Nathaniel Persily
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Bios for Commercial Speech 2020
Bios for Commercial Speech 2020 Floyd Abrams Floyd Abrams is Senior Counsel in Cahill Gordon & Reindel LLP's litigation practice group. Floyd has a national trial and appellate practice and extensive experience in high-visibility matters, often involving First Amendment, securities litigation, intellectual property, public policy and regulatory issues. He has argued frequently in the Supreme Court in cases raising issues as diverse as the scope of the First Amendment, the interpretation of ERISA, the nature of broadcast regulation, the impact of copyright law and the continuing viability of the Miranda rule. Floyd Abrams is a member of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences. He has been an active member of both federal and New York City bar associations and has chaired committees for both. He has been the recipient of numerous awards, including Yale Law School’s prestigious Award of Merit in 2015. He has appeared frequently on television and has published articles and reviews in The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Yale Law Journal, The Harvard Law Review, and elsewhere. For fifteen years, Floyd was the William J. Brennan, Jr. Visiting Professor of First Amendment Law at the Columbia Graduate School of Journalism. He has, as well, been a Visiting Lecturer at Yale Law School and Columbia Law School and he is author of Friend of the Court: On the Front Lines with the First Amendment, published by Yale University Press (2013) and Speaking Freely: Trials of the First Amendment, published by Viking Press (2005). Alex Abdo Alex Abdo is the inaugural Litigation Director of the Knight First Amendment Institute at Columbia University. -
Legislative Staff: 86Th Legislature
HRO HOUSE RESEARCH ORGANIZATION Texas House of Representatives Legislative Staff 86th Legislature 2019 Focus Report No. 86-3 House Research Organization Page 2 Table of Contents House of Representatives ....................................3 House Committees ..............................................15 Senate ...................................................................18 Senate Committees .............................................22 Other State Numbers...........................................24 Cover design by Robert Inks House Research Organization Page 3 House of Representatives ALLEN, Alma A. GW.5 BELL, Cecil Jr. E2.708 Phone: (512) 463-0744 Phone: (512) 463-0650 Fax: (512) 463-0761 Fax: (512) 463-0575 Chief of staff ...........................................Anneliese Vogel Chief of staff .............................................. Ariane Marion Legislative director .....................................Jaime Puente Policy analyst ...........................................Clinton Harned Legislative aide....................................... Jennifer Russell Legislative aide.............................................Brian Aldaco ALLISON, Steve E1.512 BELL, Keith E2.702 Phone: (512) 463-0686 Phone: (512) 463-0458 Chief of staff .................................................Rocky Gage Fax: (512) 463-2040 Legislative director ...................................German Lopez Chief of staff .................................... Georgeanne Palmer Scheduler ...............................................Redding Mickler -
Gerrymandered Gridlock: Addressing the Hazardous Impact of Partisan Redistricting Nathan S
Notre Dame Journal of Law, Ethics & Public Policy Volume 28 | Issue 1 Article 9 May 2014 Gerrymandered Gridlock: Addressing the Hazardous Impact of Partisan Redistricting Nathan S. Catanese Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.nd.edu/ndjlepp Recommended Citation Nathan S. Catanese, Gerrymandered Gridlock: Addressing the Hazardous Impact of Partisan Redistricting, 28 Notre Dame J.L. Ethics & Pub. Pol'y 323 (2014). Available at: http://scholarship.law.nd.edu/ndjlepp/vol28/iss1/9 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Notre Dame Journal of Law, Ethics & Public Policy at NDLScholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Notre Dame Journal of Law, Ethics & Public Policy by an authorized administrator of NDLScholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 34929-nde_28-1 Sheet No. 167 Side A 05/07/2014 15:37:06 \\jciprod01\productn\N\NDE\28-1\NDE109.txt unknown Seq: 1 2-MAY-14 7:13 NOTES GERRYMANDERED GRIDLOCK: ADDRESSING THE HAZARDOUS IMPACT OF PARTISAN REDISTRICTING NATHAN S. CATANESE* “It used to be that the idea was, once every two years voters elected their representatives, and now, instead, it’s every ten years the representatives choose their constituents.”1 “We are in the business of rigging elections.”2 “To sum up, redistricting is a political disaster—an enormous political train wreck that occurs every ten years.”3 INTRODUCTION Nate Silver, noted statistician and founder of the popular blog Five Thirty Eight, recently estimated that in the House of Representatives, out of the four hundred and thirty-five districts, there are only thirty-five swing districts.4 Essentially, this means that congressional districts have become more polarized—either Republican-leaning districts are more conservative or Democratic-leaning districts are more liberal.5 With more members elected from districts in which there is no threat from * J.D. -
Does the Introduction of Independent Redistricting Reduce Congressional Partisanship?*
Does the Introduction of Independent Redistricting * Reduce Congressional Partisanship? By David G. Oedel[1], Allen K. Lynch,[2] Sean E. Mulholland[3] and Neil T. Edwards[4] Draft Copy of November 11, 2008; Not Ready for Quotation or Citation Until Published Abstract In contemporary American politics, partisanship is frequently seen as excessive, even if some aspects of partisanship may fundamentally characterize the U.S. political system. To reduce partisanship in the process of drawing political districts, independent redistricting commissions and related forms of de-politicized systems for redistricting have been implemented in some states. This paper analyzes whether the presence of relatively independent redistricting also reduces partisanship in the voting behavior of congressional representatives elected from the relevant redefined districts. Contrary to the initial expectations of the authors, the evidence reviewed here suggests that politically independent redistricting seems to reduce partisanship in the voting behavior of congressional delegations from affected states in statistically significant ways. The authors conclude with notes about the study’s implications for further research into redistricting and partisanship. Contents The Perceived Problem of Excessive Partisanship, p. 2 How This Paper Fits in With Other Literature, p. 3 The Hypothesis that Strategic Redistricting Causes Excessive Partisanship, p. 8 Independent Redistricting as a Proposed Antidote, p. 13 The Types of Redistricting Processes, p. 16 Results of the Mercer Study of Redistricting Systems, p. 17 The “Before and After” Test: Did Adoption of Independent Redistricting Change The Voting Behavior of those States’ Congressional Representatives? p. 27 Measuring Changes in Partisanship in Congressional Voting Behavior, p. 29 * Copyright © 2008; all rights reserved. -
Nathaniel Persily
5/16/2017 NATHANIEL PERSILY Stanford Law School 559 Nathan Abbott Way Stanford, CA 94305-8610 Phone: (917) 570-3223 Email: [email protected] Fax: (650) 725-9875 Web: http://www.persily.com/ ACADEMIC APPOINTMENTS STANFORD LAW SCHOOL STANFORD, CA JAMES B. MCCLATCHY PROFESSOR OF LAW 2013 – present • Courtesy Appointments: Departments of Communication and Political Science • Courses: The Law of Democracy; Regulation of the Political Process; Contemporary Issues in Law and Politics; Constitutional Law, First Amendment, Political Campaigning and the Internet, Policy Practicum on Campaign Finance. • Service: Appointments Committee, Careers in Teaching Committee. • Significant Grants, Awards, and Fellowships: Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences (2017-2018); Andrew Carnegie Fellowship (2016- 17); Stanford Cyber Initiative Grant (2016-17); Hewlett Foundation and Democracy Fund Grants for Campaign Finance Task Force (2016-17). COLUMBIA LAW SCHOOL NEW YORK, NY CHARLES KELLER BEEKMAN PROFESSOR OF LAW AND PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL SCIENCE 2008 – 2013 PROFESSOR OF LAW 2007 – 2008 • Courtesy Appointment: Department of Political Science (2007– 2013). • Courses: Constitutional Law; Advanced Constitutional Law: The Political Process; Freedom of Expression; Contemporary Issues in Law and Politics; Redistricting and Gerrymandering. • Service: Lateral Appointments Committee Chair (2010-2012), Curriculum Committee Chair (2009-2010), Advisory Committee Chair (2008-2009), Intellectual Life Committee; Resources and Development Committee, Committee on Professional Development. • Center for Law and Politics: Founding Director. • DrawCongress.org: Founder. • Instructor in University of Amsterdam Summer Program, July 2011. UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LAW SCHOOL PHILADELPHIA, PA PROFESSOR OF LAW 2005 – 2007 ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF LAW 2001 – 2005 1 5/16/2017 • Secondary Appointment: Department of Political Science (2003-2007). -
Brief of Amicus Curiae University Professors Concerned About Equal Representation for Equal Numbers of People in Support of Appellants ------♦
Nos. 05-204, 05-254, 05-276 and 05-439 ================================================================ In The Supreme Court of the United States --------------------------------- ♦ --------------------------------- LEAGUE OF UNITED LATIN AMERICAN CITIZENS, et al., Appellants, v. RICK PERRY, et al., Appellees. --------------------------------- ♦ --------------------------------- TRAVIS COUNTY, TEXAS, et al., Appellants, v. RICK PERRY, et al., Appellees. --------------------------------- ♦ --------------------------------- On Appeal From The United States District Court For The Eastern District Of Texas --------------------------------- ♦ --------------------------------- BRIEF OF AMICUS CURIAE UNIVERSITY PROFESSORS CONCERNED ABOUT EQUAL REPRESENTATION FOR EQUAL NUMBERS OF PEOPLE IN SUPPORT OF APPELLANTS --------------------------------- ♦ --------------------------------- LUCAS A. POWE, JR. Counsel of Record 727 East Dean Keeton Street Austin, Texas 78705-3299 (512) 232-1345 ================================================================ COCKLE LAW BRIEF PRINTING CO. (800) 225-6964 OR CALL COLLECT (402) 342-2831 EDDIE JACKSON, et al., Appellants, v. RICK PERRY, et al., Appellees. --------------------------------- ♦ --------------------------------- GI FORUM, et al., Appellants, v. RICK PERRY, et al., Appellees. i QUESTION PRESENTED May a legislative body, in mid-decade, voluntarily and without a compelling reason replace a valid districting plan with a new one relying on the population data from the last census? ii TABLE OF CONTENTS -
Nathaniel Persily
2/8/2015 NATHANIEL PERSILY Stanford Law School 559 Nathan Abbott Way Stanford, CA 94305-8610 Phone: (917) 570-3223 Email: [email protected] Fax: (650) 725-9875 Web: http://www.persily.com/ ACADEMIC APPOINTMENTS STANFORD LAW SCHOOL STANFORD, CA JAMES B. MCCLATCHY PROFESSOR OF LAW 2013 – present Courtesy Appointments: Departments of Communication and Political Science Courses: Regulation of the Political Process; Contemporary Issues in Law and Politics; Constitutional Law, First Amendment. Service: Appointments Committee, Careers in Teaching Committee. COLUMBIA LAW SCHOOL NEW YORK, NY CHARLES KELLER BEEKMAN PROFESSOR OF LAW AND PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL SCIENCE 2008 – 2013 PROFESSOR OF LAW 2007 – 2008 Courtesy Appointment: Department of Political Science (2007– 2013). Courses: Constitutional Law; Advanced Constitutional Law: The Political Process; Freedom of Expression; Contemporary Issues in Law and Politics; Redistricting and Gerrymandering. Service: Lateral Appointments Committee Chair (2010-2012), Curriculum Committee Chair (2009-2010), Advisory Committee Chair (2008-2009), Intellectual Life Committee; Resources and Development Committee, Committee on Professional Development. Center for Law and Politics: Founding Director. DrawCongress.org: Founder. Instructor in University of Amsterdam Summer Program, July 2011. UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LAW SCHOOL PHILADELPHIA, PA PROFESSOR OF LAW 2005 – 2007 ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF LAW 2001 – 2005 Secondary Appointment: Department of Political Science (2003-2007). Courses: Law and the Political Process; Contemporary Issues in Law and Politics; Constitutional Law, First Amendment. 1 2/8/2015 Service: Tenure and Promotion Committee, Judicial Clerkship Committee, Nominations Committee, Committee on Academic Standing; Coordinator of Faculty Retreat and Legal Studies Workshop. Teaching Award: Winner of the Robert A. Gorman Award for Excellence in Teaching. -
The Gerrymandering Orgy Begins
American University Washington College of Law Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law Popular Media Public Discourse 2011 The Gerrymandering Orgy Begins Herman Schwartz Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/pub_disc_media Part of the Election Law Commons, and the Law and Politics Commons Page 1 of 6 The gerrymandering orgy There are two kinds of political begins gerrymandering and both are common. One is bipartisan or “sweetheart” By: Herman Schwartz January 14, 2011 04:42 AM EST gerrymandering, by which neither party fully controls the redistricting process. To It is almost time for the decennial assault protect powerful incumbents, friends and on U.S. democracy to begin: a great allies, the two parties divide the electoral gerrymandering orgy in which voters will be districts, generally in proportion to their “packed” and “cracked,” incumbents relative share of the electorate. In 2004, “kidnapped” and new electoral districts devised using computer programs that can distinguish between voters on the same block. The result: a bizarre menagerie of electoral districts shaped like snakes, dragons and other exotic creatures that make a travesty of democracy. This year, the Democrats will be the big losers. In a true democracy, people choose their rulers. Gerrymandering turns that upside down, so instead of government “by the p eople and for the people,” it becomes “by the politicians and for the politicians.” We are the only major country that puts virtually its entire electoral process, including drawing districts, in the hands of partisan politicians like former Rep. Katherine Harris of Florida or her Democratic counterparts. -
Social Media and Democracy : the State of the Field, Prospects for Reform
Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.33.19, on 26 Sep 2021 at 08:20:02, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/E79E2BBF03C18C3A56A5CC393698F117 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.33.19, on 26 Sep 2021 at 08:20:02, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/E79E2BBF03C18C3A56A5CC393698F117 Social Media and Democracy Over the last five years, widespread concern about the effects of social media on democracy has led to an explosion in research from different disciplines and corners of academia. This book is the first of its kind to take stock of this emerging multi-disciplinary field by synthesizing what we know, identifying what we do not know and obstacles to future research, and charting a course for the future inquiry. Chapters by leading scholars cover major topics – from disinformation to hate speech to political advertising – and situate recent developments in the context of key policy questions. In addition, the book canvasses existing reform proposals in order to address widely perceived threats that social media poses to democracy. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core. Nathaniel Persily is the James B. McClatchy Professor of Law at Stanford Law School and the Co-Director of the Stanford Cyber Policy Center and Stanford Project on Democracy and the Internet. His scholarship focuses on the law and technology of democracy. -
The Promise and Pitfalls of the New Voting Rights Act
TH AL LAW JO RAL NATHANIEL PERSILY The Promise and Pitfalls of the New Voting Rights Act ABSTRACT. In the summer of 2oo6, Congress reauthorized the expiring provisions of the Voting Rights Act (VRA) with a unanimous vote in the Senate and with limited opposition in the House of Representatives. The veneer of bipartisanship that outsiders perceived in the final vote glossed over serious disagreements between the parties over the meaning of the central provision of the new VRA, which prohibits voting laws that "diminish the ability" of minority citizens "to elect their preferred candidates of choice." Those disagreements came to the surface in a fractured Senate Committee Report released only after Congress had passed the law. This Article describes the unprecedented legislative history of this law, and the political and constitutional constraints that led the law to take the form that it did. It also presents an interpretation of the new retrogression standard that avoids the partisan bias of alternatives while emphasizing the importance of racially polarized voting to the constitutionality and meaning of this new law. It urges that the new law be read as preventing redistricting plans that reduce the aggregated probability across districts of the election of candidates preferred by the minority community and disfavored by whites. AUTHOR. Professor of Law and Political Science, Columbia Law School; Sidley Austin Visiting Professor of Law, Harvard Law School. I am indebted to Erica Lai for research assistance and to librarian Bill Draper for an enormous amount of help collecting materials related to the legislative history of the new VRA. -
The Perrymander, Polarization, and Peyote V. Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act
Loyola of Los Angeles Law Review Volume 46 Number 3 Symposium: Juveniles and the Article 7 Supreme Court Spring 2013 The Perrymander, Polarization, and Peyote v. Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act Rosemarie Unite J.D. 2014, Loyola Law School, Los Angeles Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/llr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Rosemarie Unite, The Perrymander, Polarization, and Peyote v. Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, 46 Loy. L.A. L. Rev. 1075 (2013). Available at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/llr/vol46/iss3/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola of Los Angeles Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Perrymander, Polarization, and Peyote v. Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act Cover Page Footnote J.D. 2014, Loyola Law School, Los Angeles; B.A., Rice University. Thanks to Professors Jessica Levinson and Justin Levitt for their help navigating the upheaval in Voting Rights Act jurisprudence in the midst and wake of an election year. Thanks also to Professors Richard Hasen and Spencer Overton for granting me early access to their work. Thank you to Professors Allan Ides and Aimee Dudovitz for their insight into gray areas of the law, and to Professor Susan Bakhshian for her excellent writing instruction. I am especially grateful to Robert Shepard and Cameron Bell for their literary expertise and invaluable feedback, and to Leah Johannesson for her painstaking efforts and patience. -
What Has Twenty-Five Years of Racial Gerrymandering Doctrine Achieved?
First to Printer_Pitts (Do Not Delete) 10/3/2018 11:00 AM What Has Twenty-Five Years of Racial Gerrymandering Doctrine Achieved? Michael J. Pitts* In 1993, Shaw v. Reno created a doctrine of racial gerrymandering that has now been in existence for twenty-five years. This Article examines the doctrine’s impact over that time—whether it has achieved the goals the Court set out for the doctrine in Shaw and whether it has had other consequences. This Article examines the doctrine’s impact through the lens of the place where the doctrine first took root and has been most heavily litigated over the last twenty-five years—North Carolina’s congressional districts. This Article also draws upon the existing empirical literature in its assessment of the doctrine’s impact. In so doing, this Article represents the first comprehensive assessment of the doctrine. Ultimately, the Article concludes that while more research could and should be done in this realm, racial gerrymandering doctrine does not appear to have achieved the goals the Court set out for it. In addition, the doctrine has likely had little additional impact other than to make districts more compact and cost state governments money for litigation and compliance. For these reasons, the Article concludes that the doctrine should be abandoned absent additional research documenting a systematically meaningful positive impact on American democracy. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 230 I. The Story of Racial Gerrymandering Claims in North Carolina ......................... 232 A. The 1990s Round of Racial Gerrymandering Litigation ........................ 233 B. The 2010 Round of Racial Gerrymandering Litigation .......................... 239 C. Conclusion: Why Focus on North Carolina? ..........................................