding of the relationship between religious revival and social innovation in 19th century India, the complex alchemy if the change from within as well as impact for without53.

Sayyid Mumaz Ali founded 1898 the weekly newspaper Tahzib un-Niswan (the women‘s reformer) in Lahore together with his wife, Muhammadi Begum. Tahzib-un-Niswan was not the first Urdu periodical for women.54

49 Metcalf, Barhara D., Reding and Writing about Muslim Women in British India, in Zaya Hasan, (ed.) Forging Identities, New Delhi, Kali, 1994. p. 55. 50 Genaldine, Forbes–Women in Modern India, Vol. IV.2 of New Cambridge History of India, Cambridge University Press, Delhi, 1996. p.26. 51 Gail Minault, Begumati Zuban–Women’s language and culture in nineteenth century, India, International Centre Quarterly, (June 1984), Delhi. p.45. 52 Seyd Ahmad Khan, Hindustan Ki Auraton Ke Halat, Maqalat, V. p. 188-193. 53 Ibid. 54 Minault Gail, Secluded Scholar, Women’s Education and Muslim Social Reform in colonial India, pp.14-15.

(Part 2) Women in Social and Cultural Life

Women always played an significant part in the social and cultural life of a nation.They after the household and manage the house.They take on a significant role in marriages, spiritual ceremonies and festivals. Women lay and carry on the customs and traditions in society. In dance, music, entertainment, learning, religion and several other activities women made their own donations.Wearing apparels, ornaments and cosmetics were their special area of pursuit.Thus, women played a multifarious role in the society55.

Status of women in the Family:

In Islam, the husband is given a superior placeinthe household.―The husband is superior to his wife, men experience a degree above them‖, says the Quran (2.228) a woman is worth half a human race in matters concerning ransom for murder, inheritance and giving of evidence Muslim law exposes the wife to the continual threat of repudiation with no need to vindicate it, or of the marriage of the husband to a new, additional wife, whose presence can greatly change the nature of the family life Islam has prescribed certain duties for a wife to do. They are residing in the house of her husband, obedience to him by the husband at reasonable times and places with due regent for health and decency and observing strict conjugal fidelity and refraining from undue familiarity with strangers and all unnecessary appearance in public56.

It has been already said that a fair a the Muslim women are concerned family remains their principal arena of study and the majority stay at dwelling and do not go out to play. When asked whether they agreed with the statement that ‗Women‖ should stay at home and perform the roles as wife and mother rather than go outside and work57. The Muslim women one still tradition bound. The vast majority of them one

55 Zeenat Shukat Ali, Women in Islam Spirit and Progress, (edited by), Zakia A. Siddiqi ,Anwar Jahan Zuberi, Muslim Women Problems and Prospects, M.D. Publication Pvt., Ltd., New Delhi, 1993. pp.19-21. 56 Archna Chaturvedi, Muslim Women and Low,Commanwelth Publication,New Delhi, 2004, p.35- 37. See AlsoThomas, 1964, Op.Cit. p.245. 57 The majority of the respondents, and her attitude do not seem to be related to each other, except at the high school and college level where 71 percent disagreed with the statement. It seems that only a heavy doze education has succeeded in making women to devote from along established belief. 48

steeped in traditional mores and seems to be quite content with their domestic isolation58.

Muslim Women the Silent Sufferer:

The status of women in guild in North India and their role is the true indicator of its socio-ethnic and spiritual accomplishments, and the development of values and their status is the measuring rod in assessing the standards of culture in any age and the best indicator of a nation‘s progress in India, many positive changes have taken place in the role and condition of adult females.They are contributing in every face of home and social life, but no translation has taken office in the case of Muslim women. They still lag a behind their counterparts from other religions59.

In discussing the position and status of Muslim women in India, it becomes imperative to take a glimpse into the position of women in pre-Islamic Arabia. At the time they were treated as chattels of men Polygamy was rampant. The eldest son used to inherit all the wives of his father except his own mother. Women were not free agents in marriage60. Dowry used to be the sale price paid to the defender of the bride.Women have no rights of inheritance.The forms of marriages prevalent were nothing sort of attitude.Men used to divorce their wives at their whimsy and fancy; take them back and divorce them again and again take them backwards. This kind of suspensory divorce prevented women from getting remarried. There used to be large- scale female infanticide in these circumstances61. Islam arose as an emancipator of women. It became the first religion to give women a right inheritance (in the holy Quran, Surat-Al-Nisa out of 12 class be heirs, 8 are women). Women were made, free agents in marriage Mahr were made payable to the bride for her security and was regarded as a mark of respect for a wife from the husband62.

M. InduMenon, Status of Muslim women in India (A case study of Kerala) uppal publishing house New Delhi 1981 p. 79, 80. 58 Ibid. 59 KehkashanDanyal ,Muslim Women, the Silent Sufferers, Hajira Kumar,( ed. by),Status of Muslim Women in India, Aakar Book Publication , Delhi, 2002, P. 91. 60 Ibid. 61 Ibid. 62 Except for the marriage where a man asks for the hand of the bride from her parents and marries her on payment it dowry to her all other kinds of so called sexual unions/ marriage were prohibited.Archna Chaturvedi, Muslim Women and Society, Commamweath Publication 2004, Delhi, pp. 24,25. 49

In India Muslim are governed by their Personal Law (Shariat) in all matters regarding succession, marriage, dissolution of marriage, guardianship, adoption, will and legacies, gift, property and Wakafs. To study the status and position of Muslim women in India, one has to keep in mind the economic, social and political conditions in India63.

A husband can also hold his wife in by threatening to tie again. He looks upon polygamy as his irrefutable right guaranteed to him by the Quran and thus God charged. This supposed right is unquestioningly conceded him by his co-religionists and others. A Muslim man, according to the general concept, is one four wives at one time, getting rid of the unwanted one by divorcing her. The fact that there are specific conditions under which multiple marriages are allowed in Islam seems to be scarily remembered64. Very few people appear to understand that the Quran lays down rather stringent conditions about taking a second wife and the domicile of a man in places where women greatly outnumber men. But no matter what the conditions are, no human being can marry more than once useless, he can handle all his wives with justice and equality. But assets the Quran pragmatically, ―you will not be capable to share equally between (your) wives, however much you wish to do so (Q 429)‖. At another place is says, ―If fear that you will not be able to do justice, then marry only one‖ (Q 4:3).

Economic Condition of Muslim Women:

During the 19th century, women partially have the property rights in their property of the father, comrade, and hubby. Whether or not women control wealth and partake of the prestige which goes with it depends very much on where and when they will. By occupation, region, ethnicity, and history, the multitudes of the Muslim world are as various as any along the orb. That they have not, to date, created a single distinctly 'Islamic' system which solves to everyone's satisfaction the complex issues

63 Kehkashan Danyal ,Muslim Women, the Silent Sufferers. Op. Ct.p. See Also Archna Chaturvedi. 64 Ibid. Most educated modernized Muslim asserts, with a degree of justice, that if nothing else, the sheer economics of living militate against multiple marriages in today‘s world. Others rather jocularly point out that, given the nuclear family, dealing with one wife is a full time job and that very few men have the time, courage or inclination to take on any added burden.

arising from the acquisition, distribution and transmission of wealth is a reflection of the internal variety of Muslims65.

The Holy Qur'an contains many verses which deal with women's rights to property. Its fourth chapter, known as 'The Women', asserts that adult females are entitled to inherit a part of a parent's or husband's wealth.Whether a legacy or earned by her own efforts, material goods, formerly assumed, are said to remain in woman's control. At least in theory, neither marriage nor any other band gives males a claim to them while the woman holds out. But sacred books usually set standards which mortals have trouble living up to66. On that point follows a more elaborate treatment of the changes brought in by the British whose rise to economic and political supremacy began about the same time as the Mughal decline and turned over its peak at the remainder of the nineteenth century. With regard to Muslim women and property, the major distinction between the two regimes lies in their differing definitions of wealth as well as the different administrative establishments which enforced those norms67.

Although Muslim women rarely acted as rulers, they got close to exercising significant social authority through the distribution of natural endowments. This action showed that some women controlled the wealth and spent it as they liked. Married women, daughters, and close relations of the Mughal emperors issued their own decrees, under their own psyches.They built mosques, tombs and other religious edifices. They gave stipends to their servants or to favourite scholars, saints and

65 It is an established fact that Islam provides rights of inheritance to the women. The social history of the Muslims shows that the Muslim women of different nations in modern period shared political and economic rights with men. It is true that Islam provides lesser share to the daughter than a son. If a man has both a son and a daughter, the share of the daughter is half that of a son. But it is important to note that after her marriage a woman enjoys rights in her husband‘s property. Gregory C. Kozlowski, Muslim Women and Control of Property in North India. (edited by), J.Krishnamurty, Women incolonial in India Essays on Survival, Work and the State, Delhi, Oxford University Press,1989, pp. 114-115. 66 Ibid. Many studies of the Holy Quran and Sharah take a reified approach to women‘s rights. However‘s when wrenched from their social and historical contexts, studies of law tell about the actual live of Muslim G. Kozlowski, Muslim Endowments and Society in British India, Cambridge, 1985, pp. X-7 98-106, 123-31. 67 Ibid. Determining the nature of property, selecting the individuals who possess it and sorting out the distinctions of status, which necessarily accompany ownership are issued as perplexing for Muslims as for the remainder of mankind. See Also Gregory C. Kozlowski, Muslim Women and Control of Property in North India, Op. Cit. p.120.

litterateurs. Their names were publicly associated with particular institutions or individuals68.

During the 18th century, virtually every facet of the social order began to decay. As the Mughal Empire collapsed, several mutually hostile successor states, including that of the British, emerged. As in India, they threatened the livelihood of rich and poor alike. As the conflict increase, male and female suffered together69.

During the 19th century, most of the traditional religious scholars tried to rest as clear of the imperial government as potential.The students of the theological school at Deoband asked their followers to keep off the Anglo-Indian courts entirely.That their adherents mostly ignored this request indicated that the Ulama of Deoband lacked great influence in the pragmatic prospects of life span. Though people sent several thousand requests for opinions on matters of prayer and ritual purity70, they took inheritance or other disputes involving land to the British courts.Religious Scholar representing all shades of opinion called for the strict enforcement of women's Quranic rights. Yet, few of them offered any advice on how females might assert those rights. The heroine of one of the Nazir Ahmad's novels, an educated and spirited lady, acquires some spare cash by being frugal in the household budget. Significantly, she uses the extra money to help the poor and to further the education of girls71. While Nazir Ahmad may represent the group known In Urdu as the 'followers of the new light', even so staunchly 'orthodox' a scholar as Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanwi made similar appeals for female economic rights. Like Nazir Ahmad, he did not appear to hold a naturalistic understanding of the obstacles women faced.In 1902, Maulana Ashraf published a record which was to function as a guidebook to the lives of Muslim women. Its Urdu title is Bihesht-i Zewar, literally, 'The Ornament of Paradise. It is a combination of a religious encyclopedias and a bride's handbook72.

68 For a basic introduction to Indo-Muslim History, S. Ikram, Muslim civilization in India, New York, 1964, p.298. 69 Gregory C. Kozlowski, Op. Cit. pp. 123-131. 70 Muslim scholars (ulama) did little to fill the gap between the shariah's concerns and the economic necessities of the British Empire. Some individuals who happened to be Muslims did enter the Anglo-Indian juridical bureaucracy. However, few of them came from families which maintained a tradition of learning in Shariah. Since they took their training in government law schools, often in England itself, they wrote judgments in a fashion similar to their British colleagues. 71 C.M. Naim, Prize Winning Adab, pp. 305-307. 72 Bihesht-i Zewar, became a very popular and was often given to women as a wedding present. As with other works on Shari'ah, most of its sections dealt with the basic beliefs and practices. It did, 52

Equally with the Nazir Ahmad's novels, the conduct of world affairs was discussed wholly in terms of domestic saving. While women may have wanted to assert their rights to houses and fields, the novelist and the scholar drew most of their examples from the weighing of chickpeas or flour and the purchase of jewelers, simple transactions, when compared to the convolutions of land tenure or inheritance disputes73.

Given the Ulema's comparative lack of effective participation in matters of women's property rights, the British courts could (and did) exercise considerable discretion in formulating their opinions.As mentioned supra, the Qur'an contains revelations which ordered the partition of an individual's estate. The text itself specified certain heirs and the portions each received. In the case of a parent's death, for instance, a daughter's share was half that of her comrade. When the courts applied this principle, a woman who pressed for her inheritance obtained at least a portion74.

The British were impressed by the potential power of these magnates and sought to win the loyalty of the greatest of them by giving them ownership of the lands which in the days of Avadh's independence had been their tax-farms. Having thereby established over 260 estates, the British government made certain by law that these properties would not be lost 75 . The special code governing taalluqdari succession bound both Muslims and non-Muslims to take on male primogeniture as the basis of inheritance. Females received, at best, a cash allowance, never their Quranic rights.

Muslim women who started a lawsuit contended with the obstruction created by the common custom of limiting the movements of respectable ladies. Though more or less women were able to come out in the courtroom, many had to conduct their cases through male agents. The number of males permitted contact with purdah observing women was limited to her own or her husband's closest kin or, more rarely,

however, include a section of advice on household management. Maulana Asraf Ali Thanwi, Bihesti-i-Zewar, Delhi, p. 331. 73 Ibid. 74 Brijbhushan, Jamila – Muslim women in Purdah and out of It,Op.Cit. pp.83-88. 75 But many groups in North India did not strictly follow Quranic write. Khojahs and Muslim Jats completely excluded female heirs. Other Muslims recognized women's inheritance rights only when comparative affluence made it convenient to do so. Archna Chaturvedi, Muslim Women and Law, Op. Cit. pp.146-147.

to some intimate friend of the family76. The intimacy of the personal associations between women and their male representatives may have assisted to guarantee the honesty of go-betweens. Still, male relatives and friends sometimes abused their trust and used litigation for their own benefit77.

As the British established property rights in land, the courts set out using the strictest principles of heritage. Muslim landholders began using endowments as a method of settling family property. As early as the 1830s, Muslims who faced the chance of taking in their estates divided and forcing their daughters to get a smaller share while letting more or less of the property leave the control of the immediate family, started creating waqaf. For women, endowments were something of a two- edged sword which could cut off male cousins, but, if they had brothers it could also be used to cut off daughters78. Endowments sometimes specifically excluded women from the restraint of an estate. Still, a significant number of created in the nineteenth century benefited daughters, occasionally to the exclusion of sons who were wastrels or incapable of managing property79.

Women usually gained property by inheriting it from fathers or husbands. Some got possession through deeds of endowment or suits "for the payment of bridal gifts. A few Muslim women were more independent and acquired wealth through their own faults. Dancing girls, singers and courtesans were indirect recipients of male controlled property. Although the scriptural tradition of Islam asserted a puritanical moral code and recommended segregation of the sexes, courtesans had a special place in North Indian society80. Most of the cities had neighborhoods in which entertainers or prostitutes (the distinction was by no means absolute) lived and worked. The 'HiraMandi' (literally 'The Diamond Market') in Lahore and the 'Chowks' of Delhi and Lucknow were only three of the most famous pleasures districts the region. Those whose talents as dancers, singers, or poets added to the prospect of carnal delight were

76 Ibid. Mazhar Husian Khan, 77 V. Kiernam, Private Property in History , (editd by ) J. Goody, Family and Inheritance: Rural Society in Wesern Europe, 1200-1800, Cambridge, 1976, pp. 328-60. 78 Gregory C. Kozlowski, Muslim Women and Control of Property in North India, Op. Cit. pp. 123- 131. 79 Ibid. Gail Minault, Seyad Mumtaz Ali, Tahzib un Niswan, Womens Rights in Islam and Women‘s Journalism in Urdu, Op. Cit.pp.70-77. 80 A. Sharar, Lucknow: The last Phase of an Oriental Culture, (Gazashtah Lucknow), trans. E. Harcourt and F. Husain, London, 1975, pp.34-35.

at the centre of high fashion. Even males whose interests were artistic rather than sexual provided such women with substantial gifts of money; clothing and jewellery81. Respectable women were able to invite courtesans to visit them in their houses.In accession, their trade did not prevent Muslim courtesans from acquiring a reputation for exceptional piety.They sponsored religious festivals, wrote religious poetry themselves, or sustained poets who did, and hosted ceremonies in their own homes.A taxonomic survey of these genuinely independent women remains to be answered. However, the writers and readers are left with generalization82.

The number of cases in which Muslim women participated shows that more or less of them adapted quickly to the intricacies of the Anglo-Indian law of property. Their usage of the courts proved that women knew how to make the judicial machinery work to ensure their rights.Their awareness of the possible advantages of legal warfare did not intend that such women were in the forefront of a feminist movement. Their concerns and motives, as expressed in the course of litigation, we're firmly rooted in the family and neighborhood and expressed in the language of the Mughal era83. Even wealthy courtesans had to work in a universe in which males occupied a privileged place.A few legal victories could not convert that if wealthy and assertive women had a station at that club, its dimensions were fairly narrow, and strict wrapped in the threads of relationship and community. When women sought relief from the British courts, it was usual to preserve a social order in which their personal role was ambiguous 84 . The courts did little to alter that uncertainty. If improvement in the status and rights of women was a marker of' modern society, and so neither the government nor the legal arms of Anglo-Indian government were the engines of modernization. What they gave to women with one hand, they often took away with the other85.

81 Ibid. p.80-81. See Also Mirza Muhammad Hadi Ruswa, The Courtesan of Lucknow (UmmaRaoJaan),Translete k. Singh, Delhi, 1970, p. 298. 82 David Lelyveld, Aligarh’s First Generation: Muslim Solidarity in British India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1978, pp. 35-56. 83 Ibid. 84 Gregory C. Kozlowski, Muslim Women and Control of Property in North India, Op. Cit. pp. 124- 131. 85 Ibid. See Also M. Galanter, Modernization of Low, in M. Weiner, (edited by), Modernization, New York, 1996, pp. 153-65.

Women and Development:

The nineteenth century was a time of political, social and scientific upheaval in Europe. The British regarded their domination of the subcontinent as proof of their moral superiority. In arguments over how to best rule their colonial subjects in India, they were led to discussions of the ideal relationship between men and women.1 James Mill, in his influential History of British India (first published in 1826), argued that women‘s position could be used as an indicator of society‘s advancement, the formula was simple: Among rude people, ―the women are generally degraded; among civilized people they are exalt red‖86.

During the course of the nineteenth century, the pattern of women‘s lives began to change. In reality the concept of the ―perfect wife was being redefined first, there were modifications in the appropriate activities for a female at different stages of her life. Second, the appropriate arena for female action was expanded. And third, there was a new and growing approval of individualism.

As a consequence of change set in motion by the British conquest of India, by the end of the nineteenth century there were a number of women who were educated, articulate, mobile, and increasingly involved in public activities. In the rural settling life was dominated by the household for both men and women87.

In the closing years of the 19th century the Muslim masses were poverty stricken and backward economically and socially some of their intelligent and socially well placed leaders tried to measure for the regeneration of the Muslim community88.

The Muslims as rulers of India had held many positions of power and privilege, and when they were gradually ousted from these, by the British, were naturally full of resentment against the new power which had displaced them.

86 James Mill, The History of India, Vol.II.,Chelsea House New York, 1968, pp.309-310. 87 Geroldine, Forbes, Women in Modern India, IV-2, Cambridge University Press, 1996, p.28. 88 Sharma Kamlesh, Role of Muslim in Indian Politics 1857-1947, Inter India Publications 1985, New Delhi, p.37.

The British too followed for a considerable time the policy of breaking the Muslim up and keeping them down. ―The British had decided that‖-says Mohammad Noman–―for the expansion of the New Power and its continuance the only course was to crush the Muslims and had deliberately adopted policies which had for their aim the economic ruin of Muslims, and their intellectual stagnation and general degeneration‖89.

For certain posts, the British Government explicitly laid down that only Hindus were to be appointed thereto, and not Muslims. The educational policy was ―responsible for the increase of unemployment and the closing of the other avenues for the Muslims. The economic policy impoverished the Indian Muslims. In the army, their recruitment was limited; in arts and crafts they were crippled and rendered helpless90.

Muslim is the largest and most significant minority in India. In spite of the reformative attitude of the Islamic movement, Muslim Community in India remains largely back word and deprived, especially Muslim women who continue to be uneducated, resources less and victimized. It is difficult to exactly ascertain the reasons for the low status of India‘s Muslim women, but an assessment can be made on the basis of some statistics91.

In modern times there has been a social and cultural awakening in India and it has been seriously felt by our social reformers and educationists that unless women are emancipated from the social shackles and bondages and proper steps are taken for their education and participation in outward activities such as, social, cultural, political, economic etc., the Indian nation cannot thrive and it

89 Noman Mohammad, Muslim in India Kitabistan, 1942, Allahabad, p.27. 90 The more balanced the opportunity structure for men and women, the larger the role women have in society and consequently the higher their status. In a developing society such as that of India, it is essential that both men and women play equal and important role in the development effort. Improvement in the traditional status of women, therefore, is a necessary first step in this programme. Accordingly women to improve their position in society a critical factor in the improvement of the status of women is education which is indispensable for playing many of the modern roles. Geraldine, Forbes, Op.Cit.pp. 10-11. 91 Education not only equips women with the knowledge and expertise necessary for playing many modern roles and thereby enables them to rise in status, it also widens their cognitive map and enables them to compare their position in society vis-à-vis men.Kumar, Hajira, Status of Muslim women in India, Ankar Books.p. 51.

cannot establish itself as one of the advanced nations of the world. It was also felt by our social thinkers that since women from a large part of the social milien, impairing of mass education amongst women and their active participation in the multifarious activities of our society are absolutely imperative for the healthy growth of our society as well as the nation 92.

Women, in Indian society are regarded as second grade citizens whose every aspect of life is confined to the rigid restrictions under the garb of castcism, customs and traditions as envisaged in our religion as well as social customs. Our religion and social customs prescribe that the Indian women should be confined to the home and they are prohibited from receiving any education or pursuing any profession or trade or occupation of their own choice or participating in any activity outside the limits of their houses93. In other words, there is a social injunction, implicit in our social customs and religion, which strictly forbids the Indian women from participating in any outward activities i.e. social, literary or professional, activities. This is one of the unique characteristic features of our male dominated Indian society.

The Muslim women‘s lives on the eve of this transformation? There are, of course, the records of the reformers (mentioned earlier) but these are tainted by polemics. Constructing a clear picture of the lives of women before colonial rule is difficult, although recent feminist scholarship has added a great deal to our view of the past. The pre-British records include an abundance of prescriptive texts, but fewer documents that shed light on the actual lives of women94.

The women experienced these rules and prescriptions differently depending on religion, caste, age, place in the family hierarchy, and an element of serendipity. There were women who lived up to the ideal, but there were also women who rebelled against these prescriptions. The historical record confirms

92 Minault, Gail, Scalded Scholars, Oxford University Press, 1998, New Delhi, p.45. 93 Roy, Dalia, Position of women in Indian Society, ed. by C.M. Agrawal, Dimensions of Indian Womanhood, Vol.III, Shri Almara Book Depot, 1993, Almara, p.127-128. 94 Ibid. Sen, Bimla, Role of Women in Indian Society, Better Books Panchkula, Delhi, 2007, p.187.

that women found an escape from conventional roles in religion and scholarship, and occasionally through political action95.

Some women were able to live outside patriarchal households and gain status as courtesans. But the options open to women of extraordinary talent or those unhappy with their lives were limited. The second half of the nineteenth century there were reform groups in all parts of British India. They focused attention on female infanticide, polygamy, child marriage purdah, prohibitions on female education, and the patrilocal joint family96.

This is shown that the position of women in modern Indian society is still inferior, oppressive and one of degradation all though Indian women of today are acquiring higher education, becoming employed in various kinds of jobs and professions, thereby becoming economically self-sufficient while in the rural India today where the majority of the rural population are still struggling for survival from acute poverty, position of rural Indian women is inferior, and subservient to men. One of the prominent features of Indian society of today is that the Indian women of the rural areas are put to such inferior and or sub ordinate status helplessly depending on the mercy of their male counterparts for their survival and subsistence having no dignity respect or status in the society97. Bereft of any education and culture, on the demise of their husbands, they become uttering helpless and have to surrender them bands, to the mercy and kindness of other caring members of the family and have to suffer all kinds of humiliation and mental agony. This utter helplessness and sorrowful state of the Indian women badly needs the attention of the society and it is the deity of the social reformers as well as the state to remedy these appalling distress and in subordination of women98.

95 Geroldine, Forbes, Women in Modern India, IV-2, 1996, Op.Cit.p.18. 96 Ibid. 97 Chaturvedi, Archna, Muslim Women and Society, Commonwealth Publication, 2004, New Delhi.p. 86. 98 Minault, Gail, Scalded Scholars, Oxford University Press, 1998, New Delhi, p.45.

Female Dresses:

Styles of Indian dress in the 19th century represented the confluence of two streams of aesthetics and conceptions of modesty. Muslim custom required a dress that covered the body up to the throat, the wrists, and the ankles. The religious injunction was obeyed, but the material out of which the dress was made could be as light transparent as the wearer wanted it to be; and this is borne out by the 19th century99 . The main textiles were cotton, silk and wool, silk, wool and the fine qualities of cotton were appropriated entirely by the higher classes. The poor had to be content with calicoes, or thick cloth called Garha or Khaddar100.

The quality of cloth worn indicated the position of the person.―The distinctions of dress in Hindustan consist entirely in the finances of the lining of which the habit is formed. The Indian summer also encouraged the production of very fine Muslims. The nobles made their turbans out of it and the ladies used it for their dresses. Its varieties were given such poetic names as Ab-i-rawan, Shabnam, Sangoti, Jhuna, Malmal, Tangebtarandam, Nayansukh, Sarkand, etc101.

Only the finest of Muslims was by itself not enough to gratify the emptiness or the artistic cravings of the royal family and the upper course of studies.It is significant to observe that the fabrication of such fine dress material was limited to the demands of a humble class of prosperous people. The difference between the dress of the nobility and the common Muslim women lay mostly in quality and material other than in style102. Muslim (women) ladies belonging to the aristocratic families wore costly dresses made of the finest cotton clothes, silver stuff or gold and silver, and o all the costliest things.

Ladies of the royalty and nobility, preferred clothes for their garments such as ‗atlas’ ‘makhmal’, ‘hareer’, ‘tas’, ‘zarbaff’, ‘badlah’, ‘katna’, mushajjar, shamama, ambrin, parniyan, lahi, tamani, shabnam, hammam, malmal, sarband, hilmil, bafthawa, panchtalia, bhirun, sirisaf, baftab, kamkhwab, mushroom, tanjeb etc

99 Umar, Mohd.-Hindustani Tahzeeb ka Musalmano par Asar,Op.Cit. 1975, Delhi, p. 590. 100 Ibid. 101 Zinat Kausar, Muslim Women in Medieval India, Janaki Prakashan, Patna, 1992, .pp. 57-58. 102 Ibid. See Also Umar, Muhammad, Muslim Society in Northern India during the eighteenth century M/S Famous Offset Press, 1998, Delhi. p. 255.

clothes of chikan work was also in common use among them103. Pentodes, silk stuff, satins, velvet and damasks dyed into all sorts of lively and good colours, cloth of gold, silver and tissue used by the upper class ladies who had plenty of these.129

It is significant to observe that the ladies of the upper classes used different forms of apparel for winter and summertime. In cold weather they used dresses made of furs and fine wool whereas in summer fine Muslims were liked, ―which is so fine‖104. It is significant to observe that the fabrication of such fine dress material was limited to the demands of a humble class of prosperous people. The poorer classes of the Muslim society were too inadequate to afford such costly cloth. Therefore, their ladies contented themselves by wearing less expensive dresses suited to their incomes105. Their common dress material was white calico and red ‗Saul‘ only on certain festivals, marriages, birth ceremonies and other social occasions they used fine clothes, but inferior in quality from their sisters‘ dresses of the upper class for summer they had no special dress but in winter they used stuffed cotton and a variety of rough blankets instead of Kashmiri Shawl106.

The simple dress was commonly worn by the orthodox throughout the country with minor variations in different localities, particularly in the form of the dhoti, differing in its length and valuminoisness from province to province and in some ways with communities etc. in towns and cities, among the upper classes, generally, the shawl had given place to the more convenient coat which began to be made in European Style, fitted with buttons and provided with pockets and could be long or short107. In its original form it was fastened with tapes. But perhaps the most striking differences of costume between one part of the region and another were in the shape and contour of the turban.

There was not much difference in the material and stuff of male and female garments, but design and make up differed and the latter were very colorful.

103 Suri, Pushpa, Social Condition in 18th Century Northern India, University of Delhi, Delhi 1977, p. 219. 104 Archna Chaturvedi, Muslim Women and Society, Op. Cit. p.65. See Also K. M. Mishra, Uttare Bharat Muslim Samaj, Op. Cit. p.55. 105 Kausar, Zinat, Muslim Women in Medieval India, Op. Cit. p. 59. 106 Ibid. Mohd Umar, Hindustani Tazeebka Musalmano Per Asar, OP.Cit.p.421. 107 Umar, Muhammad, Muslim Society in Northern India, During 18th Century Aligarh, 1998, p.252. Ohja, P.N., North India Social life, Oriental Publication 1975, pp.30-31.

There is so little difference between the Hindustani dress of man and women, observes Haji Mustafa‖, that save the turban (which by the bye is worn by Virgins of the Royal blood and by others), it requires the eye of skill and experience to state that difference and this consist in general higher with women, than with men, in the Doman108, or petticoat tacked to it, which is four times ample in women than in a man and lastly, in the lining of them, which is always in while with men, but of the most gaudy silks with women and these too adorned with lace109.

Among the most popular texture and varieties of clothes worn by the women of the upper classes, the following deserve special mention: bant, janggableab-i- rawan, lahi, badlha, Kimkbah, Zaribaf, Musalsal, daryai, janggalah, Mashrooh, Atlas, Zari, hareer, farniyan, bant or banat, tareqa, iklara and diba. In general the women of all classes covered their heads with a piece of cloth called dupatta or Orni. This dupatta was not only used to cover up the head, but the breasts as well. Some women, especially or royal family as well, some women, especially or royal family and their female servants sometimes wore cape, made of fine and thin texture110. The main body dress consisted of the Kurti, Choli, Ungeea, or Mahrun and peshwaz. The use of gaba and pairahan of the women of the royal family and the richer masses has been referred to in the poetic literature of the period. Marucci tells us that during the cold weather, the women covered, ―themselves on the top of the thing..With a Woolen Clayey (Gaba), a long gown of fine Kashmiri makes111.

One of the main things Islam education commands a Muslim to do is to teach children the principles of their religions, so religious education is an imperative for Muslim, man or women.―These religious precepts have never been overruled by custom and are strictly observed by all classes of Mohammadans in Northern India. There is this religious command that constrains Muslims to advise their children in the Quran and other religious books‖112. Religious education is an essential part of the education to a Muslim and in any cases his educations were limited to religious

108 Mishra K.M. Uttare Bharat Muslim Samaj,Rajsthan Hindi Granth Acadami, jaypur, 1974, p. 72. 109 Ibid.See Also Soma Mukhrji, Royal Ladies And Their Contribution, Gayan Publication House, New Delhi, 2001, P.123. 110 Nikhat Parveen, Socio-Economic Condition, of Awadh 1814-1856, New Royal Book Company, Lucknow, 2008, pp.17-18. 111 Ohja, P.N., North India Social life, Oriental Publication 1975, pp.30-31 112 Soma Mukhrji, 2001, Op.Cit.p.

guidance, only. There was one of the standing orders of the direction that ―Muslims Students should be first education is religious subjects in orders that they might become abreast with the Muslim laws of Islamism before the one instructed in these languages which would give them the means of livelihood‖ as well as the Muslims girls one convened the main and sometimes the only educations they were getting till recently was religious instruction113.

Women’s Toilets and Ornaments:

Women in general were more particular about their toilets and ornaments than women to look young and pretty has been the instinctive nature of the fair sex, irrespective of caste, creed and rank for this, they have always adopted contrivances to increase their physical charm and attractiveness. Muslim ladies, who were not the exception to this universal craze have practiced various amorous tricks, to enhance their beauty and charm114, by means of which they could easily attract the attention of the opposite sex. Not only the young ladies, but the middle aged women too, concentrated on retaining their diminishing charm with the help of cosmetics.

Muslim women in general were very particular about their toilets and spent a major portion of their time in cultivating physical charms and graceful looks. But in comparison with the working classes the ladies of the leisured hours in beautifying their persons and adding to their physical charms115. The items of toilet of a Muslim women are dealing with one by one of the following pages.

Women’s Toilets:

Women‘s toilet in regard to bating, anointing, braiding of the hair, decking the crown of the head with jewels, putting sectarian marks of castes and wearing pearls and gold ornaments tinting with lamp-black like callyrium, staining the hands, eating of pan (beet leaves) and decorating themselves with various ornaments. anointing with sandal wood unguent; wearing of various kinds of dresses; wearing carrings; adorning with nose-rings of pearls and gold; wearing ornaments around the neck; decking with garlands of flowers or pearls; staining the hands; wearing a belt hung with a small

113 Ibid. M. Indu Menon, status of Muslim women in India, 1981, Op.Cit. pp. 57-58. 114 K.L. Chattopdyay. up lifetment in Bengal Movement for female and other social, Role of the Radical Brahmas (188-1883) vol. I.p. 299. 115 R.R.Diwar, Bihar thought the ages, pp.56-57.

bells116; decorating the feet with gold ornaments morning duties; bathing, wearing of beautiful clothes; decorating the hairs; putting a vermilion mark (sindur) on the parting of their hairs anointing the body with ‗kesar’ and other perfumes; staining the hands with Mehnadiwearing ornaments of gold; eating ‗pan’ and thereby, colouring the lips and applying ‗Missi’ to the tooth, using antimony (Anjan) kajal in the eyes etc117. It was usual for the ladies of the upper and lower classes to use Missi. Surma a preparation of lamp-black were used for decoration of the eyelids. The use betel- leaves for reddening the lips became popular since the early settlement of the Muslims in this country the middle aged women who tried hard to retain her diminishing beauty and charm by painting her eyebrows, powdering her face and putting antimony in her eyes118.

Ghaza was used in place of modern time‘s powder for the enhancement of the beauty of the face. The Muslim women were very particular in dressing and oiling their hair119

They plaited their hair in three different ways, either in the form of choti64 or Khajurichoti or Jura. Jura was tagged with tassel or a fine piece of cloth. The hair was parted in the middle and this parting line was, and is called mong120. Kanghi and shana were used for this purpose. Women sometimes putrid mark on their forehead. Women also used perfumes. They Mirror used by her while dressing and arsi served the purpose of a portable mirror121.

Women’s Ornaments:

The love and craze of ornaments prompted by ostentation and self-conceit are surely inherent in the human race. This is probably taken by a primitive instinct to

116 Conmetics—Women preciously possessed and protected their long hair. Both Hindu and Muslims Women blacked their eyes with Kajal and preserved the materials in Karauta. Many women used surmah to their eyes. All married Hindu female put a steak of vermillion at the parting of their hair and kept it in a port called Sindwadani. Many applied of red lead on their forehead or a bindi or tikuli. The practice of using Mehandi on the hands was very common among Bihari women. Ibid. 117 Archna Chaturvedi, Muslim Women and Society, Op.Cit. pp.24,25. 118 Women preciously possessed and protected their long hair. Both Hindu and Muslims Women blacked their eyes with Kajal and preserved the materials in Karauta. Many women used surmah to their eyes. K.L. Chattopdyay. Movement for female and other social up lifetment in Bengal, Role of the Radical Brahmas (188-1883) vol. I.p. 299. 119 Umar, Mohd. Urban Culture in Northern India During, the Eighteenth Century, Aligarh, 2000, p.259. 120 Ibid. 121 Kausar, Zinat, Muslim Women in Medieval India, JanakiPrakashan, Patna, 1992, p.88.

reach one person more impressive, imposing and beautiful.Also drawing attention of others, the ornamentation fulfills the craving of establishing a distinctive brand of sex, grandeur and dignity. In our country, wearing jewellary is a religious obligation and it applies to both the Hindus and the Muslims. While it is a magical-religious necessity122 for a Mohammadan, it is also a firm faith among the Hindus to wear some piece of gold for the purpose of formal and ceremonial purity. Generally a Muslim would like to have the names of his religious Head and/or ‗most high‘ inscribed, in Arabic, on his amulet Taviz123.

As a matter of fact, North Indian women of all divisions and residential areas have always shown weakness and anxiety to decorate, adorn may even load themselves with a immense assortment of heavy ornaments, from the pre - historic, times.For ornaments of women and their photos, we find sufficient material from Women in India by Rethfood: Indian Jewelry by Col.Handlay's Paintings of Rampur State Library; Paintings of Indian Art Exhibition (Exhibition of Indian Art Catalogue) etc124..In brief, One need be an Indian Woman born and bred in the great Indian tradition to recognize the sense of power that such jewels as earrings and anklets make her the best, attractive, pleasing and very beautiful. T.N. Mukerjee has quoted a long list of jewellary and ornaments usually worn by women in ancient times. It appears very clear that the women of this part of Northern India directly inherited this passion and craze for ornaments and jewelry from the first known invaders i.e. the Aryans125. Mr. Baden Powell has made a considerable contribution in the field of Punjab ornaments in his illustrious works 'The handbook of the Manufacturers and Arts of the Punjab', Vol.II126.

There was not any abandonment or Significant change from the traditional custom during the early or later Muhgal periods. Most the historians and travelers are in complete understanding that such decorations were the very joy of women's hearts, women could conveniently part with or ignore any important point of

122 G.S.Sethi, Women’s Ornaments in Later Medieval Age in Northern India, C.M. Agrawal,(editd by), Dimension of Indian Womenhood,Vol.II, Shri Almora book Depot, 1993,Almora, p. 1 123 Ibid. 124 T.N. Mukharji ,Aer Manufactures of India , p.123. 125 Ibid.. 126 Beden Pewell was covering area possibly from Peshawar to Delhi and Ladakh to Karachi, Beden Pewell, A Handbook of theManufacturers and Arts of the Punjab,Vol. II, p.184

luxury or comfort but never the ornaments.In the current century, we see a marvelous variety. Women may have, now, love and greed for possessing maximum gold or jewellary, but the display of heavy ornaments on the body with a view to appearing more beautiful or attractive and wealthy is a thing of the past. Women used to put on ornaments right from their childhood. They employed to stick their ears and noses pierced through in their early childhood. All decorations were not necessarily of gold.They could' also be constructed of brass, silver, etc. in accordance with the demand and financial status of the woman's parents or in- laws when they were tired. It is no exaggeration that every child used to accept a silver or golden chain with bells well-tied round the waist and anklets round the legs.127Abul Fazal mentions 37 types of ornaments of ladies in his Ain128.

Head Ornaments:

From the detailed study of ornaments it appears that the Muslim women during the Modern period used to dress their heads with a great assortment of ornaments made of gold, silver and costly stones. These were hair pins use for making knots over the back of the head and were made of gold or silver. Sometimes, ghunghru were attached on the upper part of the Kants129.

Sheesphul was used commonly mang was a chain with golden beads and flowers worn on the head. Phul was smaller than the sheesphulmauli130. This was a long chain. Sinthi, Chiruni131. Description of another ornament is also available which was little round one inserted with two pearls in between.

Forehead Ornaments

We also find references of different kinds of ornaments worn by women on their foreheads. The following forehead ornaments were well in vogue, at all places.

127 Ibid. 128 Ain III, Jadu Nath Sarkar, p.343. See Also Archna Chaturvedi, Muslim Women and Society, Commanwelth Publication, 2004, Delhi, p. 97. 129 Zinat Kausar, Muslim Women in Medieval India, 1992,Op.Cit. p. 95. 130 Journal of Indian Histoy, Vol. XLIV, Part I, Aprial 1966, Serial No. 130, Published by The University of Kerala , Travendrum, p. 183. 131 Ibid.

Shikhara or Sekra was mostly practiced on the marriage, parentage and other significant functions. It contained generally seven strings of pearls attached to the studs and hung from the forehead covering and concealing almost the entire face 132 . Binduliwas a little tinsel ornament (a very shining substance) for the forehead and Barwataswere tinsel stars over the eyebrows. Damniwas the shape of the border falling over the forehead on either side of the face, whereas Kutbiand Sosaniwere the other two names for it, with an insignificant difference in them133. A Cluster of pearls called Guchhi Marwarid’ was not that popular while Taviz, a small amulet, had its own special significance134. Tika or Kashka and Chand Bina, being a small pendant and a moon shaped pendant, respectively, were quite in general use. Binduli or tika were favourites of women in Northern India, particularly in the Hills and the plains of Punjab, Delhi, Agra and Oudh. Tika or Mang, Tika, hung down from the middle of women's head, in the center of their forehead, a bunch of pearls or precious stones in the shape of a flower, star, moon or sun. Along with the good side of the wizard, the ladies often liked to put on a little round ornament fixed with a ruby has pearls on either position135.

Like the head, Muslim ladies decorated their forehead with the following different forms of ornaments this platform provided ample opportunities for Muslim ladies to grace it with varieties of ornaments of the people close to them.Jhumar136, ornaments were a tassel shaped pendant, hanging beautifully on the forehead. Chand was a semi- lunar shaped ornament for forehead made of gold that can be seen in the modern age also.

Bandni was an ornament similar to binduli, made of brass and was in common use among lower class ladies. Domni or Dauni137, Kutbi and Sosani, Chand Bina, Tawit,79Barwata were beautiful ornaments. Sar-Sori80 was favorites ornament of

132 Ibid. 133 Archana Chaturvedi, Op.Cit., p. 97. 134 Ibid. See also Mohd Umar, Op. Cit. p.95. 135 136 Jhumar, ornaments was a tassel shaped pendant, hanging beautifully on the forehead. Jhumar was a very popular in Muslim Society. Ibid. 137 Beden Pewell, A Handbook of thManuracturers and Arts of the Punjab Vol. II, Op. Cit. p.184.

Muslim ladies. Mang Pati or Mang, an ornament made of gold chain was meant for resting on the central parting of the hair. Benna,Bindi, were beautiful ornament138.

Neck Ornaments

Women put on necklaces of diamonds, pearls, amber and precious stones, which held back five to seven strings of amber beads, around their neck. A necklace with a heavy number of chains was called ChandanHarand a necklace of pearls and beads was known as Mala. There was also Mohan Mala necklace with large gold beads having a gap of old twisted thread between each bead139. Ha rwas a string of pearls interconnected by golden roses which usually hung down to the stomach. The centre of Harcontained a pendant usually made of precious stones. Gulub and was another neck ornament having five to seven rose shaped buttons of gold embedded with silk. Jugni was a single-jewelled pendant invariably stringing from a necklace made of silk140, while Champa Kali, which was a necklace of the collar shape with pendants, meant ‗buds of Champa‘ with many small golden beads hung onto it141. Mohran and Saukan Mohra were also well known necklaces during the period, under study. The former, as the name sounds, used to contain gold Mohr or coin and the latter a small gold medal. Kandi was a chain with amulet cases attached 142 . Atrdanwas quite popular in the Uttar Pradesh and its adjoining areas. It had a square jewelled pendant affixed to the silk chain having a small box on the back containing scent Atr143. Last but not the least, Hass or Hassi (Hasuri&Hans) in Mughal times;144in this region) was of the shape of a ring or collar of silver, which was usually thin, at the ends, and quite thick in the middle.

138 Mang Patti or Mang Taka, an ornament made of gold Chain was meant for resting on the central parting of the hair and was a pendent which exhibited the peculiar beauty of the wearer. S.M. Jaffar, Some Cultural Aspects of Muslim Rule in India, Delhi, 1972, p. 177. 139 It was a Long Necklce comprising large gold beads; all held together by a twisted gold theread. G.S.Sethi, Op. Cit. P.7. 140 Har was a very popular necklace of pearls made to pass through strings ,generally interconnected with golden rose. It was either plain or studded with pearls or gold beads. Har was alsomcalled ‗Mala‘ and it was also known as Motihar. Mohd Umar, Hindustani Tahzeeb Ka Musalmano Pe Asar,( Urdu) p. 510. 141 Diwan-i-Nazar Akbarabadi, (Urdu), p. 44. 142 Ibid. See also Journal of Indian Histoy, Vol. XLIV, Part I, Aprial 1966, Serial No. 130, Published by The University of Kerala ,Travendrum, p. 196. 143 Ibid. Fryer John, and Sir Thomos Roe, Travels in India in the 17th century.1893, p. 384. 144 Zinat Kausar, Op. Cit.p.105.

Ear Ornaments:

Women usually wore pendants in the ears, mostly made of gold, copper or even silver and they hung down from the ears to the shoulders.The ear ornament KarnPhulwas very popular in the entire country, in general, and in northern, central and southern parts of India, in particular145. It was worn by men also. It was also described as Khuti, Khuntiala and we find its references in the 16th&17th century Hindi poetry146. The shape of this popular ornament was like the lower Mangrela. Jhumka was like a hollow ball to the ends of which were suspended small pendants of gold and mostly affixed in the lower part of the Karnphu147l. The ornament, a set of rings to be worn on the entire edge of ear, was known as Goshwara or Bali. It was also called Vali, a circle, with different sizes of car rings. Ladies wore one big and a few small rings on each deal. Peerpal Pati or PeepalVatti resembled Murki, being a pendant, and was also affixed to it, then it was called Kaniala148. The small golden ring to be worn for the first time in life was Machh-Machhlian. Khalil was another small ring and yet another heavy fringed ear ornament, not very common, was Bala Khungiear 149. There are also scattered references of a big star-shaped jewelled stud ear ornament, Tandaura. It shall be justified to make a mention of Mor Bhaniuar (not Mor Phunwar as quoted by some research scholars), after its name, was shaped like a peacock i.e. a pendant of jewels having the figure of the peacock150.

Nose Ornaments:

There is no reference to Nath or nose ornament in the pre Muslim history and literature. All paintings and sculptures of the Hindu period completely ignore

145 Shiva S, Dua, Society and Culture in Northern India 1850-1900., Indian Bibliographies Bureau co-pub.Balaji Enterprises Delhi 1985, p.156. . 146 Journal of Indian History, Vol. XLIV., Part I, April 1966, Serial No. 130, Published by The University ofKerala , Trivandrum, p. 196.See also 147 Muslim Women were very found of wearing ‗Jhumka‘ Which was made of pure gold, having a hollow hemisphere, or like a ball about an inch in diameter with small pendants, furnished in each with one or more small pearls. Jhumka is a great favorite with Muslim Ladies. Selections from the Records of the Government of NorthernWestern Provinces, Vol., II, p.186. 148 Baliwas a small ring with a flower in the middle made of gold. It was very popular among the ladies of all classes. Bali was commonly worn by Muslim ladies. Archna Chaturvedi, Op. Cit. p. 99. 149 Ibid. 150 Journal of Indian Histoy, Vol. XLIV., Part I, Aprial 1966, Serial No. 130, Published by The University of Kerala , Travendrum, p. 196.See also

this ornament. It is; therefore, clear that nose ornaments were not known in ancient and early medieval times, in India. It is also clear that this ornament could not gain that popularity soon. A Nath was a nose ring to be passed through the left nostril and it consisted of a piece of gold wire usually adorned at the centre with pearls and garnets151. Mostly it had a ruby between the two jewels. The other two nose ornaments were called Machhlian Be-sir and Be-sar. The former resembled the shape of a headless fish and the later was a broad piece of gold embedded, with a jewel on the upper end and a gold wire clasped on to the pearl, on the other end, and well-suspended from the nose152. Fashionable ladies usually were a laung- shaped gold or silver nose pin. A small pendant shaped, looking like the spread out tail of peacock was called Morni and another ornament of pendants put on to the Nath stringing from it was described as Laikan153. Bulak(a small pendant), Phuli(a small ring with a diamond of usual green color) and Bohr (pendant of gold leaves) were also worn, though not very often. Quite a few ladies, everywhere, fixed Rekhan (stud of silver of gold) on the front teeth154.

Arms Ornaments:

Both the Hindus and the Muslims considered armed without ornaments a bad omen. Women in- plains and the hilly areas of the Punjab usually wore Bazuband; Nauratan; Anant; Bhawatta and Taviz, Bhujaband was the Sanskrit name for Bazuband. This ornament was tied with the upper part of the arm above the elbows. It was often two inches wide, embedded with diamonds and jewels; quite often with a bunch of pearls hanging down. It is also said to be trifled 'ornament' decorated with semi-circular ornaments usually made hollow and filled up with melted resin, but their ends were always finished with the loops of the same

151 The Persian miniature paintings reveal that the nose ornament was neither in general use in public, nor even in the Imperial harems. The painting in the RazamNamah in Jaipur State library shows no nose ornament.151 However, in the 16th and 17th century Hindi poetry, i.e. during the Mughal period, there are frequent references to Nathgold ring ornamented with gems. Ibid. See also Zinat Kausar, Op. Cit. pp. 100-101. 152 There were several types of nose ornaments during 19th century. Journal and Procedings of the Asiatic Society of the Bengal, Vol,XIX, I924, Art. NO.6. See Also Journal and Procedings of the Asiatic Society of the Bengal, Vol,XXIII, 192, Art No.22., pp. 294-296. 153 Ibid. 154 Bulaqhalf moon shaped ornament had two varieties, buloq and chanotkerBulaq. It lag flat upon the upper lip.G.S.Sethi, Op. Cit. p.7.

metal.155 Baden Powell opines that it was a broad, belt-like ornament, inlaid with jewels, for wearing on the upper arm. Bazuband was also called Nauratan, or Naunag with nine gems set side by side156. Tad had been another ornament usually a hollow circle to be worn on the arm just below the Bazuband157.

Bracelets:

Bandhi-i-Kamar and haikal-i-Kamar. Among the main ornament for the waist mention may be made of Chhudr-Khantika158golden bells strung on gold wire, and twisted round the waist and ‘Kati mekhala’ a golden belt highly decorative. Bichi159. A chain made like a centipede was usually of silver and wrapped round one‘s waist. Kamarsal, ZarKamar, Kandora were other popular ornaments of the waist160.

Bracelets usually made of gold and/or diamonds adorned the wrists of young ladies. Gajrah, made of square gold studs, ascended on the silken strap. Kangan Orkara Zananawas a variety 'of bracelets with small knobs affixed on it. Jawe was tied on each wrist. It consisted of five golden barleycorns affixed on the silk. Band was an armlet usually bread and heavy161. Similarly Jhankangan was a small hollow Kara with grains attached to the hollow to give a mingled rattling sound, Ladies adorned their wrists upto the elbows with bracelets called Churis, generally ten or twelve in number, on each arm. There used to be different types of Churis i.e. Chauras churis, Khungridar Churis, and Kaniabkhrai Churis, usually made of flat ribbon of gold or silver, duly bent round. Bain was a long tube or sleeve made of

155 P.N. Ojha, See Also Umar, Mohd.,Hindustani TahzeebkaMusalmano per Asar, 1975, Delhi, p.506. 156 The Hindus, throughout the country, used to wear Bnant, a long, thin but solid ring of silver or gold, on the upper arm. Similarly Bhawattawas also worn on the upper part of the arm. It was a square gold ornament. Amulet, usually, known as Taviz, was often worn by the Muslims. The primary intention of wearing this particular ornament was to secure protection against the evil eye. Beden Pewell, A Handbook of thManuracturers and Arts of the Punjab, Vol. II, p.181. 157 Ibid. The upper part of the arm, above the elbow, was ornaments by ties armlet. There were various types ofBazubands Prevalent in this period. It was an ornament usually tows inches wades, inlaid with jewls and diamond with a bunch of pearls hanging down, and was tied to the arm with the help of a string, much popular among Muslim royal ladies. Bazuband was worn quit high, up on the right arm by the ladies of Bengal, but in Bihar and UttarPradesh it was worn on both the arms. 158 Mehta, R.J. Handicrafts and Industrial Art of India, Op. Cit.p. 24. 159 Umar, Mohd.,Hindustani Tahzeeb ka Musalmano par Asar, 1975, Delhi, p.510. 160 Ibid. 161 T.N.Mukharji, Po.Cit.p.125.

silver exactly like a number of churis attached together162. It is quite interesting to know the antiquity of Glass Bangles in India. The custom of wearing Glass Bangles is probably six hundred years old. It can be said with authenticity that this is the legacy of the Persian (Muslim) craftsmen and artists who came to India in about the 14th century. A widow, immediately on the death of her husband, would break the bangles with her own hands. A married woman was always blessed with the expression vajrachudamani163. Other bangles of silver or gold, etc., is not known to have been broken. Possibly because, being of precious metal, they were allowed to remain with the widow as her property. As such, some widows in aristocratic and richer classes wore gold bangles, but the Hindu religion did not permit it164.

Finger Ornaments:

Ladies used to cover their fingers with rings, generally one ring for each finger. The rich would get diamonds affixed to them. Arsiwas the name given to the ring fitted with a piece of looking glass, to be worn on the right thumb. Birhamgandwas a broad ring while Kharior shah alamiwas a ring of long oval shape165. A set of finger-rings of simple shape was known as KhariPachangla. A ring studded with diamonds was called Angushirior Mundri. Chhala, a popular ring, was a plain hoop or whole hoop ring made of both silver and gold166.

Muslim Women Artistic Activities:

Every age has got its own peculiarities by which it is known. The Mughals were the ruling class of the country who brought with them their own culture, ways of living methods of cooking and many other manners all their own, which changed by and large when they lived, not as intruders, but as the

162 The word bangle is Bangadi in Gujarati; Bangadiin Marathi and Bang in this part of the country. Originally, it was worn by both the sexes. However, according to the story of Brihannada, from the times of the Mahabharta, a Sankhavalaya (Chank bangle) had come to be known as a mark of femininity. The story describes that ‗Arjuna who had so far assumed the dress of a dancer discarded it and along with it the Valayaor Sankhachuda. In addition to this, a Valaya came to be regarded as the main characteristic revealing that the husband of the lady was alive. It was usually made of lac or chank.G.S.Sethi, OP. Cit. p. 5. 163 Ibid.See Also Zinat Kausar,Op. Cit., pp.114-115. 164 Ibid. 165 Arsi was a ring with a small round mirror, about the size of half a penny, fixed upon it at the centre. This ring was particularly for the lft thumb. Zinat kausar, Op. Cit.p.113. 166 Ibid.

Indian people for a Muslim lady‘s high proficiency in the culinary art was considered an essential and desirable qualification, because the Muslims, during the period 19th century in North India, were very fond of delicious dishes. Since mothers are more particular about the molding of their daughters, and their future conjugal life, they take measures to see that society may be proud of the mothers and daughters. Therefore, the mothers taught their daughters different arts and crafts, side by side with their literary education167.

The Muslim lady‘s high proficiency in the culinary art was considered an essential and desirable qualification, because the Muslims during the period under review, were very fond of delicious dishes. A woman having vast knowledge in the art of cooking was very much admired in her society. Therefore, from the initial stage, Muslim girls were trained in the preparation of different tasty dishes168. Besides imparting religious education, the mother of a girl always thought it her first and foremost duty to teach her the art of cooking. On the other hand, girls too indulged themselves in this particular practice and devoted most of their time to preparing food.67 Keeping always in view new items, so that they could be admired. Due to the Purdah system they had enough time to gain a high degree of excellence in the culinary art, thus, we find that during the Mughal age Muslim ladies of all classes took delight in cooking and we were proud of their skill169.

Embroidery:

India, from ancient times has been famous for different types of embroidery. References to embroidery work are scattered in the literature of the Vedic era. It is important to mention that the Muslim‘s advent into India, in later centuries, brought about a rapid and progressive change in this art as the Mughals were very of using embroidered clothes and other things, hard

167 Kausar, Zinat, Muslim women in Medieval India,Op.Cit.p.180. 168 Ibid. Attempts have, as such, been made to take up various important artistic activities of theirs in the following papers. 169 In this connection, it is important to mention that in the royal kitchen and in noblemen‘s houses professional cooks were employed, even though ladies of such families took an extraordinary interest in the preparation of dainty dishes, on important occasions as and when time warranted. P.N.Ojha, Op..Cit. p.55. See Also Soma Mukharji, Royal Mughal Ladies and their Contribution, , 2001, p.224.

embroidery was widely practiced during the period this fine art rapidly surpassed the old patterns and overhauled them completely170.

The embroidery for personal household use was done by Muslim ladies themselves, in which they found great pleasure. It was done by all classes of Muslims ladies, including respectable families. At lower and middle classes, generally the mother encouraged and guided her daughters and happily passed on her art to them. In respectable families, Muslim ladies were put under the supervision of some elderly ladies for instruction in embroidery and needlework, as it was an honour for them 171 . These lady teachers would not only give instruction about different types of embroidery, but also encouraged them to exercise their own talents in this regard. In embroidery work, designs, both of primitive simplicity as well as of greater complexity, originating in Persia, were popular among Muslim ladies. During the modern period, different varieties of embroidery such as, Chicken Dozi or Chikan Kari Kasheeda, Phulkari (Satin stitch) chain stitch, cross stitch and all sorts of needlwork both cut and wrought works were done by ladies172. Embroidery with golden and silver threads were mostly liked by the Muslim ladies, but the threads of either silk or cotton were also used. Muslim girls took great interest in embroidery work, from the very as in their marriage array their pieces of embroidery were kept as proof of their skill.

Among royal families also, embroidered cushions, dresses with callers and bordering of gold embroidery, embroidered ‘rumal’ handkerchief and other things were given in the dowry of a girl. Therefore, in the royal harem princesses were taught methods of embroidery by certain old women, known as ‗Atun‘173.

170 Embroidery in India has been traditionally women‘s art, they embroidered beautiful figurative and floral designs on cotton, silk, wool, velvet and even on leather. Archna Chaturvedi, Muslim women and society, Commonwealth Publication, 2004, p.184. 171 Imperial Gagetteer of India, The Indian empire Vol. IV, Administrative New Edititon, Today and Tommorrw Printers & Publishers, New Delhi,p. 498. 172 Ibid. Also See Aechna Chaturvedi, Op.Cit.p.186. 173 During the Mughal age, when the sewing machine was not invented, tailoring was regarded an important art. As sewn garments were worn by Muslims ladies in well-to-do families were given instruction, the cutting and stitching different types of dresses. In royal families too, ladies knew the art of stitching and tailoring. Babur‘s wife Maham Begum and ladies of Humayun‘s household knew the art of stitching as well.Kausar Zinat, Op.Cit. p.180.

Among the royal ladies, she herself introduced some admirable pieces of tapestry and embroidery. She invented a silver thread lace known as ‗Kinari‘. In order to enhance the beauty of the bride, bridegrooms garments, she started to use silver threads on it and gave it the name ‗Badlah‘. She beautifully embroidered leaves and floral designs with threads on clothes174.

In modern period North India‘s women had proficiency in embroidery and needlework. In her leisure hours she invented some beautiful pieces of embroidery work and introduced them to the people. She introduced new cut and designs in dresses. In women‘s grown she introduced some new styles which became fashionable among the ladies or Delhi and Agra175. Among the dresses introduced by her, were ‘Nur Mahili’ dress for bride and bridegroom), ‗Dudami‘ or ‗Dudamni‘ (Peshwas) and ‗panchtalia‘ (Orhnis) besides others for introducing new designs, Nur Jahan become so popular among the court ladies that they insisted on wearing what Nurjahan had designed the modern time‘s ladies knew the art very well, and had interest in cutting and stitching different varieties of clothes ‗Angiya Kirti’, a new design of ladies‘ dress was her great contribution in the field of Muslim women‘s costume176.

Art of Decoration:

Never before in the history of India, has the art of decoration developed as rapidly, in a new fashion and style as during the Modern age the credit of this achievement undoubtedly goes to the royal ladies. Coming to modern women it blossomed fully, as is clear from the research conducted with the help of forcing as well as Indian sources. The developing art in the direction of decoration gained popularity with the masses during the period under review. In fact Muslim ladies of the Mughal age regarded it a duty to devote most of their time to maintaining their household and keeping the houses decorated. The elderly ladies of the family often guided the younger generation in this respect, so that these girls could be admired by society177.

174 Ibid. 175 K.S. Lal, The Mughal Haram, Op.Cit.p.22. 176 Sunity Devi, the Beautiful Princesses, 1918,p.122. 177 See Also Soma Mukharji, Royal Mughal Ladies and their Contribution.Op.Cit. p.222.

In royal families, ladies never neglected the art of decorating palaces. There it is important to mention that on certain special occasions not only places, but gardens, streets and ‗Bazars‘ (Markets) were also decorated under their supervision. Not only the royal ladies, but the ladies of the nobility also knew the art of decoration and took delight in its exhibition on the occasion of festivals and marriage party was decorated their Nawabs and common men and other royal personalities, decorated their quarters and houses too. At this joyful event the Begums and ladies exhibited their art by decorating their gardens ‗quite‘ wonderful in a new fashion178.

Now it became modern women‘s habitual nature to decorate her apartment daily in a new fashion, she used to adorn the walls of the room with painted pictures and tapestry flowery curtains, made of sweet smelling flowers were hung on the doors, under her keen interest, devotion and aptitude in the art, husband used to say that until she came to his house, he had no proper sense of domestic pleasures or the or the spirituality and sanity of marriage 179.

Art of Painting:

The art of painting was one of the favorite fined arts of the Muslim ladies of the Mughal period till the sixteenth century, it is difficult to say whether Muslim ladies achieved proficiency in this art or not, as no references to Muslim lady painters are readily available. But one thing is certain, that just as Rome was not built overnight, in the case of painting to the seed in the sixteenth or earlier centuries germinated. It developed gradually till a time came when it was recorded and saw its full bloom during later centuries. In the 17 th and 18th centuries when the art of painting was at its prime we found references to Muslim lady painters too in the 19th century180.

178 Zeenat Kausar, Op.Cit. 179 Ibid.It is important to mention that ladies was so much interested in the art of decoration that she herself invented many new things for the decoration of her rooms ‗farsh Chandni’, a silver carpet, was an Nur Jahan‘s invention, it was spread over the carpet that lay on the floor, Khafi Khan mentions that Nur Jahan had prepared a beautiful certain for the main door of her room which was made of costly pearl, garnet and Zamurrad. 180 Thus we find that Muslim ladies took delight in the art of decoration and exhibited their talents and skill on certain occasion.79Chaturvedi, Archna, Op.Cit., pp.186-187.

Chapter-III Socio-Cultural Trends and Traditions

CHAPTER-III

SOCIO-CULTURAL TRENDS AND TRADITIONS

Women in Social and Cultural Life:

Women always played an important role in the social and cultural life of a country. They look after the family and manage the household. They take on a significant role in marriages, spiritual ceremonies and festivals. Women lay and carry on the customs and traditions in society. In Religion, government, politics, learning, dance, music, entertainment, and various other social activities women made their own contributions. Dresses,ornaments and cosmetics were their special field of interest. Thus, women played a multifarious role in the 19th century1.

Improvement in the traditional status of women, therefore, was a necessary first step in this programme. Women by improving their position in the society was a critical factor and especially the improvement of the status of women in education is indispensable for playing many of the modern roles. Education not only equips women with the knowledge and expertise necessary for playing many effective roles and thereby enables them to rise in status; it also widens their cognitive map and enables them to compare their position in society vis-à-vis men2.

Accordingly, education had formed a key element in the Government of India‟s programmes for the improvement of the status of women. The government had also realized that education is basic to the availing many of their social welfare programmes and the enjoyment of many measures of social legislation passed since independence. The Government had therefore initiated large scale educational programmers in the country with special focus on the weaker sections of the people3.

1 M. indu Menon, Status of Muslim Women in India: A case study of Kerala, Uppal publishing house, New Delhi, 1981 p. 1 2 V.P.S. Raghvanshi, Indian Society in the Eighteenth Century, Association Publishing house, New Delhi, 1969, pp.87-88. 3 Ibid.

None the less Muslim women in India have lagged behind in educational attainment and consequently in the process of modernization compared to women in other communities4.

The activities of the women mainly centered round household heroes. They took keen interest in spinning, weaving, sewing,cooking and in serving food. Isami has stressed that the place of women was the home. Instead of wearing the crown they should take an interest in spinning and weaving. Amir Khusrau, also considered spinning to be the chief activity of women. They should be able to spin “dupatta” for themselves. Even if they were wealthy, women should not abandon the task of spinning and weaving5.

Women went to Hauz, rivers and wells to fetch water in pitchers for household chores. Cooking and serving of food was another duty of the females. Some of them prepared delicious dishes for which they were often rightly recorded. Asad Khan an influential noble of Sultan Sikandar Lodi, was so much pleased after eating that tasty dish of fresh green leaves cooked by a common woman that he rewarded her with a plate full of gold coins6. Hindu women who were well versed in household duties sought employment at low wages in the house of Muslims. This depicts the pitiable condition to which they were reduced and were called upon to coin their livings in a hard way. They often helped their husband in the fields where they especially looked after cattle7.

Apart from the household chores women also worked in different capacities. As a soldier guard, they looked after the harem‟s security, whereas they were employed inside the harem to keep a record of its income and expenditure.Often they acted as spies and informed the administration about the various developments which occurred within the territory. Female sweepers who undertook the task of sanitation

4 Siddiqui, Nafeesh – Rohilla Itihas, Itihas and Sanskriti, 1707-1774 Rampur Raza Library, Rampur, 2005.pp. 130-132. 5 Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, Vohra Publication and Distributors, Allahbad, pp. 210-211. 6 Ibid. 7 Umar, Muhammad, Muslim Society in Northern India during the eighteenth century M/S Famous Offset Press, 1998, Delhi. pp. 10-12.

78 also acted as in-collaboration with the female slaves as spies 8 . They conveyed important information about the different houses to the officers for prompt and timely action.

Women workers believed in the theory of toiling hard and thus they earned their bread in a halal way. Female slaves served their masters with great sincerity and tried to make life luxurious and comfortable.

The other profession which women undertook was dancing and singing. The institution of prostitution was also prevalent. Women were employed to carry messages from one place to another9. They ran shops and sold commodities in the market. Chamoo, a common woman ran a shop in Delhi where she sold opium. The saints enjoyed the services of the females in several ways.

The more balanced the opportunity structure for man and women, the larger role women have in society and consequently the higher their status10. In a developing society such as that of India, it is essential that both men and women play equal and important role in the development effort. Improvement in the traditional status of women, therefore, is a necessary first step in this program. Accordingly,the government in order to improve their position in society took internet in the provision of education which is indispensable for playing many of the modern roles11.

Purdah:

One sure measure to gauge the refinement of society in a given age and clime is the status enjoyed by women then. The better their status, the more cultured the society. Judged by this yardstick, society in Northern India in the second half of the nineteenth century could not boast of a complimentary degree of refinement12.

8 Syed Najmul Raza Rizvi, The Working Class Women in Medieval India, Dr. Amitabha Mukherjee Women in India, (edited by), Women: Indian Life and Society, Punthi Pustak and Institute of Historcal Studies, Calcutta, 1996, pp. 110- 113. 9 Ibid. pp. 114-115. 10 Kunwar Muhammad Ashraf, Life and conditions of the people of Hindustan, Jiwan Prakashan Educatioal Publishrs, New Delhi, p. 93. 11 Ibid. 12 Pushpa Suri, Social Conditions in Eighteenth Century Northern India, Publication Division, 1977, New Delhi p.92.

The hallmark of middle class Muslim women, if such a thing can be said to exist, is the burqa. A voluminous hooded clock, it covers the body from head to foot giving no glimpse of the person enveloped in its folds. The burqa can be made in different ways, sometimes it is made in two parts. The bottom half is a sort of a full half is formed of a cap, which hugs the head and from which a frill is suspended to reach to the level of the waist 13. There is a front flap which can be made of a transparent material to allow the viewer to look out upon the world. When of the same material as the rest of garment two “windows” are cut out at eye level. These also are sometimes covered with a gauzy material or with a piece of crocheted lace. This flap can be easily lifted to expose the face without exposing any part of the body. When made as a single garment, the frill suspended from the cap reaches right down to the face14.

Sometimes the front flap is absent and when the weaver wishes to uncover the face the whole garment has to be lifted up and thrown back over the head. Burqa-clad women are a common sight in the congested area of cities, especially in the prominent Muslim area. The Burqa has been a part of Muslim women‟s attire for quite a few centuries. Early Indian Muslim paintings show it in almost exactly the same form as it exists today15.

Purdah was maintained generally by the Muslim Women, and also by one some sections of Hindu women, particularly belonging to the upper and well-to-do classes. Poor women, especially in the rural areas, who had to work out-doors for their maintenance, could not have afforded to observe the rules of Purdah or to remain in seclusion with the same rigidity as their sisters belonging to the upper of society. The vast mass of peasant women did not wear any shroud or veil of a specific kind and they did not confine themselves to their house16

13 Jamila, Brijbhushan, Muslim Women in Purdah and out of it, Vikas Publishing House Private LTD., Delhi, 1980, P.18. 14 bid. 15 Ramesh Bhandari, Role of Status of Women in Religion and Society, Alfa Publication, New Delhi, 2010, p. 11. 16 We may examine the general lot of women during the period under Mughals, in the light of certain remarkable and almost universal contemporary customs and practices. In the first place, a reference may be made to the system of Purdah [veil] which dad become, in some form or the other, almost a common feature of Indian womanhood in those days. We have got numerous instances of such women in the contemporary literatures that went out of their houses in search of 80

The Muslim women observed Purdah with greater rigidity than the Hindu ones. Reference to Purdah among the Muslim women can be found, in abundance, in the accounts of foreign travelers and in Persian Chronicles. DeLaet, for example, refers to the system of veil among the Muslim women thus: “The Mohammedan women do not come out in public unless they are poor or immodest.They veil their heads and draw their hair forward in a knot from the back17.”Except in the families of the working classes, Purdah was strictly observed by all upper class women, and its rigidity was greater according to the social and economic status of the family. The ladies of the royal families were very particular in this regard and some loss of life resulted as they did not even come before the medical practitioners18.

The system of female seclusion undoubtedly possesses many advantages in the social well-being of unsettled and uncultured communities. The prophet of Islam found it existing among the Persians and the oriental communities. He perceived its advantages, and it is possible that, in view of the wide spread laxity of morals among all classes of people, he recommended to the women folk the observation of privacy19.

Purdah was regarded as a measure of respectability among the well to do families. Strict Purdah was adopted by many rich Hindu families just like the Muslims, but with the passage of time, the Purdah system became more elaborate among the Hindus. The respectable ladies, both Muslim and Hindu were carried in Doles by men in attendance. Poor Muslim women wore Burqa and went out totally wrapped in long garments covering their heads20.

The conquered people, therefore, had no option but to confine their own women to the home and to keep them away from the lustful eyes of the conquerors

livelihood. In Mukundaram‟ Skavikankan Chandi, C. U. 1952, pp.182-184. We find a fowler‟s [kaviketu‟s] wife, phullara, going to sell meat and elephant-tusk in the market [hat] ; Also „Mangal Chandeer Geet‟[ C.U.,1952 ] for Phullara‟ selling meat from house to house, p. 52. We find a reference to the milk –maids going out of their houses for selling different kind of milk- products. 17 De Lact, The Great Mughal the Empire of Woyland & Banerjee, p.80. Also see P.N. Ojha, North Indian Social Life during Mughal Period, Oriental Publishers and Distributors, Delhi, 1975, pp. 120-121. 18 Ibid. Monmohan Kaur, Women in India’s Freedom Struggle, Sterling Publishers Private limited, 1992, p.20. 19 Jafri Begum, Muslim Society in India 712-1200 A.D., Kanishka Publishers & Distributers New Delhi, 2002, pp .12-13. 20 Ibid. and also see M.L. Bhagi, Medievel India: Culture and Thought, p.18.

81 whenever they were forced to leave the sanctuary of the home. Women wrapped themselves up in shuts or shawls and avoided any display of their charms21. That is nothing but a myth is immediately obvious to anyone conversant with the ancient history not only of India but of another part of the world. The old testament of the Bible mentions that the women of Persia were kept secluded and away from male eyes. References are found to veiling and seclusion in ancient Greece and Syria. In pre-Islamic Arabia desert dwellers moved about freely while city women were kept in seclusion22.

However, unmarried girls and slaves paraded round the Kaaba in Mecca looking for potential husbands and buyers23.

The Quran, therefore, did only the obvious when it enjoined on the faithful to keep their women well covered and to give them a distinguishing mark so that they would be recognized and not bothered. Accordingly “O Prophet tells their wives and their daughters and the worse of the believers to draw their cloaks close around them. This will be better, thus. Then they may be recognized and not annoyed” (Q. 33-59) and when I ask her (women) anything, asked if of them from behind a curtain24. This is purer for your hearts and for their hearts”(Q. 33: 53). Purdah was maintained generally by the Muslim women, and also same sections of the Hindu women, particularly belonging to the upper and well-to-do classes. The vastness of a specific kind they did not confine themselves to their house25.

The Muslim women do not come out in public unless they are poor or immodest; they veil their hands and draw their hair forward in a knot from the back. It was a great dishonor for a Mohammedan family when a wife is compelled to uncover herself. The Muslim women do not allow their faces to be seen by anyone, they are

21 Purdah, literally, curtain, has been an integral fact of Muslim life Since Islam came into India. This has led to a deeply cherished myth that the segregation of women was a direct result of the Muslim conquest. Not only did the conquest error keep their own women in seclusion, it is said and away from the eyes of strangers but they were apt to carry away any girl who took their fancy any to make her the victim of their lust.Ibid. p.18. Jamila Brjbhushan, p.18. Op. cit. 22 P. N. Ojha, North Indian Social Life during Mughal Period, Oriental Publishers and Distributors, Delhi, 1975, p.122 23 Mazhar-ul-Haq, Social pathology of the Muslim Society,Amar Prakashan, Delhi, 1978, P. 26-27. 24 Jamila Brijbhushan, Muslim Women: In Pardah Out of It,Vikas Publishing house PVT LTD, New Delhi, 1980, p.18-19. 25 Ibid., P.N. Ojha, Op. Cit.

82 being contrary to their law to allow emphatic (they) to be seen with an uncovered face26.

Muslim Society under the Purdah system is like a split personality. It has no inner unity. It is split into numerous kinship groups, big and small. Those groups are effective social units.The memberships of these units are exclusive in front of other groups and are available to the male members only27. Women, young or old, age have no rights or privilege, but they are treated as mere possession of the kindred groups in which they are born or of their husbands or captors who have acquired possession of them by marriage, capture or by violent methods. This chattel like the status of women is one of the two essential bases of Purdah society and define a factor of its social life and dynamics28 the second basic factor to have under control of the land which makes it a feudal society? Land is the source of wealth and social prestige and the only kind of economic activity the Muslim people knew in the past, except the tribal pastoralist and raids which were regarded as much a source of income as land ownership29.

The last downward step‟ writes Farquhar, “Faithfully possible because of all that had gone before it, was the acceptance of the custom of secluding the women of the upper castes in the women‟s apartment and cutting them off from all participation in public life30.There was no Purdah amongst the women in ancient Northern India, but it slowly crept into the Hindu Society. The Purdah was introduced partly to shield them from the insults and humanities of the invaders and partly in imitation of the custom of alien conquerors31. Child marriage was also responsible for this custom.

26 Ibid. Badauni refer to it, with much emphasis thus. And if a young women was found running about the lanes and bazaars of the town, and while so doing either did not veil herself or allowed herself to be unveiled.....she was to go to the quarters of the prostitutes and take up the profession. Badauni, 2, translate p.402. 27 Ibid. 28 Begum Jafri, Muslim Society in India 712-1200 A.D., Kanishka Publishers, Distributors & New Delhi, 2002, pp.8-9. 29 The Muslim family in the Purdah society is organized not for the cook and achievement, so for male interest and dominance. In the rigid dichotomy of male and female life in the Society. The Muslim women are confined to the many duties of the most prominent of bearing children and responsibility the home and the husband., Rekha Misra, Women in Mughal India, Op.Cit. p.11. 30 J.N. Farquahar, The Crown of Hinduism, 2nd Edition , Oxford, 1915, p. 101. Jafri Begum, Muslim Society in India 712- 1200 A.D.,Op.Cit. p.20 31 Ibid. Monmohan Kaur, Women in India’s Freedom Struggle, Sterling Publishers Private limited, 1992, p. 20.

Purdah was more strictly observed in North India in comparison to South India. In fact, wherever the influence of Muslims was strong, the women were kept in seclusion. Purdah was not popular with the Marathas, but it had become a common custom with the ruling class of Rajasthan32.

In the Northern India‟s society, for instance, but even amongst these classes an unmarried girl was not allowed to go unescarthed. The married women would hide or cover her face in the presence of elders and from the husband when he was in the company of others33.

The Zenana system was in a custom or practice. Among the rich the Zenana was spacious and luxurious while among the poor the ‘Purdah’ was less common where it was observed it was so rigid that a woman was confined in a small house with practically no window or with openings high up in the walls. She could not work except cooking, which was done inside the house. They had been told that a Rajput woman could not leave her house to fetch water though the house might be in a jungle and the wall in front of it34.

These women were condemned to lifelong prison, a helpless, prostrate and pathetic figure with feeble health, her naturally keen senses dulled through inaction, without the light of knowledge illuminating, her vision steeped in ignorance and prejudice, groping in the dark, a martyr in the convictions of the society in which she had been born this custom was so ingrained in women that they did not feel the restriction much35. As late as 1922 A.D.,Nawab Sultan Jehan Begum, ruler of Bhopal, wrote a book in defense of Purdah-AL- Hijab or “Why Purdah is Necessary”. She writes, “To expect Muslim girls to go to school and colleges with open faces or with veil on, and sit with the boys and obtain instructions in different branches of knowledge is tantamount to the death of their finer sentiments, morality and

32 K.M. Mishra, Uttare Bharat Muslim Samaj, Rajsthan Hindi GranthAcadami, jaypur 1974, p. 72. 33 Shiva S,Dua, Society and Culture in Northern India 1850-1900, Indian Bibliographies Bureau co- pub. Balaji Enterprises, Delhi, 1985, p. 136. 34 Saraswati Mishra, Status of Indian Women, Gyan Publication House, New Delhi, 2002, pp.35,36. See Also J.N. Farquahar., Op.Cit. p. 102. 35 Census Report Punjab 1911 A.D., Part 19, p.295. This custom is still prevalent even though not with the same rigidity in the districts of Rohtak and Hissar, especially in the village which are mostly inhabited by Rajputs.

84 religion36. Sultan Jahan Begum maintained strict purdah for most of her life and she herself as well as others pointed to her case as evidence that women in purdah could be well educated. Nevertheless the presence of such women among North Indian Muslims permitted a certain stretching of the boundaries of permissible behavior, if not for all women, then for some in the upper class. The Begum was living evidence that educated women could be capable administrators, and that their piety and nobility of character were undiminished by a public life37.

Its bad effects were especially apparent in the middle class families which observed Purdah strictly, but could not afford to provide spacious apartments. No consideration to light and fresh air was given. What mattered was how best the privacy could be secured, with the result these Zenanas were the places where tuberculosis thrived38.

The Britisher‟s sudden attack in India brought the people in touch with a whole new set of ideas and a completely fresh value system, the idea of high class women moving around not only with their faces uncovered but with those interior bosoms exposed was totally different nature to the people of the sub-continent. The fact that the rulers were totally differently made of them a thing apart and something with which the natives need not concern themselves, the strange ideas39. However, slowly but surely permitted the intellectuals so that the only way to deal with the foreign elements was to study their concepts and ideas and to evolve a strategy first to owe their encroachment and then to rid the country of these physical presence. The strange ideas, however, slowly but surely permitted the comfortably closed society, bringing in a startlingly new concept. As the liberation movement gained momentum

36 While it is true that veiled women could be educated, the Begums of Bhopal were atypical. As ruling princes, they had to deal with men every day, whether tutors, religious guides, ministers, revenue officials, or the British Resident. That the Begum wore a veil while attending to official duties did not alter the face that few other sharif women could match her experience. H. H. Nawab, Sultan Jahan Begum, Al Hijab or why Purdah is Necessary, Calcutta, 1922, p.194. 37 Purdah notwithstanding, Sultan Jahan Begum„s autobiography contains photographs of her grandmother, mother, and herself – unveiled. See Also An Account of My Life, Frontispiece and photographs facing, pp. 6,16,28,198. 38 Health Officer of Calcutta, Report for 1913, p. 126. Also see MonmohanKaur, Women in India’s Freedom Struggle, Sterling Publishers Private limited, 1992,p 22. 39 Jamila Brijbhushan, Muslim Women: in Purdah and Out of it, Vikas Publication House, New Delhi, 1980, pp. 19-20.

85 it become clear to thinking people that the freedom of the country could never be possible if half the population was kept tucked away in the interiors of homes40.

Dr. Vaughan, who made special studies of this custom in the Purdah system and its effects on Motherhood observed that osteomalacia was the direct result of Purdah. Her studies revealed that this disease was prevalent among women in the child bearing age. It often started before marriage when the girl went into seclusion and away from sunlight Purdah deprived the women of any significance in the life, outside home41. Even in the house, women‟s economic dependence on men and the belief that man lifted superior to women them with no individuality of their own. The reformers like Raja Ram Mohan Rai, Keshab Chandra Sen and other leader‟s reformers of the socio-religious reform movements were well aware of this evil custom and worked for the removal of Purdah42.

Child Marriage:

The girls who escaped the cruel custom of infanticide were married very young,i.e., between the ages of five and ten years, having no opportunity for the improvement of their mental or physical self. It might be argued that since girls did not go to school and had no social life, they were married young. It also secured their purity. Marriages were arranged by parents. Early marriage was convenient because the younger a girl the easier her adjustment to the new environment43. In respect of child marriage, the first step was the Act of 1860 which dealt with the age of consent and consummation and not with the marriage ceremony itself; it raised the age for consummation of marriage in the case of girls to ten. In 1891A.D, the age of consent was raised to twelve for girls and in 1925 to thirteen for married girls and fourteen for

40 In this movement of bringing out women from the house, the role of the British was emphatic and most important. They own reciprocal from most important. They thought women may not have enjoyed complete equality with the men but the thought of keeping her segregated was totally abhorrent to them. In fact, Purdah had always been a great hurdle to their understanding of Islam. Gail Minault, Secluded Scholars: Women‘s Education and Muslim Social Reform in Colonial India, Oxford university press, New Delhi, 1998, pp. 5-9 41 Monmohan Kaur, Women in India’s Freedom Struggle, 1992,Op.Cit. p. 22. 42 Ibid. Health Officer of Calcutta, Report for 1913, 43 KaurManmohan, New Delhi, 1992,Op.Cit. P.12.

86 unmarried ones. In 1929, the child marriage Restraint Act, known as the Sarda Bill after its mover, Rai Sahab Harbilas Sarda was passed44.

The custom involved a number of abuses. The awareness of the importance of marriage and its responsibilities were absent in such marriage. For the child-wife, marriage was associated with sweets, beautiful dresses, fireworks and for a few days to be the centre of attraction with perhaps a ride on the horse or in palanquin in the gay evening procession. After the marriage, her companions, most often, where a husband much older in age or a few elderly women in the house45.

The life in the new home was not always happy. Thus “the Girl child from the moment of her birth to her death undergoes one continuous lifelong suffering as a child-wife, as a child-mother and very often as a child-widow. The system married all developments-physical, intellectual and even spiritual. It resulted in crushing the individuality of the child-wife46.

Early marriage and early consummation curtailed freedom and joy of girlhood. Before even she could taste the carefree years of girlhood, she was compelled to be a mother. The practice of child marriage was responsible for the high rate of in fact mortality.

Fuller observes: “Of the children born every year, only about half the number reached the age of 30 years. The custom was answerable for millions of widows in the country, abnormal deliveries and prolonged illness of mother after confinement, sterility in some cases and prolonged debility of chronic diseases in others47.

A Better social status for women was a prerequisite for India‟s progress. Foreign missionaries started taking interest in the social conditions of the country, but people were doubtful of their motives. As a reaction to their motives, as a reaction to their method of work western contacts and western education, the men of India rose to

44 P.N. Chopra (ed.), The Gazetteer of India: Indian union vol. 2, History and Culture, Gazetteers Unit Department of Culture Ministry of Education and Social Welfare. Delhi, 1973, p. 642. 45 The raising of the age of marriage among the Muslim the educated classes has been effective largely due to education, economic pressures, and the break- up of the joint family system. The lower castes are generally anxious to adapt their usages to those of their superiors as a means of enhancing their own prestige. Ibid., Also see, Indu, Menon, Status of Muslim Women in India, Op. Cit. p.71. 46 Fuller M, The Wrongs of Indian womanhood, New York, 1900, p. 33. 47 Ibid. Report on Native papers, Bengal [confidential], for the week ending, 3 December 1880.

87 the need of the hour. In the beginning, it was men who labored hard to improve the condition of women, but slowly the women of India also came forward to take their peace in the society outside their home48.

In the case of Muslims, in fact marriage was regarded with disfavor, particularly among the educated classes. Even amongst the more ignorant sections of the community, with whom the practice was a relic of the customs they had followed before their conversion to Islam, the influence of the Muallanas, Who were doing propaganda to purge their system of the customs alien to their religions, was helping to bring it into disfavor, the animistic tribes, and showed a tendency in the opposite direction49.

Early marriage had become almost a universal feature of the contemporary Indian social life. Girls rarely exceeded the age of nine or ten years and the boys sixteen or seventeen before they were wedded.

The accounts of the foreign travelers, the Persian chronicles and the contemporary literary works abound in numerous instances of child marriage in our period. Both the Hindus and the Muslim had fallen prey to it50.

Abul Fazl also refers to early marriage, thus: „In the extentensive country of India men are active to form this union at a tender age, and this introduces the leaven of evil the royal princes, it appears were generally married when they attained the age of 16 or 17 years51.

Emperor Akbar seems to have disliked early marriages, and he tried to check this practice as far as possible: Abul Fazl writes, “He abhors marriages which take place between men and women before the age of puberty”. They bring forth no fruit

48 They were beginning to discountenance their custom of favoring adult marriage coupled with considerable premarital sexual freedom and being impressed by the example of the Hindus, some of them were substituting it by the system of early marriage. Ibid. And See also, Fuller M., The Wrongs of Indian Womanhood, New York 1900, p.33. 49 This was in conformity with the general end of the period among the different castes to adopt such customs as would help them to acquire higher social status. Ojha, P.N., North Indian Social life during Mughal Period, Oriental Publishers & Distributers, Delhi, 1975, p.123. 50 There not and Careri – Indian Travels of …… ( edited by Dr. S.N.Sen, ) New Delhi, 1949, p. 72. 51 Abul Faazl , refers to the marriage of Prince Murad when he was of 1 years of age on the 5th may , 1587 A.D.(A.N.3, translate p.791); Prince Salim was married to the daughter of Raja Bhagwan Das when he was sixteen years old (Badauni, 2 (lowe), p.352). Also see P.N. Ojha , North Indian Social Life :during Mughal period , oriental Publication & Distributors, Delhi, 1975. p.125.

88 and his majesty thinks them even hurtful; for afterwards, when such a couple ripens into manhood, they dislike having a connection and their home is desolate52.

The society in any part of the world depends on all round development of the basic necessities and luxuries, which are reflected by the family structure, the dresses, food, living manners, custom behavior, traditions, and marriage celebration is social laws and personal relationship etc.

Even a hostile critic like Badauni observes, “Boys were not to marry before the age of sixteen nor girls before fourteen, because the offspring of early marriages is weak. And again”, he forebodes girls before fourteen and boys before sixteen years of age to be married. And the story of the consummation of the Prophet‟s marriage with Sidhqah, he utterly abhorred53.

The social reform movement for the emancipation of women was set in motion by Raja Ram Mohan Roy, who stood on the threshold of the old and the new. He interpreted the East in light of the West. He was a social, religious reformer, a politician and an educationist. Raja Rammohan Roy was the first man who espoused the cause of women. From then onwards, women, who were not only the slaves of the ruling nation, but also of the customs and usages of the society, started receiving attention which with the advent of Mahatma Gandhi, became a national issue 54 . Association like the Brahmo Samaj and the AryaSamaj took up the cause of child marriage. There was the need of a special law to save the child-wife from physical suffering and harassment at the hands of the husband. It was at the instance of Ishwar

52 Ibid. Ain, 1 (Bloch.), p.287; A reference may also be made to the Emperor„s saying with regard to child marriage .( Ain, 3,( J &S). p.448. 53 Siddiquah is the title of Ayisha, the daughter of Abu Baker. The story goes that she was only six years old when she was engaged to the Prophet who was then fifty years of age. The actual marriage took place when she was of nine years. (Vide Ain, 1, translate), p. 213. See also Springer‟s life of Mohammad 3, p. 62. Also see P. N. Ojha, p. 127. 54 Raja Ram Mohan Roy (1772-1833.) was a man of unusual intellectual ability. He was a profound scholar of Sanskrit and Persian and a great admirer of British culture. He was one of those who felt that India had everything to gain from contact with the West and he tried to imbibe the best that could offer. He took a leading part in starting the English-Medium schools in Begal through which the youth could acquire the most modern Indian education. He introduced rationalistic principals in social and religious ideas. He was founder of the Brahmasabhawhich developed into the BrahmoSamaj. This organization was the first made deliberate attempt in modern India to reform Hinduism and restore it to its pristine glory. P.N. Chopra (ed.), the Gazetteer of India: Indian Union vol. 2, History and Culture, Gazetteers Unit Department of Culture Ministry of Education and Social Welfare. Delhi, 1973, p. 650.

Chandra Vidyasagar that the first step was taken in this direction in 186055. The Indian Penal Code prohibited the consummation of marriage if the girl was less than ten years old. Thus he initiated propaganda against child marriage. The marriageable age was fixed under the Brahma Act, 1872; it later came to be known as the Native marriage Act for girls, was 14 years and for boys 18 years. Under this Act bigamy, polygamy and in fact marriage was made impossible56. The British India Society (1854), the Calcutta Evening School (1855) and the goodwill fraternity (1857) Were some of the institution which owes their origin to him.

During this time another social reformer, Daya Ram Gidmul, Joined hands with Malabari to put an end to this custom57. In January 1885, the Surat widows addressed an appeal to the „Gaikwad‟ supporting Malabari‟s point of view. In March 1886, a memorandum was addressed by Sir T. Madhav Rao and other leading citizens to the viceroy requesting for the fixation of marriageable age of girls at ten. Another petition form Meerut praying that marriageable age be fixed at 12 for girls and at 16forboys was submitted to the government of India58.

Life of Women Under Polygamous Condition:

Polygamy was another custom which tended to lower status of women. It was not universally practiced Bengal, Uttar Pradesh and Punjab were the worst affected areas. This system reduced women to a state of perpetual subjection among those classes which practiced this custom59. The girls were married at a very early age and

55 Although the Brahmo Samaj was the visible embodiment of the new spirit, it never became a powerful movement. It began to lose its importance in less than half a century after its foundation. However, it effectively helped the progress of Hindu society by stemming the tide of conversion to Christianity, by holding a living example of society based on progressive and liberal views and by supplying eminent persons who advanced liberal ideas in other spheres of life such as politics. Unlike the Brahmo Samaj with its learning towards Christianity, the Arya Samaj founded in 1875 by Swami Dayanand (1824-1888 A.D.) who is considered by Sri Aurobindo as “one of its great and formative spirits,” Back to the Vedas. Kaur Manmohan, Women in India‟s Freedom struggle. Op. Cit. pp.12-13. 56 P.N. Chopra (ed.), The Gazetteer of India: Indian union vol. 2, History and Culture, Gazetteers Unit Department of Culture Ministry of Education and Social Welefare.1973, p.651. 57 Ibid. pp 652-653. Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, Vohra Publication and Distributors, Allahbad, pp. 210-211. 58 KaurManmohan, Women in India’s Freedom struggle. Sterling Publishers private limited, New Delhi, 1992. P.14. Indian Social Reformer, 1899 A.D. Vol. 9, p. 250. 59 Census Report Punjab 1911 A.D., Part 19, p. 295. This custom is still prevalent even though not with the same rigidity in the districts of Rohtak and Hissar, especially in the village which are mostly inhabited by Rajputs

90 naturally the child-wife was under the domination of the husband and mother-in-law. But in case the wife showed independence of spirit, the threat of the second marriage was used to cow her down60.

One of the most terrifying threats that a mother-in-law can hold over a quaking daughter-in-law is that of finding another wife for her son. A husband can also keep his wife in line by threatening too many again. He looks upon polygamy as his irrefutable right guaranteed to him by the Quran and therefore Godsend. This supposed right is unquestioningly conceded him by his co-religionists and others61. A Muslim man according to the general concept, is one who can indulge in any number of marriage as long as he has only four wives at one time, getting rid of the unwanted one by divorcing her. The fact the there are specific conditions under which multiple marriage is allowed in Islam seems to be scarcely remembered62. Very few people seem to realize that the Quran lays down rather stringent conditions about taking a second wife while the first is still alive. These include the barrenness of the wife and the domicile of a man in places where women greatly outnumber men. But no matter what the conditions are no man can marry more than one unless he can treat all his wives justly and equally. But, asserts the Quran pragmatically. “You will not be able to deal equally between (four) wives, however much you wish (to do so) Q. 4: 128)” At another place it says, “If you fear that you will not be able to do justice then marry only one” (Q. 4:3)63.

The life of Muslim women under a polygamous husband was nothing but a pathetic tale, though they led a very luxurious life whose pump, splendor and luxury could only be imagined by a common lady of the Mughal period. Their residences, well decorated and well furnished, were the very picture of magnificence. Their apartments‟ contained enchanting gardens, delightful alleys, beautiful tents, streams fountains, shady retreats, lofty Diwans and terraces on which they used to sleep coolly at night64.

60 Ibid. 61 Jamila Brijbhushan, Muslim Women In out of it,1980, Op.Cit.p. 57. 62 Ibid. 63 Ibid. Mazharul Haq Khan, Social Pathology of the Muslim Society, Amar Prakashan , Delhi ,1978, p.88. 64 Archna Chaturvedi, Muslim Women and Society, Commonwealth Publication 2004, Delhi, pp. 48-49

Generally speaking, monogamy was the rule with exceptions to it, though in certain areas and among small section of people, those exceptions assumed from polygamy and polyandry65.

Polygamy was restricted mainly to the richer classes, the chiefs and the ruling houses, though the sundry hill tribes were also found to be indulging in the custom in actual practice. It was more common among the Mohamandans than the Hindus among whom a second wife was merely taken unless the first one was barren or suffered from some incurable disease66. In the Punjab, polygamy was common among the lower castes such as the chamars, chushas, Darzis, Nais and several other menial and artisan castes. It was also prevalent among the lower agricultural tribes, especially those of the hills67.

Among the higher Hindu Castes polygamy, on the whole was uncommon, but certain castes of Brahmans such as the Audichyas of Gujarat and Chaubes of Mathura indulged in the practice to a considerable extent68.

Polygamy was permissible among the Hindus and there was no limit to the number of wives one could have. But due to economic reason the system was confined to the upper strata of society. Among the ruling chief it was a common feature69. The usual practice with the common man was that if the wife failed to bear him a son, or suffered infirmity or disease, or was infidel or on account of the same differences in the two families, the husband took recourse to second marriage. Among the classes which allowed widow remarriage polygamy was permitted in certain cases. The deceased brother‟s wife was married to the surviving brother in order to keep the family property. This ceremony was known in Punjab as “Karewa” or Chadarandasi70.

65 Dua Shiva S, Society and Culture in Northern India 1850-1900, Op. Cit. p. 2-3. 66 Shiva s. Dua, Society and Culture in Northern India 1850-1900., Op. Cit. pp. 2-3. 67 Ibid. Census Report Punjab 1901 A.D., Part 1, p. 295. This custom is still prevalent even though not with the same rigidity in the districts of Rohtak and Hissar, especially in the village which are mostly inhabited by Rajputs 68 Ibid. 69 Kaur Manmohan, Women in India‟s Freedom struggle. Sterling Publishers private limited, New Delhi, 1992. p.18. 70 Ibid., Census of Punjab, 1911, Part, 1. p. 289.

In Bengal, the custom of polygamy was prevalent amongst like cooling Brahmins. A coolin Brahman had married “a hundred wives was considered a model of respectability. Plural marriages were common amongst this cast and it led to many deplorable abuses71.

All means of entertainment were provided inside their quarters and lady singers and dancers tried their best to entertain them. Not only that, but for their comfort fans were kept going steadily in the room or in the open air where they usually sat. Besides, a number of slaves and maids were always kept ready to serve them. These ladies possessed many gold and silver vessels. Different varieties of daily in addition, they received a big amount from their husbands every month for the expenses of costly clothes, ornament shoes, perfumes and Betels72.

Polygamy was a practice prevalent both among the Hindus and the Muslim, especially belonging to the richer sections of the society. Normally, a man had only one wife, but those with adequate economic stability could afford to indulge in the extravagant luxury of maintaining a number of wives. The common man, whether he was a Hindu or a Muslim, could not many more than one woman and his wife usually had no rivals in her home. Only the rich and well to do section of the society and more particularly those among the Muslim, could manage to enjoy polygamous life with all its pleasures and pains73.

A most unusual, that is a too modern concept, argument for polygamy was held out by some people. Polygamy, they said, was not only an institution that provided multiple wives of men under special circumstances. Its most important role was to safeguard the rights of women. Man being famous by nature cannot except in very few cases, remain faithful to one woman. It he is restricted to marrying one woman what happens to the women he may have affairs with74?

71 M.L., Rise and Growth of the Indian Liberalism, Baroda 1938, p.53. 72 Archna Chaturvedi, Muslim Women and Society, Op.Cit.p. 49. 73 Zeenat Kausar , Muslim Women in Medieval India, JanakiPrakashan , Patna, 1992, p. 249. 74 Indu Menon, Op. Cit. P.

Widow Remarriage:

The Quran and Tradition favor widow remarriage According to Islam, it is the responsibility of widows,parents to remarry her just like the marriage of a virgin daughter. But in practice it is not so. “the law permitting widow to remarry was too clear to be overlooked; until recent times, such marriages were effectively prevented, especially among the upper classes, by the cultivation of the sentiment that widowhood being the will of God. It was reprehensible for the widow and a disgrace for the family that she should marry again75.

Islam encourages the remarriage of widows and divorcees after the period of iddah or iddat, a period of three months has elapsed (this to establish if the women are pregnant or not) before she can get married once again.

Now, the question that emerges from the above discussion are that if Islam has granted and also suggested measures to protect the right of women, why is it that Muslim women are not able to exercise this right ? Why is it that attempts at codification of law never succeed in India?76 For this we have no simple answer-it will require an honest attempt at stock-taking our history, social structures, patriarchal practices, politics, the role of the state, minority-majority relation as well as the self image of Muslim and women in particular. A stupendous task indeed.77.

The agitation for widow remarriage which Raja Ram Mohan Roy started to culminate later in a legislation brought forward by Ishwar Chand Vidyasagar. A Hindu Widow‟s Remarriage Act was passed in 1856. A Widow Marriage Association was started as early as 1861 in Bombay and the AryaSamaj put the remarriage of widows on its list of social reforms78.

75 Archna Chaturvedi, Muslim Women and Low, Op.Cit. pp.155-156. 76 If we are promising ourselves to look ahead in the new millennium, to a more just and peaceful society, then we have to pledge ourselves to a more women –friendly society where all women – Hindu, Muslim, Sikh or Christian, feel safe, equal, can live with dignity and have the opportunities to develop their potential and contribute to the development and growth of a society we can be proud of Mohini Anjum, Muslim Women in India and some other Countries: A Comparative Approach , Hajira Kumar, (edited by) Status of Muslim Women in India Aakar Books, New Delhi, 2002, pp.70-71. 77 Ibid. 78 Movements of any Kind , Social , Economic, or Political, Havee appearing ling before their actual outbursts. The Widow remarriage Movement with which the names of some of the great social reformers of Modern India, Like PanditIswar Chandra Vidyasagar and PanditBishnuShastri, Raja 94

However, reformers had taken up the cause of widows. The Widow Remarriage Association was started and widow‟s home was opened to train them for an independent career and thereby save them from dependence on their relatives. The first such home was started by Saispada Banerjee in 1877 A.D. at Calcutta Slowly more such homes cameup in Bombay and others places. The problem of widows became less acute with the raising of marriageable age and the spread of education79.

The influence of education of the respondent on their attitude towards widow marriage is not very significant. However at the high school and college level, there is a pronounced shift in the opinion of the respondents in favor of widow remarriage80. It was only with the progress of education and the work of the reformers later during the century. That a change of attitude among the higher classes was discernible and some marriage took place. But the practice never became general81.

Among the lower castes, the forest tribes and the hill people all over northern India. The widow normally enjoyed the right of remarriage in Bihar it was practically universal. So was it in North western provinces and the Punjab as also in the Rajputana82. There in North western provinces, it was various provinces in the form of the ceremonial followed by the castes that allowed the marriage ceremony of widow the idea that a full marriage ceremony could not be performed more than once for a woman, appeared to hold good and Brahman or priest officiated and the ceremonies were for the most part restricted to the presence of the caste-fellows and

Ram Mohan Roy was associated, did not appear all of a sudden in th middle of the 19thcentury. There had been already some minds feeling the need of ameliorating the condition of the young widows by making provision for thir remarriage. Even During the dark days of the mid-18th century, an attempt was made by Raja Rajballabh of Dacca to introduce widow remarriage in Bengali society. The Bengal Spectator, May , 1842, p.51. Calcutta Review, 1856. 79 Raja Ram Mohan Roy pointed out in his tract on the Modrn Encroachments on the ancient Rights of Females according to the Hindu Law of Inheritance, published in 1824, how the Indian widows then Lived in a state of “ Abject Misery”. Through his whole hartd exertions during several years before 1830 A.D. a spirit of rform permeated th different spheres of Indian Society. Many other educated and earnestminded Indians ralised the importentce of the social reforms for national regeneration and so dvoted their energies to improve the status of the women in society. Kalikinkar Datta, Education and Social Ameliovation,Calcutta, p.46. 80 Ibid. Indu Menon, p. 77. 81 J.N. Farquahar, The Crown of Hinduism, 2nd Edition, Oxford, 1915, p. 279. See also Manmohan Kuar. p. 18. 82 Ibid. The remarriage of widows which was not encouraged in pre-Islamic period became during the age of the Prophet. After the period of Adult the widows were free chosen for themselves new husband.

95 taking her to his house generally in the evening after dark 83. No obligation was inflicted upon the windows to perform sati. In the social arena widows were subjected to humiliation and texture. They were supposed to lead a life of seclusion. These had to wean course garments, and lead a simple life. There were looked down by the orthodox section of the society.

The remarriage of widows later to become a burning problem which was effectively solved by the prophet who rehabilitated many war widows by taking them under his protection indecent matrimonial alliance84.

Infanticide:

Infanticide was a custom of killing girls at birth. It was practiced in most parts of northern India. A son carried on the family name. So the birth of a son was celebrated with a lot of pomp and show Putra (son) was needed to perform certain religious ceremonies to enable the parents to go to heaven after death. If there was no son in the family one had to adopt one. So the son was a “spiritual and a religious necessity” in the Hindu family. Thus man came to possess all the importance. On the other hand the birth of a girl was looked down upon. Tod writes that Rajputs was often heard to exclaim: “Accursed the day when a woman‟s child was born to me85 The girl was considered to be an economic burden as a lot of money had to be spent at the time of her marriage. Secondly, the custom of hyper gamy was strictly in force amongst certain classes of people. The restriction presented many difficulties86. Hyper gamy was not the only law in operation. A Seyd (high caste Muslim) could not give his daughter in marriage to an ordinary person. At the same time a person of a lower caste would deem it a sacrilege to hare such an alliance even it the Sayid was willing to marry his daughter to him87.

83 K. Datta, Op.Cit. pp. 44-45. C.Y. Chintamani, Indian Social Reform, (editd by ), 1901, p. 293. 84 Jamila Brijbushan, Muslim Women: In pardah and out of it,Vikas Publishing house Pvt. Ltd.,1980, p.11. 85 Tod, J., Annals and antiquities of Rajasthan, University of Calcutta, Convocation of Addresses, 1889-1906, Calcutta, 1914. 86 Ibid. Browne observes thus “Every Step we ascend UP this ladder of caste we find females become fevour and fewer, till on reaching the top, they altogether disappear. The Brahmins, one of the high caste Hindus, appear to be innocent to this crime. 87 Sir John Malcolm noticed it in make a where it was limited to “some Rajput chiefs of higher classes”. In Kathiawar and Kutch as also in Rajputana the practice was very common. In the form areas it owed its origin to the Jahreja migrations from Sind Jaipur, Johdpur Kata and Bundi were 96

Since infanticide unlike Sati, had no religious sanction behind it and militated against the laws of nature. British policy in this regard war clear and precise. But his enforcement was indirect, as infanticide was practiced largely in the princely states, and was based on reasoning, exhortations, fines, imprisonment and in certain cases, depositions88. But in Bengal and western India, engagements were entered into with local captains and landlords; literature on the criminality of the rite was circulated. Prizes offered for anti-infanticide essays, and fines imposed for breaches of the engagements. In 1795, infanticide was declared by Bengal regulation XXI to be murder, and the regulation was extended to the „new provinces‟ in 1804. In 1813, it was noticed that the practice persisted in secrecy89.

As a result of all these customs and prejudices, the practice of putting girls to death immediately after birth got a kind of sanction. This crime was common in Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Rajasthan and Gujarat. Infanticide was a specialty of the Rajputs but it was practiced by some Kshatris, Bedis and Sodhis (Sikhs), Jats and Muslim Sayids also. Though the system had firm roots in the above enumerated sections of the people. It was reported in 1855 that the crime prevailed among all classes to a greater or lesser degree90.This hideous custom had neither the sanction of religion nor was it recognized by society, all the sanely, it was tolerated by both guardians of religion and society Infanticide was first detected by Emperor Jahangir in the early part of the seventeenth century and he disapproved of this custom. The second person to raise his voice against this crime was Raja Jai Singh of Jaipur state of Rajasthan who acceded to the throne in 175591. He submitted to the prince of every Rajput state a decree which was laid before a convocation of their respective vessels in which he regulated the „duja‟ or dower and other marriage expenditure with reference to the property of

the principal places in Rajputana where the practice was of frequent occurrence; that was because the Rajputs were too proud to give their daughters in moving to men of a humble status. In the Punjab in districts like Jhalum and Rawalpindi and in some states like Mandi and Jammu and Kashmir, the practice was prevalent. Tod, J., Op. Cit. See also Manmohan Kaur, Op.Cit. p.7. 88 The Gazetteer of India, (ed.) P.N. Chopra, History and Culture Vol.II, 89 Browne Jone Cave, India infanticide, it Origin Progress and suppression, London, 1857, pp.108- 129.The Gazetteer of India, (ed.) P.N. Chopra, History and Culture Vol.II, 90 Infanticide was mainly confined to the Rajputs of Varanasi Kathiawar and Kutch, Jabalpur and Sar. Infanticide was due primarily to the deplorable position of women in Hindu Society, the burden some dowry system and compulsory lavishness in expenditure on marriage, the exorbitant demands of caranas (bards and genealogists) the difficulty of finding suitable husbands, and the Rajput sense of honour and pride. For parents to have unmarried daughters was a plain neglect of religious duty and a social Shame.Tod. J., op.cit., p.506. 91 Ibid.

97 the vassal, limiting it to one year‟s income of the estate. “This plan of the Raja did not meet the required success.

In the more recent period female infanticide was brought to light by Jonathan Duncan, in 1780, then Resident at Banares. He was later appointed governor of Bombay and he was responsible for putting an end to this crime92.

It was calculated that in Kathiawar in 1834, out of 174 Janreja infants only 44 were females. In 1837, the proportion was 60 out of 183, and in 1841 it was 232 out of 506. On November 28, 1813, the government of Bombay informed the court directors that during 1841, not a single instance of infanticide had come to the knowledge of the political agent. In 1851, the government was able to claim that there “is new in Kutch a continued approximation of the sexes93.” In Punjab the same method of persuasion.Other tribes also a share of the opprobrium such as some of the Musalman seats and some sub-division of the Khatri castes.

The innocent creature was put to death in a variety of ways. As soon as the child was boon opium was administered. Sometimes a pill made out of „Bhang‟ and tobacco was placed on the palate of the infant where it softened with the saliva and went into the system of the child causing her death94.

In Punjab the infant was put into a Ghara or an earthen water pot, and buried in the ground. Sometimes the mother starved the child to put an end to the innocent life. Punjab had still another way of infanticide. The baby was buried with a little gur (a variety of brown sugar) in her mouth and twisted cotton placed in her hand95.These consisted mainly in the introduction of an effective system of registration of births and deaths introduction of an effective system of registration of births and deaths in suspected localities, active vigilance periodical inspection and enumeration of

92 He was born on May 15, 1756, came to India in 1772, and was governor of Bombay for 16 years. 93 Ibid. In 1795, infanticide was declared by Bengal Regulation XXI to be murder, and the Regulation was extended to the „new‟ provinces in 1804. In 1813, it was noticed that the practice persisted in secrecy. It was calculated that in Kathiawar in 1834, out of 174 Jahreja infants only 44 were females. In 1837, the proportion was 60 out of 183, and in 1841 it was 232 out of 506. On November 28, 1843, the government of Bombay informed the court of directors that during 1841, not a single instance of infanticide had come to the knowledge of the political agent. 94 Shiva S. Dua, Society and Culture in Northern India, 1850-1900.Op.Cit. p138. 95 Punjab Census Report, 1911, Part I, p. 290.

98 children96. Their success was undoubted for; in 1842 Mr. Raiks found that there was badly Rajput girl living in the district of Mainpuri. Nine years afterwards in 1851, there were 1,458 girls found alive, and in 1855 the number had to 2,530. Similar results were observed in Agra district, Punjab and Oudh and indeed in all regions where preventive measures had been taken. This proved a most unmistakable way, that it was quite in the power of the government of India to eradicate or at least to diminish the crime97.

The act of 1870 despite a comprehensive measure did not by any means succeed in eradicating the crime immediately. It certainly did prove to be much more effective at check than the measures adopted hitherto. The government, therefore, subsequently extended the jurisdiction of the act to areas which had not been included, initially in the specified regions suspected of the evil, but were later discovered to be equally guilty98. The result of the age, at best was that it checked the open and ingenuous committing of the murder and a large number of girls escaped an early and unnatural death. Yet the crime was far from being completely extinct.

The English tried to dissuade the people and undertakings were obtained from some of the Rajas and chiefs with a view to putting an end to this crime. Infanticide fund was also introduced and the poor people were helped financially at the time of marriage. Rewards were instituted for the informer of an infanticide. The Rajas and chiefs who tried to discourage the custom were given honours99. In the beginning, however, the chiefs were reluctant to make promises for the preservation of their daughters. Two regulations were also passed by the Government, to suppress infanticide i.e., regulation XXI of 1995 and regulation III of 1804. Even though it was reported in 1821 that the crime was on the decline yet after 15 years, it came to light

96 Ibid. 97 Local authorities in the regions infested with the crime felt that the measures for its prevention needed to be enforced more systematically and continuously; that the existing law was altogether inadequate to meet the situation. Hence the female infanticide act of 1870 (government of India act VIII of 1876) was promulgated under female infanticide was declared a punishable crime Government of Punjab, Selections from Correspondence Report of the meeting of chiefs at Amritsar, pp. 431-435. 98 Ibid., John Cave Browne, Indian infanticide its origin, progress and suppression, London, 1857, pp. 52-53. 99 Proceedings of the Council of the Governor General of India, 14th January, 1870.

99 that “not less than twenty thousand infants were annually destroyed in Malwa and Rajputana100.

These regulations and agreements were only half way measures and had little effect. Nothing substantial was done till 1836 when Thomson Magistrate and Collector of Azamgarh while making settlement of the district (a district of Uttar Pradesh), discovered the prevalence of this crime. He reported that the custom was common amongst the Rajputs on the border of Oudh territories. “Among a body of Rajputs numbering some 10,000 not a single daughter was forthcoming101.

Inquires were again made at this time at Banares. Moore made a detailed investigation in three hundred villages. In 62 villages he found that there was no female child under the age of 6 years. In one such sub-division he visited 38 villages and found no girl at all102. The marriage of a girl was a rare occurrence. In some villages there had not been any marriage within the recollection of the living people. Moore found another territory of Hara Rajputs inhabiting villages on the border of Oudh regarding whom he says. Not only are there no girls to be found in their houses now but there never have been any nor has such an event as the marriage of a daughter taken place for more than two hundred years103.

In 1839 Montgomery in the Magistracy of Allahabad discovered that the practice of killing female babies was prevalent in Bara a place on the border of Rewa, amongst the Rajput tribes. He appointed a peon in each village to report the birth of a female child. The watchman and the midwife (local dai) were instructed to report each birth in the police station. In the event of death of a female child, the sub-inspector of Police was instructed to hold inquiries and to send the body to the civil surgeon for examination. The people of this area migrated to Rewa to avoid these restrictions.

100 The Jehrajahas Jahajee, a chiek of Gujarat informed walker, the British Political Agent, that out of regard for friendship he was prepared to preserve his daughters, provided the chief of Nawanagur and Gonalwallas also agree. It they did not preserve them he declined to do so. Walker, Alexender, A Report on Infanticide Appendix 17.1808, p.66. (Printed, N.A.I. Library) See also Manmohan Kaur, p.9. 101 Ibid. 102 Abstracts of the Proceedings of the council of the Governor General of India 1870, vol.IX, p.5. 103 Ibid. Shiva S. Dua, Op. Cit. P. See Also Abstact of the Proceedings, 1870, Op.Cit. P.8.

100

There Raju of this principality was addressed on the subject with a view to putting an end to this crime104.

Repeated proclamations were made during the period 1832 to 1846 condemning this crime in the Sutlej States.105.

Customs die hard with people. A deputation of Bedis waited for Lawrence to demonstrate with him against the prohibition of their time honoured practice of destroying female children106.

Inquiries made in Utter Pradesh in 1869 by Hobart revealed an appalling situation. He examined a group of ten villages and found 104 boys and one girl. The people admitted that in the previous 10 years only one girl was married107.

The practice had taken root in the district of Hasharpur. It was reported in 1867 that in the police division of Hajipur in 36 villages consisting of 10,013 houses of Rajputs, ten per cent of the female children, had died within a year. In another 27 villages he found 284 boys, but 23 girls only and in another ten villages he discovered the marriage of a girl was unknown happening. However, after more than three decades of the enactment of this special legislation it was reported by the superintendent in charge census for Punjab in 1901 that “infanticide had not quite disappeared”108.

104 In 1846 when Jahandhar Doab was annexed to the British territories, it was reported by Lawrence that the crime was prevalent in that place and was mostly practiced amongst the Bodies. Lawrence made an announcement thus: Bewa mat Jalao; beti mat maro, Karhimatdabbo”. (Thou Shall not burn thy widows; thou Shall not kill thy daughters; thou shall not bury thy lepers.)Census Report, Punjab, Part-1, 1911,p.243 105 Hoshiarpur District Gazetter, vol. XIII A. Lahore 1904, p.30. The Practice had taken roots in the district of Hoshiarpur. It was reported in 1867 that in the police division Hajipur in 36 village consisting of 1,013 houses of Rajputs, ten per cent of the female children, had died within a years. 106 Ibid. 107 Manmohan Kaur, op.cit.p.11. See also abstract of the proceedings, 1870, op.cit., p.8. 108 Hoshiarpur District Gazetteer, vol.XIII, A Lahore, 1904, p.31. P.N. Chopra (ed.), The Gazetteer of India: Indian union vol. 2, History and Culture, Gazetteers Unit Department of Culture Ministry of Education and Social Welefare.1973, p.650. Raja Ram Mohan Roy‟s strong sense of humanism might have been hurt by the burning of her sister-in- law at her dead husband‟s pyre in 1812 A.D. he moved about from one burning ground to another in an effort to dissuade widows getting ready to court the ordeal of sati-daha. His writings from 1818 A. D.

101

Female Slaves:

During the 19th century in female slaves continued to expand periodically. There were several factors responsible for its popularity in the first place, there was no restriction on the purchase of female slaves, who could be bought and sold like ordinary commodities. Secondly, women taken captive during the war were generally distributed amongst the nobles and officers as slaves109.

In our enumeration of the Muslim social classes,we might conveniently treat here the class of domestics and slaves who were a familiar feature of every respectable Muslim home, and as has been pointed out above, incidentally added to the growing Muslim population of Hindustan. Important as a mark of punishment women taken as slaves for the misdeed of their husband. Last but not the least women as female slaves were given and accepted in the form of gift. It was observed that during the reign of Sultan Firuz Shah Tughlaq feudal lords took female slaves to the Sultan to pay this homage110.

These female slaves were at the back and call of their masters. Their prime objection was to serve them. Some of the female slaves were kept only for household chores while others because of their beauty and talents became the beloved of their masters. In the royal harem these female slaves shouldered every responsibility. Sultan Ghiyasuddin of Malwa had 16,000 female slaves in his harem111.

Each one of them received two tanka of silver and two mounds of grain every day for their services. They also entertained the royal guests and often granted the occasion of the royal reception in the court. They were treated gently and often

109 Muslim regime in medieval time drafted slaves in every sphere of activity. Slaves went needed in thousands for any large enterprise which in modern technological age would be accomplished by a few machines or even gadgets. There was no darth of slaves either. Muslim Victories in India had provided kings and nobles with innumerable slaves from governemt affairs to domestic currants slaves were employed on every work. K.S. Lal, Muslim Slave System in Medieval India, Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi, 1994, p. 83. 110 Status of slaves in Islam. The appeal of Muhammad contained some fundamental perceptions about the statys of Islam. It recognized the slave as the property of the master. A slave could be sold but, being a Muslim or servant of the lord, was not to be treated harshly. Raj Pal, Women in Early Medieal North India, Op.Cti.Tarikh-i- Firoz Shahi (B), 314, See Also Abdul Karim, Social History of Muslim in Bengal , p.196. 111 As noted earlier female slaves attended to all household duties. They went out to fill water from wells in pitchers. Arrangements were made for their security. Female slaves could be bought and sold like any other commodity. Great variation in their prices was seen, which was mainly due to their nature, beauty, charm and talent. Ibid. Lokes Chandra Nand, Op. Cit. p. 210.

102 rewarded with precious gifts by the Nabab and kings, which comprised of gold and jewels. As a part, of his old celebration, he made it a point to free the female slaves in great numbers and made arrangements to bring forth their matrimonial alliances with male slaves. Once the female slave was in her family way, she was given more care her child was not deprived of any rights112.

Since these female slaves had an access to the royal court, they were well acquainted with the etiquette of the court. Most of them were well versed in dancing, singing, music, painting, and writing and were greed riders and swimmers. Some of them knew the Holly Quran by heart. They observed purdah, moved about from one place to another in closed litters. The female slaves took pleasure in playing chess and chaupal113.

Slavery, recognized both by Hinduism and Islam, was of two kinds, domestic and predial but to these must be added the notch girls and prostitutes. It was prevalent in Malwa, Malabar, Dacca, the territory of Delhi and the presidencies of Bengal and Madras. Bridal slavery was particularly in vogue in Bengal, Madras, Assam, Coorg and Southern Bombay. In 1812, it was estimated that one-sixth of the population of Sylhet (Bangladesh) consisted of slaves, mostly the descendants of insolvent debtors; in Kanpur 12,000 slaves were released after its cession to the British114.

In 1819, it was estimated that there were 82,000 slaves in Kanara and 100,000 slaves in Malabar. A document found slavery in Northern India, especially in the Punjab and Kashmir. In 1841, Sir Barteb Frere estimated the number of slaves in British India (as then constituted) as eight to nine millions. Large numbers of slaves migrated from Rajputana as fugitives from Martha oppression. Slaves were exported to Poona and the Deccan where they fetched high prices and brought in large profits to the Maratha Brahmanas115.

112 K. M. Asraf, Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, Op. Cit. p. 73. See Also Z.U. Malik, Prolife of a Slave girl Muuny Begum, Widow of Meer Jafar (edited), Kiran Pawar, Women in IndianHistory, Vision & venture, Delhi, 1996, pp 111-112. 113 Ibid. p. 211. Ameer Ali, The Spirit of Islam, pp.258-260. 114 Shiva S. Dua, Society and Culture in Northern India 1850-1900, Op.Cit.pp. 204-204. 115 Sir John Malcolm noticed slavery in Malwa, where it was limited mainly to females. T.H. Baber computed the number of domestic slaves in the southern Maratha country as 5000. P.N. chopre , The Gagetteer of Indian Union, Vol. II.Op.Cit. p. 640.

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The Portuguese the Dutch the French, the Arabs and “Several Foreign European seafaring people and traders” purchased and collected children of both in a clandestine manner and exported them overseas. This traffic slaves was attacked by Lord Cornwallis (1789) in a proclamation. Another proclamation in similar terms was issued by the Madras Government in the following year. Though private merchants and commercial houses and the hired agents who were offered rewards, the offenders were convicted, tried before the supreme court, Calcutta and sentenced116.

In the 1811, regulation was passed by the Bengal government for preventing the “importing of slaves either by land or sea, into any of the territories under the presidency of Fort William. This regulation was given wide publicity and a corresponding communication was also made to the local government of Bombay, Java, the Prince of Wales Islands, Mauritius, and Ceylon, and to the Resident of Fort Marlbrough local magistrates were satisfied that regulation X proved effective in preventing the importation of slaves from foreign countries into the districts included within their limits117.

The British Government followed the policy of non-intervention in regard to caste and family and the changes that have marked these institutions are attributed for the most part not to any governmental action but two factors of a sociological nature. The missionary zeal for social reforms, western ideas of humanity Arianism and equality, religious movements such as the BraimoSamaj in Bengal and the Arya Samaj in the North118, and movement of a secular character like the Indians National Social Conference, the Depressed Classes Mission and the servants of India society brought about such progressive measures as the prohibition of child marriage and polygamy and removal of the bases widow remarriage.

Slavery now began to disappear in British India to which alone the act of 1843 applied, and all trades and possession of slaves were finally prohibited by the Penal Code of 1860119.

116 Ibid. 117 Ibid. Surjeet Singh, History of the Sikh Gurus, p. 18. 118 Kalikinkar Datta, Education and Social Amelioration, Op.Cit. p.59. See Also, Raj Pal, Women in early medieval North India, The women press, Delhi 1972, pp.116-117. 119 P.N. Chopra, Op.Cit. p. 641.

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Traders who important slaves in British territory were apprehended especially those from the till country. In the districts of Barailly, Moradabad, Aligarh, Saharanpur, Farrukhabad, Etawah, Kanpur and Agra the traffic in slaves were prohibited. And lastly act of 1843 provided that the civil courts should not take cognizance of slaves, a measure which abolished the right of slavery and ultimately paved the way for the total eradication of this social evil. Similar measures were adopted in the state of Travancore which issued a proclamation in 1855120.

Regulation III of 1832 laid down that “all slaves removed for the purpose of traffic from any province, British or foreign, into any province subject to the presidency of Fort William or from one province, so subject to another subsequently to the enactment of Regulation X of 1811, should be considered free”. Their sole within the district was left untouched121. There was open defiance of this rule in Calcutta; children were hawked about in the streets. According to this regulation the purchase and sale of slaves even from one district to another was made a pencil offense.

Though the slave and servant girls occupied, quiet, low positions in the harem, the chief women servants or ladies-in waiting of the important harem ladies enjoyed a much better place and sometimes had a lot of power in their hands. Many important duties connected with the emperor, his chief queen or his children were assigned to them and they carried out their duties with utmost sincerity and dedication122. The mention of Humayun Nama, and other accounts of that time mention some such women servants known for their service and loyalty. A certain Atun-mama served Babar‟s mother Qutluq-Nigar Khanum and Bachaka Khalifa was a head women servant of Babar‟s household. Jahangir‟s period a head servant the name of Aqua Aqayam. During the Shahjahan‟s time we come across the efficient and loyal lady-in- waiting of Mumtaz Mahal, Sati-un-Nisha. She was an educated lady and tutored Princess Jahanara. She helped Mumtaz Mahal, and her princess Jahanara in carrying

120 Ibid. 121 Ibid. P. 642. 122 Soma Mukharji, Royal Mugal Ladies and Contribution, Gayan Publishing House, New Delhi, pp. 25-26. 105 out their duties and was extremely trusted by the emperor, the Empress and the Princess123.

Right to Inheritance and Property:

The history of women‟s inheritance is long. Scholars and learned persons have extensively examined it, and have left behind a vast body of investigations and writings on this subject which can be studied.

The principles of inheritance listed in the Quran can be categorized in this way:

1. The sons inherit twice the share of the daughter. If there are no sons, she inherits half the total property, the rest being divided among other relatives. If there are two more daughters 2/3 of the property will be divided equally between them. 2. If only parents survive the deceased, the father will inherit 2/3 of the property and the mother 1/3, it however, there are surviving children the parents will each inherit 1/6 of the property, the remainder going to the minors124. 3. If there are no living children, but only brother‟s sisters and parents then the mother receives 1/6 instead of 1/3. 4. The wife gets 1/8 of her husband‟s property if there one children and ¼ if there are none125. 5. In parliamentary law to surmount difficulties that might arise an account of various injunctions on matters of inheritance given at several stages in the Quran competent jurists have decided that on the expiry of a husband or wife, the wife or hubby would catch her/his share first the residue being distributed among the eternal sleep of the inheritors.The woman‟s

123 Ibid. 124 Jamila Brijbhushan, Op. Cit. P. 83. 125 Allah enjoins you concerning your children; the male shall have the equal of the portion of two females they shell new two thirds of what the deceased has left and if there is one, she shall have the half; and as for his parents, each of them shall have the sixth of what he has heft it he has a child, but if he has no child and (only) his two parents inherit him, then his mother shall have the third; but if he has brothers then his mother shall have the sixth (Q.4:11). Ibid. p.83-84.

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therefore, gets the beginning right to her husband‟s property. Only after she has received her rightful share can either be given theirs126.

The right of sustenance as a daughter or married adult female was nearly uniformly in all residential areas. Law enjoined a father to maintain his unmarried daughter. On the death of the male parent, the daughter was entitled to be kept out of the deceased‟s estate. According to Hindu law, a daughter in marriage ceased to be a member of her father‟s family and became a member of her husband‟s family and so thereafter, she was entitled to be maintained by her husband and after his death out of his estate127.

The example of a Hindu widow was exceptional and poor while other legal systems recognized a widow‟s right of succession and inheritance to the estate of her deceased husbands the Hindu recognized her right to maintenance only.This cut her position to that of dire dependence and made it absolutely pitiable. It the husband left no property, joint or separate, no one in her husband‟s family except her own sons was under any legal obligation to maintain her128. As for the right of succession and inheritance, the legal position of Hindu women was not only anomalous, but also most deplorable since laws governing these was unjust inequitable and most unsatisfactory129.

The old world either gave absolutely no inheritance to women or when it was given, the women were treated as a minor, which meant that she was not given independence and the status of a person having rights, under the old laws of the world, if inheritance was occasionally given to daughters, it was never given to the daughter‟s, children, while a son could inherit himself, and his children could grow up as the successors to their father‟s property as well130. In some other laws of the world which gave an equal inheritance to women and men alike, but not in the shape of a specified share, it was what the Qur‟an mentions as (i.e., a fired share to which she was entitled) it

126 Ibid. 127 Shiva S. Dua, Society and Culture in Northern India 1850-1900, Op.Cit. p.151. 128 A Hindu Women has noclaim to any property under Shastra, but to what has been given to her husband such as ornament etc., as “StriDhan‟‟. Kalikinkar Datta, Education and Social Amliovation, Op. Cit. p.59. 129 C.V. Chintamani, Indian Social Reform, 1901, p.293. 130 Ibid. From Indian Economic and Social History Review , Vol. 24, No. 2, 1987, pp.163-81.

107 took this form: a person was entitled but it took this form if he so liked, to make a will in favour of his daughter as well131.

The real cause of a women‟s being deprived of inheritance was to prevent the transfer of family property to another family Mothers were considered as mere containers in which the man‟s sperm developed, and out of which a child came into existence. For that reason they believed that the children of someone‟s son were the issue of a man, and thus, they were a part and parcel of his family132.

The Muhammadan law, contained explicit provisions regarding the maintenance of a daughter or a wife. A Muhammadan father was under statutory obligation to maintain his daughter and the position of a Muhammadan widow was much better than her Hindu sister. A Muhammadan woman was granted a definite and certain share and was not barred from inheriting her fathers and husband‟s property, even if the deceased went away behind his descendants133.

A daughter received a share to the extent of half of that of a son or when there were two or more, to the extent of two-thirds collectively from the land of the departed.And although the daughter did not father a share equally with the son, she obtained it with absolute right without any qualifications. Many sections among Muslim converted from Hinduism were, however, governed by the Hindu law on the ground of custom as prevalent among them134. Only in India, Muslim women are still suffering Islam gave a right of Mahr and a right of inheritance to the women, but these are rarely paid.Most of the Indian Muslim males are aware that they possess a right to divorce their wives by triple talaq and can have four wives.In India most of the Muslims do not deliver any idea about the ocean and causes forms of talk, about the stand on polygamy despite claiming to have read the Holy Quran. But the fact is

131 Gregory C. Kozlowski, Muslim Women and Control of Property in North India. (edited by), J. Krishnamurty, Women in colonial in India Essays on Survival, Work and the State, Delhi, Oxford University Press,1989, pp. 114-115. 132 Ibid. 133 Shakir Moin, Women in Muslim Society: In Status of Women in Islam, (edited by), Asghar Ali Engineer, Ajanta Publication, New Delhi, 1981, pp.111-112. 134 Saukath Azim, Muslim Women Emerging Identity, Rawat Publication, Jaipur and New Delhi, 1997, p.16.

108 that we make children it as we have been made to do and think that our duty is over135.

Their position is neither protected by the government nor by the community.In parliamentary law to keep up the residential area is religious identity, the so called leaders of the community are not in favor of reforms as a consequence of which woman has become scapegoats. Muslim women are the silent sufferers, who are not even aware of their rights, who think that to suffer is their destiny, of being born as a woman136.

The position of women in Muslim society, the rights granted by the Islamic doctrine and the actualities of the present conditions should both be taken into account. The Islamic doctrine, embodying the teachings of the Quran and the traditions of the Prophet (Hadith), constitutes an important source of the status and position of women. The Islamic doctrine, therefore, provides legal normative postulates. However a distinction should be made between the Islamic doctrine and Islamic infected are those customs which were inherited, by and not invented, by the Muslim societies137. The practice of seclusion or veil existed in the pre-Islamic times. In the same way numbers of customs which are now treated as Islamic have nothing to do with Islam? These customs and practices have been the features of the social and cultural life of the status of women in Muslim society138.

It is really hard to get out as to what is the status of women in Muslim society, because one billion Muslims may share the same holy text but not the same tradition

135 Many Muslim countries excluding a few exceptions, have accepted education and employment for women as part of their way of life. This positive thinking has reduced extreme segregation of the sexes and disabilities of women in social mobility. The rest of the Muslim world may too, if they realize that Islam does not make women disabled. Archna Chaturvedi, Muslim Women and law, Commonwealth Publication, 2004, p. 146. 136 Journal of the Economic and Social History, of the Orient, XVIII.1, 1975, pp.53-110. See Also Gregory C. Kozlowski, Op. Cit. 137 Ameer Ali, The Spirit of Islam, Low Price Publication, Delhi, 1989, p.222-224. See Also Ashgar Ali Engineer, Right of Muslim Women and Reform of Personal Low in Mainstream, VoI. XXX, No. 30, May 16, pp. 28-30. 138 Ibid. In India, the irony is not the religion or practices, but the minority status of the Muslims and their socio-economic circumstances, which have mostly contributed to the present state of Muslim women.

109 and civilization. Yet, despite many contradictions, some disabilities are associated with the fairer sex in many Muslim communities such as139:

1. Keeping women as capes and concubines in harems without proper wedding. 2. Divorcing one‟s wife without her consent, though this consent is sought at the time of Nikah. 3. Not giving her a chance to be a leader in social life, religious affairs and family matters. 4. Subjecting her to extreme forms of segregation which makes teaching and employment very difficult for her. 5. Not considering her witness equivalent two male witnesses. 6. Not letting her participate in the political process or contest an election140.

There is no doubt that Islam has discouraged political life for women, but due to the efforts of some liberal scholars, it has been accepted in many Islamic countries.

Marriage:

Marriage is a very important event in the life of women. Wifehood & Motherhood make her life perfect. For both she has to depend on man unlike among the Hindus, marriage among the Muslim is a contract and not a sacrament. Muslim marriage is known by the Arabic work „Nikah‟. According to the Mohammedan law the main objective of Nikah is procreation and legalization of children141. Both enjoy rights and share responsibilities and it is preferable that they should live in harmony, but, if such harmony cannot be achieved, no censure is attached to separation and divorce although divorce should not normally be considered the easy way act. In Muslim law a marriage can be lawfully performed.

139 Jamial Brijbhushan, Op. Cit. p. 84. 140 If these are examined one by one gap between Islamic teaching and practice would be evident and if Muslim scholars take pains to reinterpret Quranic teachings, then most of these disabilities may be reduced or minimized. But with the passage of time, it came to be gradually accepted and three Muslim countries like Turkey, Pakistan and Bangladesh had women as heads of the government and state. This is enough proof of an interpretation of Islamic teachings and it is quite likely that in the same way other anomalies may also be removed in the near future. Mazhar-ul-Haq, Social pathology of the Muslim Society,Amar Prakashan, Delhi, 1978, pp. 26-27. 141 The Muslim marriage is a purely secular ceremony. It is nothing sacred about it, nor one there any mystical overtones of two halves coming together to make a whole or a supernaturally created bond meant to last forever. This is a contract between two agree adult‟s personality come together as man and women. Simmi Jain, op. Cit. pp.46-47.

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The element in Muslim marriage are 1, A proposal made by or on behalf of the parties, 2, An acceptance of the proposal in the presence and hearing of two males or one male and two female witnesses and 3, Settlement of dower142.

The Mohammedan law provides certain restriction and prohibition as for as a marriage is concerned. A Muslim male can hold as many as four wives, merely a woman cannot hold more than one husband at the time. A Muslim woman cannot marry a “Kithabian” or non Muslim while a male can marry a „Kithabia‟ (Kithabia is a woman/man who believes in a religion revealed through a book (other than Quran) but not in idolatry or fire worship)143.

Age at Marriage:

In Islam no age limit is fixed for marriage, it was often made that quite young girls may be legitimately married, but a girl is handed over to the husband only after hitting puberty. According to Bevan Jones (1941:91) it is usual for orthodox Muslims to claim that child marriage, though not told in the Quran or the traditions, is part of the very fabric of Islam and they argue that the custom is sanctioned by the practice of Mohammed, whom he married a child wife144…, Mohammed Ali in interpreting the rule of marriage in the Quran points out that the Holy Book does speak of an age of marriage which it identifies with the age of majority. Therefore, it will be discovered that the age of marriage and the age of maturity of intellect are identified with the full age or the age of majority it is clear that the age of marriage is the age of majority, when a soul incapable of exercising his choice in the matter of sexual liking or disliking. According to the Mohammedan law, majority is attained to puberty & even though she is under fifteen years of age a girl is free to marry often attaining puberty145.

142 Marriage in Islam looked upon as essential for both men and women. This is the Uunnah and is regarded as an obligation to be fulfilled. Ibid. p. 50. See Also Syed Ameer Ali, The Spirit of Islam, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delhi, Delhi,1922, p.229. 143 Early marriage had become almost a universal feature of the contemporary Indian social life during the period, among the Muslims no marriage age was fixed bu as, it was an age of early marriage, so the girls age rarely exceed nine on ten years and the boys age sixteen or seventeen at time of marriage. M. Indu Menon, status of Muslim women in India (A case study of Kerala) uppal Publishing House, New Delhi 1981 pp. 63-64. 144 Ibid. 145 M. Muhammad Ali, A manual of Hadith, Lahore: The Ahmadiya Anjuman Ishaat-i-Islam, 1936, p. 618.

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The accounts of the foreign travelers, contemporary literary work and the Persian chronicles about in numerous instance of child marriage in the period. This was followed by both Hindus & Muslims. Girls were considered as a burden on their parents and they remained worried to get her married at an early age as possible. But they were not so adamant about the early marriage of their sons as in the case of a daughter. In a Muslim family girls of sixteen years were considered to have crossed their prime146.

In every age selection of suitable matches for sons & daughter has been worrying all the Muslim families since children‟s earliest years up to a period of its skull.

Marriage partner was selected based on the social & economic considerations, like the status of the family, their stands and also relationship were considered, birth position & eligibility were considered seriously besides the family status included income, temperament, health, inclination, social & economic condition, relations & field of influence147.

Marriage was generally organized on the basis of established reports, interests or respect held by the family.The initiation of marriage proposal, as such has been a very important item, since it provides the way to negotiation &settlement like today in the 19th century, the main initiation started, obviously, with the parents or guardians concerned, but other people were also connected but other people were also connected with it as relatives friend & intermediaries, Islam has approved the right to intimate a marriage by the mats themselves148. Then, in a tradition of the prophet both these occasions have been referred to marry women to enjoy their love and to engender children.

The Quran says. “He created for you help mints from yourselves that might find rest in them, in the ordered between you love and graciousness before the

146 Ibid. 147 In Islam if a girl is given in marriage without her consent, the marriage will be considered null and void and the girl the right to have annulled. Jamila Brejbhushan, Op.Cit. p.92. 148 The prophet, himself, placed marriage as something above a mere of producing progeny and assuring the continuance of the human race. “Marry” he is reported to have and to beget children. “Marriage thus made husband and wife notably partners in the venture of raising a family, but also full secual partenes giving and receiving pleasure. M. Indu Menon, Op.Cit. p.125

112 marriage some customs & rites from their Indian Muslims borrowed as Mangni engagement.

Engagement or Mangni is a really important component of marriage, which was the first contract binding on the bride and bridegroom‟s families. And on the day of engagement all the relative& friends are invited to the girls house on the appointed Mangni day. After engagement, marriage is done149.

At that place were different means of announcing betrothals. These formalities could last a month, a week, or few days. But the sometime marriage ceremony is performed within a day by cutting the time gap between rites to hours and minutes if some need arose. Generally the people were very meticulous about these observances for fear for some evil result150.

The Muslims marriage was supposed to be a simple and straight civil contract, but one finds that it became so full of formalities and customs similar to the Hindu that its true character had become obscure. Muslim generally follows the lunar calendar. It was a usual practice during those days to consult astrologers.

The bride‟s and bridegroom, the best glow of complexion and an intriguing odour from the body. Haldi or ubtan ceremony in which ubtan paste was applied and it was prepared by mixing haldi, flour, oil, sandalwood and orange peel, it was considered to be a very important ceremony and one day before marriage henna was applied which was another important ceremony151.

The most dominant procession connected with marriage was barat for which invited guests started to assemble in the bridegroom‟s house a few hours before the fixed time.

The day of marriage, this invitation sent well in advance of the marriage date made it obligatory for the brother of means to come with costly dresses and jewellery for the wedding. All guests were welcomed and encouraged to amuse themselves

149 Hajira Kumar, Islam and Human Rights for women, (edited by) Hajira Kumar, Status of Muslim Women in India, Aakar Books, 2002, Delhi, pp.105-106. 150 Ibid. Generally, marriage date was set at the time of booking. Mostly Muslims preferred to marry their children in the month of Rajab Shaban and after the Eid-ul-Zuha was always declared with the first visibility of the moon and generally first and last weeks. 151 Ibid. Nikhat Parveen, Socio-Economic Condition of Awadh 1814-1856, New Royal Book Company, Lucknow, 2008, pp.25-26.

113 many other items, the bridegroom dressed himself in wedding suit known as sherwani he had also to wear „Sehra‟ chaplet on his forehead covering the eye like a veil falling down upto his chest. „Sehra’ was generally made up of rose and jasmine flowers, but it was seen that in some royal families sehra was also made up of pearls, emeralds, rubies, diamonds gold and silver152. Among commoners family the old person and brother-in-law tied „Sehra‟ on the bridegrooms forehead and received cash from the family elders.

Nikah:

‘Nikah’ was also one of the most important ceremonies of marriage. The settlement of the Nikha, which could be performed only after procuring the formal consent of the bride through an agent with two other people acting as a witness they called the Muwakkils, were authorized to contract the marriage153.

Before the marriage, the most important, solemn engagement made by the bride‟s and bridegroom‟s side for all those seasons the declaration of betrothal had to be made public before an assembly of responsible persons related to both the parties, so that they were solely. Bound not to many elsewhere in the interim period. During the marriage or at the time of Nikah, Islam seeks the permission of both the bride and the bridegroom with which the marriage is null and void in accordance with the principle prescribed by the religion154. Nikah ceremony was performed mostly by Qazi at the time two eye witnesses as per the instruction of Islams to prove that a man and a woman had entered into a marriage contract155.

Mahr:

The mehr had always formed on an important part in a Muslim marriage. It was usually fixed before the marriage. The very fact that it was obligatory for a

152 To maintain the society of the institution of marriage the Prophet forbade all such unions, which threatened the such unions which threatened the stability of this contract. Muta Marriage (Marriage of convenience) related in pre Islamic days lost its popularity. Ibid. See Also Mirza Mohammad Taqi, Tarikh- i-Aftab-i-Awadh, Op.Cit.p.8. 153 Ibid. 154 Muhammad Ali Qutb, Women Around the Messneger, International Islamic Publishing House, Riyadh, 2008, p.275. 155 Simmi Jain , Indian Wonem through the Ages, Vol.II.,The Middle Ages, Op.Cit. p.63.

114 husband to give a gift to the women he took in marriage establishes the fact that the Muslim marriage was a true civil and legal contract156.

Mahr is of two kinds prompt and deferred prompt dowry can be demanded any time after the marriages can refuse to live with the husband and successfully resist a suit on restitution of conjugal rights on the ground of non-payment of prompt dowry in case the marriage has not been consummated. But where it has already been then non-payment of prompt dowry is not a defense out a suit for restitution of conjugal rights, but the court can grant a decree conditional to the payment of dowry157.

Under Muslim law, Mahr is a settlement in favour of the wife made prior to the completion of the marriage contract. Muslim law requires that there should always be a consideration (Mehr) moving from the husband in favour of the wife, for her sole and exclusive benefit. Another object of meters is the protection for the wife against the arbitrary exercise of the power of divorce by the husband. In this way the enforcement of Mehr at the time of Nikah has two objectives in itself158.

Divorce:

Early Islam made no distinction between a man and women in their desire to obtain divorce159.There are various kinds of divorces available under the Muslim law. Except talaq-e-lafeueed (delegated divorce) and Khula (redemption) and muharat (mutual feelings) all other kinds of divorces are those practiced by the husband. The husband has the unfettered and absolute power of divorcing his wife without any cause160.

156 In the inaugural situation, it protects the esteem and esteem of the women not only through social protocol (Nikah) but also by offering economic security (Mehr) secondly, it can be used as a tick upon the capricious exercise by the husband of his force to terminate the marriage at will.In a general sense, Mehr is a totality of money or other property, payable by a husband to a women on or after her marriage with him. Halim Shara Abdul, Gujashta Lucknow, (Urdu) ed. by Shamim Anhonvi, 1965, Lucknow, pp.342,343. 157 Diwakar, R.R. Bihar through the Ages, 1st Publication, 1959, p.56. See Also Archna Chaturbedi, Op. Cit. p.59. 158 Elliot and Dowson, History of India, Vol.VI, first Indian edition, 1964, Delhi, p.119. 159 Imtiaz Ahmad, Some Reflections on the study of Muslim Women in India, (edited by) Hajira Kumar, Op. Cit. pp.41-42. 160 Romila M. Buxamusa, The Exaiting Divorce Laws Among Muslims in India,( edited by) Zakia A. Siddiqui& Anwar Jahan Zuberi, Muslim Women Problem and Prospects , M.D. Publication pvt. Ltd. New Delhi, 1993, pp.31-35.

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But by the passing of the dissolution of Muslim marriage act 1939, a see change has been brought in the position of a woman in this regard. Now, even a Muslim wife has a right to seek divorce, dissolution of marriage in a court of law on a number of grounds.

The most common and misused and abused from of divorce in India is triple talaq. Although it has been termed as talaq-e-biddat (disapproved form) is sinful (harm) but legal if pronounced in Hanfi law161.

161 Ibid.

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Chapter-IV Educational System and Muslim Women

CHAPTER-IV

EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM AND MUSLIM WOMEN

„While the Quran may be said to make a distinction between men and women is some matters and makes it quite clear that both are to be equal in the matter of education. It asserts „they are losers who besottedly have slain their children by keeping them in Ignorance "(Q.6.141).To leave his followers in no doubt about the Import of the message of the Quran the prophet himself specified, „It is essential for every Muslim man and Woman to acquire acknowledge.” Islam came to India within a very few years after was accepted in the country of its origin. Arabia long before the birth of religion in the 6th century A.D. Arab travelers and traders had used the south west cost India as a halting place in the filed Spice Islands of the east1.

Educational Upliftment Policy of the British Empire:

Before the British Rule, the existing modern development of education among the Hindus and the Muslims was just negative. The great British Ruler Elizabeth had established a charter for the International Traders in London on 31th Dec.1600, pertaining to that an International Business is seeking to run between the two States. He determined the name of this organization being as “British East India Company”, which was very popularly employed and implemented till the midst of the 19th Century2.

In 23nd June 1757, the British East India Company had defeated the Indian Army. The British East India Company had completely envisaged and pervaded all over India till 1766A.D. Consequently, it had a complete hold and jurisdiction on the educational campaign of the Indians and their administration3. But the British East India Company could not maintain the administration and management apparently in

1 Quran Surah No.6 Aayat No. 141.and also Jamila Brijbhushan, Muslim Women, in out of it Parda, Vikas Publication House Pvt. Ltd. New Delhi, 1980, p.96. 2 Neshat Parveen, Unnesvi Sadi Ke Muslim Shikshawido ka Adhunik bhartiye shiksha me yogdan, the computype media, New Delhi,1996 p.29. 3 Kuldeep Kaur; “Education in India (1781-1985), Policies Planing and Implementation. “Center for Research in Ruler and Industerial Development, Chandigarh, p.5.

117 a dignified manner. The British were not anxious to get Indians educated because they had observed dire and detrimental influences of such coached education on the Americans. In this connection, comments of the genius publisher and editor of the Bengal newspaper “Samachar Darpan” of Mirampur mission and Director of ECE Mr. Clark Marshman (1794-1876) are liable to be narrated here saying “We have employed a great stupidity by opening schools and colleges in America, now we will never repeat such a mistake in India again4.”

In fact, no other desperate, certified, synergistic evidence of the Educational Administration is found in India before the Ruling Campaign of the British Empire. The traditional impact is initialized in India since 1775. First of all Lord Harding had introduced in 1844 a successful proposal of suitable posts for the literate Indians. Education in India was instituted before a civilized State (India) as a challenge to her not being a bottleneck of a specific group in Administration for the first time on the history pages of India5.

Before 1775A.D. the British Empire had got inaugurated several schools in India, but these schools were running only for the children of the British Police Officials. In 1717 A.D. St. Marys‟ School was opened in Madras for the children of the Police Officials under the patronage of Stevenson Chaplan St. George 6. Before starting of the 19th Century, this education was officially allowed and was under a limit for the children of Christian. In 1716, the missionaries in Denmark had opened a school for the training of teaching staff. In the next year of 1717A.D., two more charity schools were opened in Madras, out of those the one was opened for the Purtagusechildren and the next was for the children of Tamilians, where their 6 students in both the schools. In Goodlore, another school was also opened for the poor Indian students7.

Although a few states of India were under the hold of the East India Company, yet that time no development of the Fundamental Literary Policy was in action.

4 Nisha Parveen, Unnesvi Sadi Ke Muslim Shiksha vido ka dhunik Bhartiye hiksha me Yogdan, the Computype Media, New Delhi, 1996, p. 29 5 Kali kinkar Datta, Education and Social Amelioration, date and time not mention, pp.1-5. 6 K. Kaliyan; Chatarji, English Education in India, The macmillan company India, limited Delhi, 1976, p.2. 7 Ibid.

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Obviously, an order of Revolutionary change has happened to be effective in the life sphere of Political and Economical Environment in India, but the British East India Company had taken the decision to make the Indians literate (whether at a detained event)8.

History of Outstanding Performance of British East India Company:

The Charter Act of 1813 had merely bound the British East India Company on the ground that the Indian Nation should accept the burdens of education. But the literary policy was determined for India in details according to the wood dispatch of 1854. This is the second important age in the history of education in India in between the Christian Eras (1813 – 1854) near about a span of 40 years of the British Empire9.

The development of education in India was a focal point during the 19th century. It was fostered by three different agencies, i.e. the government, Christian missionaries and „Native‟ enterprise. Of these agencies, the most important contribution was that of the British administration. But in this connection, it should be remembered that the British administration did not formulate a separate education policy of education and therefore, the Native enterprises took initiatives in this direction for the Muslim Women. The British educational policy regarding female education in general becomes necessary to gauge its impact on Muslims10.

The government did not recognize female education as a branch of the state system of education before the Wood Dispatch of 1854A.D.The attention of authorities did not appear to have been directed to the subject to many years after they had adopted definite measures for the education of boys. Barring an extremely small number of women, who received some elementary education, either at home or in schools, the whole of the female population of the country was deprived of formal education till 1854. Prior to that date, the education of girls, it seems, was left entirely

8 Kali kinkar Datta, Education and Social Amelioration,Op.Cit.p.6. 9 During the first half of the 19th century Indians as a whole were consciously preparing for a country wide movement of resistance against the British rulers. The only notable exceptions were the class of and holders and the anglicized intelligentsia of the presidency town who owed their acquired wealth and social positions of the British and somehow felt that their fortunes were linked up with them. Seyed Nurullah and J.P. Naik, A students. History of education in India 1800-1947, Macmillan and co. limited 1956, p.31. 10 Nasreen Ahmad, Efforts For the Education of Muslim Women Before The Rise of The Aligarh Movement 1857-1885, S.N.R. Rizvi, S.Z.H. Jafri, Exporation in India History, Anamika Publication, New Dehli, 2007, p.188.

119 in the hands of individuals and private societies11.

Finally, the dispatch offers a few suggestions regarding some other problems of education. For instance, the dispatch points out the necessity of providing suitable school books in Indian languages; the importance of vocational instruction and to that end, the need of establishing a vocational college and schools of Industry, and the urgency of spreading education among women12.

Thus, it can be seen that in the 19th and early 20th century, in the Muslim society, apparently, female education was not considered an important prerequisite for the overall progress of the community. The status of women in India has been subject to many great changes over the past few millennia. From a largely unknown status in ancient times through the low paints of the medieval period, to the promotion of equal rights by many reformers, the history of women in India has been eventful13.

The system of education mainly emphasized on democratic, liberal, rational and humanitarian principles which found reflection in the work of James Mill, Comte, Herbert Spencer and so on. Mill‟s “Subjection of Women” (1869) becomes popular amongst the education circle in fact; the agreement in favors of female equality was often taken up by the intelligentsia. Similar views were found in the work of Comte who emphasized on the absolute necessity of women education and equality the ideas upheld by him had a far reaching impact on the intelligentsia. It helped them critically

11 J.A. Rishey C.I.E edited by Selections from Educational Records, Part II, 1840-1859. Published for the India, 1965 p.32. 12 Ibid. Syed Masroor Ali Akhter Hasmi, Muslim Response to Western Educations a Study of four Pioneer Institutions, Commonwealth publisher, New Delhi, 1989. 13 Education Despatch No.4 dated 7th April 1859. See Also Kelash Sharma, Role of Muslim in India politics (1847-1947), InterIndia Publications, New Delhi, p.1. 14 The ultimate objective of a social movement is what its members see as the betterment of society. India in the 19th century we find that the social cultural movement was deeply influenced by western system of education.Gouri Shrivastava, Women Education in India (issues and dimensions), Academic Excellence, Delhi, 2005, p.3.

120 examine their society and explore all these factors that retarded its progress15.

Development of Education Before the 19th Century During the British Empire:

The target of the British East India Companyhas been very much professional since its beginning. Specifically, to expand and advertise their profession and to secure financial margin while staying in India was their prime mission and their aims. This was why that the company that had taken no interest in coaching the general people at the beginning. Some emotional persons had expedited the job of the spread of education for the sake of training of the rational languages by setting up numberless institutions in New Delhi. In 1791, Dunkenhad set up the study of languages according to the Hindu Regulation and Traditions16.

At the beginning of the 18th Century after the death of Shah AlamBahadur Shah (1706-14) whereas the Mughal Emperor had faced a hopeless fall of their Empire, the same time, streams of knowledge gradually swapped down in India. In India, it had fundamentally affected in an adverse action on the religious discourse education. In the Capital (Delhi), there happened dominating rule of starvation. Shah Waliullah happened to arrive in Delhi Capital under such deteriorating circumstances. In 1732, Shah Waliullah had given strength to the Indians under streams of knowledge by starting the same in a proper and dignified manner17.

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Maulana Mohd. Qasim Nanautvi and Shibli Nomani appear before us with their unified characteristics. In point of what struggle and stimulation, these heads and social reformers of education and literature had initiated the programmes for their nation, especially for the Muslims, that was the holy message of high domination. That time, the education policy and its aim were in the fact that higher thoughts and conservation of minds should be spread to the level of each and every Indian of all castes and tribes after eradicating narrow-mindedness and

15 Ibid. pp.3,4. Mill, James, The History of British India, Vol.II, Associated Publishing House New Delhi, 1972, p. 124. 16 Nasreen Ahmad, Efforts For the Education of Muslim Women Before The Rise of The Aligarh Movement 1857-1885, S.N.R. Rizvi, S.Z.H. Jafri, (Ed.by) Exporation in India History, Anamika Publication, New Dehli, 2007, pp. 191-193. 17 M. Alamageer, Impact of Modernism om Contemporary Muslim Women, Axis Publication, New Delhi, pp. 26-27

121 extremity from them18. Because of their consolidated thoughts and directives to deny or reject others‟ jobs on the ground of others‟ evils or qualities and on ground of community, these great social reformers usually believe this a narrow mindedness and vagueness. This was why that Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Maulana Mohd,Qasim Nanautvi and Shibli Nomani had employed cooperation and leniency with the British Empire in order to get extend from them (British Empire) a strength of the academic education (regarding its point of view) and in order to activate the same with the Indians in a dignified manner, and they got proper benefits from the British Empire on point of their leniency & conjugation with the Britishers19.

Status of Academic Education Before Nineteenth Century: The Islamic School in India: Definitely the Empire of the Muslims in India begins from the Rule of QutubuddinAibak (1205-1209). Sultan Naseeruddin Qabacha who was the ruler of Delhi, had got constructed an Islamic School there. Mohd Bakhtiyar Khilji had urbanized a city, namely Rangpura in State of Bengal and there he had got constructed a mosque and an Islamic School. In 1300, there were got constructed one thousand Islamic Schools in India. The teachers there in those schools had been paid their salaries from the Royal Treasuries.20.

Firoz Tughlaq (1351-1380) had got constructed magnificent Islamic Schools in Delhi after the demise of Mohd Tughlaq. Sultan of Gujarat Mohd Aadil Shah (1449-1510), who was also the Ruler of Bijapur, had provided fruits for the students of the Islamic Schools (made by Mohd Tughlaq) simultaneously providing food and accommodation for the students; mango was the special fruit item all along with other fruits. The governing heads of the Sultanates of Jaunpur had set up a number of Islamic Schools21. The Islamic School which was set up near an Atala Mosque in

18 Under the reformatory past of India, whereas on one hand the names of Shah Waliullah and Raja Rammohan Rai are pivoted in the fore front lines in the history; on the other hand, the great dominating personalities viz. Nishat Parveen, Op.Cit. p. 16. 19 Ibid. 20 In the Islamic Schools, the following subjects viz: Equology, Divinology and Mathematics etc. were taught all along the religious discourse education. Mohd.Tughlaq was a great genius and competent Emperor of his life-timeSyed Mahabub Rizvi, Tarikh-i-Darululoom Debvand, First Edition, Idara-i-Ahtamam, Darululoom Debvand, Haydar Rress New Delhi, p.84. See Also Nishat Parveen, Op.Cit. p.16. 21 Ibid.p.17.

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Jaunpur, still exists there. Sher Shah Suri (1472-1545) had accepted discipline of his early ages in the Darululoom Islamic School of the same Mosque in Jaunpur. In Jaunpur, there were 20 Islamic Schools, which have in existence their names only22.

Sultan Sikander Loldi (1488-1517) had got constructed a number of guest houses, Mosques and the Islamic Schools during the rule-time. The Hindus have got coached for the Persian language in the Islamic School he got constructed during his rule-time.

During the sovereigns of Humayun (1555) and Jalaluddin Mohd Akbar (1556- 1605), the rate of increasing numbers of the Islamic Schools in Delhi was not higher. Maham Begum, maintaining mother of Jalaluddin Mohd Akbar (The mother who does not give birth to a child, but brings up and tames only) had set up an Islamic School in Delhi in 1561 whose historical name was Khairul Manazil. The structure of debris still exists in Delhi23.

During the Rule-time of Shahjahan (1627-1657) Delhi, Sialkot, Ahmadabad and Jaunpur from the point of view of education and arts were such strange places where a number of students come from abroad except interstates of India. The Fatehpuri Mosque and the Akbarabadi Mosque were both constructed during the rule- time of Shahjahan, In 1649 Shahjahan had got constructed in the name of Darulbaqa a very wide and magnificent Islamic School near the Jama Mosque of Delhi (the Madrasa falling at the South of the mosque)24.

This Islamic School had been wound up just in the beginning of the thirteenth Century. Mufti Sadruddin Azarda (expired 1868) had, during his rule-time, again started during his rule-time. Maulvi Mohd. Qasim Nanautvi was also the head of this school. After the Rebel of 1857 was over, the English (Britishers) had illegally taken

22 Ibid. S.M. Jafar, Education in Muslim India (1000-1800),Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delhi, Delhi 1972, Op.Cit. pp. 19-21 23 See Also NishatParveen , p.18. 24 It is genuinely remarkable that Jaunpur, Rampur, Lucknow, Allahabad, and Ghazipur were the main coaching points of education in Arabic and Persian languages. Jaunpur was known as “sheerazof the east”. Fundamental education had mostly been extended in the educational institutions; e.g. in Rampur, the coaching was extended in the subjects of Equology and medical sciences and in Lucknow this coaching was extended in religiology subject. The mutual relations between the teacher and the students were affectionate and brotherly. Some students stay with their teachers in order to get from them benefits having engaged with their continuing Buddhist consert. Maulana Mohd Taeeyab, Sawane Karimee, Zildpratham Chapakhana, Daruloolum, Debvand,1375 H.A. p.29.

123 the property of Mufti Sadruddin under their possession, thus the Islamic School “Darulbaqa” had been wound up for ever25.

Very commonly, the learned and competent people in India had concentrated and grounded in the quotation mark of Wars with the emperor and a say in general that the Muslims, on the basis of their religious grounds, giving political know-how with emperors of that time It was occasionally held that on the topic on culture off and on. Therefore, the British Empire pays very short attention towards the Academic Education of Muslims. Most of the writers of the Islamic Primary Schools preferences to the studies and coaching of their religion.They usually provided donation money for the help of students of the school for advertisements and motivation for education and for studies and coaching material and for the relevant subject and books26. The Muslims usually had faith in constructing the Islamic Schools as well as rendering services to the relevant learned people, as they believe this deed as the Doctrines of Divinity being the same a success in this World as well as a boon of success in the heavens bestowed by Allah – The Almighty after the death. In such a way education like the other essential deeds had been an integral part of their life. Because of being taken on optional narration of the daily life routine of a person with the history of his lifetime giving an importance, this is why whatever sacrifices and the fundamental contributions the Muslims had extended to the academic education in India, the Ancient Age Historians do not give remarks aintheHeadlists prescribed by Govt. of India27.

Educational Innovation in19th Century India;

The British Empire was at the full swing even in the end of the 18th Century. Whether the British East India Company had merged with a net of mission schools, but they had paid no more attention toward the academic education of the Indians. At the start of the 19th Century the British Officers had concentrated their attention towards the academic education of their own British Nation. But there were being arousen the main coup of bottlenecks: (1) Whether the academic education may be coached in

25 Ibid. 26 M. Alamageer, Impact of Modernism on Contemporary Muslim Women, Op. Cit. pp.27-31 27 Thus, Maulana Mohd. Qasim Nanautvi was not to get some one interrupt his personal affairs by any ruler or any particular person and usually complete his pending job fully and individually. On the other hand, they had expected the students that they too themselves render their religious or social services freely and individually. Nishat Parveen, Op.Cit. p. 19.

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English language or not (2) The next dispute had arisen that, what else colleges of the Indian language education were running in India, should the classes of English language be increased or not. A deep discussion was under pondering over continuously28.

The British East India Company did not manage to order the Directors (1792- 93) of the missionaries in order to start classes in English language. But the root cause of not placing orders by the Directors of the Company, the British East India Company had no choice and desire to make the Indians literate up to their own merit and standard. They had a hatred inference against the Indian that if all Indians have been converted into Christians, the British (English) shall lose their preferences and surpassing impressions on the Indians, and India will stay on the same streamline where America had been in the recent past, hence to govern unique democratic alliance over India will much more be difficult and impracticable29.

The misthinking of the directors of the British East India Company was above board or was not, but the fact was that that government compensates the needs of her nation, religion and physical strength of the cast and tribes of each nation becomes dead and bogus who refrain from unique help and assistance on being approached academic education by the coalition government30.

Education of Muslim Women, especially belonging to the higher and well to do families experienced considerable progress in our period. Arrangements had burnt made under Emperor Akbar, for giving suitable education to the inmates of the royal harm, and he is also said to have established a girl‟s school in his palace at fatehpursikri31. In the Massir-i-Alamgiri, we find a reference to the education of the females of Aurangzeb‟s harm thus all the females of his harm under his directions.

28 Ashraf Mujeeb, Muslim Attitudes towards British Western Cultural in India, Idarah-a- Adabiyat-1- Delhi.1977, Delhi, p.118. 29 Ibid. 30 Selection From Education Rcord, National Archive India, New Delhi, p.116. 31 Badauni, III (Haig), p. 147. also refer to Srimanta‟s teacher, Janardon Pandit, who took particular care of his pupils sometimes, at the cost of his personal pleasure and also refer P.N. Ojha, North Indian social life during Mughal period, p. 92.

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Learnt the necessary rules and doctrines of religion, and all engaged in the worship of God,reading and transcribing the Quran32.

Jafir Sharif makes an elaborate reference to the various customs and practices relating to female education in Muslim India, and he rightly holds that there were a number of educational institutions for women in the different parts of this country. Mostly attached to the private house. Muslim widows generally regarded it to be their duty to coach up young girls in their own houses. The Holy Quran formed their Chief text book. Besides getting lessons on morals and religion, they received, essentially, a practical education for managing their household affairs. Mughal princesses and the daughters of the nobles were generally educated in their harms under the guidance of either old learned tutors, or educated mistresses or accomplished eunuchs33.

This was not always borne out by the number of outstanding women produced by early Islam. There was BibiIsma who fought in the battle of Uhad, one of the early war waged by Muslims for the spread of their religion. During the reign of the second caliph, Umar the marked of Madina was under the charge of Lagla-bint-e-Abdullah Fatima-bint-e-Qysook active part in the election of the third Caliph, Usman34. Among the names of the great jurists of Islam are to be found those of Ummul-Mominin Aisha Siddiqa, Bibi Fatima Zahra and Zaynabbint-e-Abi Salma, Shima35.The annals of a Muslim role in India also echo with the names of great women, especially those of Razia-Sultana, Chand Bibi and Numerous other instance, in our period of educated and accomplished ladies belonging to the royal families as well as to the aristocratic classes. Gulabadan Begum, Salima, Sultana, Maham Angah, Nurjahan, Mumtaz Mahal, Jahan Ara, Begum, Soti-un-nisa, Zebon-Nisa Begum, for example, was highly educated ladies36.

32 S.M.Jafar, Op.Cit. 33 Jafar Sharif, Islam in India, Humphrely Milford, Oxford University Press, London, 1951,p. See Also Nasreen Ahmad, Muslim Leadership and women’s Education, Utter Pradesh, 1886-1947, 2012, p. 10. 34 Muhammad Ali Qutub. Women Around the Messenger, International Islamic Publishing House,2008,pp.84-85. 35 Mujeeb Ashraf, Muslim Attitudes Toward British Rule and Western Culture in India, In the first half of the Nineteenth Century, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delhi, Delhi, 1982, p.174.Jamila Brijbhushan, Op.Cit. p.45 36 Zinat Kausar,Muslim Women in Medieval India, Janki Prakashan, Patna 1992,pp.162-163.

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The view has been fostered by the Muallanas whose hold on the populace depends entirely on the latter‟s ignorance. As interpreters of God‟s word they enjoy a position of superiority which would, naturally, be threatened if those preached to be in a position to put forward opinion and to dispute the edicts issued and opinions expressed.

Ideally, a Muslim‟s education should start at the age of four years, four months and four days. Traditionally in upper and middle class families it was done by a Maulvi or learned man guiding the child‟s hand holding a pen to trace the word Bismillah, in the name of Allah (for which the ceremony has been named) on a takhti, a small board37.

The principal object is to trace the growth of the modern system of education which came to be established in India during the British Period in suppression of the traditional indigenous system of education which had developed in the country through centuries past.38.

Types of Institutions:

The indigenous educational institutions of this period were divided into four main types asunder:

Indigenous Institutions

School of Learning Elimentary Schools

Madrasshas Persian Schools Schools teaching Pathshalas of the Hindus of the Muslims through the modern Indian language Schools of Learning:

Although the Hindus and Muslims had separate schools of learning, several important features were common to both the types of institutions.The students entered

See Also Badauni, III (Haig), p. 147. also refer to Srimanta‟s teacher, Janardon Pandit, who took particular care of his pupils sometimes, at the cost of his personal pleasure and also refer P.N. Ojha, North Indian social life during Mughal period, p. 93. 37 Jamila Brijbhushan, Muslim Women, in out of it Pardah, Op.Cit.p. 99. See also Muhammad Zaki, Muslim Society in Northern India during 15th and first half of the 16thcentury,Op.Cit.p.51. 38 Gouri Srivastava, Women’s Higher Eduction in India 19th Century, Concept Publishing Campany, New Delhi, 2000, pp.26-27.

127 the schools at a fairly early age and studies as long as they desired and often for as long as twelve years or more.There were neither woman students nor any persons belonging to the large number of communities who were denied the right to studing the sacred lore39.

The social position of women also from satisfactory. Among the Muslims, the evils of purdah and segregation were the chief obstacles to progress, although women had property rights and a liberal set of marriage and divorce laws. (Among the Hindus, child-marriages were very common). Women had very limited property rights and the marriage laws were unfavorable to women40.

The upper class women suffered from customs such as satiabilosion of divorce and an enforced asceticism for widows, while among the lower castes, customs like Devadasis and female infanticide prevailed to the same extent41. Over and above all these there was, among all sections of the male population, a very strong social prejudice against the education of women. This was probably the greatest obstacle to be overcome before and headway could be made in spreading education among women should the East India Company do anything to promote education among the women of India and to improve their social position?42

This was the problem that faced the British officials of this period. The conservative among them refused to have anything to do with the subject. They pointed out that the policy of the company was one of strict social and religious neutrality; that the prejudices against the education of women which prevailed among the people were so strongly rooted in their social and religious life that any attempt to educate women would create a very great commotion; and that the first attempts of the company should be restricted to the education of men who would themselves at a

39 There is no mention of a female scholar attending any of the common schools of the province. This is by no means due to hurry or omission. The common schools of the time were meant for boys only.There were several indigenous schools which were attended by Muslims alone and which were in change of Muslims teachers. These school taught Persian and in some cases, Hindustani. In Several places, Muslims attended the ordinary Hindu Schools. A students, History of education in India (1800-1947) Macmillan and co. limited, 1956, p.8. See Also Calcutta Review, No. p. 334. 40 Kali kinkar Datta, Education and Social Amelioration, date and time not mention, pp.11-12.. 41 Kali kinkar Datta, Op. Cit. pp.12-14. See Also Calcutta Review, p.323. 42 M. Indu, Memon, Status of Muslim women in India, Uppal publishing house, New Delhi, 1981, pp. 19-20. See also Nasreen Ahmad.p.30.

128 later date, undertake the education of their women folk43.

The credit for having brought about a change in this conservative view goes to Lord William Bentinck and Lord Dallhousie while Dallhousie decided that the open patronage of the Government should be extended to the education of women. The following extract from his orders dated 11th April, 1850, gives an indication of his views on the subject44.

However, this state of female education was not only due to the negligence on the part of parents and administrators, but also because of numerous social evils such as the purdah system and the practice of early marriage and the seclusion of Muslim Women with the four walls of the houses. Even an enlightened monarch like Akber was very careful about the protection of this social practice. In fact the purdah system snatched the freedom of movement of Women. Due to this strict social system Women enjoyed very little opportunity to acquire higher education45.

Domestic sphere was the most important field of female activities. They had to do all the household work. Even before marriage, they were fully absorbed in domestic work. They had to fetch water from the well. They prepared the food and served it. In leisure hours they would spin for making garments. Thus the whole day was occupied with the domestic affairs which formed daily routine46.

Finally, the economic factor was also less responsible for the denial of education to women during the period under review. The economic inequalities prevalent in those days, prevented women of the lower sections of society from acquiring even a fair amount of literacy. The poor family of the period could hardly produce women of great repute in the realm of education or learning47.

43 Gouri Srivastava, Women’s Higher Eduction in India 19th Century, Concept Publishing campany, New Delhi,2000, p.25. 44 The British Paramountcy and Indian Renaissance-2. 45 Another important factor which obstructed the development of education of Muslim women was the institution of early marriage due to early marriage the young girls became mother of numerous children at very early age. Thus their health deteriorated after marriage ad their main business remained to look after the household duties and take care of their children and they could little for literary pursuits. Indra Kumar Choudhary, Education of Muslim Women under the Great Mughals 1526-1707 A.D,.p.160. 46 Ibid. pp.137 47 M. Alamgeer, Impact of Modernism on Contemprary Muslim Women, Op.Cit. p.2-3.

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We have several examples of highly educated ladies belonging to the royal and aristocratic families but we can hardly get an enlightened women representing the poor family, of the society. Thus the economic factor must have blocked the educational progress of Muslims women of poor family during the period under review48.

To appreciate the role of personalities Lake Sir Syed, Qasem Nanotavi and Shible Nomani in the field of modern education, it is essential to understand the educational strategies and plans of various Muslim educational reformers.

Muslim Women Education in 19th Century:

The 19th Century had been a Century of a genuine and humanistic movement. India in the original, had been engaged in a crowd of such movements. The high remarkable cultural Analysis of both the tribes: the Hindus and the Muslims had implemented only in the 19th Century. In the 19th Century, the motive of modernization was the social tendency to coup with the immediate narrowed tradition49.

In general, all social reformers, politicians and the other Buddhists have spoken coincidly that the cycles of renovation of the Indian Society are genuinely a cycle of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Maulana Mohd. Qasim Nanautvi and Maulana Shibli Nomani who had, under the belief, employed the education technology in order to establish the worst conditions viz. of Social, Economical, Economical and Financial thereof. In the previous chapter, before this chapter, academic interaction of all three educationists was given. In that Chapter, on the point of the following educational know-how, set up of educational hubs, guidelines of the syllabus, Rolls of the teachers, proper discipline and responsibilities of the literate youngs had been prescribed by all three educationists50.

48 Ibid. 49 Geraldine Forbes, The New Cambridge Histotry of India; Women in Mordern India,Vol.IV.Cambridge University Perss,1996, p.32. 50 Combined Evaluation of Cooperation and Conjugation of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Maulana Mohd. Qasim Nanautvi, Shible Nomani during Modern Indian Education. Neshat Parveen, Unnesvi Sadi Ke Muslim Shiksha vido ka Adhunik Bhartiye Shiksha me Yogdan, the computype media, New Delhi, 1996, p.137.

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Women Education points of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan:

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan had not paid so attention towards the literacy in women as it was pested from him. About the literacy think-over program, when the literacy committee had desired, the personal aspects of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan51, he said, “This time, there can be no such way that any Muslim may send their daughters to their respective schools to get them educated there. The persons who suggest that education to males should be extended before the female education, are at mistake. The fact is that the Muslim women will not get their complete education, till the same the males may have not been extended. If the males will properly be literate, the women will surely be affectived by their literacy. The literate brother or a husband would be struggle-some for the education of their near relative women and others52.”

The Pertaining to the education of all sexes, whatever were the tight lines of our past ancestors, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan within the subject matter, had offered valuable suggestion that the boys should be extended education in a proper way in a dignified manner, seems quite above board. Even after elapse of a long span of period and after a crucial change of ages, there still exist, such persons who do not like literacy in women. The status of that time was different53. The appropriate point of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan goes saying that those who attained education from MAO (Mohammaden Anglo Oriental) College, had paid proper attention towards literacy in women, and ample facilities had been provided for women‟s education in the same institution. The educational environment was immediately better at the time when the ladies college and residential halls were constructed; Criteria of education had commonly been given importance and had been accepted. It was observed around the

51 Ibid. See Also DaviLylivid, Aligarh First Genretion, Oxford university Press, New Delhi, 1978, p. 207. 52 Sir Syed Ahmad Khan did not pay much attention to women education when educational committees enquired about his view on women education, he said that time there seemed to be no way by which Muslim females would start sending the girls to schools. He also negated the view of people who preferred female education over make education. He concluded that it would be impossible to educate Muslim women on true sense, until and unless almost every male member of the society get educated. Nurul Hasan Nqvi, Sir Syed and Hindustani Musalman, Education Book House, Aligarh,1979, p.125. 53 Nishaat Parveen, Unnesvi Sadi Ke Muslim Shiksha Vido Ka Adhunik Bhartiye Shiksha Me Yogdan,Op.Cit. pp.105-106.

131 world that an ancestral chain is made up properly, which is instantly ready for women‟s education54.

In fact, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan was not against the literacy mission for the Indian women, but when during rebel of the 1857, it had been striken on his mind about the social reformation of the Indian women, he, from the beginning of the rebels till the end of same, had been getting away of this mission, While on the other hand, all other ladies in his ancestral family were solely literate Sir Syed Ahmad Khan had himself spoken for his ancestral ladies being literate while delivering speech in the education commission. Whatever a popular topic of woman was drawn, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan because he was much more aggrieved and sorrowful55.

Ms. Carpenter, a native of Bristol State, was eager to know the opinion of the Indians pertains to literacy in women, and she had collected many letters in this regard. Besides, she also wanted to know the opinion of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan and it is written in her travel routine. Maulana Shibli Nomani and Sir Syed Ahmad Khan have admired the noble-deeds of Ms. Carpenter56. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan said that the women generally share and help men and credit of making the men officers, goes directly to Mr. Carpenter. All three educationists viz. Maulana Mohd Qasim Nanautvi, Maulana Shibli Nomani and Sir Syed Ahmad Khan had prayed to Allah – The Almighty say,

54 Ibid. Nurul Hasan Nqvi, Sir Syed and Muslim Education, Op. Cit. p.125. 55 In the real sense, Sir Seyed was not against women education Instead, after the revolt he was more inclined towards improvement of Muslim Society on the whole. On the other hand, the female Members of his own family were relatively more educated than other Muslims Female. In Educational, Sir Syed himself had appraised his women family members for being educated. Once adverting women he said that what efforts he was made for imparting education mean to their sons does not ever mean that forgot daughters that Sir Syed their Instead believed that his efforts for education of men would serve as strong foundation for women education in days to come. He assured that the efforts for educating male members of society would definitely lead to betterment of educational status of both male as well as female members of the society. Khwaja Althaf Husain Hali, Hayat-i-Javedi, Urdu Board, New Delhi, 1901, p.611. 56 Ibid.Originally in Sir Syed‟s words, “I pray with a depth of my heart to Allah – The Almighty that „May the efforts of Ms. Carpenter get success and every man and woman, who are illuminated by dazzling lights of education and fact, which both in fact are unanimous, the men and women should be benefitted by the illumination of education.

132

“O Allah – The Almighty !Ms. Carpenter is solely extending alliances on literacy in women, please bestow her bounties, prosperity, progress and proper comfort for the noble-deed, that she is going to render57.”

Though the writings of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan is quite obvious that he himself gave an emphasis and importance of literacy in women, but because of the negativity and reluctant thinking, if the religious procedures not make it important in his speeches to advice about literacy in women and one point of this root cause, the general people used to believe him a „Man of Controversy‟ in the subject of literacy in women58.

The thin line of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan regarding literacy in women was much clearer, by one of his dignified speeches he delivered in Punjab in 1884. The speech which Sir Syed Ahmad Khan had delivered in Punjab was in reply to letters of the Punjabi women to Sir Syed Ahmad Khan and he had arranged to send a reply to the Punjabi women in order to make an emphasis on literacy in women59. The reply is as under:

“O my sisters! I am not solely careless of the sisters of my nation in respect of their education. I am eager whole-heartedly by depth of conscience and directives for their progress and education. To the extent I oppose the fact, that is based on the method of education. I extend you all my advices that try your best on the old status education. The same education would open for you the way of betterment and good prospects in this world as well as to that ONE; and will save your future from being involved in thorny catastrophes60.”

57 Ibid. pp. 612-613 58 Once adverting women he said that what efforts he was made for imparting education mean to their sons does not ever mean that forgot daughters that Sir Syed their Instead believed that his efforts for education of men would serve as strong foundation for women education in days to come. He assured that the efforts for educating male members of society would definitely lead to betterment of educational status of both male as well as female members of the society. Khwaja Althaf Husain Hali, Hayat-i-Javedi, Urdu Board, New Delhi, 1901, p.611., See Also Nurul Hasan Naqvi, Sir Syed and Hindustani Musalman, Op.cit. p.115. 59 Ibid. 60 Ibid., See Also Nishaat Parveen, Unnesvi Sadi Ke Muslim Shiksha VidoKa Adhunik Bhartiye Shiksha Me Yogdan,Op. Cit. p.106.

133

Thus we observe that Sir Syed Ahmad Khan very serious emphasis on literacy in women, but till the period of time there might have not been arranged school education, he was in favour of being submerged with studying the religious books, going through the books of stitching and garments making practice. He usually pay high respect to women61, He further added,”

I had tried my best to coach your boys for their academic career education, by this my action, you may please do not lose your hearts thinking that I have forgotten my sweet daughters, but I am sure that to emphasize on boys education is the root cause of literacy in women. The process which I am employed for the boys, the same process is, in fact for boys and girls both62.”

Women Education or Superior Thoughts of Maulana Shibli Nomani:

Although Maulana Shibli Nomani had no controversy against educating women in India, but keeping in view, whether the circumstances are favourable or not, he did not force a woman to get academic education. To have a detailed knowledge about the thoughts of Maulana Shibli Nomani, it is quite easy to come to know about the facts of education in Indian women through those notes which Prof. Abdul Qadir Sarfaraz had written openly and publicly affecting by an influence of a conference of the Hindu women held in Mumbai, “The women from Gujarat and the Marathi women had spoken very highly. Some women were being found speaking equal to men boldly63.

By perceiving the above noted notes, it is genuinely visible that Maulana Shibli Nomani head off and on remain worried and instigating conscientiously towards the education of the Muslim women under literacy, social and political betterment, so that the women too should lead ahead in national and social reformer

61 G.F.I. Graham, The life and work of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, London 1909, pp. 16-18. 62 Ibid.When the male member would be education, this would definitely effect female member‟s education as well and that too in positive sense. The educated brothers and husband would make desirable efforts for women education then. 63 Maulana Shibli Nomani very potentially and very positively ponder over the needs of academic education and usually feel this experience very much, but he was very much disbursed because of being inactive and weakened the Islamic Movement developed with the Muslim Society and he was also hand bound of the possibility of such Islamic Movement to be in action. Syed Suleman Nadvi, Hayat-i-Shibli, Maaraf Press Darul Mosannif, Azamgarh, 1943, p.150.

134 deed. In this way, the Indian women should also be brave and bold hearted, just equal to the Turkish women, like the Arabian women participating in the literacy movements. Besides, those women who tremendously lead in other strange fields other than holding the responsibilities of house-hold catering and of giving birth to children64. When there might have been made descriptions about the bravery of the ladies like Razia Sultana, Chand Bibi, Zaibunnisa and Gulbadan Begum, MaulanaShibliNomani got experience of same and usually employ a comparison to the ladies of the other casts and other countries. MaulanaShibliNomani was himself not positive to implement movement pertaining to the literacy mission of women, not this way that the women were free from good moral character, but only that way that the women were not courageous65. But originally whatever the revolutionary scheme on religious ground had Maulana Shibli Nomani started, he was absolutely afraid of the detention in same and to fall a breach of success. According to his own words,

,“I can abandon my motherland, my relatives and all other issues etc., why and however should I abandon a religious and national responsibility and assigned deed66.”

He writes in reply to the letter received from Malika Atia Begum of Ahmedabad Territory,

“You declare and determine that I am a coward. I have two sides of my life: One is Private and the other is Public. If I could not have the public deed in hand, you might then make an assessment of my motivity and bravery. How could you eliminate about what sort of difficulties should I face too? You positively do not know that if I am unable to pay proper attention towards the interest and inclination of my nation, the most useful and successful movement will go flop and in vain absolutely67.”

64 Ibid. p.767. 65 Sarfaraz Hussain Mirza, Muslim Women’s Role in the Pakistan Movement, Lahore research Society of Pakistan, University of the Punjab, 1969, p.17. 66 Nishat Parveen, Unnesvi SadiKe Muslim Shiksha Vido Ka Adhunik Bhartiye Shiksha Me Yogdan, Op. Cit. p.135. 67 Ibid. p.136. See Also Jafhrul MulkAlvi, Mazmuaa Kalam Shibli, Annazir Press, Lucknow, 1918, p.34.

135

I the above noted letter, „Private‟ means “Bottlenecks of Ladies” and the relation of timidnessis asunder:

“Once upon a time Maulana Shibli Nomani had offered Rs.1000/- in respect of charity money to Mrs. Nazli Begum sister of Atia Begum for construction of one room of a students’ hostel of Nadvatul Uloom in Lucknow. Shibli Nomani was of a strong desire that the foundation stone of the construction of this room should be laid down by Mrs. Nazli Begum, but on point of a controverse inference of the competent authorities (ulemas), it could not be possible. This is why, being hatred of such incident, Mrs.Atiya Begum had written such a tauntful note to Maulana Shibli Nomani denoting him as Coward68.

Promotion of Western Education:

The East India Company was a trading rather than a ruling corporation and as such education was no part of the programme of its early administrators. It was only during the later times of its government, when its administrative needs demanded that the promotion of education, as such, in India was considered one of the duties of the state. The same motive determined the type of education to be imparted. Hence the change over from the encouragement of oriental learning which for long had been acknowledged to be a matter of importance to the promotion of western education69. The decision in 1835, of the acrimonious controversy between the two lines of thought, respecting the claims of oriental and English education. In favour of late, had the support of some section of the higher classes of the Hindu society especially in Bengal. The demand for English was notable even in the provinces then not British,

68 Ibid. Observing the above notes, it seems that Maulana Shibli Nomani did not usually place preference on the curtail traditions in women and simultaneously he was at the right side of his consent to make the women literate. 69 By the end of the first half of the 19th century the activities of the missionaries and the social, religious policies of the British government aimed at asserting the superiority of western culture had, further, antagonized the orthodox sections of all the religions of India, especially Islam. The Muslim started feeling that their religion was a danger. Shiva S. Dua, Society and Cultural in Northern India 1850-1900, Indian bibliographies Bureau Co. pub. Balaji Enterprises, Delhi, 1985.p. 183.

136 such as the Punjab. The years that followed saw a marked invigoration of the process of anglicising education has profound effects on society70.

English education had however been given its value in terms of livelihood and so had become an object of ambition as the only avenue to good appointment and to improved status in society71. The opening of new seminaries and a series of corresponding measures for the promotion English studies such as abolition of Persian as the court language in 1837, the introduction of the scholarship scheme in 1839, and the declaration of the policy in 1844 enjoining the selection for the government service of candidate who had received an English education, gave it much impetus. This policy not only failed to yield the desired results, but added to the social problems by creating a new class that of the English educated.72

It was Lord Dalhousie who took interest in female education in India. His interest was clearly revealed when he supported J-E-D- Bethune‟s school for girls in Calcutta. In fact, lord Bethune died Lord Dalhousie personally undertook the change of the school. The support that Dalhousie gave to Bethune was the first move by the government is promoting the cause of girls‟ education in India. His support of girls‟ education was reflected in the Educational Despatch of 185473. The dispatch stated that “ the importance of female education in India cannot be overrated: and we have observed with pleasure the evidence which is not afforded of an increased desire on the part of many of the native of India to give a good education to their daughters. By this means for greater proportional impulse is imparted to the educational and moral tone of the people than by the education of men.74.”

The new policy further stressed the importance of primary education, which had been, hitherto, too much neglected. It declared that it was especially necessary to

70 Shiva S. Dua, Society and Culture in Northern India 1850-1900,Op.Cit.p.182. Also See K. M. Banerjee, Native Female Education, pp. 102 -103. 71 Ibid. 72 Monier Williams, Modern India India and The Indians, Third Edition, London 1879, p.322. 73 Syed Nurullah & J.P. Naik, Op.Cit., p.104. See Also Selection From Educational Records , Part II, p. 35. 74 We have already observed that schools for females are included among those to which grant-in-aid may be given and we cannot refrain from expressing our cordial sympathy with the efforts which are being made in this direction. Our Governor General in Council has declared in a communication to the government of Bengal that the government ought to give to native female education in India its frank and cordial support. GouriSrivastava, 2000, Op.Cit. p.35.

137 place the means of acquiring useful and practical knowledge within the reach of the great mass of the people who were utterly incapable of obtaining education worthy of the name by their own unaided efforts. It also acknowledged the need of fostering in every province of India. The indigenous school had existed from time memorial. Measures perserbed for the carrying out of the policy, such as the constitution of separate departments of instruction in the different provinces, foundation of universities at the presidency towns75.

Education in the modern sense of the term may be said to commence with the opening of the period under review. Indigenous schools began to be sought for and induce schools, masters to improve their methods and follow a system of education approved by the state. This endeavour met with a degree of success which varied greatly from place to place and from time to time76. Primary education, nevertheless, remained a formidable job. There were about 98.535 public schools with 3,268,726 pupils in 1901-02 in the whole of the country. Private agencies like the missionaries and progressive and philanthropic Indians along with the government toiled and panted at the colossal task. This was not the case with secondary and higher education which was therefore much sought after.77.

During the 19th century Muslim Women‟s education in India was fostered by three different agencies, the government, and missionaries‟ ad „Native‟ enterprise. Of these agencies to begin with, the most important contribution was that of the British administration. But in this connection, it should be remembered that British administration did not formulate a separate policy for the educational policy regarding female education. The government did not recognize female78.

Condition of the Indian Muslims in the 19th century. As the Muslim ruler of India had held many positions of power and privilege, and when they were gradually ousted from these, by the British, were naturally full of resentment against the new

75 Selection from Educational Records Vol. 2.p.53. 76 Ibid. In the whole country,a large number of indigenous schools were brought with in the new scheme but the progress made in the successive decades was not uniformly steady. The highest increase in the number of schools and pupils was seen during 1871-81. 77 In fact secondary education had developed earlier than primary education. The British government had commenced its efforts in this direction much earlier, and with better results- the main objective being training auxiliaries for its administrative work. Nasreen Ahmad, Op.Cit. See Also Calcutta Review, July to Dcember, 1855, p.64. And Also See Kali kinkar Datta. Op.Cit. p.21. 78 Ibid. p.17.

138 power which had, displaced them. The British too followed for a considerable time the policy of breaking the Muslim up ad keeping them down. The British had decided that” says Muhammad Noman” for the expansion of the new power and its continuance the only course was to crush the Muslim and had deliberately adopted policies which had for their aim the economic ruin of Muslims, and their intellectual stagnation and general degeneration79”.

For certain posts, the British Government explicitly laid down that only Hindus were appointed there not Muslims. The educational policy was “responsible for the increase of unemployment and the closing of the other avenues for the Muslims. The economic policy impoverished the Indian Muslims. In the army their recruitment was limited; in carts and crafts they were crippled and rendered helpless80”.

How for the faithful have heeded this lesion is obvious from the illiteracy that is rampant among Muslims. The injunction to read a portion of the Holy Book every day would seem, in itself, to ensure literacy both among men and women. But it is not always so.The Quran is always read in the original Arabic, although translations in various languages are freely available. Those who are interested in the meaning of the holy word can follow the translation which is, usually, printed alongside the original but the ritual reading must be done in Arabic81.

During Muslim Period education was diffused in this country by the threefold means of maktabs and madrasahs, mosques and monasteries and private house, typifying three forms of education (1)university or higher education with under graduate and post graduate course:(2) secondary education ,which obtained in grammar schools, high and private academies: and (3) primary education imparting elementary knowledge82. As apart from these regular instruments of importing instruction the ends of education were achieved in another unostentatious and

79 Kamlesh Sharma, Role of Muslim in Indian Politics 1957-1947, Iinter India Publications, New Delhi, 1985. pp. 1-2. 80 Ibid . 81 Nasreen Ahmad, Efforts For the Education of Muslim Women Before The Rise of The Aligarh Movement 1857-1885, S.N.R. Rizvi, S.Z.H. Jafri, (Ed.by) Exporation in India History,Anamika Publication, New Dehli, 2007, pp. 191-193. 82 Ibid. Jaffar S.M., Education in Muslim India (1000-1800), Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delhi, Delhi 2009 p. 16.

139 unconventional way, which had no mean Shane in the dissemination of knowledge.83.

The lines quoted above are from a long Urdu poem; Chupki Dad” (homage to the silent) by Khwaja Altaf Husain Hali‟s a younger contemporary and sympathize of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan, the great Muslim educational informer of the nineteenth century in India. In this poem Hali advocated educational reform for women behind the purdah, you are the intimate companions of your husband‟. He said‟ the faithful friends of your son you are the guardians of religion. That Muslim woman should be kept in Isolation and ignorance was, for Hali, one of the greatest obstacles to the progress of the Muslim community in India84.

This state of affairs was eloquently summarized, again by Hali, in his Majalis- un-Nissa (Assemblies of women) written in 1874, in which he describes the sorry lot of most Muslim girls.The result of this, said Hali was disastrous for the Muslim community. Illiteracy had spread even among respectable families, where formerly girls were taught to read and figure, but not to write the sons of illiterate moths, were not properly prepared or disciplined before going to school, and hence the consequence of not educating the girls was a generalized decline in the educational level of the community.85

Further,this state of affairs was against God‟s commandment, for in the Quran, Muslim men and women are equally enjoined to seek knowledge. Then too it women do not know how to read and figure, how could they mange any property they inherit according to Islamic law86. Hali‟s arguments in favour of women‟s education made several points: first that it is in accordance with the commandment of Islamic scripture and law, secondly, that the intellectual and moral life of the community depends upon the women being educated as well as the men, and thirdly, that the social dislocation caused by the decline in vernacular education can only increase. Mothers and sons, husbands and wives will have little or nothing in common, and this

83 Ibid.p.17. 84 Khawaja Altaf Husain Hali, (Chupki Dad) Lucknow Nomi Press, 1923. See also Gail Minault, Pardah Progress the Beginnings of Social Education for Indian Muslim Women, ed. by Jagdish P. Sharma, Geoffrey Detmold, firma KLM private limited Calcutta 1982, p. 76. 85 Ibid. p.78. 86 M. Alamgeer, Impact of Modernism on Contemprary Muslim Women, Op.Cit. P.2-30.

140 will have serious consequences on the solidarity of the family unit87.

The educated women, according to Hail‟s ideal would combine well-rounded vernacular book learning with practical house hold training. She would have a know ledge of Urdu and Persian language and literature, a basic knowledge of Arabic grammar, arithmetic, and geometry, know how to copy couplets in both Naskh and Nasta’liqcalligraphy, and know some of the geography and history of India.88 In addition; her mother would train her thoroughly in cooking embroidery and the ways and means of keeping the servants on their toes and providing for a virtually endless procession of guest and dependents89.

This then was a view of women‟s education by a progressive member of the North Indian Muslim elite, in terms of the ideals and possibilities of his times. Muslim girls of respectable family should be educated at home in the vernacular, by private tutors. For families who could not afford such arrangement. However, there was taking of founding vernacular primary school Under Muslim auspices. The Anjuman-e- Himayat-e-Islam in Lahore stated several neighbourhood schools for girls in the mid 1880‟s, but there was still a great deal of opposition to having purdah –observing girls go out of their home to school90.

Lahore was a considerably more advance in girls‟ educations than was Aligarh. In fact Sir Syed Ahmad Khan opposed pursuing women‟s education in the 1880‟s for he felt it might detract from the work in boys, education of Aligarh College, which was his top priority Women‟s education would come in due time, said the Syed but even then women should be given a traditional education not a modern one. In his testimony before the Indian Education Commission in 1882, Sir Syed stated his point of view that a little education was enough for women91.

87 Sarfaraz Hussain Mirza, Muslim women’s role in the Pakistan Movement, Lahore Research Society of Pakistan, University of the Punjab, 1969, p.17. 88 Gail Minault, Pardah Progress the Beginings of Social Education for Indian Muslim Women, ed. by Jagdish P. Sharma, Geoffrey Detmold, firma KLM private limited Calcutta, 1982, p. 79. 89 Report of the Indian Education Commission (Calcutta Government of India, 1884), Appendix,Vol.I, Report for the North Western Provinces and Oudh with Testimony, p. 300. Here offer cited as the Hunter Commission Report. 90 Ibid 91 Report of the Indian Education commission (Culcutta Government of India, 1884) Appendix vol, Report for the North Western provinces andOudh with Testimony.p. 300. Here offer cited as the hunter commission report.

141

Sir Syed, like Hali emphasized the stability of the Muslim family in advancing his arguments, but he also felt that at influence the home could be satisfying92.

Sir Syed was nothing if not a realist. He wanted to reform the Muslim community by the quickest possible means. Spreading women‟s education and reforming home life would excite lots of opposition and would take a long time. The Muslim community could not wait that long to achieve economic and political advancement. But though such attitudes we

re realistic in the 1880‟s when social acceptance for girls‟ schools was virtually non-existent among the Muslim service gentry, as time went by, more and more English educated young Muslims remarked upon the lack of communication between themselves and the women in their families93.

The Muhmmadan Educational Conference founded in 1886 as an earnest offshoot of the Aligarh movement, passed numerous resolutions the 1890‟s favouring girls school and in 1886 the conference established its own female education section. This section was headed by several distinguished Muslim education in rapid succession, but accomplished little until after 1902. WhenShaikh Muhammad Audullah became its honorary sectary the sheikh and his wife founded a small school for girls in Aligarh in 190694.

Together, the Shaikh and his begum began a quiet campaign to open a girl‟s school in Aligarh. Begum Abdullah made the rounds of their quarter in a closed palanquin, visiting other women and discussing with them her idea to start classes for their daughters in her home. But at first none of the women would agree to send their daughters. Once a local man raised the curtain of the Begum‟s palanquin and insulted her so the next day the Shaikh went along and thrashed the offender95.

92 Ibid. Nishat Parveen op. cit. p.76.Nasreen Ahmad, EffortsFor the Education of Muslim Women Before The Rise of The Aligarh Movement1857-1885, S.N.R. Rizvi, S.Z.H. Jafri, (Ed.by) Exporation in India History,p.189. 93 Report of the committee for the better Diffusion and advancement of learning among the Muslim of India (Banarus 1872) p. 160. See also, S.M. Jaffar, Education in Muslim India(1000- 1800)Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i- Delhi, Delhi p.17. 94 Ibid. P.161. Sources for the life of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan include: Hali;s Hayat-i-javed; See Also DevidLelyveld, Aligarhs First Generation. 95 Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Moqalat-e-Sir Syed, vol v. ed by M. Ismail Panipati, Majilis-e-Taraggi-e- Adab, Lahore 1962, pp. 188-189.

142

The dissemination of knowledge took the form of discussions between the learned and the novice. The Mosques had school attached to them. These schools were supported by state grant or by landholder or nobles. Primary education was imparted through Maktabs were neither endowed nor patronized by the state. These institutions were left to individual enterprise. They depended upon the charity of noble individuals. The Villages Maktabs were often attached to mosques and so were Madrasas which were institutions of higher learning96.

Along with the instruction imparted in the Maktab, there was the domestic system of instruction. The aims and character of which were almost the same. The house of every Maulvi was an important seat of learning. Students receiving education in the house of those teachers were provided fee board and lodging. Some students who received education either from their fathers in their own homes or in the house of private leered individuals rose to eminence as schools and writers in different Subjects97.

Government and Missionary Efforts to Promote Girls School:

The government had been in the education business since 1813, but it was not until woods general education dispatch of 1854 that there was any official pronouncement on the subject of women‟s education. This dispatch noted the increased demand on the part of many Indians to educate their daughters and all voiced support for such efforts. The government however was reluctant to get directly involved in female education particularly after the upheaval of 1857, feeling with some justification that governmental efforts in this area might excite religious and political opposition98. Thus, the system of grants in aid inaugurated by wood‟s dispatch was used to courage native efforts in this field. The grant-in-aid rules that the school applying for support be under adequate local management, that local support and fee account for at least half of the expenses of the school, and that a good

96 Ibid. David Lelyveld, Aligarhs first generation,Op.Cit.p.60. 97 Ibid. 98 At the same time India was open to the whole world and any and every honest man who liked might settle there. This provision opened up India likewise to the missionary activity of other nations. it was in the year that the missionary lap ours of the Non-English Missionary societies began in india-Richter A history of Mission in India. p.192. East India Company. Govrnal General in council, 49, July 19, 1854, para 83 in selections from the records of the Government of India, home department, LXXVI.A collection of Dispatches from the home government on the subject of education 1854-1868 Calcutta Government of India, 1870.

143 standard of education99.

The social condition of the people is a subject deeply interesting and important. In India, it is much more so on account of its antiquity the long history of the social institutions and the variegated nature of the population. In northern India, a region which has borne the brunt of foreign infiltration through the ages and hence has witnessed a mingling of races and cultures, the social conditions in the second half of the nineteenth century form a theme fascinating and baffling, revealing contradictory states, posing diverse and obscure nature. Besides, the religious clement, which forms every where an important and necessary factor in the social life was much more so in India100.

Another important controversy of this period referred to the problem of the education of the women. The almost complete absence of the education of women in the Indian society of the early nineteenth century has already been referred to earlier. Conditions appear to have been particularly bad in Bengal as Adam‟s second reports testifies (vide Chap. I Section 12). Even in the literacy census that Adam conducted, he found only 4 women literate (as against 21,907 men) in a total population of 496,974. Things appear to have been no better in Bombay where no girl pupils attending the indigenous schools were reported either in the inquiry of 1823-25 or in that of 1829 (vide Chap. I Section 7)101. Jervis, it is true, a report of the existence of domestic instruction of girls among some Muslim families and evidence has also been found to show that a similar custom existed among certain high caste Hindu families as well. But the actual numbers to women thus educated must have been infinitely small. Conditions was apparently better in Madras where Munro found that the women of the Rajabundah and some other tribes of Hindu were generally taught and the returns of indigenous schools showed as many as 5,480 girls in a total enrolment of 184,110102. Even better is the report from the Punjab, where the existence of special girls‟ schools in charge of women teachers was reported. In the rest of India,

99 Jamila ribhushan Op. Cit.p.1. See Also Mujeeb Ashraf, Muslim Attitudes Toward British Rule and Western Culture in India, 1982, Op.Cit. p. 174. 100 Shiva S. Dua, Society and Cultural in Northern India 1850-1900 Op.Cit.p.183. Nurullah and J.P. Naik, Op.Cit. p.19. See Also Selections From Educational Records,Part II, p.36. 101 Selection From Education Records, Vol. 2.P.249. see also Despath of 1859, Para 19. 102 Ibid. Nasreen Ahmad, Efforts For The Education of Muslim Women Before Rise of the Aligarh Movement 187-1885,(ed by) S.N.R. Rizvi& S.Z.H. Jafri, Exporation in Indian History, Anamika Publication, 2007, New Delhi.,pp.188-191.

144 nothing is known to the whole, therefore, it may be concluded that barring an extremely small number of women who received some rudimentary education either at home or in schools, general or special. Almost the whole of the female population of the country was deprived of formal education103.The most distinctive achievement of the British educationalist in India was the creation of this new system of education whose object was to spread western literature and science and which adopted English as a medium of instruction at all stages except the lower secondary, where it was thought as a subject104. It was through the portals of this educational system that the Indian mind made its first acquaintance with the west and it is this educational system that is mainly, if not exclusively, responsible for the modern Renaissance in all walks of Indian life105.

One of the most important results of the, new education was the birth of a new literature and press in the modern Indian languages. Missionaries started the first printing press in Zenna meant both women and women,s apartments. Gradually education in this apartment came to be known as the Zenana system of education. Earlier it was conducted by guardians and later through hired tutors: this kind of education was increasingly promoted by the Christian missionaries106. In fact, along with the girls day school and orphanages it formed the third important agency through which the Christian missionaries promoted female education in western India.

The kind of education becomes very successful in the 18th and 19th centuries. Gradually regular examinations were held behind the purdah. It was the Zenana education which made women conscious of medical and other professional education. Perhaps in the long run this kind of education helpedthework of missionaries in female education107. In Punjab, in 1854, the work of female education under

103 Shiva S. Dua, Op.Cit. p.196 See Also K. M. Banerjee, Native Female Education, pp.102-103. Official wheels always move slowly, and in spite of the above orders of Dalhousie, official efforts at the education of women made but slow progress till 1855. Syed Nurullah and J.P. Naik, Vol-II, Op. Cit. pp.60-65. 104 Y.B. Mathur, Muslim and Changing India,Trimurti Publication Private limited, New Delhi, 1972, p. 65. 105 Syed Nurullah and J.P. Naik, vol-II, Op. Cit. pp. 60-65. 106 M. Indu Memon, Status of Muslim Women in India,Uppal Publishing House, New Delhi, 1981, p. 19-20. 107 The social condition of people is a subject deeply interesting and important. For India, it is much more so on account of its antiquity the long history of the social institutions and the variegated nature of the population. Shiva S. Dua, 1985, Op. Cit. p. 196.

145 government had hardly begun. In 1885, there were 17 schools for girls known to the department of instruction with 306 pupils. By 1865-66, there were 1,029 schools with 29,561 girls on the Role, though most of these schools were merely rudimentary schools which had existed from the immemorial for the purpose of conveying religious instructions108.

Returns of 1870-72 showed 465 schools with 11,819 pupils. The census reports of 1881 indicate 6,101 girls under instruction being 1 girls in 1,416 of the female population. In the central provinces in 1870-71 there were 137 government girls, schools with 4,494 pupils,and aided schools, with 169 pupils and two unaided with 58 pupils. Census reports of 1881 returned 3,171 girls under instruction or one girl in 1,539 of female population together with 4,187 women, which were able to read and write but not under instruction109. In northern India, a region which has borne the brunt of foreign infiltration through the ages and hence has witnessed a mingling of races and cultures, the social conditions in the second half of the nineteenth century form a theme fascinating and baffling, revealing contradictory states, posing diverse and obscure nature. Besides, the religious clement, which forms every where an important and necessary factor in the social life was much more so in India110.

The status of women in India has been subject to many great changes over the past few millennia. From a largely unknown status in ancient times through the low points of the rights by many reforms .The history of women in India has been eventful111.

Medieval Period:

During the medieval period the educational profile of Muslim women had been no different from that of Hindu women. Education was confined to a very small minority of women, an exception rather than rule, and one has historical references mainly to the educational attainments of individual women rather than classes or sections of women. Education was imparted through maktabs and madrasas, mosques

108 Ibid. p.196. 109 Ibid. Report of the Education Commission, 1882, p.523 110 Nasreen Ahmad Op. Cit. See Also M. Alamgeer, Op.Cit. pp.26-32. 111 Ramesh Bhandari, [ditedby ], Role and Status of Women in Religion and Society, Delhi, 2010, p.9.

146 or through private enterprise112.

The dissemination of knowledge took the form of discussion between the learned and the novice. The Mosques had schools attached to them. These schools were supported by state grants or by land holders or nobles. Primary education was imparted through Maktabs and the secondary through the Madrasas. The majority of the maktabs were neither endowed nor patronized by the state. These institutions were left to individual enterprise they depended upon the charity of noble individuals. Villages Maktabs were often attached to mosques and so were madrasas which were institutions of higher learning. Khanqahs or shrines of Muslim saints also acted as centres for dispensing knowledge. The Maktabas were often placed under the guidance of pious and learned maulvis113.

The Indian women‟s position in the society further deteriorated during the medieval period when sati, child marriages and widow remarriages became part of social life in India. The Muslim conquest in the Indian subcontinent brought the purdah practice in the Indian society. Polygamy was widely practiced. In many Muslim families, women were restricted to zenana areas114. In spite of these conditions, some women excelled in the fields of politics, literature, education and religion. Razia Sultana became the only women monarch to have ever ruled Delhi115. The Gonda queen DurgaVati ruled for fifteen years before she lost her life in a battle with Mughal emperor Akbar‟s general Asaf Khan in 1564. Chand Bibi defended Ahmednager against the mighty Mughal forces of Akbar in 1590A.D. Jahangirs wife Nurjahan effectively wielded imperial power and was recognized as the real force behind the Mughal throne the Mughal princesses Jahanara and Zebunissa were known poets, and also influenced the ruling administration because of her ability as a warrior

112 Badauni, III (Haig), p.147. also refer to Srimanta‟s teacher, Janardon Pandit, who took particular care of his pupils sometimes, at the cost of his personal pleasure and also refer P.N. Ojha, North Indian social life during Mughal period, p. 9 113 Indra Kumar Choudhary, Education of Muslim Women under the Great Mughals 1526-1707 A.D. Op.Cit. p.159.GouriShivastava, Women Education in India (issues and dimensions), Op. Cit. 2005. p.31. 114 Ibid. Aradhana Sukla, Educational Status of Indian Women, (Edited by), C.M.Agrawal, Dimnsionsof Indian Womenhood, Vol.III.ShriAlmora Book Depot,1993, Almora. 115 Altamash spared no pains in so far as the education of his children was concerned. He gave a decenteducation to his daughter, Razia Begum, and there is no doubt that many of her noble qualities she owed to hr education. Promotion of Learning in India, by N.N. Law, p.21. See Also S.M. Jaffar, Op. Cit. p. 158.

147 and administrator. In south India, many women administered villages116.

Women‟s education in the nineteenth century was the result of the modernizing effects of British colonialism and the rise of reform movements‟ but among Hindus and Muslims. It is well Know that movement for imparting modern education for Muslim women began117.

An attempt to trace the history of women‟s education to those times, though replete with interest will, it must be acknowledged at the outset, be handicapped by the paucity of material on the subject consequent upon the observance of purdah. Whatever scanty material is available, it lies scattered still inaccessible. So, a discussion based on the scanty and scattered material is bound to be perfunctory, but the rays radiating from the accounts of contemporary chroniclers may be brought into focus in such a way as to present a credible picture of female education as it was imparted in those times118. To elucidate the subject as take it up, it is necessary to deal with it pie cement. For this purpose I have divided it into three sections, -the first, relating to direct evidence in the matter, refers to girls school extent in the second and the third indirect evidences: the second is about the prevalent customs and practices bearing upon the subject incidentally, the third gives some names of Muslim ladies well known in the annals of Islam for their learning and erudition, a strong evidence in itself119.

Some of the more enlightened and cultured kings of Muslim India. Whether in the paramount empire of Delhi or in its dependencies, were remarkable pioneers of female education. They founded and maintained school for girls in their kingdoms and took year to promote their interest120.

The accepted standards of civilization differ at different times in different

116 Ibid. Jamila Bribhushan op. cit. p.99. See Also Mujeeb Ashraf, Muslim attitudes toward British rule and Western Culture in India, In the first half of the Nineteenth Century., Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i- Delhi, Delhi, 1982, p. 174. 117 Ibid. 118 It was no good manners for a Muslim to refer to women folk in the open, and whenever a contemporary Muslim chronicler broke through this convention, it was only incidentally and in connection with some other topic. S. M. Jaffar, Delhi 1973, Op. Cit. p. 188. 119 Ibid. P.189. 120 Ibid. Emperor Akbar, for giving suitable education to the inmates of the royal haram, and he is also said to have established a girl‟s School in his place at Fatepur Sikhri. In the Massir-I- ALmgiri , we find a reference to the education of the Female of Aurangzeb‟s haram . P. N.Ojha, pp.92-93.

148 climes, under different circumstances. By the pure and the pious of the middle ages, it was regarded as unnecessary and even injurious to educate women; the puritan looked upon it as a crime. Few indeed in the past thought of teaching young girls anything except domestic science, that sewing, spinning and looking after the household affairs121. If today the opinion is changed, it is because many things have changed. Notwithstanding this, the Musalmans of mediaeval India, as also their brothers elsewhere, who drew their inspiration from the holy Quran and the noble traditions of their prophet, were sufficiently civilized to look after the intellectual welfare of the fair sex122.

The importance of education in the life of a people can hardly be overrated. It is one of the fundamental factors by which the worth of a society or even an individual is judged. The lack of education or ignorance is usually held responsible for all kinds of social disabilities. It is believed to produce, after a rank growth of positive evils which one both a peril and a stigma to society. It places moreover, a serious embargo upon the industrious enterprise and fixes life in the routine of old and antiquated methods, conventional habits. Traditional customs, with little hope or even desire for betterment123.

Province- wise the presidencies of Bengal and Bombay were leading. Bombay at the beginning of the period in 1854 had 65 girls‟ schools with 3.500 pupils and 593 girls attending boys Schools. In 1864 the number of girls‟ school had gone up to 639124. In 1871. There were 218 girls‟ schools with 9,190 pupils in Bengal in 1854, the number of girls School was 288 with 6,869 pupils. Under the grant in aid system. The girl‟s schools in 1862-63 were 35 with 1,183 pupils. In 1870, the number of such schools had risen to 274 and the pupils, 5,910. In 1881, the number of girls under instruction in Bengal were 35, 760 being I girl in 976 of the female population.

121 S.M. Jaffar, Op.Cit. p. 187. 122 Ibid. Education is vital force in human life is recognized to hold an undisputed precedence among means which contribute to the formation of character and the growth of that feeling of solidarity which is the basis of all progress.The pace, at which female education moved, however, was neither uniform nor adequate, but it was progress nevertheless. The statistics of the period bear eloquent testimony to this, had there has been proper records of the indigenous schools, the figures might have been higher. See Also Mr. W. Adams First Report, pp.34-35. 123 Gouri Shrivastava; Op.Cit.p. 20. 124 Shiva S. Dua, 1985.Op.Cit.p. 196. See Also Calcutta Review, September, 1842, pp. 242-243.

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In the North West provinces, the pirogues were rather erratic. In 1854, there were 17 missionary girls School with 13,813 pupils, but this rise was followed by a great decrease in the subsequent years. In 1875-76, there were 400 government primary school for girls with 9,000 pupils and in 1880 only 160 schools remained with 3,757pupils. In 1882, the total number of girls under instruction was 9,771 being the one girl to 2,169 of the female population125.

In the Punjab in 1854, the work of female education under the government had hardly begun. In 1856 there were 17 schools for girls known to the department of instruction with 306 pupils. By 1856-66, there were 1,029 schools with 29,561 girls on the rolls; though most of these schools were manly rudimentary schools which had existed from time immemorial for the purpose of conveying religious instruction. Returns of 1870-71 showed 465 schools with 11,819 purposes. The census reports 1881 indicate 6,101 girls under instruction being girls in 1,416 of the female populations126.

At the end of the nineteenth century, the extent of female education was 9 percent in Bombay, 5 in Bengal, 3 in central India Agency, Berar Punjab and 2 in unite provinces.

In the Punjab and Berar, Muslim, although as a community backward showed a higher percentage of girls in education. At the normal school in Lucknow, special facilities were provided for ladies who observed pardha. The writing suitable for the edification of Muslim girls and women became a growth stock at the end of the nineteenth century and early in the twentieth thinks to a number of articulate religious and educational reformers127. We have examined the work of a handful of these men of letters, analyzed a few of their representative works, and the interplay of their lives their motivations, and their reformist ideas. These individuals were prominent in the

125 Ibid. Official efforts in Education in the North Western Provinces.the control of the educational institutions in the North-Western provinces of Agra and Oudh was transferred from the Government of Bengol to the provincial government in 1843. at that time, the provinces had three colleges at Agra, Banaros and Delhi, and nine Anglo vernacular schools maintained by government. 126 Report of the education commission, 1882, p. 252. 127 Ibid.The history of educational developments in the Noeth of great interest to students of mass education in India.this is now ever given in detail in section 12 later on the provinces of the Pubjab was constituted in 1849.

150 literary and educational life of Urdu speaking Muslim in northern india at the time128.

In order to understand the impact of social cultural movement on the overall status of village at that schools in the north India.There was another system of instruction in vogue in India at that time. In almost every village there were some small schools in which reading, writing and arithmetic were taught to the children of all classes without restrictions of caste, color are creed. The village school meter received his fees from his pupils usually in kind and was, as noted before, a fair prototype of the village schools master immortalized goldsmith in his deserted village129. Mr. N.N. Law on the authority of the khurshid -i- jahan Nama asserts that towards the end of the eighteenth century there were small educational institutions at Silapur in Bengal, where both Hindus and Musalmans received education in Arabic and Persian. Max Mular, on the strength of official documents and missionary report concerning education in Bengal prior to the British occupation, asserts that there were than 80,000 native schools in Bengal, or one for every 400 of the population these schools must have been of the kind of those described above. Their number is remark able indeed130.

Mission School of Ladies and their Deeds:

The ladies had also played an important roll in the field of missionery operations. The ladies: Mrs. Rooledveg and Crook had both exended their proper assistance and help in the missionary operations.Mrs. Kaldwell W/o Mr. Missionery Bishap had started coaching the ladies in South India. In the beginning of 19th Century the Indian women were arrested by inferiority complex and there was no exclusive existence of the own in the society. The batch of missioneries had initiated to literate the ladies were in India. After very hard work in 1891 the law and order to impose a ban on the marriage of a tender age girl of 12 years had been activated. In

128 The British Indian government had been in the education business since 1813. When the British parliament revised the east India Company‟s charter and, among other provisions, set aside revenues for the promotion of learning Syed Masroor Ali Akhter Hashmi; Muslim Response to Western Educations A Study for pioneer Institutions, Commonwealth Publishers New Delhi. 1980 pp.30-35. 129 S.M. Jaffar, Op.Cit. Delhi p. 149. See Also Quotd From A Biographical Sketch of David Hare by Peary Chand Mitra in Selections From Educational Records, Part II. p. 36. 130 N.N. Law, Promotion of Learning in India, by p. 21, See Also The Bengal Spectator, Sepetember 1842, p. 233.

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1856, prohibition on remarriage of the widows was condemned on legal point of view131.

The complete development of the lady missioneries in literacy mission to women had been implemented at the end of the 19th century. During the time of Lord Warren Hastings (1817-1837) the lady missioneries had worked hard in Bengal State to extend education in Bengali women. The Sirampur missionery had, first of all, initialized coaching the girls students in Bengal in 1816-17. In 1818 in Chinsura (Bengal) a separate school was opened for the lady students where there were 14 girl students. In 1823 in Chinsura particularly 17 schools were opebed a total of all i.e. 300 girl students were getting education132. The major social reformers of Indian Rajaraaam Mohan Rai, Radhey Kant Dev and Pt. Gauri Mohan Vidyashankar had also extended their proper cooperation in the job. Many other missioneries like Oms, LmsSirampur etc. had comne forth to extend heir assistance to literacy in women. In 1830 the lady teachers had been entertaining the teaching field133.

131 Nishat Parveen, Unnesvi Sadi Ke Muslim Shiksha Vido Ka Adhunik Bhartiye Shiksha me Yogdan, the computype media, New Delhi, 1996, p. 42. 132 Ibid. See Also Krastion Luees, Missions their Rise and Devolpment, Thartan Butter Brth Ltd. London, 1912, p.128. 133 Ibid.p.43.

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Chapter-V Participation of Muslim Women During the Revolt 1857.

CHAPTER-V

PARTICIPATION OF MUSLIM WOMEN DURING THE REVOLT 1857

The historical deeds of the Indian Women had been so fundamental and exclamatory that such examples are rarely available in the aliens‟ history. But the fact is on the other hand that attended was very minimally paid towards their moral and human rights. Status of women, particularly of the Muslim women was, indeed, on this point of view also, was very much worried and suspected. In this regard, Mrs. Abida Samiuddin, making herself worried about the education of the Indian women, writes in her own book “Requirements of India and share of Indian women under liberal India1”.

“The greatest condolence of the Indian History is that: whereas on one hand we have not only washed out of our minds, the policy and fair life of the daughters of the India, particularly the daughters of Islam, but also have dashed them down in the historical port of annihilation that the noble deeds of our respected ladies have become quite opaque from the sights of the general people the lives of the ladies have become very much limited to their own extent2.”

The Indian History is evident that whereas on one hand the ladies usher the emotions of love and affection, on the other hand, they had been setting their feelings of sentiments to take revenge against their opponents. Genuinely, the self reliance and self-indulge characteristics in a woman is such a unique quality of its kind that a woman attracts a man firstly by her motherland while being a mother3, secondly as

1 Keeping in mind the behaviour of the rescue battle of 1857 different sort of rumours on the bottlenecks of the battle being flown. It was genuinely taken under action to save the continent from the fatal mouth of the alien empire and the process to take the same away from the impending disaster of the forthcoming struggles of the Alien possession originally the Indian Nation are involved in securing the facts and figures in their favors‟ under the topsy-turvy state of the past Indian History.KhawajaIkram, San Sattawan Ki Gumnam Mhilayen, Dewendarchuobe, Badrinarayan, Hiten Patel,(Ed.by) 1857, Bharat ka Pahela Mukti Snagghrsh, Publication Prakashan Sansthan, New Delhi, 2008, p. 265. 2 Ibid. 3 Rizvi, Khursheed Mustafa, Jang-e-Azadi 1857, Urdu Maktabs Burhan, Urdu Bazar, 1959, Delhi, pp.187-188.

153 sister by being affectionate to be her own brother, thirdly as a wife by being faithful and loyal to be her husband and at last as a daughter by rendering frank services to her husband, the life of a man then, looks the general mass an adorned stage with flowers. Similarly, like a complete family, whenever the country (state) needed them, they, did not hesitate in sacrificing their lives by any means offering their feelings, devotion and wealth etc4.

Mid 19th century is considered as a significant mark in Indian history. The great uprising of 1857 brought a big change in Indian society. However, it took a regional firm in one by one place, but in why it could be denied that it influenced more to north Indian Muslims. Common people had been given the impression to have long lived experience with Mughal dynasty. That is why Mughal maintained their presence for a long time5. Though, the whole India fragmented into several smaller states due to the disintegration of the Mughal Empire. Despite Mughals decline these states seem to find it difficult to destroy their existence from people‟s mind that is why people were unable to adjust with new power. Therefore a kind despair had existed there6.

Thus big frustration was with those who were not prosperous completely. Since these mutineers were protesting against change instead of moving ahead that is why Metcalf see it as backward looking while RudranshuMukherji believes in collective disappointment. Nevertheless, it is not to deny its spread was at mass level along with several enthusiastic women. Since most of them healed hauled from urban area, therefore they had more fear of getting uproot7. Women too were getting conscious towards all around happening. They showed a concern about their increasing deteriorated condition. Basic questions to what extent this mutiny had influenced to Indian Muslim women? Were common Muslim women too connected with mutiny8?

4 Ibid. 5 Firdous Azmat Siddiqui, 1857: Emergence of Indian Muslim Women, (Lecturer) Sarojni Naidu Centre for Women studies Jamia MiliaIslamia, New Delhi, p. 1. 6 Ibid., Also see Nadim sHusnain, Islam and Muslim Societies, Vol.I, 2005, ed. Serial Publication, New Delhi, pp.155-60. 7 Ibid, 8 The Revolt of 1857 is not only significant point of view. How the rebelliens fought against the British forces but it is also important from the point of view, however, the participating constituent 154

In the history of Indian independence as much as the incident of 1857 had provided the space to the gender debate as no other. This revolt made the British opine that Muslims are rebellious by nature, thereby they could not claimpeacefully. This hypothesis have created three kinds of historiography, European historiography, Nationalist and Muslim Historiography. Though this revolt was commenced by a Hindu Brahmin but Muslim made it pervasive9.

If we observe the existing situation of the Indian History the battle of 1857 which the Indian Nation had fought against the British Empire by burying all differences and adverse notions usually proved being a rescue battle.

By this battle, the Indian Nation had fought having no term of relation to each other concerning their respective religion, caste and tribes. Of this rescue battle the inspiring behavior existing to the balance of that time reflects on the fact that in Awadh State a lady who did not belong to a high bred family, was working as a Patriarch Leader of the Indian Army in this battle against the British Army Empire10. Hazrat Mahal, who was born in a low bred family, was not even his premier‟s wife, but when she had agreed upon declaring her son Birjis Qadar as Nawab of Avadh State after she had accepted the suggestions of the officials of Nawab Wajid Ali Shah, then the officials viz. Maulvis, Agriculturists and Multi ranked officials had accepted the patronage of Begum Hazrat Mahal and fought against the British Army according to her commands and directives11.

The Indian ladies of each caste, tribe, religion and co-religion had very motivating participated in the struggle of 1857 and had fought against the British Army on each border. They had administered in a dignified manner the roll of hiding

or the section society, who had taken in part in the Revolt. W.W. Hunter, Indian Musalmans, Ideological Book House, 1969, Delhi. p. 306. 9 It is noticeable that Muslim scholar Dealing with this period were often defensive in colonial period while after independent they emphasized over their involvement in first war of independence. See Preface of Asbab-i-Baghawat-i-Hind, written by Adul Lateef Siddiqui. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Asbab-i-Baghawat-i-Hind, Urdu Academy Karanchi, 1976, p.257. 10 Murli Manohar Prasad Singh, RekhaAvasthi, (ed.) 1857Bagabat k DorkaItihas, Vandana Mishra, Mahilaon ki Bhumika, Shilpi Publishers Pvt. Ltd., Delhi, 2009, p. 251. 11 Ibid.,Also see The Roll of Hazrat Mahal in the Rising was as enigmatic as her career was in the Haram of Wajid Ali Shah. She was not born into royalty. The King of AwadWajid Ali Shah had been a captive in Calcutta. The sepoys approached the Begum of Wajid Ali Shah and their sons to provide the King, but none ventured to come forward. She readily agreed to crown hertanyar old son, Birjis Qadar, as king , herself to act as Regent. S.N. Chanda, 1857 Some Untold Stories, Sterling Publication Pvt. Ltd., 1976, New Delhi, p. 10

155 the rescue warriors to their homes, to accommodate them in a safe place, to become search spies, after the injured soldiers, from the beginning of convening the messages to the stranded people still making an assault on the opponents formidably by the help of swords or guns12. Even the sun-refrained ladies had also stood against the opponents with the weapons in their hands, the sophisticated gentlewomen (The rain is) had administered to fight with swords, had fought against the opponents, the struggling ladies of other backward class and downtrodden tribes by conjugating each other having joined the shoulders, to one another, and none of them had been lagging behind by one another. But unfortunately we do not have documentary of that time through which one can put detail on the part of India13.

In Meerut some ladies had sent their bangles and warned them that the soldiers who turned hostile against the cruelty of the ruler, it does not make suitable for the remaining soldiers to stay in the Barrack section. The type of action which the ladies had performed, had given a high moral support and strength to the soldiers14.

The ladies in State of India, had from time to time have been extending their helping hands to the men, regardless may the period be of battle or may be of relaxed. The Indian ladies proved that they are the genuine advocate to the Indians. They are not only the source of luxury, entertainment and amusements, but also they are compliments to their husbands. This is why they are called the better-haves in the Indian Culture15.

There is a happening of a village of District Muzaffarnagar. The British Army tried to receive levies from the villagers by force, to which the people there (men and women) have opposed. The British Indians had executed, hang punishment to some Indian women, the names of those are: Habiba, Jameela, Rahimi, Nehri, InderKaur, Manu Kaur, Raj Kaur, Ranviri and Shobha Devi, Asha Devi, Bhagwati, were very much renowned except the woman Bhagwati16.

12 Murli Manohar Prasad Singh, Rekha Avasthi, Op. Cit.p.264. 13 1857 ke Vedhroh Main Mahilaon ki Hissedari, Op.Cit.p. 85. 14 Padam Shiree, Dr. Bharat Mishra,1857 ki Pramukh Kranti Aur Unke Krantikari, Radha Publication ,2008, New Delhi, p. 111. 15 Ibid. 16 Murli Manohar Prasad Singh, RekhaAvasthi, Op. Cit.p.265.

156

It is also compiled that all around 255 women of District Muzaffarnagar had either been set to ablaze or had been gunned down17.

When we exit through the sources we discover that not only the insurgent forces had fought in the war, but likewise it was equally participated of women from the Indian civilizing in this respect, we likewise see that there has been civil participation since then north India There were the danes who had greatly change myth of the British convention with all means possible in the workplace we have to examine their office18.

Thus, it was born for their devoted wives to assist their husbands in this dire need. The convicting records of port clearance, strengthen the question why Muslims women were sentenced to lifetime imprisonment to a large number?

Why they needed to prove themselves loyal to the British? Indeed muting accounts prove futile this established conception that only elite women took part in the revolt, whose tiara were in jeopardy19. Though it is not only confined to ZeenatMahal, Begum HazratMahal, Rani LaxmiBai and conspiracy of palaces. If one asks what is revolution? Definitely it should have mass acceptance as well as women‟s contribution to a larger extent where a prostitute too stepped out of the brothel. Did such things occur in 185720?

In this connection a widespread revolt had started in remote places of India and took a distinct phase in different part of India Nonetheless western United Province was most affected part of rest where mass contribution seems more contrary

17 Many other Muslim women were also hanged and an estimated 258 young women are believed to have died while fighting against British. Another prominent Muslim woman was Jamila a young pathan from united province who took part in mutiny. For this she was captured by the British and executed on the gallows.,Firdaus Azmat Siddiqui 1857. Emergence of Indian Muslim Women (Lecture) Sarojni Naidu Centre for Women Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, pp.5-6 18 Ibid. 19 Branch Port Blair, Proceeding: December 1886, No. 158-159, Part B, Oct. 1886, No.14-148, Part B. Another Female convict Rubia was released from port Blair in June, 1886.See Also Firdaus Azmat Siddiqui. Op. Cit.p.6. 20 The leaders of the mutiny were both men and women, most important amongst the latter being Begum Hazrat Mahal,Rani Lakshmi Bai, ZeenatMahal. Some of them led troops to the battlefield and fought, while others accepted the sufferings and privation, imprisonment and death. Dewendarchuobe, Badrinarayan, Hiten Patel,(Ed.) 1857, Bharat ka Pahela MUkti Snagghrsh, Khawaja Ikram, San Sattawan Ki Gumnam Mhilayen, Publication Prakashan Sansthan, New Delhi, 2008, p. 266.

157 to Kanpur Lucknow and Rohilhkand where vested interest was more dominant while Faizabad. Allahabad, Banaras and Azamgarh seem to take mass movement21. But Western United Province is remembered for the heroic deeds of Muslim women, particularly from the middle class as well as lower class women. Being the adjacent part of Delhi it experienced more disturbance than other parts of India. Since 2/5th of Muslim population resided in Meerut and Rohelkhand division, whereas the majority of people hailed from ashrafandfrom well off families who were getting uprooted22. In view of the fact that government job was confined for those who taught in western knowledge and there was no space for traditional knowledge, hence unemployment was more rampant amongst Muslims that added to their misery. Therefore, Muslims perceived British as a destructive force.

They felt that their interest was safe with Mughal emperor. Thereby they initiated to wipe out all symbols related of the British government and had started to proceed towards Delhi23.

Apparently in the absence of their male counterparts, women had kept on their protest. There were a large number of female rebellions who appalled against British especially in adjacent parts of Delhi such as Meerut, Bulandshahar, Rohilkhand and Muzaffarnagar24. They not only took part in this war of independence, but also drunk the cup of martyrdom for freedom of their motherland. Most prominent amongst them was Habiba, a Muslim Gujar and Rahimi a Muslim Rajput from Meerut who took part in insurgent and executed on the gallows in 185825.

Being the centre of Mughal emperor, women of the Delhi had to confront ferocity from both sided earlier from plundering of Tilangas and Gujjars and later on from British high handedness along with their male counterparts. In addition to

21 It is noticeable at the time prostitute were beings registered under a professional caste of Muslims. Repeatedly British were emphasized that all loose character Hindu women used to accept Islam. Belly, D.C. Census Report of Province of Agra and Oudh, 1891, Government Press, 1894, Allahabad, p.180. 22 Firdaus Azmat Siddiqui,Op. cit.p.7. 23 Sir Saiyid Ahmad Khan, Asbab-e-Baghawat Hind, Urdu Academy Karanchi, 1976. p.256. 24 Bharat Mishra, 1857, ki Pramukh Kranti Aur Unke Krantikari, Radha Publication, 2008, New Delhi, p. 112. 25 Ibid. Also see Kabir, Qausar and Inamul Kabir, Biographical Dictionary of Prominent Muslim Ladies, 1882 light and life Publisher, New Delhi, pp.111-112.

158 mutineers coming from across the North India had provoked them26. In this way there was a big hue and cry all around the city, but surprisingly this plundering had not clogged them from protest Instead of fearing they were incessantly making a plea to the king. This shows the political consciousness of Indian Muslim women how they maintained their faith in Mughal emperor. Her mothers were pleading for their son‟s release in the name of their helplessness and widowhood27.

At a time several widows were complaining about atrocities committed by Tilangas and troopers.It seems that mutiny influenced more to Maulvi Nazir, famous Urdu novelist who saw everywhere widows in his famous novel Aiyama. Over and above incidents of execution and rape increased their misery which was very common phenomenon during the whole mutiny while the same was done by Europeans after the mutiny. It is an old age custom where ever any war over‟s, it is the women who used to be victimized. Perhaps this was the reason that encouraged prince and princess of the place to jump into uprising despite of emperor dithering28.

They seemed to have been more upset about their present condition. They might have hoped in bringing their splendid post. At the time several Begums were asking for guards onto their gates. Few of them had over the responsibility of fort‟s management. When the British were busy in launching their campaign against male rebellion, then their female counterparts took arm in their hands. It appears that they earlier assisted from behind the Purdah, precisely the way British dealt with rebellion; they came out of the four walls of the house. Eventually they too became the target of British measurement. Thus, many women executed to death, hanged and burnt alive29.

In addition to many British were convinced that some women were raped yet, according to one of the captive drummers, John Fitchet, they were not ill treated or disgraced in any way. The daily supervision of the captive was the responsibility of Muslim women named Husaini Khanam, the servant of the Nana‟s favourite

26 Ibid. 27 Firdaus Azmat Siddiqui, and also see 57 ke Vedhroh Main Mahilaonki Hissedari,p.85. 28 Ibid.,Nazir Ahmad famous Urdu Noblist 1833-1912,According to the Educational Records, Nazir Ahmad began attending the Delhi College in 1846. Report on Public Instruction for the Northern Western Provinces, 1847-48, Delhi College Report, pp.47-57. 29 Irfan Habib, Vidhrooka Porpreksh, (edited by) Murli Manohar Singh, Rekha Avasthi, Op. Cit. pp.101-113.

159 courtesan Adla30. Most people called her „Begum‟ on account of her imperious manner, and she is said to have made the prisoners lives a misery. It was she who selected the women to grind grain; yet she was also responsible for improving the food and serving out the „fresh clothe‟ presumably on the Nana‟s orders31.

Basic question why prostitution was considered problematic just after 1857? Did colonial presence make it more challenging? Why all prostitutes had been registered under Muslim sects? These issues are relevant and debatable till this day from the time when British influence started to affect only male exodus was taking place32.Naturally, they needed female counterparts. In this process upper class European were being caged making marital relationship with upper class Muslim family. But the second half of the 19th century is witness of a large number of European women, who saw them as their sexual rival.

At the time some Muslim women used to keep some land holding whereas Mahalwari system was in practice since their right was protected under Shariat in such areas. After maintaining peace, particularly after 1858 British started to identify the landowner with whom they could collect more and more revenue33.

This was the reason why a big number of petitions for re-ownership of land was coming from Muslim women, particularly from that locale which was most affected by mutiny. Noticeably most of them were widow, who was appealing for showing mercy on their helplessness and impoverish condition34.

But most of the cases had been rejected on the ground of confiscated property or limitation Act. Indeed, these women were coming into court after 1870 by which reason automatically they had come under the limitation Act of 1858 that gives only

30 Christopher Hibbert, The Reat Mutiny India 1857, Penguin Books, London,1980, p. 296. Syed Khurshid Mustufa Rizvi, W.H. Siddiqui, History of the Indian Struggle for Freedom movement 1857, Rampur Raza Library,Rampur, 2002, (Urdu), p.298. See also Khawaja Ikram, Op.Cit. pp. 265-270. 31 Ibid. 32 Firdaus Azmat Siddiqui, Op.Cit. p.3-5. 33 Ibid. Second issue was related with ceded land or conquered land. In this area of Bundelkhand area was considerable. British government used to secure some compensation in the form of cash and pension in lieu of their land. Aftermath of revolt continuously Muslim widows were complaining over pension reduction. Home Judicial bundle, No.35.Box No.-57.Serial No. 6, File No.9, Regional Archive Allahabad Hence forth RAA. S.N. Sen, Eighteen Fifty Seven, Publication Division Government of India, 1947, New Delhi, p. 375. 34 Qauser Kabir, op.cit., p.179.

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12 years to suit a petition in court. In addition to British attitude dealing such cases was often discouraging35.

MUSLIM WOMEN PATRIOTS OF 1857:

Begum Hazrat Mahal:

The History of freedom struggle will remain incomplete without the mention of the toughest resistance given to the British by the highly courageous wife of Wajid Ali Shah Begum HazratMahal. When Awadh comes to under the direct control of the Britishser. They were confronted with a gigantic wave of resentment. The victorious sepoys from all directions were rushing towards Lucknow, the capital city36. Sir Henry Lawrence was then in charge of the British administration in Lucknow as the Chief Commissioner of Oudh province. On 30thJune, 1857 his troops were overwhelmed by the freedom fighters. Sir Henry ordered a retreat to residency, leaving the rest of the city to the rebel forces. Lucknow fell and with it. The British authority over Oudh vanished. The sepoys had now achieved their goal. But they did not know what to do next. They needed a leader and guidance. Begum HazratMahal was one of the numberless wives of NawabWajid Ali Shah but whatever rule, they served during the Rescue Battle, due to which she would be count in the criteria of the bravest Indian Ladies like that of zone of Arc37.

In what a manner an ordinary woman had converted into a Public Spectator, this fact, makes the status of the battle of 1857 clear. Begum Hazrat Mahal was not only a leader of dominating personality, but also a competent ruler and all the Indian Nation had accepted her as their superior and patriarch. In Alambagh, she herself became a leader in this battle while riding on an elephant. She had after taking a stormy round

35 FirdausAzamatSiddiqui, op. Cit. p. 9. 36 S.N. Chanda, Awadh came under direct control of British but soon they were confronted with a gigantic wave of reaction. The aggrieved and agitated sepoys, in employment whole of the Oudh were in Ferment. The victorious sepoys from all directions were rushing towards Lucknow, the capital city. Mean while the rebel forces kept pushing up towards Lucknow. Sir Henry was in difficult positions. Akhiliesh Mishra, Awadh ka Mukti- Sangam, Raj Kamal Prakashan, New Delhi 2007, p. 95. Kaisar-ut-Tawarikh, p. 224. See Also Foreign Political Department Consultation No.759-799. 11 March 1859. Freedom Straggle in Uttar Pradesh, Vol.1. p. 423. 37 Ibid., See Also Akhilesh Mishra, Awadh Ka Mukti Sangram, Rajkamal Prakashan, New Delhi, 2007, p.95.

161 in Awadh, made the public emotional in a dignified manner38. W.H. Rasail (editor of the newspaper “The Times”) has written in his newspaper that Begum Hazrat Mahal was a woman of high dominating personality and high competency. She was a most estimable in the Palace have surrounded themselves as disciples to Begum Hazrat Mahal believing her as the most courageous woman; and that those who did not like Birjis Qadar, son of Begum Hazrat Mahal to declare him the Nawab of Awadh State, and the women princess of the Palace had been unhappy of this activity. Only at once these women princess was feeling very much admired believing Begum a woman of such character39. Begum Shaida had written a letter to Nawab Wajid Ali Shah asunder:

“May Allah – The Almighty do not bless such bounties to enemies even. Whatever general fights and disasters had been pervaded over us, the period of one year after your highness had gone from Avadh40.”

Hazrat Mahal had proved so brave that the antagonists had been reluctantly defeated. Truly, it is obvious that the women proved so overwhelming as she made Sultan Alam so famous, so meritorious and so militant that whose wife can fight so bravely like a martyr fighter, it will be astonishing how then a gay man will be so gallant and formidable fighter; this is why Begum Mahal had made her husband Wajid Ali Shah a man of courtesy on her own kindness and gracious self41.

While speaking appraised for the hybridity of Begum Hazrat Mahal, R.K. Rasail had written asunder:

“Begum Hazrat Mahal seems a woman of great talent and competency. Begum had declared against us an uninterrupted war. Perceiving their formidable character, it had stricken on us that they had been getting high mental stability during their stay in their private residences and pavilions,

38 William Haward Russell, writes this Begum exhibits great energy and ability. She had Excited all Awadh to take up the interest of her son, and the chiefs have sworn to be faithful, to him will the Government treat these men as rebels or honorable enemies. W.H. Rusail, My Dairy In India, London 1860, p. 274. 39 Ibid. 40 Another Begum ,Sayada Wrote to Wajid Ali Shah thus, “ Hazrat Mahal Shawed Such Courage that the enemy was terrified. She turned out to be very daring. Shred has brought name to the Sultan-i-Alam. Kaisar- ut- Twarikh,Op.Cit. p.334. 41 Bharat Mishra, 1857 ke Kranti karioaur Uske Pramukh Krantikari, Radha Publication, New Delhi, 2008, p.34.

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consequently they were capable to extend their proper decisions and judgement anywhere any time in all aspects42.”

It was very easy and stenciling to understand the transparent character of Begum Hazrat Mahal on the fact that the Army of the British Commander Collin Campbell had started slaughtering the innocent citizens after entering Lucknow Region, then the revolutionaries had asked Begum Hazrat Mahal for the handover of the British Army soldier prisoners when they had been saturated of the obnoxious activities of „killing of the innocents‟ in Lucknow. The revolutionaries had also asked for the British Lady prisoners so that they might also be punished in due course43. Begum HazrartMahal, on the basis of „Prestige of the Lady Tribes‟ in believing the demand of the revolutions unjust and improper, had refused to do so. Begum had protected lives of all the British ladies after she had brought them all to their private residences. No Indian had written this fact, except Charles Ball.

The message of the Indian Nation be set at defiance against the British Army is also a very high pattern of her bonafide, simple and supernatural thinking on ground of impossibility44.

During the reign of the defiance by the Indians, Begum Hazrat Mahal had declared before the landlords, the Nawabs and the other concerning officials (Talukdars) that they should cooperate the Indians, beyond the sentiments of a person towards the casts, tribes, criteria and a combined course cast on ground of defiance, that will be the only way to train for taking a target to fight against the Britishers. Begum Hazrat Mahal realized the power of the Indian women and had got joined to

42 See Also Sir W.H. Russel, Op.Cit.p. 275. 43 Governor General Canning wrote to Sir Colin Comp bell “Every Eye in India is upon Awadh as it upon Delhi. Awadh is not only the rallying place of the Sepoys the place to which they all look, and by the doings in which their own hopes and prospects rise or fall-but it represents a dynasty. G.W. Forrest (ed.), Vol. II., See Also Selections from the letters, „Dispatches and other’State Papers preserved in the Military Department of the Government of India 1857-58, Calcutta, 1902. pp. 357-59 44 Ibid.. She went about in the better field inspiring her troops. By March 18, 1858, all the strong Pachit in Lucknow were in the hands of the English. But “a powerful force probably inspired by the Begum held Musabagh, a palace in Lucknow till the 19th March 1858”. Charls Ball, History of the Indian Muting. Vol-1, London and New York, p. 246. See Also Akhilesh Mishra, Op.Cit. p. 97.

163 her own group, drastically the maidservants, the slave-girls and her companions including all, simultaneously extended training to all of them45.

Begum Hazrat Mahal had placed as many marks of interrogation in the reply of the declaration prescribed by Her Highness Queen Victoria by which Begum HazratMahal was proved a lady of surpassing comprehensions in the field of the historical politics in India. The vertical political existence of Begum HazratMahal had been indispensable than the other synonymized characteristics which remained only ignoring. She was genuinely an eminent poetess and was very much cheerful by nature. She used to admire the soldiers of her Army wholeheartedly and use to give them rewards exclusively46.

In spite of having been offered a number of proposals by British government Several times based on the purpose that if Begum Hazrat Mahal may surrender her powers before the British Govt., she would get her prestige and rank back and she would also receive her pensions and arrears respectively, but Begum Hazrat Mahal had flatly refused these offers. When the King of Nepal had, on the point of one to one talk, called her in his Court by deception and had separated her from her Army and submitted immediately before her the proposal given by the British Empire, at this situation, Begum Hazrat Mahal determined to live in Nepal being penny less, but she has never surrendered before the British Empire47.

In the unforgettable battle of Sikandar Bagh in Lucknow at that time, more than two thousand Militants of Awadh had sacrificed their lives to save Lucknow out of the tortures of the British Rulers, and the Indian women were participating in a very large number in this battle. When in the intervention under the patronage of Collin Campbell, the British Army had entered Lucknow and when the British Army

45 For this under new policy reward obedient and punish rebellion whose ever took part in, revolt had been punished by seizing their property. As well as it was rewarded to those who remained loyal during this period. Forbed Mitchell, Reminiscences of the Great Muting, 1857-59, London, 1910, pp. 57-58. 46 After Queen Victoria‟s Proclamation the British wanted to win over the Begum by offer of clemency, and even of a pension. The spirited lady replied with a counter Proclamation under the seal of the King„ Brijish Qadar‟ warning the people not to be misled by false promises. The Begum proclamation, stared that certain weak minded, Foolish people have speared a report that the English have forgiven the faults and crimes the people of Hindustan. Chales Bell, History of the Indian Mutiny, Vol. I., London, New York, P.246. See Also Murli Manohar Prasad, and Rekha Avasthi Op. Cit. p.253. 47 Foreign Department, Political Consultations 10th December 1858, No 52-125, 413. July 1859, August19,1858, N.A.I., National Arehive India , pp.183-184

164 repeatedly tried their best to get back Lucknow from the revolutionist) in their own possession, the Militants had themselves employed the strongest opposition against the British Army in Sikandar Bagh, Lucknow. No leader had so ever fought this battle except the Indian men and the Indian ladies all along the people of Awadh State48.

The British Army soldiers had been surprised perceiving the bravery fighting skills of a common woman in Sikandar Bagh of Awadh State. We regret to say that at the very unfortunate event we do not have evidence of the battle on the part of the Indian Army, not even in the Public Historical Code49.

In the fatalistic, overwhelming and triumphant battle in Sikandar Bagh, not even a single Indian warrior out of a strength of 2000, was saved alive as they had breathed till their last breath, because the fact was that the Indian Army soldiers were fighting against the British Army for the sake of the lands in India from one inch up to one yard50.

It is obvious by these evidences that in this battle not only the young woman, but also the age-old women were coinciding and shouldering equally to the men emphasized a number of women and the maidservants of the palace to undergo military training, it was so probable that the above stated women and maidservants of the Royal Palace might have undergone the military training while the rest other common women had also undergone such training in due course. On 25 February 1858 a battle was fought in Musa Bagh after 3 months in result of which Lucknow secured relief at the best of her fate and the foundation of the British Empire had tremendously rocked in51. Begum Hazrat Mahal had herself participated in this battle. Till March 08,1858 the Indian Army had completely been defeated by the British soldiers, Begum Hazrat Mahal had abandoned the city and had to take shelter in Nepal but the emotions of patriotism, bravery and honesty which this warrior lady had employed and adopted, nevertheless, she had offered an example of the same, had

48 Syed Khurshid Mustufa Rizvi, &W.H. Siddiqui, History of the Indian Struggle for Freedom movement 1857, Rampur Raza Library, Rampur 2002, (Urdu).pp.187-188. 49 Forbes Mitchell makes mention of a woman who was short of Sikendar Bagh. She was armed with a heavy old pattern piston. Seated on the papal tree She killed half a blazon people. Forbed Mitchell, Reminiscences ofthe Great Muting, 1857-59, Op.Cit.p.57-58. And See Also Murli, Manohar Singh, Rekha Avasthi,Op.Cit. pp.268-69. 50 Khawaja Ikram, Op.Cit. pp.265-266. 51 Kaisar-ut-Twarikh, Op.Cit.pp. 335. See Also British Paramonuntacy and Indian Renaissance Part I, p. 571.

165 undoubtedly been encouraging the Indians. The sacrifice of freedom of martyrs fought against the British Empire in 1947 is merged with drops of blood of the freedom fighters52. Begum Hazrat Mahal had continuously been approaching the messages to the Indians fight the British Empire by hook or by crook means, as the emotions narrated in the poem given below:

The own Empire gone to aliens Combed the death, come didn‟t The rank found in the town Battle happened due to shame Overwhelming mine, approach mine My last grave on this clay Urbanized mass of mountains Engraved on the grave of HazratMahal Stranded by fortune persecuted by dawn‟s53.

Stranded by fortune and persecuted by Skyish Dauns, but a unique path-rover for hundreds of thousands patriot-lady staying 20 years away from her motherland to fast, but long asleep in Kathmandu (Nepal) on April 07, 1879 and was buried there in Kathmandu54.

Azizan Begum:

A lady was born in 1832 in the family of the Husain Khan and Hamida Begum at Lucknow. Azizan Begum was a renowned dancer of her time. She attracted thousands of men on the sound of her ankle and on her melodic voice. As she was a real actor who never waste her times in only entertaining and enjoyment but also she

52 Ibid. K.S. Santha, Begums of Awadh, Op. Cit. pp.233-240. 53 Akhlak Ahmad Ahan,1857; Sanjhi Shahadat, Sanjhi Virasat, New Delhi, 2007, See Also Akhlak Ahmad Ahan, Devendar Chaove , Badinarayan , Hiten Patel, (edited by), 1857 : Bharat Ka Pehla Mukti Sanggharsh, Prakashn Sansthan, New Delhi,2008, p.264. 54 Kaisar-ut-Tawarikh, p.368. See Also Department of Foreign Political Consolation No. 370, 3rdJune1859, Bala, Usha and Anshu, Sharma, Indian Women freedom fighters 1857-1947, Manohar Publication, New Delhi, 1986, pp.35-36.

166 took active part she in the development of her country. Thus she was not only an ordinary dancer, but also had loved and devotion for her country55.

The revolt of 1857 had been spread in Kanpur, Azizan knew it very well that it is not a bed of roses to defeat the British India company. In spite of that, she abandoned her dancing profession and decided to indulge with the revolutionaries56.

Azizan lived in the palace of Lurki Mahal, Omaro‟s Begum Kuthirda locality in Kanpur. Her mother was a prostitute who lived in Lucknow. It is said that Azizan was deprived of her mother‟s love of her very early life. And she was brought up in the home of a prostitute, in a Shatranji Palace in Lucknow57. It is believed that she left the city of Lucknow and came to Bithur (Kanpur) and settled there.

She was the disciple of the actress of the novel „UmraoJaan Ada‟ written by Mirza Hadi Rusva. Azizan reached Kanpur a little before when the revolt of 1857 broke out. Not only she participated in the revolt of 1857 but also incited other dancers to contribute with Nana Sahib. And with them, she entered in the Indian army and faced the Britishers with full force and vigour58.

When Kanpur was taken over by the freedom fighters on June 4, 1857, leading them was Azizan Begum and she fought with Britishers with force and vegour. Azizan was proud of her loyalty her ruler, and preferred death to slavery for her mother land. She did not compromise the Britishers till the last breath of her life59.

Azizan had great intimacy with a soldier of her second cavalry named Shamsuddin Khan, who played an active role in the revolt. Azizan usually organized meetings at her residence and Shamsuddin used to come there frequently. In reference

55 Mishra, Bharat, 1857 Kee Kranti Aur Uske Pramukh Krantikari, Rabha Publication, Delhi, 2008, p.85. 56 Ibid., pp.85-86. Sir George Tiravelin has stated in his book while writing about Azizan: “On the 7th June, 1857, Peshwa Nana Sahib issued a call in Hindi and Urdu urging the Hindus and the Muslims together under his banner in order to protect their religion and the country from the tyranny of the Britishers. He urged them doenrol themselves in his army and fight for the liberation of their mother land” 57 Murli, Manohar Singh, Rekha Avasthi 1857 Bagawat ke Dor Kaiteehas, Sheelpi Pvt. Ltd., 2009, pp.268-69. 58 Bala, Usha and Anshu, Sharma, Indian Women freedom fighters 1857-1947, Manohar Publication, New Delhi, 1986, pp.35-36. 59 Samiuddin, Abida, Bharat Ki Sautantrata Sangram Mein Muslim Mahilayon Ka Yogdan, Institute of Objective Styles, New Delhi, 1947, p.47.

167 to the revolt, it is said that before the commencement of the revolt, Shamsuddin had gone to Azizan‟s residence and told her that within two days, Nana Sahib will take the charge and her home will be filled up with gold coins. Thus, it seems that Azizan‟s residence became the meeting point of the soldiers60.

During the fight with the Britisher, when Hindu and Muslim women were carrying ammunition from one place to another, and food for the sepoys, helping them near the wall of the fort. Azizan was well equipped with arms, riding on a horse, was running from one place to another in the cantonment and on the streets of Kanpur to help her rebel army. She was helping the wounded soldiers and other fighting sepoys near the fort61.

Sir George Trevelyan had stated in his book about Azizan that “on 7th June, 1857, Peshwa Nana Sahib issued a call in Hindi and Urdu urges the Hindus and the Muslims together under his banner in order to protect their religion, and the country from the tyranny of the British. He urged them to enroll themselves in his army, and fight for the liberation of their motherland”. Azizan responded to the Peshwa wearing a soldier‟s uniform and plunged into the battle along with her companions. She wore a special uniform of her regiment and sported military medals and decoration on her shoulders. She carried a pistol and a sword. She went from door to door and recruited women in the army. She taught them horseriding and the use of firearms and raised a women‟s Brigade62. Janki Prasad in his evidence at the trial of this brave girl could not help pay her a tribute. He said: the days the flag was raised. She was on the horseback in male attire decorated with a brace of pistols and joined the crusade.

We saw her as thousands of others did. In the company of their warriors under Azizan fearlessly went around cheering the men in arms, attended to their wounds and distributed arms and ammunition. They also acted as informally messengers63.

According to Usha Bala who described about Azizan and her women Brigade as “this woman‟s Brigade did a variety of Jobs, besides providing first aid to the

60 Sunder Lal, Bharat Mein Angregi Raj, (1st edition), Publication Triveni Nath Bajpaiomkar Press, Allahabad, 1929, p.144. 61 Ibid. 62 Sabir Abhorvi, Nawa-i-Jumun, (Poetical Collection by Sabir Abhorvi), Faizabad, 1978, p.102. 63 Beghumat Ke Aansu, p.126.

168 wounded soldiers. These ladies used to collect gunpowder, bullets, food and clothing for them. They went from door to door and collected fruits, sweets and other eatables for the freedoms, sweets and other eatables for the freedom fighters. Azizan Begum, who used to collect the latest information about the rebellion of 1857 and conveyed it to the people, and due to their great effort, people started enlisting themselves in the army in large numbers.64

Azizan was impressed even by the great Azimullah Khan, the right hand of Nana Sahib Peshwa, by her faithfulness and sacrifice. Azizan‟s brave fight was entirely selfless. She had no love pomp and show and for the luxuries of the palace. Her sole motive was the freedom of the motherland.65

Some historian believed that she was Hussain Bagum in disguise, while others held her guilty of conspiracy of the Kanpur” Bibigharh” dated by 15th July massacre case. But in reality she hated English imperialism bitterly and was its shown enemy. She did not compromise with them till her end.66

Azizan was an active member of the revolutionary high command. She enjoyed the confidence of Tantya Tope, Nana Sahib, Azimullah Khan and other leaders. Several people furnish evidence of interest shown by Azizan in the revolt and the ability with which she organized her bridge. As already admitted by Tauvelyan Azizan was recognized for her valiant exploits. Herinfarcts become a legendary figure.

At the end of the struggle when she was produced before General Henry Havelock as a prisoner, he was amazed and moved by her dazzling beauty. He told her “If you admit your crimes and beg for mercy I will withdraw all the charges against you”.67

64 Bala, Usha and Anshu, Sharma, Indian Women freedom fighters 1857-1947, Op.Cit.pp.35-36. See Also Sabir Abhorvi, Nawa-i-Jumun, (Poetical Collection by Sabir Abhorvi), Op.Cit. Faizabad, 1978, And Also See, Bharat, Mishra, 1857 ke Kranti Aur Uske Pramukh Krantikari, p.86. 65 Samiuddin, Abida, op.cit., p.47. 66 Siddiqui Firdaus Azmat, 1857 Emergence of India Muslim Women, S.N.C.W.S. Jamia MilliaIslamia, New Delhi, p.6. 67 Ibid. Also see Kabir, Qausar and Inamul Kabir, Biographical Dictionary of Prominent Muslim Ladies, 1882 light and life Publisher, New Delhi, pp.39-42..

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After the fall of Kanpur, she was brought before General Henry Havelock, who was so struck by her compliance that he could hardly believe what she was accused of all appearances Havelock could have given into his heart and spared her life had she only compromised but Azizan knew her weakness at this juncture would affect the morale of her compatriots. But she spurned this offer of mercy and she stands committed to destroy the British bullets of the firing squad hit Azizan, she cried out “Nana Sahib Ki Jai” of the British. With scornful disdain the General Harlock ordered his soldiers to open fire, and so the bullets pierced through her beautiful body.68

She was a great lady of courage during the 19th century as she got Martyrdom while fighting with Britishers during revolt 1857. Vinayak Davodar Savankar has written about “Azizan was a dancer, but the soldiers have great intimacy with her. Her love was not sold in the market on price, but her love was gifted to those who have devotion to the country. A beautiful smile on her face used to become a source of strength for the fighting soldiers. A form on her face used to bring back to the escaped cowardice soldiers off the battlefield”69.

Thus we can say that she was a lady of a born soldier who gave a tough fight to the Britisher during the revolt of 1857. Her sacrificed life for the causes of the country well remains everlasting in the annals of Muslim history70.

Zeenat Mahal:

Zeenat Mahal was a great lady of Mughal family. She was the favourite queen of the last Emperor of Delhi, Bahadur Shah. She was active of 1857s revolt. She can exercise great influence over the Emperor. He wanted to secure the succession for a minor son, Jawan Bakht, the child of his old age by his queen „Zeenat Mahal‟, but there were several princes between this boy and the heir apparent, who died. In 1856, prince Fakir-ud-din also died71. The emperor, under the influence of „Zeenat Mahal‟

68 Ibid. 69 Murli Manohar Singh, Rekha Avasthi, 1857 ke Bagawatke Duor kaItihas, Sheelpee Pvt. Ltd. , Delhi, 2009, p.268. 70 Ibid. 71 Talib Hashmi, Tarikhe-i-Islam Ki Char Sau Bakamal Khawateen, Islamic book foundation, (an institute of Islamic Research & Publications, Hauz Sulwalan, New Delhi, 2006, p. 512. Usha Bala, and Anshu Sharma, Op. Cit. p. 40.

170 made a fresh effort to advance the claims of Jawan Bakht. As the month of May progressed, the king was faced with fresh troubles. According to a report dated is 28th May, the sepoys had already plundered Delhi for three days. The suspected Begam Zeenat Mahal to be in league with the English. She persuaded the Emperor despite his old age to become the leader of the rebel forces, in 185772.

The sepoys suspicion was directed at Zeenat Mahal, the treacherous principal queen. The muting had completely upset her plans. She had been trying to secure the succession for her son JawanBakht. Successive death, natural or unnatural, had removed two of the principal rivals. All the surviving princes, with the exception of Mirza Kobash, had relinquished their claim to the throne. Zeenat Mahal had refused positively to entertain any communication from the palace. It was very likely that the negotiations were made through trusted agents and written correspondence was avoided73.

Zeenat Mahal tried to influence the Governor General through a private agent. Thomas Cavendish Fenwick, an English man of considerable legal knowledge was then seeking employment in Delhi. The Begum Jawan Bakht at Agra and Calcutta. Bahadur Shah also believed that the appointment of fenwick would be highly beneficial to the cause of Jawan Bakht did not anticipate any opposition from the British Government74.

After the fall of Delhi, Bahadur Shah took refuge in Humayun‟s tomb. Zeenat Mahal had to bribe captain Hodson to spare their lives. They were conducted from their holdings and imprisoned, in a most humiliating manner, and later on, she was taken a prisoner along with the emperor, on 21st September, 1857 she was the only queen who accompanied the king, during his exile to Rangoon, where she died in 1882. She was a very great lady75.

72 Ibid. p. 61. See Also A Maulvi Seyad Sulaman Sahab, Musalman Aurton ki Baduri, Amritsar Roz Bazar electric Press, Hall Bazar Amritsar 73 P.N. Chopra, who is who India Martyrs, Op. Cit. p. 11. 74 Ibid. pp. 169-170.Zinat Mahal tried to influence the Governor General through a private agent. Thomas Cavndish Fenvick, an English man of considerable legal knowledge was then seeking employment at Delhi. The Begum appointed him as her law attorney for advocating the claims of Mirza Jaban Bakht at Agra and Calcutta. The Emperor also believed that the appointment of Fenvick would be highly beneficial to the cause of Jawan Bakht and did not anticipate any opposition from the British Government. The Great Mutiny, pp. 92-278, Op.Cit. 75 Ibid. 171

Rahimi or Umda:

Rahimi was a relationship with a Rajpur family. She was born in the village in Muzaffarnagar, Uttar Pradesh. She participated in the first war of independence. She was convinced for fighting against the British and was awarded the death penalty. It is the responsibility to the integrity of India that all their sacrifice and patriotism, chauvinism would certainly carve a path of success to the youngsters towards the nation. Rahimi got hunted by the cartridge of the Britishers and shot down from the horse76. Rahimi had taken charge of programming the parade of a battalion of Military Trained Ladies absolutely. She had extended training of cannon ball, hand granade ball and gun to the Indian ladies by wearing military garbs. Hundreds of Indian ladies have participated in military battalion organized by her. Rahimi was arrested during the battle and had thus entertained very cheerfully the punishment of being hanged (execution) instead of offering any apologize or to ask for condonation to the British Empire77.

Asgari Begum:

Asgari Begum was born on 5th July 1811 in Thana Bhavan, district Muzaffarnagar Uttar Pradesh. Her son Qazi Abdul Raheem also was a famous freedom fighter. Asgari Begum boldly faced the British Army Empire, but the British Army during the battle, she was arrested in 1847 in fighting for freedom and was burnt alive78

Habiba:

Habiba was born in a city of Muzaffarnagar, U.P. 1833A.D. Her relation was with a Gujjar family. She was convicted to be the freedom fighter against Britishers and was given orders to hang till death.

76 Khuwaja Ikram , Op. Cit. p. 267. 77 Foreign Political Proceeding No. 127, 28 May 1858, No.43, February, 1860. 78 Asgari Begum was born in the month of July, 5th 1811 A.D., in the district of Muzaffarnagar, U.P. She was the revolutionary mother of the leader Qazi Abdurrahim of Thana Bhowan. She was arrested in 1847 in a freedom fighting and was burnt alive. Abida Samiuddin, Op.Cit. p.49.

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Basti Begum:

In the great lady of Mughal family, Basti Begum was the daughter of the last Mughal emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar, who was exiled by the British Government in 1858 A.D. She was a celebrated poetess of Urdu who took in the great upsurge of 1857 A.D79.

Tajara Begum:

Tajara begum was the daughter of Husainuddin of khan and the mother of Nawab Wajid Ali Shah. She was called “Bahu Nawab Alia” at her in law‟s residence. She lived on the bank of the Gomti River, in a building named chhatr Manzil. She had a good knowledge of Urdu and Persian and was also good in politics. When Lord Dalhousie captured Awadh and declared pension for the people, Janab Alia, at her old age went to London. And filed an appeal against Dalhousie‟s farman to Queen Victoria. But soon 1857 revolt started80.

Farhat Jahan:

Farhat Jahan, was a dancer at Lal Qila. Besides being from a prestigious family, circumstances forced her to tie an ankle on her foot. When there was computation in Delhi, Farhat did not accept to remain idle. She put a veil on her free and having a sword in her hang, she came forward in a while horse and started massacring the enemies. She was shouted by Hudson81.

HaiderBai:

Haider Bai was also a propitiate from Lucknow. The revolutionary, like the inspector of Lucknow, Mahmud Shah and Seth Baijnath used to come to Haider Bai it

79 Abdul Latif,Roznamcha Latif Abdul, (Persian),Translated by Prof. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, (Urdu) Delhi, p. 225. 80 Foreign Department Political Consultations, Nos. 224-228, Letter Dated 31st Oct. 1856. Gazetteer of the Province of Awadh, 3Vols. Allahabad, 1877-78. K.S. Santha, Begums of Awadh, Bharti Prakashan, Varanasi, 1980, pp.180-192.Khuwaja Akram, 1857 ki Gumnam Muslim Mahilain, 2008.p.265 81 Ibid.

173 consults on the issue of revolution. Haider Bai used to transfer updates of revolution. Later on, she joined the army of Rahimi82.

Alia Begam:

She was related to Oudh. During Muting Begam Alia constituted a militia comprising of women, as was done by Rani Lakshmi Bai, her bond-maids were regularly trained in military exercises, under her supervision. A female espionage system was also constituted by her thus at a time when there was disunity and discord among Indian rebels. Begum kept the torch of rebellion alive throughout Oudh for two years. Thereafter, the army of the Begam gave in to the siege laid by the British soldiers, very few in number. Begum had any military expertise; she could have gathered and organized her forces more ably83.

She had regularly kept in touch with rebel leaders like Nana Sahib and Tatya Tope. However, Begam‟s stoicism enabled her to persist in fighting the British for as long as her strength and forces could hold out84.

Nazneen:

Nazneen was from a Sayyid family of Delhi who sacrificed her personal home for the sake of her motherland. She loved a named Pathan named Dilawar khan. She was expert in moving sword and gun firing. When in Delhi, the revolt of 1857 starred, she joined the army and because a watchman of fort on one mist, Nazneen saw that a person Ruth the help of a Britisher,is fitting a pipeline of gun powder in the root of the fort. She early recognized her found Dilawar khan who was with the Britisher85. She became infuriated and said „‟Idiot, you for few amount, sold you sell and your honesty?‟‟ she mantled on him with her sword. And soon killed, both of them. In between a fire from the top of the fort penetrated in the heart of Nazneen and she died soon86.

82 Ibid. Vandhana Mishra, Mahilaon ki Bhomika, (edited by) Murli, Manohar Singh, RekhaAvasthi1857 Bagawa tke Dor KaIteehas, Sheelpi Pvt. Ltd., 2009, p.255. 83 Foreign Political Consolation No. 360 October 1877. 84 Ibid. Foreign Political A 31th December 1858, Natinoal Archive of India, New Delhi. 85 Qausar Kabir, Op.Cit., p.17. See Also Khuwaja Ikram, Op.Cit. p. 269. 86 Ibid. Siddiqui Firdaus Azmat. Op.Cit. p.6

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Ibrat-Un-Nisa:

She was a lady who became very significant in the imperial palace during the revolt. She was the superintendent of the stores of the apparent of the Sirajuddin and Bahadur Shah Zafar87.

Saqina Begum:

Saqina Begum was one of the victims of British terrorism during the 1857. She was born at Farrukhabad and was educated in her house by learned scholars. At the age of 17 years she was married to the son of Faulad Khan, who was one of the nobles of the last Mughal King, Bahadur Shah Zafar and was killed during a pitched battle with the British army in 1857. The day when her father in-law died, she gave birth to a child who was taken away from her lap by the English. After twelve year struggle she succeeded in finding out her son. She died at her birth palace88.

Burqa Clad or Green Clad Women:

An old woman, wearing men‟s dress used to ride on a horse and encouraged the people of the city. She used to attack with full courage and bravery. It was on September 20, 1857 when the Delhi city and the fort were deserted that skirmishes occurred in places like Chandni Chowk burning the fighting there came a burqa clad Muslim women of about 50 years of age in a green garment indicating that she was out to die for the cause. She exhorted her compatriots to die fighting for the country. Ultimately, she was left all alone. She mounted on a horse with a rifle and made her may knock down a number of British soldiers she was captured and sent to Ambala89..

87 Qausar Kabir, Op.Cit. p.179 88 Khawaja Ikram, San Satavan ki Gumnam Muslim Mahilayan, Op.Cit. p.265. 89 It was in September 20th, 1857 when the Delhi city and fort were deserted that stray skirmishes occurred in places like Chandni Chowk. During the fighting, there came a burqa- clad Muslim woman of about 50 years of age in a greengarment indicating that she was out to die for the cause. She exhorted her compatriots to die fighting for their country. These brave old women were in men‟s dress used to ride on a horse, and encouraged the people of the city for “Jihad” O! Came, God has called you at Bahisht (heaven). On learning her words,the people of the city followed her, in huge crowd with these people. She used to attack those (Britishers) with full courage and bravery, her attack was always strong enough to get her successes.Khursheed Mustafa Rizvi, Jung-e- Azadi 1857, Urdu Maktabs Burhan, Urdu Bazar, Delhi, 1959, pp. 187-89. See Also Abida Samiuddin, Op.Cit.pp.44-45.

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She used to create havoc against the enemies with sword and gun. If her companions leave the battle ground, then this courageous, warrior used to fight alone and then came back alive90.

To sum up like male counterparts, Muslim women also look part in the revolt of 1857 and faced several hardships aftermath of the revolt 1857 is considered a turning point for Muslim women as it inaugurated a sense of consciousness among them and gave an opportunity to emerge as self reliant women. This was the time when our society was dominated by conservative traditions and social customs which denied women from their rightful place in the society91. Nevertheless, they came forward and fought against the foreign domination. They also made supreme sacrifices without asking for a weaker sex treatment from a cruel world around. These brave have been selected to highlight their contribution which was quite substantial but is scarcely known92.

That woman had extraordinary valour and she never scared about her life. She used to move forward despite, the havoc all around in the battle. Some time that women were said to have seen on foot, mound in the horse. She was versed in archery. Ultimately, when she was left all alone. She mounted on a horse with a rifle and made her way knocking down a number of British soldiers, her valour and boldness encourage the town people with fervency93.

After coming back, where she did go? Who was she? No one could come to know. At least one day in the month of July (probably 27, 28 July) due to her continuous fighting with the Britishers, she reached near the Britishers camp, she had been hearted and get down from the horse, where she was arrested and sent to Ambala.

After her arrest in Ambala, what did happen to her? Nobody knows Infect, the cruel Britisher named Hudson. Who liked to quench his thirst by the blood of the Mughal Princess, who too admitted that, she was the women of Delhi be remembered as the “June of arc”. Until she was captured” and sent to Ambala. At that time, there

90 Ibid. 91 Siddiqui Firdous Azmat. Op. cit. p. 56.See also Begumat ke Aansu, Op. Cit.p. 126. 92 Ibid. 93 Khawaja Ikram.Op.Cit. p.265.

176 was a green clad old woman, who was giving a bearing example for immense courage and bravery94.

Conclusion:

In the previous days, there happened to study a book of the Ms. Asha Rani Vohra in which the emotions of the Indian ladies had immediately been narrated on the topic of the battle of freedom. In this book, whereas the discussion on the conjugation and cooperation of 125 Indian Ladies had been narrated, only 5 ladies out of those were Muslims95. On the other hand Dr. Bharat Mishra (ARA) had narrated about the cooperation of the Indian Ladies in his book, namely “Revolution of 1857” and their chief revolutionaries‟ and by Mr. FasihuddinBalakhi publishing in Patna, his book written in Urdu “Tazkira-e-Niswan-e-Hind” had also, without having tension and dispute of religious differences, narrated the cooperation of the Indian Ladies. Another book, namely “Bharat Ke Gaurav” published in nine parts by Ministry of Information, Govt., of India has a unique importance in this concern96. Besides, as many books and journals have been published, out of these books, in general the literaturist and historians have placed the special cooperation of the Indian women, particularly Muslim women on the sidetrack (have disregarded these women) believing them unimportant.

In case if we seaside the freedom movement, absolutely, at all many Muslim ladies had stood against the fight for freedom, had sacrificed their lives while fighting with the British Army Empire and those who had sacrificed their lives were: Begum Hazrat Mahal, Zeenat Mahal, Mumtaz Zamani Begum etc., no other woman except these, had been the topic of the subject matter97. Whether the subject matter in a question mark be of the historians‟ insisting or else it may not be possible to make the historical resources legible, both the events were suspected and detective. To know about and to understand the fact of the Political,Social future and to analyze the influences on

94 Ibid. 95 Ibid. See Also Bharat Mishra, 1857 Ki Kranti Aur Use Ke Pramukh Krantikari, Op. Cit. p.112. And Also See Akhilesh Mishra, Op.Cit. pp.66-69. 96 The fact is that: Am a crime Nuzhat complete, to name what else at fault. Am a Muslim, humble, honest, Indian and a woman.Ibid. See Also Zafar Ahmad Nizami, The Role of Muslims in Indian Freedom Struggle 1857-1947,Vol. I. Delhi,p.289. 97 Meera Jain, Bharat Ki Veerangnayen, VidhyaVihar, New Delhi, 1997,p.121.See Also Khuwaja Akram, 1857 ki Gumnam Muslim Mahilain, 2008. Op.Cit.p.266

177 same, it is essential to seriously study the real events of this battle by employing different points of view and to inaugurate multiple fold character98.

During revolt the campaign of battle of freedom of 1857 with the participation of the Indian Society. The participation of the Indian Ladies cannot be ignored. The cooperation of the Indian Muslim Ladies cannot be condemned at all. It is narrated in detail in the above, passage that the names of the Muslim Ladies i.e. Begum Hazrat Mahal, Mumtaz Mahal and Zamani Begum etc., can off and on be found by all means every now and then99. The root cause behind it, is that they (the Muslim Ladies) had an intimate relation to the Royal Families nevertheless there are many other names which are discreetly hidden under the historical pages of which one cannot determine the exact evaluation. Out of these hidden Muslim Ladies are: Asghari Begum, Taj Ara Begum, Raqqasa Azizan, Raqqasa Farhat Jahan, Habiba Begum, Rahimi Khatoon, Kusru Zamani Begum, Green clad or Burqa clad and Nazneen whose names are liable to be adorned on the golden pages of the history100. These ladies had many times proved their love and affection towards their motherland by certifying their bravery and militancy like a militant man. This is the open fact that in the rebels of 1857, the Indian Ladies had suffered the tortures twofold than the so-called men. In the straight way, the punishment which the Indian Ladies had tolerated, exclusively there happened bloodshed, houses set to ablaze; the ravages of household articles by robbers, etc., the Indian fighter‟s women for the freedom had fundamentally merged with these ladies101.

In this way like their male counterparts, Muslim women too took part in the war of independence and faced several hardship aftermath of the revolt. 1857 is considered a turning point for Muslim women it ingrained a sense of consciousness amongst them and gave an opportunity to emerge as self reliant women, perhaps this was the reason that is why it was an Indian Muslim woman who made several female

98 Ibid. pp. 266-267. 99 Women in India‟s Freedom struggle, National Archives, 1984, New Delhi, p.1. 100 S.N. Sen, Eighteen Fifty Seven, Publication Division Government of India, 1947, New Delhi, p.375. 101 Siddiqui, Firdaus Azmat, Op.Cit., pp.2-4.

178 organizations prior to All India women conference and started raising issues related to gender such as polygamy, child marriage, liquor and legal issues102.

The participation of Muslim women‟s in freedom began from the first war of Independence, 1857. This was the time when our society was still dominated by conservative traditions and social customs denied women their rightful place in it.Nevertheless, leaving the hearts and home they come forward and fought against foreign domination. They also made supreme sacrifices without asking for a weaker sex treatment form a cruel world around. These brave women belonged to all the different Indian communities. Here only a few Muslim women have been selected to highlight their contribution which was quite substantial, but is scarceKnown103.

The history does not always employ justice with all others. Mostly the historians entertain as their duty to state the qualities and characteristics of the specific and competent persons.

In the first freedom fight of 1857, many men and women had sacrificed their lives, but we are acquainted of the very few fighters of the freedom. No footprints of most of them are visible. When the learned people even do not know about the above fighters, how then one may talk about the general people?104

This way now, the names of some unknown, forgotten revolutionaries have been obtained from the National Archives Centre. Besides, some people, after implementing individual or combined investigation had brought on open panel some unknown revolutionaries105.

By a deep study of Kanpur Revolution, it seems that the Indian Ladies had expressed their prestiges before the British Army Empire under the Patronage of Nana Saheb and TatyaTopey. The Muslim women except the Hindu women had by every means helped the soldiers in Kanpur. To transfer the cannon balls and their related components To & Fro, to help the Cannon Attendant to provide catering to the

102 Women in India’s Freedom struggle, National Archives, Op.Cit. p.1 103 Samiuddin, Abda, Muslim Women’s Participation in the National Movement (ed.) by Abida Samiuddin R. Khanam, Muslim Feminism and Feminist Movement Vol.I South Asia, Global Vision Publishing House, 2003, Delhi.p. 65. 104 1857 Bagawat Ke Dor Ka Itihas, Op.Cit. p. 268. 105 P.N. Chopra, who is who India Martyrs, Government of India Publication, Delhi, p.11.

179 soldiers staying at the bottom of the fort, to render hospitality services to the injured and fertilized persons where such noble deeds which the large team of the Indian women had taken under the charge. They bear the responsibility of simulating the weapons if required106.

A number of women had taken part in the fight of freedom under the patronage of Begum HazratMahal. Some out of those had sacrificed their lives, but with some the residuals had been misbehaving by the British Army soldiers. Most of the women martyrs, in whom Mandara and Kashi were the fundamental martyrs, had taken part in the revolt of along with Rani LaxmiBai – the great woman martyr of Jhansi. Plenty out of the above are unfounded if some of them are ignored107.

It is quite certified that most of the Indian women martyrs had sacrificed their lives in order to save the Lucknow Empire. One woman martyr had killed many British soldiers after she climbed over the tree, while it was the second point that the British soldiers had in turn killed the women. In the same way in the fight of freedom of 1857 in Delhi, some Indian ladies except ZeenatMahal had accessed harmed the British soldiers. It was heard that a lady of Delhi had played a rule of a terrorist among the British Army located in Delhi. Besides, 14 unknown ladies of Delhi had protected their prestige and modesties by committing a similar action on the British Army Empire108.

106 Khawaja Ikram, Op.Cit.P.268. 107 Akhlak Ahmad Ahan,1857; Sanjhi Shahadat, Sanjhi Virasat, Op.Cit. p.106 108 Kabir Kausar and Inamul Kabir, Bibliographical Dictionary of Prominent Muslim Ladies, Op.Cit. p.40. See Also Khawaja Ikram, Op.Cit. p.266.

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Chapter-VI Prominent Muslim Women in Northern India

CHAPTER-VI

PROMINENT MUSLIM WOMEN IN NORTHERN INDIA NAWAB QUDSIYA BEGUM: 1819-37 A.D.

Her Real name is Gauhar Begum, and was born in 1215A.H. She was daughter of Ghaus Mohd Khan [the son of Nawab Hayat Mohd Khan – successor to Bhopal State. On Friday, 22 Rabi-ul-Akhir 1233A.H. (28th February 1818A.D.), Nazar Mohd married Gohur Begum, better known as Qudsia Begum. She was married with Nawab Nazar Mohd Khan- [successor to Bhopal State] in 1231 A.H. Nawab Nazar Mohd passed away after 3 years of marriage1. Just when a brilliant Future seemed to await the state Nazar Mohammad was killed by the accidental discharge of a pistol. On the 11th November 1819 A.D. he went to Islamnagar to hunt. While dandling his little daughter, Sikandar Begum, his young brother in law Faujdar Mohd, aged 8th years drew a pistol from his brother‘s belt and in playing with it, accidentally discharged it, the ball passing through Nazar Mohammad head2. He survived by a tender Age and gives Sikandar Begum, management of the Bhopal territory [State] and had appointed Nawab Qudsiya Begum [The mother of the tender age appointed Sikandar Begum] as, Attorney of Bhopal State. In the same year, 1234 A.H3., Nawab Ghaus Mohd Khan (father of Qudsiya Begum) has also passed away. But she [Nawab Qudsiya Begum] had employed by great toleration and endeavors and continued on establishing the rules and management of Bhopal state in a dignified manner4. She was a great, wise, cheerful, prayer bound and gallant woman. She had got constructed in Bhopal a Jama Mosque of high repute. She had thus got constructed a Tank Tower of water supplying in the city in order to provide drinking water for the people in Bhopal and spent Hundreds of Thousand rupees for this purpose5.

1 Talib Hashmi , Tarikhe-i-Islam ki char sau Bakamal Khawateen, Islamic Book Foundation, (an Institute of Islamic Research & Publications, Hauz Sulwalan, New Delhi, 2006, p. 512 2 Compiled by Captain, C.E. Luard, Assisted by Munshi Kudrat Ali, Bhopal State Gazetteer, Vol. III, (the Central India Gazetteer Series), Superintendent Government printing, Colcutta, 1908, p.27. 3 Ibid., Also see Hafiz Mohd Aslam Jai Rajpuri, Khawatin, Faizey Aam Publication, Abdul Lateef printer, 1914, Aligarh, p. 186. 4 Ibid., P.N. Shrivastav, S.D. Guru, Madhya Pradesh District Gazetteers, Sehoe and Bhopal, directorate of Gazetteers Department of cultur Madhya Pradesh , Bhopal, 1989, pp. 69-70. 5 Ibid., Also see Hafiz Mohd Aslam Jai Rajpuri, Khawatin, Op.Cit.p. 186.

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Now there has started a tussle between Nawab Qudsiya Begum and Nawab Jahangir Mohd Khan consequently the [aliens] Great Britains had become arbitrators in between both and had ceasefired the battle and offered Nawab Qudsiya Begum a large property of land worth Rs.4 Lakhs. This incidence had happened in 1252A.H6. She always used to incline the persons in her near relations and the employees of her concern towards five bound prayers. She very much opened hearted and punctual in paying donations and free money to the poor and the deserving. This is why hundreds of poor people and beggars were usually nourishing and being beneficial to her food of Animation7.

Nawab Sikandar Begum (1819-37 A.D. 1844-68 A.D.)

Sikandar Begum conducted the administration with In the previous chapter of Nawab Qudsiya Begum, it had been stated that Nawab Sikandar Begum (Noble & daughter of Nawab Nazar Mohd Khan and Nawab Qudsiya Begum) were married with Nawab Jahangir Mohd Khan in 18th Zilhijja 1250 A.H. 17th April 1835A.D. And Nawab Jahangir Mohd Khan was appointed successor to Bhopal State on the point of being her husband8. The couple remained conjugated happy and under perfect composure for a period of three years, but became bitter and unhappy later on. According to some writings Nawab Jahangir Mohd Khan was a suspected man on the ground of curtailing tradition of his wife, whereas Sikandar Begum was a moderate and secondary woman. On this subject, one day the couple had quarreled with each other at their extreme rate, and Nawab Jahangir Mohd Khan had drawn sword on his wife9.

6 Ibid. In 1250 A.H. Nawab Qudsiya Begum had given her beloved daughter Sikandar Begum with matrimonial relation and married her daughter to Nawab Jahangir Mohd Khan. After the marriage, Nawab Jahangir Mohd Khan had demanded that he might be the owner of Annan territory. Hearing this being unhappy with Nawab Jahangir Mohd Khan6, Nawab Qudsiya Begum had encircled a light vigilance security on him. But Nawab Jahangir Mohd Khan had, by escaping from the light vigil security by any means, had reached sehore and had acquired forcibly several villages.Fazle Haq Azima Badi, Khawatin-a-Hind ke Tarikhi Karname, Bihar Publication, Naya Tola Patna, 1998, p. 106. 6 Ibid. 7 Nawab Qudsiya Begum had passed away in 1299 A.H. Nawab Qudsiya Begum was very much addicted to prayers and deep devotion to Almighty Allah. She always used to get up at 2:00 AM at night every day and used to submerge in recitation of Quran, prayers and specification to Tahajjud meditation. She was genuinely bound by compulsory prayers as well as [Additional prayer] and used to offer optional prayers at the great exigenciesTalib Hashmi , Tarikhe-i-Islam ki char sau Bakamal Khawateen , p. 512. 8 Hafiz Mohd Aslam Jai Rajpuri, Khawatin, Faizey Aam Publication, Abdul Lateef printer, 1914, Aligarh, p.209 9 Ibid.

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This action had become the root cause of high bitterness between the two. Consequently, Nawab Sikandar Begum had travelled to Islam Nagar along with her mother Nawab Qudsia Begum. There on 6 Jamad Al-Awwal 1254 A.H Nawab Sikandar Begum gave birth to a girl infant namely Nawab Shahjahan Begum10.

Nawab Jahangir Mohd Khan, being irritated by liver disorder, disease, had expired on 28th Dhul Qada 1260A.H. After his death, Nawab Shahjahan Begum was appointed the Director of Bhopal State. Nawab Sikandar Begum acted as Supervisor in the said State and the Army Chief Mohd Khan was appointed the dominating authority, but he was compelled to resign from the above post in 1263H11. Maulana Abdul Hai wrote on ―Nuzhat-Ul Khawatir‖ that Nawab Sikandar Begum had performed second marriage the same year (1263A.H) according to the traditional trends in Bhopal State. Nawab Sikandar Begum had, in case of being real issue and having been careful of the fact that the daughter‘s husband would be the future ruler, got the dismissal orders from Government of India in 1271 A.H12. Nawab Sikandar Begum had got married her beloved daughter Nawab Shah Jahan Begum with great sophistication and dignity to Nawab Baqi Mohd Khan. Maulana Abdul Qayyum and son of Maulana Abdul Hai Burhanavi had recited sermon on Nikah (Marriage)13. The dowry debt was determined at Rs. 2 Crores. The total amount of Rs.8/- Lakhs were actually expended in performing this marriage. In 1273 A.H, there had been set alike ablaze rebellions against the English (The Great Britishers) all over India (Genuinely it was an alarm and root cause of freedom for the Indians, but the Whites gave to it the name of ‗Rebelions In India‘. Nawab Sikandar Begum had adopted such struggles and provisions that no rebellions and in disciplines could arise in Bhopal State. Therefore, by mutual consent and constipation of Nawab Shah Jahan Begum and the

10 Ibid. Sikandar Begum‘s mother, Qudsia Begum (1799-1881) had also served as regent.Kamla Mital, history of Bhopal state, pp.18-33. 11 Shaharyar M. Khan, The Begums of Bhopal; A Dynasty of Women Rulers in Raj India, Viva Books private limited, 2004, New Delhi, p.71 12 Nuzhatul- Khwatir, Allama Abdul-i- Heyy of Nadwatul –i- Ulama, Lucknow, 1341 A.H. 1923 A.D. Part vi – Biographies of Eminent Indians of the 12th century A.H. 18th A.D. The DA‘ Iratul- MA‘ Ariful – Osmania , Osmania oriental Publication Bureau Osmania University Hyderabad, 1978.p. 102. 13 Ibid.

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British14, Nawab Sikandar Begum was appointed Head Ruler of Bhopal State and Nawab Shah Jahan Begum was appointed as Vice-Ruler of Bhopal State.

During her reigns, Nawab Sikandar Begum had performed the military and paramilitary administration and strict disciplinary action, managed the administrative office in a dignified manner and made three partitions of Bhopal State and appointed one administration on each part15. She had paid off all debts on the State of Bhopal imposed in the past worth Rs. 23,61841/-. She always used to go to visit the State every now and then and used to solve the problems of the general people after having their complaints from them. She was genuinely a pious and religious five prayer- pound a day16. She always used to take very much interest in social welfare jobs and services to general people. When Nawab Sikandar Begum came to know that the Jama Mosque in Sahoor which was constructed by King Ghayasuddin Mohd Balban in 732 A.H, had been demolished and became an undulation, she, at the first instance ordered to construct the mosque17. Consequently, construction of the mosque had been completed and the grand adornment had returned back. In 1280A.H., previously, Nawab Sikandar Begum accompanying Nawab Qudsia Begum and Army Chief Mohd Khan travelled to Saudi Arabia to perform Haj Pilgrimage in order to greet the Holy Makkah. They all returned back to Bhopal from Saudi Arabia in Jamad Al-Awwal 1281A.H., after having performed Haj Pilgrimage18.

In 1282 A.H, Nawab Baqi Mohd Khan (Husband of Nawab Shah Jahan Begum and son-in-law of Nawab Sikandar Begum) passed away after he came back from Haj Pilgrimage. He was survived by a daughter Sultan Jahan Begum. Nawab Sikandar Begum had just started construction of a Jama Mosque with a unique adornment and giving that a name ―Moti Masjid‖, but alas the above mosque was under construction that all of a sudden on 10 Rajab 1285A.H. She passed away and (Nawab Sikandar Begum) travelled to heavens forever.

14 Shaharyar M. Khan, The Begums of Bhopal; A Dynasty of Women Rulers in Raj India, Viva Books private limited, 2004, New Delhi, pp. 91-92 15 Ibid. 16 Talib Hashmi , Tarikhe-i-Islam ki char sau Bakamal Khawateen ,Islamic book foundation (an institute of Islamic research & Publications, Hauz Sulwalan) New Delhi, 2006, p. 512 17 Ibid. Compiled by Captain, C.E. Luard, Assisted by Munshi Kudrat Ali, Bhopal State Gazetteer, Vol. iii, (the Central India Gazetteer Series), Superintendent Government printing, Colcutta, 1908, pp. 30-31. 18 Ibid.

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Begum honourable name Sikandar External Like Al-baqa, but self go, Date of year with a rich natural Speaking Shah Jahan Begum 1285A.H. Sorrow of mother19

Nawab Shah Jahan Begum (1868- 1901 A.D.)

Nawab Shah Jahan Begum was enthroned as Ruler of Bhopal State in 1285A.H after Nawab Sikandar Begum expired. She was, at that time, at the right side of 31, and 3 years passed she had turned a widow. Just after she took charge as Ruler of Bhopal, she had condoned levies on grains for her nation and increased wages of the Army men, later on, took around the visit of Bhopal State. The fundamental aim of this visit was firstly to admire her nation, rectifying the administrative and controlling the overpowering activities and tyrannies of the departmental officers20. Nawab Shah Jahan Begum paid her extreme attention towards general education in her nation by publication and worked a large amount for the public welfare and social reforms. Nawab Shah Jahan Begum became much glad and bestowed to her one pair of jewel-beaded bangles as a reward. In the same way, such other funniest were being benefitted by Nawab Shah Jahan Begum‘s cheerfulness21. She had, indeed, written abridged and compiled many books on various subjects in Urdu and Persian Language ―Taj Al-Iqbal‖ is one of the most popular and unique out of the above publications and writings. The book genuinely narrated the history of Bhopal and is mainly written

19 Ibid. She was buried in ―Farhat Afza Bagh‖ which she (Nawab Sikandar Begum) had herself prepared during her life time. No tomb was constructed on her grave according to her will. Someone had enchanted on her date of sad demise:

20 She was a very genius and competent lady, and used to supervise and survived whole heartedly to educationists and technicality. Once upon a time, some writer, namely Fatima Alkubra had submitted fivefold book of verses from Quran (Panjsura) after writing and compiling the sameCompiled by Captain, C.E. Luard, Assisted by Munshi Kudrat Ali, Bhopal State Gazetteer, Vol. III. (the Central India Gazetteer Series), Superintendent Government printing, Colcutta, 1908, p. 33.

21 Ibid. On 16 November 1868, at a Durbar held 17 days after Sikandar‘s death, the surgeon was crowned begum in Bhopal for the second time in her life.

185 in Persian Language. That was also translated into English, ―Khazinatul- Nuzhat‖ and ―Tahzib-Un-Niswan‖ are her very famous books22.

In 1287A.H, Nawab Shah Jahan Begum was secondly married to Syed Sadiq Hasan Khan of Kannauj. On sanction of British Govt., Sadiq Hasan Khan was awarded a little of ―Nawab Walajah Amirul Mulk‖. Like other deputy premiers of the State, the British Government with the help of all their delegates offered Sadiq Hasan a salute of 70 cannonballs23. Nawab Shah Jahan Begum had offered him a property of Rs.75 thousand a year and determined and adjudged for Nawab Sadiq Hasan the following methods of honors and titles:

“Nawab Saheb was a unique example of sophistication and morality. A reservoir of qualities and expertise. Such is a gentle and bonafide guy known as Syed Mohd Sadiq Hasan Khan Saheb Bahadur a superior gift to Allah – The Almighty24.”

Two girls Sultan Jahan Begum Sulaiman Jahan Begum were born to Nawab Shah Jahan Begum under wedlock by Nawab Baqi Mohd Khan Sulaiman Jahan Begum died at early ages; nevertheless, Sultan Jahan Begum was quite young at the time of the second marriage of her mother Shah Jahan Begum. By hard luck personal relations had been very much better between Shah Jahan Begum and her daughter Sultan Jahan Begum. Many reasons and root causes were being told by people25. But the one main cause pertaining to it was that her daughter Sultan Jahan Begum illegals and conspiredly took part against her (Sultan Jahan Begum‘s) father Nawab Saddiq Hasan Khan, because of which the ‗Whites‘ (The English) had become unnecessarily torturing Nawab Saddiq Hasan Khan. Consequently Nawab Shah Jahan Begum

22 Shahjanhan Begum, History of Bhopal (Taj -Ul- Iqbal ), Part 1,Thacker- Spink &Co., Calcutta, 1876, P. 23 Talib Hashmi , Tarikhe-i-Islam ki char sau Bakamal Khawateen ,Op.Cit.p. 512 24 Ibid. see also Compiled by Captain, C.E. Luard, Assisted by Munshi Kudrat Ali, Bhopal State Gazetteer, Vol. iii,(the Central India Gazetteer Series), Superintendent Government printing, Colcutta, 1908, pp. 30-31. 25 Ibid. Nawab Shah Jahan Begum was also merged with poems and verses. Sheereen was the verses name of Urdu Language. Nawab Shah Jahan Begum used exercise on verses of poems specifically in Persian Language. Sultan Jahan Begum, An Account of My Life (Gohur-i-Iqbal), Trans. By C. H. Payne, pp. 23-24.

186 became so unhappy and reluctant from her daughter Sultan Jahan Begum as she hated even to see the face of her daughter Nawab Sultan Jahan Begum26.

Nawab Shah Jahan Begum had worked a lot for the nation of Bhopal State and had, in this regard, got constructed a city namely Shahjahanabad outside the Bhopal State. Nawab Shah Jahan Begum had, least expended 20 Lakhs on this project. The second husband (Nawab Saddiq Hasan) of Nawab Shah Jahan Begum was expired in 1307A.H27. Just after 11 years of his death, in 1318A.H. Nawab Shah Jahan Begum had attained the heavenly existence of Allah – The Almighty. When Nawab Saddiq Hasan computed his book name ―Tazkira Shama Anjuman‖ He had noted down in that book, the following appraisal text about Shah Jahan Begum28:

“Towards preachings and directives of Fun and Furry excluding persons of knowledge and competence, Nawab Shah Jahan Begum had paid her benign attention by such a strong lust and desire bestowed to her by Allah- Almighty, such high examples were not available in the Indian woman except Zaibunnisa Begum daughter of Alamgir The Great29.”

Nawab Saddiq Hasan had not written down the above appraisal words so because Nawab Shah Jahan Begum was his wife, but the genuine fact was that Shah Jahan Begum had animatedly welcomed up to her open conscience. Good humoring, high morality to the gentle people and high quality of popularity to all.30

Zakia Begum:

This lady was the daughter of Munshi Jamaluddin Khan Bahadur, who, during the Rule of Nawab Shah Jahan Begum and Nawab Sikandar Begum was the dominating premier of Bhopal State. Her competent father Munshi Jamaluddin Khan had coached her very well, wisely and managed. Brought to her conscientious feeling and he himself coached the Holy Quran and explained her translation as well. He was

26 Wahajuddin Chishti, Begamt-e-Bhopal, Qudsia Printers, Karachi, 1981, p. 209. 27 Dist. Gazetteer of Bhopal, Op.Cit. 28 Talib Hashmi , Tarikhe-i-Islam ki char sau Bakamal Khawateen ,Islamic book foundation ( an institute of Islamic research & Publications, Hauz Sulwalan) New Delhi, 2006, p. 512 29 Ibid. 30 Sultan jahan Begum, An Account of My life Vol.-I, Translate John Mueeay, London, 1929, p.260.

187 simultaneously coached Zakia Begum by Persian and Urdu Languages31. She was a great lady of impartial confidence, of unique simplicity, of soft nature – a lady of animation and hibrity. She was strictly bound by traditions of curtailing and five- bound prayer. She had studied with great interest the writings of Deputy Nazir Ahmad, ―Muraat-Al-Uroos” and ―Binaat Al Naash‖ and liked those writings very much the whole of her life. She had a high command over Persian languages, except the Urdu Language32. She had learnt by heart, the standing example of Gulsitan. She spoke fluently many verses of ―Bostan‖. Wealth and money, general upkeep, morality, knowledge, modesty, beauty and attraction and inclination towards the religion of Islam and moderation were all those qualities which Allah the Almighty had gathered in all her personal nature. She went to the Holy land of Hijaz (Makkah Al-Mukarramah in Saudi Arabia) with her father in 1273A.H. The attained the sacred rank in performing Haj in the Holy Makkah. She was married to a gentle and respected family, but unfortunately turned to a widow under young age. When Nawab Syed Saddiq Hasan Khan Kannauji passed way to Munshi Jamaluddin Khan‘s residence in Bhopal33.

Allah – The Almighty had offered the couple. One girl and two boys. But alas! After having continuous exemplary conjugation, for 23 years, Zakia Begum had left her husband alone in 1301 A.H. Nawab Saddiq Hasan (1884 A.H.) had written in her honour:

―She was the great fortunate wife (Lady). Till the time she existed before me. No detention and suspicion were ever produced to me, Stone and rocks of sorrow and adversities had unwantedly fallen on me after she died34

31 Ibid., Also see Hafiz Mohd Aslam Jai Rajpuri, Khawatin, Faizey Aam Publication, Abdul Lateef printer, 1914, Aligarh, p. 186. 32 Ibid. 33 He (Munshi Jamaluddin) became highly influenced by the knowledge and cooperation, ancestral popularity and simplicity, religious bound inclination and sophisticated morality of Nawab Syed Sadiq Hasan Khan. Thus, the father Munshi Jamaluddin had further married his Widow daughter (second time) with Nawab Syed Saddiq Hasan Khan Shaharyar M. Khan, The Begums of Bhopal; A Dynasty of Women Rulers in Raj India, Viva Books private limited, 2004, New Delhi, p. 102 . 34 Ibid.

188

Begum Hazrat Mahal:

Begum Hazrat Mahal, the Indian Judith of the Sepoy Mutiny and the ‗heroic consort‘ of Wajid Ali Shah, was last of the Begums of Awadh, Who suddenly shot up prominently in the conflagration of the revolt 1857, like a blaze and quickly disappeared like a flicker of flame; but left behind a deep impression of high courage and intrepid valour of which posterity can feel proud35.

The birth and early history of this Begum remains shrouded in obscurity. Almost all the English writers categorized her as either a dancing girl, or a slave girl or a prostitute. The Indian contemporary writers such as Kamal-ud-din Haider, Ram Sahai Tamanna and Durga Prasad Sahai are Silent about her birth and family. A modern author Tasadduq Hussain, writes about her that Hazrat Mahal in the beginning practiced prostitution secretly, serving such gentry who, fearing public scrutiny, sought to satisfy their desires secretly. Najmul Ghani writes that she was a kasbi with the name of Omrao. Wajid Ali shah describes as a courtesan (zan-i-khangi) she entered his Pari khana, as a dancing girls. She was enrolled in the music and dance courses and was given the title of ―Mahak Pari‖. After the marriage, she was given the title of Ifthekhar-un-Nisa Khanum Saheba36.

It was the age of the deputy premiership of the final ruler of Awadh State Nawab Wajid Ali Shah that all of a sudden a virgin named ―UMRAO‖ entered his palace namely ―FAIRY HOUSE‖. In that fairy house training in dance and demonstration was being given to girls and they had been coached by general manners and etiquettes to participate in a civilized society. Umrao had very soon conquered the feelings of Nawab Wajid Ali Shah and the month of December, 1848 A.D37.

35 K.S. Santha, Begums of Awadh, Bharti Prakashan, Varanasi, 1980, p.227 36 Ibid. see also Tarikh-i-Awadh, vol. v, p. 59-60. But he gave a different account of the circumstances in which Wajid Ali Shah met her. See blow. Som of the purely literary modern writings such as Gadr-ke-Phool (Hindi). By Amrit lal Nagar and Hazrat Mahal (Hindi) by Muhammad Iqbal Deva sare tridto connect her to a modest but middle class family and married to a person she completely ill-treated her. Unable to suffer any longer, she easily fell a prey to the clever and enticing, procuresses of Wajid Ali Shah and joined the Pari Khana. The desire to render a decent and good lineage to a heroic lady, who was the soul of the rebellion at Lucknow in 1857, might have prompted these literary men and panegyrics to render such unauthentic accounts. 37 Ibid.

189

The Nawab Wajid Ali Shah had accepted the girl Umrao as wife to stay with him in his personal palace. At that time, he had enthroned. He offered Hazrat Mahal the title of ‗Hazrat Mahal‘. The title became so popular and interesting to the general mass that people forgot her real name. After a period of some months Hazrat Mahal gave birth to a male child in the wedlock with Wajid Ali Shah, who was given the name of Mirza Ramazan Ali Birjis Qadar38.

It is, in general, known very well that Jaan-e-Alam Wajid Ali Shah was a Ruler of Romantic nature and instead of mending and organizing his empire, he remains involved in the Romance and obnoxious affairs of love of clandestine activities. But it was a matter of astonishment that in spite of being addicted to such activities, Nawab Wajid Ali Shah was very much popular, most nearly & dearest to his nation and had a vast personal interest and crease4 to poems and literature39. No doubt his nature was Romantic and addicted to affections and he was fond of entertaining dance and music simultaneously participating in juggler shows and athletes, but the ‗Whites‘ had narrated an exaggeration about his bashfulness and shameless activities on the ground that they might find a way to produce a false pretense to merge Awadh State in their individual empire. In all the ways, the circumstances of Awadh State had turned so uneven and unsuitable that the ‗Whites‘ had good opportunities for adding in trimly arranged to merge on the Awadh Empire absolutely40. In February 1856 A.D. the ‗Whites‘ had sent Wajid Ali Shah to Kolkata after making him disabled, and had merged his existing empire to the Great Britains. Wajid Ali Shah had taken with him to Kolkata all his supporters for his thrones and employees and officials. Besides, some relatives and housewives had obviously stayed in Lucknow41.

In May 1857 A.D. the battle of freedom had taken place in Meerut city (which the ‗Whites‘ had set a name of ‗revolt of 1857‘). In the very near future, fire of defiance had quickly set ablaze against the ‗Whites‘ and was spread all over India. When running information about the rulers of the Indian soldiers was acknowledged

38 Talib Hashmi, Tarikhe-i-Islam Ki Char Sau Bakamal Khawateen ,Islamic book foundation (an institute of Islamic research & Publications, Hauz Sulwalan) New , 2006, p. 555. 39 Ibid., p. 556 40 Muhammad Najmul gani Khan, tarikh-i-Awadh, Lucknow, 1976, p. 91. 41 Ibid.

190 in Lucknow, disturbances also took place there. First of all, one Leader Agha Mirza had raised ‗Muhammadi‘ flag higher, accompanying with him 200 Religious Fighters but all the Protestants had been arrested by order of the Resident, and Agha Mirza and his 14 companions were being executed42. Later on, the ‗Whites‘ VIPs have ordered to get capture the weapons of the Riches and of the Royal family people, whereas the people of Lucknow were already hatred, reluctant and furious, now they became highly disregardful, controversy and penetrating against the ‗Whites43‘. Consequently, on the 30th May 1857 A.D. the Lucknow-based Indian Police Officials had exercised defiance and assaulted on the English Army having been united with the local citizens. This assault was so severe and dominating that the ‗Whites‘ were compelled to take shelter in their Residency44.

On the other hand, the native Sepoy of Faizabad had also exercised defiance; they had set the well known Religious Fighter for freedom Maulvi Ahmadullah Shah free from the jail by breaking into the wall. He had also reached Lucknow. On July 05, through movement of Nawab Shahbuddin Bahadur, under support of Mammu Jaan Mirza Ramazan Ali Birjis Qadar was enthroned at the early days of the year, and Hazrat Mahal was appointed as sponsor (guardian) and General Power of Attorney for Mirza Ramazan Ali45. Hazrat Mahal had observed the ups and downs of the past ages. She had, on one hand, passed a royal & luxurious life and on the other hand, she had suffered from a lot of difficulties, had tolerated that much beyond her capacity and endurance, which all had been befallen like a strange fate on her after Nawab Wajid Ali Shah was feeble and crippled at the mall administration in the palace. She employed a conservatory stemma & dare and had taken to the stake the fresh standing

42 Kamaluddin Hider, Kaiser-ut- Tawarikh ,Vol.2, Naval Kishor Press, Lucknow, 1896, p.226. See also Debendar chube Badri Narayan Hitne Patle, 1857 Bharat ka Pahla Mukti Sangram,( ed.), Begum Hazrat Mahal: Smrajwad k Khilafh Hindostani, Khawaza Ikram, Prakashan Sansthan,New Delhi, p. 265. 43 MurliManohar Prasad Singh & Rekha Avasti, 1857 Bgabat k Dor ka Ihihas, (ed.) Vandana Mishra, Mahilaon ki Bhumika, Granth Shilpi Pvt. Ltd. 2009, p. 252- 253. 44 Ibid. 45 G. Hutchinson, Narrative of the Mutinies in Awadh, p.223-224. Wrote ―the mother of this boy (Hazrat Mahal) had been a dancing girl, with whom Munno khan (Mammu Khan), then holding a subordinate charge in the royal cook room, had formed an intimacy. The king hearing of girls beauty, admitted her to the number of his Mahuls under the title of Hazrat Mahal. See also the orchid House, p. 179.and Lt. General J.J. Meleod Inns, Lucknow and Awadh in the Mutiny, London, 1896, p. 35.

191 responsibilities of the empire after taking in hand the battle of the same46. Moreover, circulated the following Notification for the landlords and their concerned to comply:

―Allah – The Almighty has bestowed us this State. Most essential to expel & exit the strange & bloody infidels. Set the residual residency away absolutely by being united each other conjugately. He who will perform this jerk area, half of it will be relaxed with him properly47.”

Hazrat Mahal had set up a Revolutionary Council for the better administration of her State, for the upkeep of which were not only participating the Muslims, but the Hindus were also participating, out of those gentle and bonafide people was equal to the Prime Minister. The gentle and bonafide people were: Maharaja Bal Kishan, Minister of Finance; Mahmud Khan (Mammu Jaan), President of the Court and Raja Jeeya Lal Singh was the Minister of Battles; Maulvi Ahmadullah Shah was the special consultant to Hazrat Mahal and regularly used to participate in the meetings of the Revolutionary Council48.

Exercise of defiance was employed throughout Avadh State, no sooner than the freedom of the country was declared and the people of Avadh had bent on to devastate; to annihilate and to drive the ‗Whites‘ out of India. Khan Bahadur (Late) Minister Zakaullah writes in TAREEKH-E-HIND.

―There was no VIP Officer in any region of Awadh State on behalf of the British Govt., during the open for eleven days, and the performance of the Great Britisher. (The „Whites‟) seemed to be a dream49.

The name of the building was Chaulakhi where Hazrat Mahal was living permanently. The meetings and conferences were all commonly held in that building. Hazrat Mahal herself used to ride on the horse every day and used to encourage the security forces. The first assault on the ‗whites‘ residency was in action under the

46 Dr. Bharat Mishra, 1857 kee Kranti aur uske Pramukh Krantikari, Rhada Publication, New Delhi, 2008, p. 34 See also S.N. Chanda, 1857 Some Untold Stories, Sterling Publishers (Pvt) Ltd.,1976, pp. 8-9. 47 Anis Fatima Barellvi, 1857 ke heroes p. 29. Talib Hashmi , Tarikhe-i-Islam ki char sau Bakamal Khawateen, Islamic book foundation (an institute of Islamic research & Publications, Hauz Sulwalan) New , 2006, p. 555. 48 Ibid., See also Intizamullah (ed.) Begumat-i-Awadh ke Khutut, Faruqi Press Lucknow, 1947, p. 231. 49 Ibid.

192 patronage of Maulvi Ahmadullah Shah on 31st July 1857 at the stake of exercising assault on the British‘ Residency, Hazrat Mahal remained continuously till the whole night after making arrangements to assault on the ‗Whites‘, and she could not sleep at night50. The ‗Whites‘ were fighting from inside the Fort and they had made themselves protected very carefully and tightly. This is why the Residency could be captured, but Hazrat Mahal did not even leave any sort of room in encouraging her security forces51.

In the same way, when a battle in Alam Bagh was in action, Raja Maan Singh at the man of life and death had become thorough innocence to the ‗Whites‘. Hazrat Mahal had awarded him a title of ―fundamental boy‖ and offered him a gift of shoulder shawl and a handkerchief. Besides, Hazrat Mahal too offered him with special and fundamental garbs. General Jahangir Bakht, Firoz Shah and Nana Rao came back to Lucknow after the Britishers‘ had exercised their complete possession and pervasion on all over Delhi State and they had continued regularly fighting with the Britishers‘52. Later on, Lucknow was the only source of the fight against the ‗Whites‘. Maulvi Zakaullah (Late) wrote:

―Near about seventy or eighty thousand warriors were making their destinations serviceable with great doer, patience, fluency and steadfastness, whom the national prestige and the religious madness had gathered with every young man and woman under the flag of Hazrat Mahal – The Deputy Premier53.

Hazrat Mahal was a modest, processful and a fearless woman. She was completely bound by curtailing tradition, but very often used to visit the Army men by riding on a horse, just in order to encourage the Army. During a battle with the enemy,

50 Begum after his departure moved to a house on the northern side of Naginavali Baradari situated behind the Kaiser Bagh. Mummu khan was the Superintendent of her household and thakur Prasad was her Diwan. Begumat-i-Awadh, p.104. Tarikh-i-Awadh, vol. V. p. 84. Mentined about the exact location of her house as Choulikhi, near Badshah Manzil and that she having stay there along with many other consorts of Wajid Ali Shah. 51 Ibid. 52 F.C.Mande, Lt. Col., Memoirs of Mutiny Vol.2, London 1897, p. 447. See also Begumat –i- Awadh ke Khatut, p.42-45. Describing in one of the crucial attacks on Alam Bagh (between 27th dec. 1857 to 4th Maech, 1858. See also Further Papers relating to the Insurrections in the East Indies, Encl. In the Narrative of Events Dated March 5, 1857, it described while at the encounter at Alam bagh, presence of the Begum on an elephant. 53 Ibid. See also Kamaluddin Haider, Kaiser-ut-Tawarikh. Op. Cit.

193 the canon machine balls had been snatched from Barkat Khan by the enemy, he then became much upset and annoyed. Hazrat Mahal had visited Barkat Khan and had assured him after having a meeting with him that ―You please do not be discouraged, for want of the same, I will provide for you some more cannon balls54.‖

The ‗Britishers‘ was at the critical stage these days and were also in a deteriorated state, but many rebels-like Indians in Delhi (like Lucknow) had become disloyal to Hazrat Mahal. This is why Hazrat Mahal could not get her possession on the ‗British residency. All of a sudden Sir Collin Campbell arrived in Lucknow with a huge amount of his army soldiers. The army soldiers of Hazrat Mahal had opposed this unsuitable activity by Sir Collin Campbell and expressed him their strong rage55. Consequently, in every lane and locality of Lucknow, there happened a heavy duty bloodshed battle, but the ‗British‘ army remained marching ahead, taking over target by target and lastly arrived till Chaulakhi – the private residence of Hazrat Mahal. What a strange fate had befallen on the residents of Lucknow city that hundreds of Indians had sacrificed their lives in protecting the Chaulakhi a place near the private residence of Hazrat Mahal56. It was just a hair-escape that the ‗Whites‘ had been just to capture Chaulakhi that all of a sudden, Khan Ali Khan happened to arrive there with at least One Thousand furious warrior in order to help Hazrat Mahal.

These brave warriors had, temporarily, drive the ‗Whites‘ back (to their pavilion) but there remained no way to get rid of the ‗Whites‘ because they had pervaded over all Lucknow Region. Consequently Hazrat Mahal was bound to abandon her native land after vacating Chaulakhi area. Maulvi Ahmadullah Shah at the first instance moved out of Lucknow scattering the opponent‘s army absolutely57. In the volume ―QAISAR-AL- TAWARIKH” the pen picture of the final departure of Hazrat Mahal from Chaulakhi:

―Hazrat Mahal – a woman of devastated status moved out of the employees‟ gate of Chaulakhi with other women and with other

54 Abdul Halim Sharr, Mashriki Tamaddun ki Akhirinamuna, Sultan Hasan and Sons, Badar Road, Kranchi,1956, P. 134. See also Dr. Usha Bala Anshu Sharma, Indian Women Freedom Fighters 1857-1947, Manohar Publication 1986, pp. 44-45. 55 Syed Khurshid Mustafa Rizvi, History of the Struggle for Freedom 1857, Rampur Raza Library, Rampur, 2002 (urdu) pp. 484-487. 56 Ibid., See also Dr. Bharat Mishra, 1857 kee Kranti aur uske Pramukh Krantikari, Rhada Publication, New Delhi, 2008, p. 81. 57 Foreign department political consultaion 10th December 1858, no. 52-125(413 L. july ,1859);(183/4: August 19,1859).

194

disciplined professional women in such manner that she was head of all and other women were following behind in quiet periods. Was staggering getting strokes at every interval and was mutilating every moment. Arrived at bridge maulvi gunj after moving out from teela shah jaleel58. Stayed at home of Ghulam Raza at night. Reached home of Ashrafuddaula after coming out of the home of Ghulam Raza. Reached Mahal Sarai Husainabad departing from home of Ashrafuddaula. All the disciplined professionals were gathered in Mahal Sarai in the evening and arranged tight securities for her protection. A message of General Autram was received to Ali Raza stating that “We will arrange to hand over to your possession the territory traditionally in your name, on condition if you would ignore and determine to set aside from battle with us. Moreover, no need to proceed to fight with the pervading armed forces. Hazrat Mahal had, very hurriedly tossed the message back and refused flatly to sign up the pact deed59.‖

On 16th March 1858 A.D. Hazrat Mahal had expressed her Good-bye to the land of Lucknow, but she did not lose her heart. She began organizing new armed forces, while the old forces were also started joining the new ones. To the extent that a gang at a strength of six thousand warriors was gathered with Hazrat Mahal. She was in the same duration, received a message that Maulvia Ahmadullah Shah had encircled Shahjahanpur region and he needed help of the armed forces60. Hazrat Mahal at once got joined her armed forces to the forces of Ahmadullah Shah. Unfortunate event had emerged on the ‗Whites‘ that Hazrat Mahal embraced victory and Hazrat Mahal had camped on Chauka Ghat area. When she moved ahead from Chauka Ghat till Bahraich region (say Bardayat or Bundi)61.

Lord Clyde had opposed the jurisdiction of Hazrat Mahal in turn there happened a bloody battle between the two. She had conquered over the battle and

58 Kamaluddin Haider, QAISAR-AL-TAWARIKH, op.cit. See Also Talib Hashmi , Tarikhe-i-Islam ki char sau Bakamal Khawateen, p.557. 59 Ibid. 60 Abida Samiuddin, Bharat k Saotantrata Sangram me Muslim Mahilaon ka Yogdan, Institute of Objective Stdies, New Delhi, 1997, p. 40-45. 61 Pamphlet issued on the death of prince of Oudh, Meher Quder (grandson of begum Hazrat Mahal and son of Birijis Qadar by the House of Oudh, 1961.

195 entered the Kingdom of Nepal (the border of which was nearby the Bahraich region). Maharaja of Nepal had sheltered Hazrat Mahal and her son Birjis Qadar but got arrested all of her corporate with the forces and got expelled all of them out of the Kingdom. Nawab Mammu Khan was included in them. The ‗Whites‘ first of all, declared them to be hanged, later on, had sent them to be suffering from disasters of the black sea. They had, at last attained their final journey to the Heavens there62.

Hazrat Mahal was then settled drastically on a hilly area in the Kingdom of Nepal. The ‗Whites‘ had tried their best that she should settle back to India, but she did not willfully agree to that decision. It is said in the general people that the ‗Englishman‘ had also sent a message stating that ―If she and her son Birjis Qqdar may come back to India, it will be up to their consent and under their jurisdiction that they would be allowed to settle in the Lucknow or Faizabad forever. Moreover, there would be reasonable incentive instantaneously they would be adorned by Royal Guard of Honour as well63.‖

But Hazrat Mahal tossed all the others back hardly exercising great dignity and destiny. Neither she herself came back to India, nor did she allow Birjis Qadar to go back. It is known in general that Hazrat Mahal was expired in the Kingdom of Nepal and was buried there also. Mirza Birjis Qadar traveled to Kolkata after she died. There in Kolkata when he went to join a feast along with his wife and a child, someone there has served him, his wife and his child with poison, because of which they all had traveled to the Heavens forever64.

About Hazrat Mahal it is also known in general, people that she moved out very discreetly and secretly from Nepal and reached Iraq by going through a disastrous journey. Reaching there she visited Karbala, the place of high repute and many other religious holy places in Iraq. Later on, reached Iran and expired there65.

62 Foreign Political Secret –A consultation, No. 34-38 of November 26-1858 (N.A.I). Reminiscences of the great Mutiny 1857-59, London, No.57-58, Forbes Mitchell, W. 63 Freedom struggle in U.P-Vol. II, publishing bureau, Information Department, U.P government. R.C. Mazumdar, Sepoy Revolt and the Mutiny of 1857,. Op. Cit. 64 K.S. Santha, Begums of Awadh, Bharti Prakashan, Varanasi, 1980, p. 249-250. 65 Freedom struggle in U.P-Vol. II, publishing bureau, Information Department , U.P government. Sepey Revolt and the Mutiny of 1857, R.C. Mazumdar.

196

Daughter of Shah Mohd Ishaq Saheb:

This lady was genius and much competent. She had attained, entire knowledge of her father and got distinction, class in studies of the Qura‘n, the Hadeeth and Fiqh. She was married to Maulana Mufti Abdul Qayyum Budhanvi, who was the son of Syed Ahmad, Shaheed of Bareilly – the religious Ruler of Budhana. Maulana Abdul Qayyum Farooqi (MBUH) was the astonishing genius man. He had a high regard and respect in the general mass other than the nearest and dearest relatives66.

When in 1271A.H. Nawab Shah Jahan Begum Vice Ruler of Bhopal State was married to Nawab Baqi Mohd. Khan, Maulana Abdul Qayyum was invited to perform and recite for the marriage contract (NIKAH) – the Vice-Ruler Nawab Shah Jahan Begum had appointed Maulana Abdul Qayyum as the Chief religious consultant (Mufti Azam) has known about his knowledge and wisdom.

Maulana Syed Abul Hasan Nadvi writes in his book ―Services for Women and Deen‖ by reference of precede Maulana Haidar Husain Khan Saheb67:

―When some religious matter happens to arrive for a solved determination and he feels himself unable to find a truthful decision, he becomes so saturated and mutilated and hard to understand what is the order of Allah – The Almighty. Moreover, he used to say,‖I am just coming back‖, used to go home and might ask his wife (who was the daughter of Hazrat Shah Ishaq Sahib68.―Did you ever hear about the religious comments from your father or do you have in your knowledge some facts regarding the above comments, but occasionally always used to say very frankly. ―Should I ask my wife,‖ to the lady whom the Chief Religious Consultant may discuss and consult about some complications on the subject of religion, what sort of guess can be applied on his knowledge and competence69.

66 Talib Hashmi, Tarikhe-i-Islam ki char sau Bakamal Khawateen ,Islamic book foundation ( an institute of Islamic research & Publications, Hauz Sulwalan) New Delhi, 2006, p. 532. 67 Ibid., Freedom struggle in U.P. Vol. II, publishing bureau, & Information Department, U.P government. R. C. Mazumdar, Sepoy Revolt and the Mutiny of 1857, op. cit. 68 Ibid. p. 533. 69 Ibid.

197

Nawab Malika Kishwar Sahiba:

Nawab Malika Kishwar Sahiba was the wife of Nawab of Awadh Amjad Ali Shah (1258A.H. To 1263A.H.) and was the mother of the last Ruler Wajid Ali Shah (1262A.H. To 1272A.H.). Her real name was Taj Ara Begum. She was the daughter of Nawab Haseenuddin Khan, who was commander-in-chief in the Army regiment of Royal Army Battalion of Nawab of Avadh.

Taj Ara Begum was married to Amjad Ali Shah, who was, at that time, the deputy Ruler of Bhopal State. Her father-in-laws had awarded her the title ―Hon‘ble Lady Nawab Malika Kishwar Sahiba, daughter-in-law of the King family70.‖ Malika Kishwar had given birth to three kids under the wedlock by Amjad Ali Shah. The first child was Khursheed Hashmat Mirza Mohd Wajid Ali Shah, who was, later on, known as ―Sultan – the Great Wajid Ali Shah‖ The crown of Awadh. The second child was Sikandar Jawwad Ali, who was appointed Commander-in-Chief of Royal Army of Awadh State, and on the same point he became much popular by the title of ―General Sahib‖ in the general people as well as in the nearest and dearest71. The third girl child was Nawab Sharfunnisa, was married to Nawab Sarfarazuddaula who was the son of Nawab Muneeruddaula. The personal and conjugal relations of Malike Kishwar Sahiba and Nawab Ali Shah had been very much pleasant, but when the Nawab Amjad Ali Shah had married in 1258A.H. (1746A.D.) with two more women after he was enthroned as Emperor, then the couple had become destitute to depart each other72. Exclusively by making the couple understand each other and been explained about the dire consequences to both by the prime premier and by other officials of the State, Malika Kishwar Sahiba became agreed upon and the couple lived together as usual like the former.

70 Sawanihat-i-Salatin-i-Awadh, p. 12, Khatun Mauzzamah Badshah Bahu, Nawab Malika-iKishwar, Fakhr-us-Zamani Nawab Taj Ara Begum, was generally known as Janab-i-Alia. She was blongd to the noble and eminent family of Khan-i-Khanan of Delhi. Har father Nawab Hussain-ud-din khan was from Kalpi and settled at Lucknow from the time of Nawab Shuja-ud-daulah. Har mother name was Vilayati Begum was the daughter of Saadat Ali khan. Her marriage had taken place during the rgim of Ghaziuddin Haider. See also Foreign Department Pol. Cons. 27th July, 1842, No. 74-78, she is referred as Malika-i-Kishawr Khatun Mukhtar Alia Nawab Taj Ara Begum. 71 Ibid. 72 Talib Hashmi , Tarikhe-i-Islam ki char sau Bakamal Khawateen ,Islamic book foundation ( an institute of Islamic research & Publications, Hauz Sulwalan) New Delhi, 2006.p. 532.

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The knowledge scope of Malika Kishwar Sahiba was very reasonable73.

She used to read and write Persian properly. She had high interest in reciting, reading and hearing the Holy Quran. A Maulvi procedure was mainly reserved for such a holy job. So as she recited the Holy Quran every day. Traditionally, Malika Kishwar Jahan Begum used to sit in the room by the side of cattails and Maulvi Sahib used to recite the holy Quran with a loud voice74.

Malika-i-Alia strictly follow of the Purdah, there was no room for her outdoor activities, so she confined herself to such indoor pastimes as storytelling and strolling in the palace gardens. She had favorite places, where she spent most of her time. They were Chhattar Manzil, the chowlakhi and the garden of Dwaraka Das. She with high regard and confidence stayed there to hear the Holy Quran. Malika Sahiba was very much cheerful and animated. Very often she used to call to her palace the poor women and would send them back home in a dignified manner. One of her palaces was situated at Chhattar Manzil at the river bank75.

One day she was staying on the top floor of her palace and was enjoying the scenes from over there. All of a sudden Malika Kishwar Jahan, from the top of her palace, saw that an old woman was sailing on the river. She, (Malika) all of a sudden called out her maid servants in order to send their helpers so that they all may get the old woman out of the river. The hut of the poor old woman was also sailed out in the flood, but the old woman was continually holding the corner of that hut and was regularly sailing76. The Royal Officials had saved the life of the old woman and handed her over to the housemaid after they took her out of the river. The officials dried up her (the old woman) body and offered before Malika Kishwar after they changed clothes of the old woman.

73 Ibid. 74 Jnaba-i-Alia Malika-i-Kishwar sahiba was a kind mistress.she treated all her servants‘ generously. She educated women who could read Persian fluenly, she took care to educate hr depndnts. A teacher (Mulla) was apponinted to give lessons. Sometims she personally supervised his work.Janab-i-Alia was taught and narrated stories which were mostly connected with religion. Her Favourite stories were that the Fatima and Ali and the strory of Hasan and Husain. Ibid., Chapter 3. p. 238. 75 K.S. Santha, Begum of Awadh, Bharati Prakashan, Varanasi, 1980, p. 181. 76 W. Knighton, Private life of an Eastern king, together with Elihu Jan‘s Story, London, 1921, p. 237. Elihu jan narrates a rumor to the effect that the Begum once gave countenance to the torture of a maid servant she had been singled out by her husband for special favour. She, however, is said to have relented afterwards.

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The woman narrated that all my relatives had expired and there is no one to look after me. Malika Kishwar had sent the old woman back with a guard of honour by paying her money and incentives with various gifts and determined Rs.3/- per month as a stipend for the old woman which was quite enough to make one‘s both ends meet at the age of the cheapest rates77.

In 1263A.H. Amjad Ali Shah passed away and Wajid Ali Shah was enthroned as ruler of Awadh State. He kept stable and respected the name of his mother. Moreover, his mother was entitled by, ―JANAB-E-ALIA‖. Those days Malika Kishwar remained engaged in reciting the Holy Quran by late at night. Malika Kishwar Sahiba was very intelligent, gentle and simple natured and a lady of high thinking78.

In Awadh State Malika Kishwar Sahiba had a high influence and impregnable impression upon her officials and in the nation. Sometimes, whenever she used to give preachings and good advice to his sons (The King), he has never replied her in turn. On 2nd Jamad Al-Awwal 1272A.H. (7th Feb. 1858A.D.), her State of Awadh was merged with the Brithers‘ Empire after that was captured illegally by the ‗Britishers‘79. At this, Malika Kishwar became very much upset and turned melancholy and she announced in the State that she will submit her earnest request to the Queen Victoria soliciting her to return her State of Bhopal to her son (The Ruler of Avadh Nawab Wajid Ali Shah) as a matter of fact that Queen Victoria is also a mother of many children.) Hearing this, the officials and other employees became lamenting and started weeping bitterly80. They all spoke aggrievedly that Malika Sahiba is afraid of even a river how she will travel across an ocean? But Malika Kishwar was very much direful and gallant lady. She remained steadfast as she

77 Ibid., p. 237. 78 Begumat-i-Awadh, Governor General, Lord Dalhosieas being a very sensible, respectable lady, possessing a good deal of influence over her son and always using it well, which could by no means be said of royal ladies, generally and especially not of royal ladies of Lucknow. J.G.A. Baird ,(ed) Private letters of the Morquess of Dalhousie, 2nd edition London, 1911, p. 368. 79 Malika –i-Kishwar, Mother of the Nawab Wajid Ali Shah , took th pains to travel to England in 1856, so as to appeal to Queen Victoria in person against the annexation of Awadh by the Company .Unluckily for the Begum‘s mission, the political insurgence of 1857 in Awadh, completely alienated whatever sympathies she had aroused in London. The rising of revolt 1857 in Awadh was fully utilized by Begum Hazrat Mahal, wife of Nawab Wajid Ali Shah. For. Department Political Cons. Letter from Secretary of state, No. 4, dated 14-1-1857. 80 Ibid.

200 decided and ordered her special secretary Bahaunnisa to get ready to journey. When all preparations were completed, Malika Kishwar Sahiba left for Kolkata, taking her nearest employees to stay for some time with her son Wajid Ali Shah and Maghzool Shah of Awadh State81. She spoke in negative to the remaining staff to search their job themselves or release pension to some of them. As soon as the than Malika reached Kolkata, her son Wajid Ali Shah determined to a company Malika Saheba to England, but all of a sudden he had fallen ill, consequently the relevant doctors instructed him not to sail by ship. Then Malika Sahiba left for England on 10th June 1856 A.D. along with the second son Mirza Sikandar Hashmat Jawwad Ali general Saheb, Deputy Premier, Prince Hamid Ali, Maulvi M. Asihuddin Attorney General and King of Mazool and a number of maid servants and employees82. Malika Sahiba wept bitterly with tears embracing the children of Nawab Wajid Ali Shah. There were 140 men and women in her team and there were 500 Boxes of all bags and baggage‘s, by very hard luck a personal box containing Antiques and costly jwellaries had fallen in the water leaving from the hands of one of her employees. In that box there were jewelry items83. The divers tried their best to search the box in the water but remained increditable. Malika Kishwar became very much sad, aggrieved and lamenting, but became boldly careful setting the grief aside. This team of journey reached London on 20th August 1856 A.D. After reaching London during her stay, she had a long meeting with Malika Victoria which was very much prospective and hopeful, but all of a sudden there happened to hold a battle of freedom in India in 195084. The ‗Whites‘ gave it the name of ‗Battle of Rebels‘ and they expressed detesting and reluctance by the team of Malika Kishwar Jahan. Then Malika Sahiba traveled to Paris (France) taking her team along with her. Reaching there, Malika Kishwar Sahiba was feeble and crippled. Because of being gone an excess of Likoria water from her body. The route cause of her death on 2nd February 1858A.D., was the same fatal disease. A piece of land for 4-5 Sq. yard area was purchased for

81 Kamaluddin Haider, Amir Ali Kahn and other writers agreed that Wajid Ali Shah could not bear the strain of his journey from Lucknow to Calcutta and soon after fell ill on his arrival at Calcutta. Kamal-ud-din Haider, Kaiser-ut-Tawarikh, 3rd edition, (ed.) N.K. Press, Kanpur, 1907, p. 180. 82 Ibid. p. 94., Mutiny in India, Narrative of events regarding the mutiny in India of 1857-58 and the restoration of authority,2 vols. Calcutta, 1801. 83 Foreign Department Political Consultations, Nos. 224-228, Letter Dated 31st Oct. 1856. Gazetteer of the Province of Awadh, Vols. III, Allahabad, 1877-78. See also 84 Ibid.

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Rs.10,00085. Ambassador of Turkey and Iran along with ministers of France Administration and miscellaneous other officials and workmen were participating in her funeral. A pavement was made of marble stones around the grave at a minimum expense of Rs.3,000. Mirza Sikandar Hashmat had come back from London on 8th March, 1858 A.D. after the death of Malika Kishwar Jahan Begum. But very unfortunately, he was affected by a contamination, disease of a defective spleen and he had also passed away in London on 2nd March 1858 A.D86. His dead body was brought to Paris from London on the expenses of France Govt. With a Guard of Military Honour and was buried by the side of his mother. His tender age girl-child Rafat Begum had also expired and she was also buried in France. The rest and residual guys on the team had come back to India aggrieved and unsuccessful in a melancholy state87.

Sharafat Mahal:

She was the daughter of Syed Nasir Ali Dehlavi and the wife of the last Emperor of the Mughal Sovereign. Sirajuddin Zafar Bahadur Shah (Second). She had got higher education during her childhood. She was a knowledge loving, religious and charitable lady. She paid great homage to the learned and competent people and offered them a high patronage wholehearted. Was very much addicted to the deep devotion to Allah – The Almighty. Therefore, most of her time was being spent in devotion and meditation to Allah – The Almighty88. She was hated illiteracy and always remained trying her best to cope with the general people with the jewels of knowledge. There was some other name of Sharafat Mahal, but she was given the title of Sharafat Mahal from the good thinking of her father-in-laws‘s house and became more popular because of the same title89.

85 Masih-ud-din Khan wrote that the mission had nearly succeeded but for the outbreak of the mutiny and the senseless killing of innocent men, women and child‘s at the hands of the mutineers. Compare this with the Kamaluddin Haider‘s remark. Nadr-ul-Asr, p.132. 86 Amir Ali Khan wrotethat the Ambassador of Rome and Iran too accompanied th cortege. The distance was about four to five miles from the place of their residence to that of the grave. The crowd was a huge that even if a plate were to b thrown, it would not have fallen on the ground but would have remained on heads of people. See Wazir Nama, p. 231. 87 Ibid., see also Kais rut- Tawarikh, p.96. op.cit. 88 Talib Hashmi , Tarikhe-i-Islam ki char sau Bakamal Khawateen ,Islamic book foundation ( an institute of Islamic research & Publications, Hauz Sulwalan) New Delhi, 2006, p. 532. 89 Ibid.

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The husband of Sharafat Mahal was the Deputy Premier at the time of her marriage. Allah – The Almighty had offered him a son by Sharafat‘s abdomen. At this, she took a pledge that she will be the wife of the King and be the Queen alone. The second State will be hers after the death of the King, but alas ! Situation and general upkeep of the Empire had been very much better and Topsy survey at the time when Bahadurshah Zafar was enthroned90.

This is why the King could not fetch and fulfill his promises to his wife. Due to this infection, Sharafat Mahal became tolerating hearted. Consequently, Sharafat Mahal had, in such a case, taking the Management of the Fort back and had wound up the relations from the King absolutely. Later on, Sharafat Mahal engaged continued in deep meditation to Allah – The Almighty. In 1273 A.H. (1857 A.D.) at the crisis of the fight for freedom, Delhi city remained a prey of rebels and differences among the Indian Nation, but Malika Sharafat Mahal kept aloof from all the disburseful controversies. The gentle lady passed away in 1279 A.H. (1861A.D.)91.

Malika Zeenat Mahal:

This lady was the most dearest and beloved wife of Abu Zafar Sirajuddin Bahadur Shah Zafar (Second) Ruler of Delhi and the last and final Crown Emperor of the Mughal Sovereign. Her father‘s name was Nawab Farrukh Jah Bahadur Samsamuddaula Ahmad Quli Khan, who was the descendent from the ancestral chain of Ahmad Shah Durrani. He was the integral part of the Royal Court of bolds and had the right count among the superior and respective VIPs of the Delhi State. Under controversial discussion and exchange of discussion Malika Zeenat Mahal was born either in (1239 A.H.) 1812 A.D. or (1232A.H.) 1817 A.D92. Her father appointed for her most genius and competent woman for her better education and preachings. Gongs of her surpassing beauty, good moral behavior and characteristics were being beaten throughout the city, when Zeenat Mahal had come to the age of adolescences (the youngest age). When Bahadur Shah Zafar heard about her surpassing beauty, he asked

90 Fazle Haq Azima Badi, Khawatin-a-Hind ke Tarikhi Karname, Bihar Publication, Naya Tola Patna, 1998, p. 110. 91 Ibid. 92 Zeenat Mahal was Favorite queen of the last Mughal Emperor of Delhi, Because of the great beauty; she came to excise great influence over the Emperor. Bahadur Shah Zafar-2nd and the war of 1857 in Delhi with Un-forgettable Scenes, p. 90-305.

203 her father Nawab Ahmad Quli Khan about determining a matrimonial relation to him for her daughter93.

Nawab Ahmad Quli Khan became agreed, and had married his daughter to the Ruler Bahadurshah Zafar. At the time of marriage, Malika Zeenat Mahal was between the age of 16 and 20 and Bahadurshah Zafar was between the age of 50 and 60 years. Zeenat Mahal had pervaded completely on the feeling and decided on Bahadurshah Zafasr in a very short time. She had introduced various kinds of garments and various kinds of Indian cuisines when came to the Royal Palace (the Red Fort) which were being popularized and liked by general mass very much in 1840 A.D94.

Zeenat Mahal gave birth to Prince Jawan Bakht. Consequently, she became much more popular and beloved in the estimates of the ruler Bahadurshah Zafar. Till (her child) Jawan Bakht may be young enough having completed with five senses upto (1273 A.H.) 1857 A.D. Malika Zeenat tried her best to declare her son as Crown Ruler, but being unable and helpless against the ‗Britishers‘ together aims and decisions done over all, she could not fulfill her desire till her last breathe. At all, Bahadurshah Zafar did not leave any room unexposed in considering retrieving relief to her conscience by encouraging her in a dignified manner95. He got constructed a candid and picturesque building for her, which he named ―ZEENAT MAHAL‖ and got engraved the following verses on the main entrance of the building.

Make O‘ Zafar Zeenat Mahal so surpassing A building is Zeenat Mahal as Abode of Peace

93 Sundar Lal, Bharat Mein Angrezi Raj, (Hindi) 1st edition 1929—2nd ed. 1938, Publication Triveni Nath Bajpai,Onkar Press, Allahabad, p. 1362-1543. 94 Ibid. 95 The Last Mughal Emperor Bhahadur Shah wanted to secure the succession for a minor son, Jawan Bakht, the child of his old age by, his queen ―Zeenat Mahal‘, but there were several princes between this Boy and the heir apparent, who died. In 1856, Prince Fakir-ud-din also died. The Emperor, under the influence of ‗Zinat Mahal‘, made a fresh effort to advance the claims of Jawan Bakht. As the month of May progressed, the King was faced with fresh troubles. According to a report dated 15-28th May, the sepoys had already plundred Delhi for three days. They suspected Begum Zinat Mahal to be in league with the English. She persuaded the Emperor, despite his old age ,to become the leader of rebel forces ,in 1857. When the Emperor did not appoint her son Jawan Bakht as the commander of the rebel forces, she started intriguing with the British, which so disgusted the rebels that they threatened to kidnap her.

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First of all Bahadurshah Zafar appointed Mirza Dar Al-Bakht, the Crown Ruler of his State. In 1839 A.D. when he died, Shah Rukh was then appointed as the Crown Ruler, where he was expired in 1848 A.D. then Mirza Fatehul Mulk was appointed as Crown Ruler. But unfortunately he was also expired. Very soon, now Bahadurshah Zafar expired96. His desire was to nominate his son Jawan Bakht as Crown Ruler of the Mughal Empire, but the Britisher had made up their mind to exit out of the fort (after Bahadurshah Zafar may expire) and to eradicate the residual prestige and respect absolutely. The East India Company too had made agreed Mirza Fakhru very private to advocate their conditions blindly and appointed him the crown ruler97.

In 1858 A.D. Mirza Fakhroo too had expired. Then Bahadurshah Zafar had got signed on a plain paper from all the princes on been agreed by them that they accept Jawan Bakht as their Crown Ruler. On the contrary, the East India Company after provocating Mirza Qayash had made deserving to be entitled for the Crown Ruler. Continuing this very uncertain determination, the Indians have turned rebels against the British and started the revolt of 1857, pertaining to this topic,98 many fatal and bloody combats have happened between the British Army and the freedom-based contenders during the two conflicts – Zeenat Mahal tried to play two hunts by one darting arrow so that she might be favourable to any one of the parties who may deem synchronizing to her. She was so deeply anxious to entitle Jawan Bakhta as the Crown Ruler that even in such a contradictory environment she had tried to send a secret message to the East India Company that they should entitle Jawan Bakht as the Crown Ruler of Mughal Empire99, concerning to the subject matter, should Malika Zeenat Mahal employs her influence and successful approach on the King grounding her purpose that the King should attain favouring and refuge of the British under their

96 Ibid. 97 Dr. Usha Bala, Anshu Sharma, Indian Women Freedom Fighters 1857-1947, Manohar Publication, 1986, pp.60-61. See also Bahadur Shah-2nd and war of 1857 in Delhi with Un- forgettable Scenes, op. cit. 98 Zinat Mahal tried to influence the Governor General through a private agent. Thomas Cavendish Fenwick, an English man of considerable legal knowledge was then seeking employment at Delhi. The Begum appointed him as her law attorney for advocating the claims of Mirza Jaban Bakht at Agra and Calcutta. The Emperor also believed that the appointment of Fenwick would be highly beneficial to the cause of Jawan Bakht and did not anticipate any opposition from the British Government. The Great Mutiny, p.92. Op. Cit. 99 Ibid., See also Murli Manohar Prasad Singh & Rekha Avasti, 1857 Bgabat k Dor ka Ihihas , (ed.) Vandana Mishra, Mahilaon ki Bhumika, Granth Shilpi pvt.ltd. 2009, P. 252- 253.

205 patriarchs. But alas! These of her attempts could not be proved impregnating. Consequently, the Britishers had, after taking Delhi State in their custody got arrested him and put him to the punishment of migration from the city of Delhi to his own place of origin100.

On 7th October 1858 A.D. Bahadurshah Zafar, his wife Zeenat Mahal and his son Jawan Bakht all were sent from Delhi to Rangoon along with 13 men concerned were accommodated in a house made of wood. This team of 13 men had arrived Rangoon on 9th December, 1858G. The duration of migration, age was overpowering to these subdued teams of 13 men being surrounded by impeding disasters101.

Azizunnisha Begum:

Azizunisha Begum was the most well known personality (Mother of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan) expired on 28th March, 1889 A.D. (1315 A.H.) of Indo-Pak Kochak sub-continent102. The name of her father was Nawab Dabeeruddaula Ameenul Mulk Khwaja Fareeduddin Ahmad, who was the most respected mate of the Royal Court in Bahadur Shah Zafar103. Her husband‘s name was Mir Taqi. She was the eldest daughter of her parent. Whether she was adorned by recitation of Quran and buy

100 Dr. Bharat Mishra, 1857 ki kranti Aur Unke Pramukh Krantikari, Radha Publications, 2008, New Delhi, P. 108-109. See also Foreign Department Political Consultations 10th December, 1858, No. 5-125. 101 After the fall of Delhi, Bahadur Shah Zafar took refuge in Humayun‘s tomb. Zeenat Mahal had to bribe captain Hodson to spare their lives. They wer conducted from their hidings and imprisoned, ina most humiliating manner, and latern on, she was taken a prisoner along with Bahadur Shah, on 21th September, 1857. She was the only queen who accompanied the king, during his exile to Rangoon, where she died in 1882. In the days before he was arraigened, Mrs. Hodson had visited Begum Zeenat Mahal. She wrote,‖ Even in captivity she behaved as an empress. She was siting on a ‗charpaye,‘ in a dingy room, the women who used to nreceive four thousand of rupees for her privy purse. 102 The account of the mother of sir Syed is based on Seerat-i-Farediya and on the conversations of Sir Sysed and his relatives. As her influence on sir syed s formative period, nature, character and on every stage of his life was considerable, I, (Sir Syed) therefore, want to describe it in considerable detail. Sir Syed Ahmad Bahdur Seerat-i-Farediya, Mufeed-e-Am Press Agra, !896, P.16-24. Khawaja Altaf Husain Hali, Hayat-i-Jawed; A Biographical Account of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan,(urdu) English Translation Prof. Rafi Ahmad Alavi, Parts 1-2, Sir Syed Academy Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. p. 2-3. 103 The Account of the family of Sir Syed‘s maternal grandfather has been described in some detail in Seerat-i- Farediya Sir Syed wrote about his maternal grandfather Khawaja Fariduddin Ahmad a prominent person. He was Dabirud Daula Aminul Mulk Khawaja Fariduddin Ahmad Bahadur Musleh Jung. In his family, he was most of fortunate, able, wise, learned and was univalled in Mathematics. He went to Lucknow during the rgin of Asafud Daula. Ibid.

206 several books of education of Persian Language104, but a part of all, she was very much wise, intelligent, shining brain, illustrative, modest, kind hearted, civilized and a lady of simple and gentle nature. She had brought up her children in a very dignified manner and always kept the motive in mind in advance that the kids should become simple, gentle and orthodox Muslims after they may grow up105. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan had full knowledge of the incidence happened in his past life. He used to tell these incidences in such a way,

―I got my primary education of Persian Language from my mother. She had coached me initially through a famous book of Persian Language “GULSITAN” and through the other most important primary Persian books. When I used to sit before her to repeat the lesson she taught me one day before or may ask her to coach me further lesson. My mother used to keep with her a stick tied up in its corner with three series of artificial hanging pieces of twisted cotton, just to warn and direct me to continue coach me106. Whereas she became unhappy with me many times, but she had never beaten me by that stick with hanging series. My mother had taught me in my childhood many lessons pertaining to morality a civilization which proved me much more suitable and advantageous. Those lessons of morality and civilization are engraved on my mind107.‖

Moreover, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan writes the incidences of his childhood asunder:

―When I was at the age of 11-12, I had beaten a male-servant (who was of very old-age and was also an old servant) by giving palm on his temple on being irritated against some of his mistakes. When my mother had been informed of this incidence of mine and the sooner I went back

104 Ibid. Azizunnisa Begum was more talented than other women. She had read the Quran and a few elementary books of Persian. God had gifted her with a very good talent to bring up her children. Therefore, the children‘s education and upbringing depended mostly on Sir Syed s mother. 105 Ibid., See Also Khawaja Altaf Husain Hali, Hayat-i-Jawed; A Biographical Account of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan,(urdu) English Translation Prof. Rafi Ahmad Alavi, Parts 1-2, Sir Syed Academy Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. p. 2-3. 106 Talib Hashmi , 2006,Op. Cit. p. 512 107 Ibid.

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home, my mother told to the maid-servant to get me out of her home saying that he should go wherever he likes108. He is not worthy to live with me at my home109. Therefore, one maid-servant namely „MAMA‟ took me out of the gate and left me alone on the road. The same time another „MAMA‟ (maid-servant) came out of the house of my mother‟s sister and the maid-servant took me to my mother‟s sister‟s home. That house was very nearby my home. My mother‟s sister told me110, “Look, your mother is so unhappy and angry with you which has no substitute and under such case, whoever will keep you with him at his home, your mother would be angry at him also. But I would keep you hidden here and my mother’s sister had hidden me in the top portion of his house.” Till three days I remained hidden in that top portion. My mother‟s sister used to say to the servants and other home- mates111, “Look forward! Be careful, no one should inform to my elder sister that Syed Ahmad is kept hidden in our home.” After three days my mother‟s sister went to see my mother and asked my mother for my mistake and requested her to forgive Syed Ahmad. My mother put the condition to get it forgiven by the old age male-servant, then she would forgive Syed Ahmad. Then the old-age male-servant was called there. I begged my pardon with folded hands before him, then he had forgiven me and I had been set free112.”

When the children of Azizunnisa Begum had come of age, still she insisted to watch their moral and character. If she finds any unsuitability, uncertainty and imbalance in their personal behaviour, she always tried to reform their ways and always used to make them understand by good advices and preachings.

Sir Syed had very good understanding with one of his friends and they both used to visit each other‘s home. One day the friend had become bitter and unhappy by

108 Khawaja Altaf Husain Hali, Hayat-i-Jawed; A Biographical Account of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan,(urdu) English Translation Prof. Rafi Ahmad Alavi. Op.cit. 109 Ibid. 110 Ibid. 111 Talib Hashmi, Tarikhe-i-Islam ki char sau Bakamal Khawateen, Op. cit. P. 566.. 112 Ibid.

208 any reason and he stopped visiting Sir Syed. For sometime Sir Syed continued visiting with him, but later on Sir Syed had also stopped visiting them113.

Sir Syed‘s mother asked the root cause of this bitterness, Sir Syed told the incidence at this his mother added: I feel very sad that you act upon the same event unsuitable which you do not determine yourself suitable. When you employ friendship you should fulfil its requirement, it is your duty and You are bound to fulfil the demand of the friendship. Why do you hold yourself responsible to cope with the next person? You should be held responsible to perform your own duty. You should have no concern, if the next person does not perform his own duty114.‖

Once upon a time, there was a person whom Sir Syed had obliged very much. That guy making breach of obligation, had behaved Sir Syed in a bad manner instead of doing for Sir Syed all good. But by good luck, Sir Syed had found all the proofs against the guy, against which it was the fact that Sir Syed might have got executed on the person a conviction of Court and the person might be accused. Therefore, Sir Syed had finally made up his mind to take a revenge from that person115. When his mother (Azizunnisa Begum) had come to know about this disregardful activity, she called Sir Syed to her palace and told him, ―My child, no other job is better for you, if you may forgive him absolutely, and genuinely this will be quite stupidity if you want to get the next person convicted by the criminal court of law against the worst behaviour he had exercised against you116.

Finally, my child! Why are you bent on getting punished your enemy through the old age conviction officers of this mortal world other than setting him free from Strong Hold of the King of Kings (The Bountyful, The Most Merciful, Kind & Compassionate) who pays rewards and revenges, charities and evils respectively universally.

Sir Syed said the preachings and advices of my mother had left an unbeatable influence on my mind and heart and I had given up my intention of taking revenge

113 G.F.I. Graham, The Life and Work, Syed Ahmad Khan, Idarah-i-Ababiyat-i- Delhi, Delhi, 1885, p. 35. See Also 114 Sir Syed Ahmad Bahdur Seerat-i-Farediya,Mufeed-e-Am Press Agra, !896, p.16-24 115 Ibid. 116 Khawaja Altaf Husain Hali, Hayat-i-Jawed; A Biographical Account of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan,(urdu) English Translation Prof. Rafi Ahmad Alavi. Op.cit.

209 from him. Even after this decision, I did never intend to decide to take any adverse action against anyone at all, regardless as how bad and bitter had not the other guy done against him117.

Nawab Begum Jaan:

Nawab Begum Jaan a well versed Governor of Lahore and Multan [The State Administrator], was the wife of Nawab Saifuddaula Abdul Samad Khan the great warrior and the mother of Nawab Zakariya Khan. She was the most bonafide, gentle and painstaking woman. She always used to participate in every noble deed that is why people of Lahore genuinely pay her high tribute. She, in (1139 H.A.) 1726 A.D. got constructed picturesque and mysterious palaces and houses on the open land of Nahalpur apart from the palace there exclusively and adorned them through a garden and a beautiful glass robed mosque. This is why the locality attained a famous name ―Begumpura‖118.

There was a story fence all around this locality in the east of which was a wide Bazaar where there were all things of daily life of all purposes was available. This locality was Lenown as Govt House of Nazman Lahore. Nawab Abdul Samad Khan, Nawab Begum Jaan and Nawab Zakariya Khan were all hurried in the same locality after they expired119. Their graves still exist of high repute and crowded on a platform [pavement].This locality [Mohalla] was annihilated by 1748 A.D. [1162H.A] and all properties and belongings of that locality was robbed and looted by the Afghanistan Army Assaults. The remaining part of annihilated locality was completely ruined by the Sikh Rulers, and at last the robbed status of the high ranked locality was merely shown as residues, debrises and destructive structure120. Although the beauty and purity of the glass, robe Mosque constructed by Nawab Begum Jaan had no more existed, yet all mosques still exist and prayer bound whatever setting of glass, robe work is remaining to complete, till now it seems new and good looking121.

117 Ibid. 118 Munshi Abdul Rauff Khan, Sharif Bibiyan, zild No. 108, Azizi Press, Agra. 119 Hafiz Mohd Aslam Jai Rajpuri, Khawatin, Faizey Aam Publication, Abdul Lateef printer, 1914, Aligarh. 120 Fazle Haq Azima Badi, Khawatin-a-Hind ke Tarikhi Karname, Bihar Publication, Naya Tola Patna. p. .98 121 Ibid.

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Samru Begum:

Stranded vision is at full swing these days Storm takes shelter should breeze, say

Whereas a text writer had introduced Samru Begum a native of a village Kotna falling at North-East of Distt. Meerut, while some other writer had introduced a woman prey of tyrants migrated from a valley of Kashmir who was born in 1753. Her early life was shrouded in obscurity. We only know that her father was a nobleman named Lutf Ali Khan, who had settled in the town of Kutana, in the Meerut district122. He was married twice; and our heroine-born in 1750-51, was his offspring by his second wife. On the death of Lutf Ali Khan, when Begum was about six years old, her mother was subjected out ill-treatment by her stepson, which drove them out to seek an asylum elsewhere123.

Reinhardt was by temperament a grave, sullen and morose man; and the gloom of his countenance gained for him the nickname of Sombre from his friendss while he was in the French service. This rather hrash appellation was softened on the Indian tongue into Samru124.

General Samru, while in the service of the Jat Rajah jawahir Singh, took part in his master‘s unsuccessful siege of Delhi in 1765125. There a young girl of Arabian extraction was brought out his notice, whose personal attraction charmed him. She was entitled to him ―by all the forms considered necessary by persons of her suasion

122 This remarkable women (Samru Begum) was the daughter of one Asad Khan,which may be another name of Lutf Ali Khan a Musalman of Arab descent , who had settled in the town of Kutana. She was born about the year 1753, According to Sleeman, She was by birth a Sayyaidani, or lineal descendant from Muhammad,‖ Sikinner speak of her a belonging originally to a dancing troupe. Bussy was informed (in1784) by his agents in Northern India that she was a kashmiri. H.R. Navill, (ICS) Meerut Gazetteers, vol.v, District Gazetteers of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh. Lucknow, 1922, Printed at the Government Branch Press. P.157. 123 Ibid. 124 According to other accounts samru is the corruption of an alias, summers, assumd by him when he enlisted in the British army. Major Polier, Asiatic Annual Register, 1800, Mis. Tracts ,‘‘In his lattr, dated 22nd May 1776,Polier writes from Delhi,-― He( Samru) is about 56 years old age, and has an only son about 12.P. 31-32. 125 For the details of Samru‘s career in theJat service,Prof. Qanungo‘s History of the jats, P.80-195.In the particulars of the Emperor‘s expenses for one month, compilted by Md. Elich Khan 1774, we find an iten samru Feringhy Rs. 30,000.

211 when married to men of another.‖ This Muslim Begum is known to History as Begum Samru of Sardhana126.

Samru Begum was the most respected, educated, civilized, industrious and brave woman. She was well acquainted of all the Indian Languages and was very much universalized by Indian traditions and customs being bound strictly by curtailing tradition, she used to wear a gown, and always maintained the upkeep of her look and individual properties having a respectful event of the curtailed tradition127.

Begum Samru was not a sovereign princess; her status was that of a jagirdar holding lands of the Delhi crown on military tenure, i.e., she was granted a certain district of which she enjoyed the public revenue under the obligation of maintaining a body of troops, to be employed, when called upon, by her sovereign128. Her jagir lay in the Gangetic Doab and stretched from Muzaffarnagar to Aligarh, including within its area the parganas of Sardhana, Karnal, Budhana, Barnawa, Baraut Kutana, Tappal,and Jewar. The principal pargana of jagir and the seat of its administration as Sardhana129.

She was densed with the sovenier administration to her fill. This was why by her continuous efforts, she had taken into possession approx. 80 km area towards of

126 Thus the hisrory of Hindustan under the free lances is an volume of fascinating adventuresand romantic personalities, where the wealth and beauty of the land and positio of independent command lay as the ready prizes of the cool head and the daring hart, without any need for high birth or legal title.Among these adventurers none has left a more wonderful life –story than a women, a kashmiri girl who from abject poverty and obscurity rose to the command of a European-drilld brigade, the sovereignty of a territory as large as tow English counties, and the honouredposition of a shield to the Delhi imperial family. Brajendranath Banerji, Begum Samru, Published by M.C. Sarkar & Sons, 1925, Calcutta, P. 127 Begum Samru adopted the Hindostani costume made of the most costly materials. She spoke both Parsian, Urdu and Marathi and her conversation was engaging, sensible and aspirited. H.R. Navill, (ICS) Meerut Gazetteers, vol.v, P.161. Op. Cit. Geo. Thomas Describesher personal appearance in 1796 as follows: ―Begum Samru is about 46 years of age, samall in stature, but inclind to be plump. Her complexion is very fair, her dress perfectly Hindustani and of the most cosly materials. She speaks the Persianand Hindustani languages with fluency, and in her conversation is egaging, sensible and spirited‖. George Thomas, Military Memoirs, P. 59. 128 It is stated in the Ibratnama that the Emperor had granted Rs.1, 000 daily to Begum Samru, Because her Jagirs were in Gulam Qadirs possession. This temporary usurpation of the Begum‘s jagirs must have taken place during the close of 1787. Brajendranath Banerji, Begum Samru, Published by M.C. Sarkar & Sons, 1925, Calcutta, P.134. 129 Ibid.Th Bgums ―estate was extremely wealthy and well provided with fine towns such as Baraut, dinauli, barnawa, Sardhana, Jewar and Dankaur, and close by her dominions were the large marts of Meerut , Shamli, Kandhala, Bagpat…….Sardhana and Delhi. P. 135.

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North Meerut except the one namely Sardhana. Whatever remarkable events were developing in her Empire during her life-rule time there was perfect peace and harmony with her ruled-by nation properly130. She had performed a lot of work of reforms except those of the program cultural one. The Begum possessed many costly palaces and beautifully laid out gardens at different places, which she visited in turn according to her fancy. Her mansion in Delhi, known as Churi wallon-ke Haveli, stood within a very expensive garden131. She got constructed in Sardhana a very magnificent building, arranged open St. Junior College, got initiated needy abodes, got constructed many bridges and flyovers and had forfeited large amount of lands for the Catholic Churches in Calcutta, Bombay and Madras States. Urbanized a locality namely Begum Sarai nearby Meerut, which is nearby a Railway Station132. She paid proper respect to Islamic Traditions even after being converted of her own religion. Samru Begum mostly provided help to the Islamic units of religious discourse, which proves the fact that in the past she had been a Muslim woman. She was a heartless, straight forward woman except having qualities of being good humouring and gentle. On whom she became angry, gotten cut down his nose and ears and with whom she became furious, had got finished him up. On 27 January 1836 she had passed away at the age of 83years133.

130 Ibid. 131 In Meerut she had a large house with an extensive garden where she most often lived before her Sardhana palace was built in 1834. This Meerut house, Known as Begum Kothi. The old fort of the Begum in Lashkarganj was in ruins, but palace on the east of the town was a fine house , with a grand flight on steps at the entrance and extensive grounds. Churi Wallon ki Haveli, this Haveli still exists at Delhi. It was situated 150 yards to north of the Chandni Chawok. H. R. Nevill, Meerut Gazetteer, vol.v. P. 304. Op.cit. 132 Roman Catholics and was now usedas an orphanage. There was a fair collection of pictures, but these have been sold. The Rome Catholic cathedral, built in 1822, and St. John‘s College are both outside the town. Called from the beginning St. John‘s College, this building has served for years as the Parish Priest‘s residence, and alsonas an Orphanage, and Seminary; that part of the building still Keeps the Indian style of architecture was the old palace of the Begum. W. Kegan, Sardhana and Its Begum, (Sixth Edition) St. Francis Orphan Press, Agra, 1832, P. 14-15. 133 According to Beale who seems to be very particular about dates, she was aged 88 lunar years whan she died on 8 shawwal 1251 A.H. (27th jan. 1836), this age being equivalent to about85 solar years. This computation places her birth in 1750-51. Dyce Sombre, the adopted son and heir of the Begum, reportedher death in a letter, dated 11th July 1836, to the Pope Gregory xvi, where in her age, at the time of death , is given as 8- evidently solar years, captan Francklin , the biographerof gor. Thomas who had served the Begum for some time, when describing the events of 196, mentions her age as being then about 45, which would place her birth in 1751. Bio, dic. P. 251.

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Qamru Begum:

Clay of Orchard solicits to Universe Molecule Not be unknown, be oscillating around the world

Very commonly the Britishers had pervaded over North-East India and had set up their Empire through the Plassy Revolt of 1857 and through Baksar Revolt of 1764, but the Britishers used to mind a hindrance against their plans on the Roza status Tehsils in the area of West Bengal. In 1705 when Clive was declared as Governor to the British East India Company second time, he then began to make the wicked circles of his dungeons and perjury in Murshidabad (Bengal)134.

One Ahsanullah Khan, owner of a small part of land situated nearby Nagampur in Murshidabad (Bengal) was a man of obnoxious and bashful nature. Clive had determined the financial status of Ahsanullah Khan by entertaining friendship with him; moreover Clive advised Ahsanullah Khan, that he just should disburse off all his properties to the Britishers absolutely. Ahsanullah agreed to sell his property to the Britishers135, but his daughter Qamru Begum did not become agree upon this (event) because she was the sole owner of that property. Clive had murdered Ahsanullah Khan by serving him by poison in a glass full of wine and began to employ force on Qamru Begum to let dispose of all her owned property with the help of the workmen of the Palace136. He offered Qamru Begum by a high temptation that she should stay in England under the capacity of a Royal Guest. Hearing so Qamru Begum replied that she would like to die in her own motherland while staying there137. She was worried under such mental confrontation so as to marry with a man having high stability, dares, to be financially sound, having large amount of property, a perfect warrior and may have no temptation of land or property being as dowery articles. The condition was so difficult that nobody was ready to marry her138.

134 Talib Hashmi, Tarikhe-i-Islam ki char sau Bakamal Khawateen ,Op. Cit, p. 512 135 Ibid. 136 Ibid. p. 99. 137 Fazle Haq Azima Badi, Khawatin-a-Hind ke Tarikhi Karname, Bihar Publication, Naya Tola Patna, 1998, P. 98. 138 Ibid.

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When Clive had flopped and lost his hopes and desire, he by enrobing himself as a Prince of Azimabad, arrived Nagampur in a very magnificent look holding with him a number of gifts and antiques and conveyed Qamru Begum a message that he was almost agreed to accept all her conditions that she wanted to employ on Clive. Qamru Begum had very cheerfully welcomed him, fetched him by snacks and breakfast and served him with a grand feast, then talked to this Duplicate Prince staying behind the curtain139. In the meantime of his mode of addressing, Clive had uttered such unsuitable and inappropriate words through which Qamru Begum had been bound to think that how a man from Azimabad, even being a Prince, can pronounce such unjust and improper slang, ―this is that Bastard Clive‖140 She, having a knife in hand, saying that you can play such a devilish cheat on me; had assaulted on him, but Clive had himself (in return) assaulted so severely on Qamru Begum that she had fallen down on earth and the knife in her hand had been moved free from her hand141. Clive had got announced in the General Public (by killing Qamru Begum) that she called me in order to organize a matrimonial relation with me, but when, Clive could not get ready to make with her the marriage bargains, Qamru Begum had committed a suicide142.

Mumtaz Zamani Begum:

Mumtaz Zamani Begum was one out of the Mughal Princes, who had to wander door to door on committing a crime of being loyal and faithful to their motherland. Among the Mughal Princes was the Prince Firoz Bakht who was known as Firoz Shah, was the nephew of Emperor Ahmad Shah and the remaining Princes were the grandsons of Akbar Shah-II – The Mughal Emperor143.

Mumtaz Zamani Begum was so civilized and gentle that she was fully acquainted of all activities (gentle and subversive) of Firoz Bakht and the genuine fact is that Firoz Bakht always got success in his mission yielding upon the handsome struggles of Mumtaz Zamani Begum. But, on the other hand, Firoz Bakht was not

139 Ibid. P. 99. 140 Munshi Abdul Rauff khan, Sharif Bibiyan, zild No. 108, Azizi Press, Agra, P.85. 141 Ibid. P.86. 142 Ibid. 143 R.H. Thorpe, Bangal Past and Prasen, July, December, Part 2, Zild 88, No. 166, 1969, P.135. S.N. Chanda, 1857 Some Untold Stories, Sterling Publishing Pvt. Ltd., 1976, New Delhi, P.57.

215 known about the gentle performances of Mumtaz Zamani Begum144, at all he had assumed that Mumtaz Zamani Begum loves him very much deep in heart. Once upon a time when the couple met each other personally and Mumtaz Zamani Begum had tried to express her inner ambition of love to Firoz Bakht, he then said ―Mumtaz, I am the candle among the overwhelming storm. If you expected more than my extent from me, you would have to wander and exposed for the whole of your life145. Please set me free at my existing status.‖ Zamani Begum tentatively replied, ―Hon‟ble Prince, it is better to wander from door to door instead of being trapped with the dungeons of the rebels. If I wander permanently from door to door having a pleasant company with your highness that would be my good luck.‖ Firoz Bakht became out of reply146.

Mrs. Asha Rani Vohra had written in her Book ―MAHILAEIN AUR SWARAJ‖, when Firoz Shah and Zamani Begum were married each other, Firoz Shah was at 20 and Zamani Begum was at 18. After they were married, they both travelled for Haj Pilgrimage and when they returned back after they performed Haj, rebels and defiance was begun in India, therefore, they participated in the rebels while staying in Bombay instead of coming back to Delhi147. There, they organized a large strength of army and started conflict with the Britishers.

After fighting the battle with the Britishers, Firoz Bakht and Zamani Begum had escaped from them and travelled to Makkah Al-Mukarramah. Mumtaz Zamani Begum, during the same instant, reached Makkah Al-Mukarramah, and they both collected together there once more. But very unfortunately Firoz Bakht passed away in Makkah Al-Mukarramah and Zamani Begum returned back to India in 1887148.

At the same time of revolt 1857, the files and documents which were obtained in the British Empire, it reveals that Mumtaz Zamani Begum had solicited permission to came back to India (her motherland), but on replying in negative by Govt. of India, she had then sent to Queen Victoria in England for a release of pension on her right

144 Fazle Haq Azima Badi, Khawatin-a-Hind ke Tarikhi Karname, Bihar Publication, Naya Tola Patna, 1998, P. 98. 145 Ibid. 146 Asharani Bahora, MAHILAEIN AUR SWARAJ, Publication Dpartment, New Delhi, 1983, P. 147 Dr. Suresh Mishra, Bhagwan Das Shirevastava, 1857 Ke Bismirt Kirantikari: Shahzada Firoz shah, Acedamic Sanchanyale, 2008, Bhopal, P. 77-78. 148 Ibid.

216 side149. The Queen Victoria replied that, ―We can pay no pension to the widow of a man of such defiance‟s and rebels.‖ Whatever remark on the existing file was written on 22/06/1887, it made clear Mumtaz Zamani Begum had been awarded Rs.100/- as pension in 1882 on condition that she will never return back to Delhi150.

Pertaining to Mumtaz Zamani Begum, Janab Riyaz Farshouri writes in his article ―TAN-E-DAGH DAGH‖ and in Urdu Digest ―RAHNUMA‖ of 1878 that Firoz Bakht was proud of his wisdom, gallancy and distant spectatorship very much, but when he came to know about Mumtaz Zamani Begum greatly genius, wise, extra- ordinarily direful and a genuine shape of patriot and loving motherland, he became ashamed151.

In case if this women had already been running behind him like a shadow, he might have had passed away to Heavens from this mortal world. Finding out her such superfluous qualities, Firoz Bakht had kept in his feeling about her genuine qualities. As for now, Mumtaz Zamani Begum had accepted Ahmadullah Shah – the King without crown followed by the freedom fighter, her processors and disciples etc152. This was why when The Britishers had made up their final mind that they must prosecute Firoz Bakht firstly and should shoot him secondly the second day of prosecution, then whether Mumtaz Zamani Begum had shredded all evidences to be found against Firoz Bakht153.

Khusro Zamani Begum:

She was the wife of Prince Mirza Saleem, the son of Akbar Shah-II. Because the Prince was the wholesale owner of all the wealth of Akbar Shah-II, therefore all

149 Ibid. S.A.A. Rizvi ,& M.L. Bhargava, Freedom Struggle in Uttar Pradesh, vol. 3, 1957-60, Delhi, P. 670-71. 150 Ibid., On 27/06/1887, when the Vice Roy of India asked Govt. of Punjab whether to send Mumtaz Zamani Begum to Delhi or not, Govt. of Punjab in response to Vice Roy of India, had recommended to send Mumtaz Zamani Begum to Delhi for few days, at all when she reached Bombay, the order for Mumtaz Zamani Begum for not going to Delhi was announced in her presence. Thus, Mumtaz Zamani Begum could not have the opportunity to travel to Delhi after the age of 18 years. 151 Fazle Haq Azima Badi , P. Op. Cit. 152 Ibid., Dr. Suresh Mishra, Bhagwan Das Shirevastava,Op. Cit. 153 Ibid., By her participating the scheme of fights of freedom. Therefore, to offer sacrifice she to her motherland had been the only motive and existing substitute before her. At all she had brought into his notice the standing orders of Allah The Almighty, so that Firoz Bakht could by hook or crock means move to the Holy Land of Hijaz (Makkah Al-Mukarramah) after travelling to Bombay by changing his facial and physical shape and personality.

217 treasury and jwellery were saved with the wife of Prince Mirza Saleem. After the death of her husband Mirza Saleem, she had arranged sent these wealth, treasury and jwelleries to such a private place that nobody could have known about154. When she arranged to get open that private house of wealth, there was found nothing there.

This woman was very much punctual of her time, and was the creator and inventor of miscellaneous kinds of foods. It was said that the one who was served food once at her table he did not take his food till a period of one month155. The Ruler Akbar Shah-II had determined for her a pension worth Rs.500/- per month and awarded her as gifted lands of Qudsia Orchard and Roshan Orchard, but on the other hand Emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar had minimized the quantity of Pension being upto Rs.100/- and got illegal possession on the orchard gifted to her by Akbar Shah-II, but Khusro Zamani Begum had got her rights back on point of legal conviction of Court. During the rebel and defiance time she had a deep conspiracy with the Britishers, therefore, nobody could harm her financially. She passed away in 1877156.

154 Fazle Haq Azima Badi, Khawatin-a-Hind ke Tarikhi Karname, (Urdu) Bihar Publication, Naya Tola Patna, 1998, P. 136. Dewendar chuobe, Badrinarayan, Hiten Patel,(Ed.) 1857, Bharat ka Pahela Mukti Snagghrsh, Khawaja Ikram, San Sattawan Ki Gumnam Mhilayen, Publication Prakashan Sansthan, New Delhi, 2008, P./269. 155 Ibid. 156 Ibid.

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Conclusion

CONCLUSION

The region of the Northern India has always been an important point of attractions for the historians, particularly the medieval historians or the historians of the later Mughal period. As these regions face tremendous challenges or transformations from time to time and in the case of Northern India we find that it is a typical instance of foreign settlement which came forth as an independent kingdom when the decline has set in the Mughal Empire. The reasons of the decline of the Mughal Empire are numerous, but the emergences of small and the big independent kingdom are another phenomenon of study during the 18th century and 19th century northern India. Thus, it could be considered as a good example for regional account of Northern India. And this example could be applied to the written report of the emergence of several other local rulers or chiefdoms of the general masses. With the selection of regional study as a theme in this Ph.D. Thesis, woman has been taken as a focal point for the theme taken for research. Keeping in mind the socio-cultural, religious and economic aspects, apart from the study of the great transformation brought in by the revolt of 1857.

Indeed, a difficult task of knowing what greatly constituted the position of Muslim women during 19th century North India. As the Muslim society is orthodox by nature, therefore this study, the role and participation of Muslim women are quite revealing as to what extent the Muslim had given liberty to their female. And, in this study, we have found that the Muslim women by and large were free. Though there were very restricted numbers in the elite class Muslim only. The study has led us to believe that the region taken for this research is not an ambiguous one, but it is really

219 an important place, whether it is the emergence of Mughal powers before that or the British takeover of the region. The people of this place have always remained as very active with vibrant culture and with Muslims dominating in that region. The another outcome of this research is that we do not find much difference as far as the condition, socio-economic and cultural aspects of pre-19th century in Northern India concerned. Though with the passage of time the position of Muslim families deteriorated that led to the Muslim women took for some work and being partially liberated. As in the old good days and the general prosperity the Muslim women had any hard role to play in the economic aspects, but with the

Women always played a significant part in the social and cultural life of a nation. They after the household and manage the house. They take on a significant role in marriages, spiritual ceremonies and festivals. Women lay and carry on the customs and traditions in society. In dance, music, entertainment, learning, religion and several other activities women made their own donations. Wearing apparels, ornaments and cosmetics were their special area of pursuit. Thus, women played a multifarious role in the society mooring of the 19th century, the situation started changing.

We also find the process of urbanization taking place during the18th century and in the first half of the 19th century, which was the direct result of the decline of the Mughals as part. The regional centers, which emerged during the18th century were quite new centers and people from different localities also flocked to emerging centers and altogether new urbanization has set in, which quite continued to be so unless until the first war of independence happened in 1857. This was also one of the great points of debate transformation and change the various socio-culture ethos of Muslims in quietly open and the names like Begum Hazrat Mahal, Azizan Begum, Asghari Begum, Zeenat Mahal, Habiba, Rahimi, Aliya Begum, Taj Ara Begum, Basti Begum, And Green Clad Or Burqa Clad etc., and a number of others who made their marks in the political life of the period also. Different kinds of dresses were worn by the people according to their socioeconomic status. The costumes of the aristocrats differed almost radically from those of the common men, who tried their utmost to reduce their cloth-requirements to the minimum. Similarly to women of the upper classes were found of gaudy dresses of different designs and colours, and followed various devices to augment their physical charm. They had a very high standard of toilets and

220 cosmetics, and spent a good portion of their time in dressing. Both men and women, Hindu and Muslim were found of ornaments of different metals and designs. The women in general and of the higher classes in particular, were loaded with ornaments of different varieties from the top the toe. Various kinds of games, sports and other pastimes were in vogue in those days. Some of games and sports like.

So, in a nutshell we can say that the revolt of 1857 was also a turning point for the Muslim women of the region of Northern India. The Muslim authors in culture though did not change with all that was happening around in the form of the revolts and the battles as it is reflected in the study of the Muslim women having the same kind of dresses, same kind of ornaments, decorations, and marriage customs and all that. As most of the norms and traditions were based upon Shariah (Quranic injunctions), the Muslim women had raised their level of interactions with the general society as we find that during the latter half of 19th century particularly, the Muslim intellectuals and reformers calling for the transformation of the social customs and traditions and Muslim women to be active in various aspects of life particularly in terms of education. The study suggests that their social activities had increased with their taking up various other tasks related to economic activities or educational activities.

19th century Muslim India witnessed the emergence of a powerful new movement concerned with reform in the condition of Muslim Women. Their reformers concentrated on the female education (the basics of which were literacy home economics and orthodox practice) as a means of both improving the lots of Muslim women and the community in general. Thus in the 1869 A.D. Nazir Ahmad the first time published his novel promoting women’s education , entitled Mirat-i- alrus in 1874 A.D. Altaf Husain Hali produced the Majalisun-Nisa a dedicated work on the female education in 1896 A.D. a women Section was created in Mohammadan Educational Conference, in 1898 A.D. Mumtaz Ali began to publish a women’s Magazine called Tahazib-u- Niswan : In 1904 A.D. sheikh Abdullah stated another women’s journal called Khatun ;in 1905 Ashraf Ali Thanwi’s monumental female curriculum was published, by Bahishti Zewar and in 1906 Aligarh Zenana Madarsa was stated. These sections of course did not pass without comment or opposition both from within and outside the rank of reformers. Soon, however the opposition to the idea of female education was silenced: and the argument had to do with the degree of

221 education was to be important to them. Given that educated women were batter able to bring up their children and manage their home improve their language moral and religion (their marital prospect as well) provide an intelligent company to their husband and advance their community in the word.

The status of women in guild in North India and their role is the true indicator of its socio-ethnic and spiritual accomplishments, and the development of values and their status is the measuring rod in assessing the standards of culture in any age and the best indicator of a nation’s progress in India, many positive changes have taken place in the role and condition of adult females. They are contributing in every face of home and social life, but no translation has taken office in the case of Muslim women. They still lag a behind their counterparts from other religions.

In discussing the position and status of Muslim women in India, it becomes imperative to take a glimpse into the position of women in pre-Islamic Arabia. At the time they were treated as chattels of men Polygamy was rampant. The eldest son used to inherit all the wives of his father except his own mother. Women were not free agents in marriage. Dowry used to be the sale price paid to the defender of the bride. Women have no rights of inheritance. The forms of marriages prevalent were nothing sort of attitude. Men used to divorce their wives at their whimsy and fancy; take them back and divorce them again and again take them backwards. This kind of suspensory divorce prevented women from getting remarried. There used to be large-scale female infanticide in these circumstances. Islam arose as an emancipator of women. It became the first religion to give women a right inheritance (in the holy Quran, Surat- Al-Nisa out of 12 class be heirs, 8 are women). Women were made, free agents in

222 marriage Mahr were made payable to the bride for her security and was regarded as a mark of respect for a wife from the husband

The nineteenth century was a time of political, social and scientific upheaval in Europe. The British regarded their domination of the subcontinent as proof of their moral superiority. In arguments over how to best rule their colonial subjects in India, they were led to discussions of the ideal relationship between men and women. James Mill, in his influential History of British India (first published in 1826), argued that women’s position could be used as an indicator of society’s advancement, the formula was simple: Among rude people, “the women are generally degraded; among civilized people they are exalt red”.

During the course of the nineteenth century, the pattern of women’s lives began to change. In reality the concept of the “perfect wife was being redefined first, there were modifications in the appropriate activities for a female at different stages of her life. Second, the appropriate arena for female action was expanded. And third, there was a new and growing approval of individualism.

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The history does not always employ justice with all others. Mostly the historians entertain as their duty to state the qualities and characteristics of the specific and competent persons.

Finally, I would like to conclude by again stressing the need for an appropriate methodology for the study of Muslim women in the current state of our knowledge. One of the consequences of this has been that we have to date a very large number of distributions and correlation, but we have no idea what they mean and how they are to be understood. Nor do we have any understanding of the deeper dynamics that goes behind simple statistical correlations. It is my belief that the study of Muslim women shall remain underdeveloped unless we begin to make increasing use of qualitative methodologies as well or at least are willing to employ a happy mix of both kinds

In order to understand the impact of social, cultural movements on the overall status of women in the 19th century, it is important to know what is a social movement. A social movement has been variously defined by sociologists who in their work mention that a social movement is an organized attempt by a number of people united by a shared belief to effect or resist changes in the existing social order by non- institutionalized means. The ultimate objective of a social movement is what its members see as the betterment of society. India in the 19th century we find that the social, cultural movement was deeply influenced by the western system of education.

Accordingly, education has formed a key element in the Government of India’s programmes for the improvement of the status of women. The government has also realized that education is basic to the availing of many of their social welfare programmes and the enjoyment of many measures of social legislation passed since

224 independence. The Government has therefore initiated large scale educational programmers in the country with special focus on the weaker sections of the people. None the less Muslim women in India have lagged behind in educational attainment and consequently in the process of modernization compound to women in other communities.

It was true that the Indian Muslims themselves were backward compared to other communities while their men have been able to enjoy a fair share of the benefits accruing from the nation’s development effort, their women were not able to do so. It is therefore reasonable to assume that there may be some social structural and institutional factors which inhibit women from availing of education and through it the utilization of existing facilities to their maximum advantage

Finally, I should like to conclude by again stressing the need for an appropriate methodology for the study of Muslim women in the current state of our knowledge. One of the consequences of this has been that we have to date a very large number of distributions and correlation, but we have no idea what they mean and how they are to be understood. Nor do we have any understanding of the deeper dynamics that goes behind simple statistical correlations. It is my belief that the study of Muslim women shall remain underdeveloped unless we begin to make increasing use of qualitative methodologies as well or at least are willing to employ a happy mix of both kinds.

225

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