ROSA LUXEMBURG STIFTUNG NO CELEBRATIONS ON 25 MARCH 25 ON CELEBRATIONS NO POLICY PAPER AF TER 60 YEARS OF THE EU, IT IS TIME TO TALK AGAIN ABOUT THE HISTORY HISTORY THE ABOUT AGAIN TALK TO TIME IS IT EU, THE OF OF YEARS 60 TER AF JUDITH DELLHEIM ideal to join in their efforts […]’. theirshare who Europe of peoples other the upon calling resources to preserve and strengthen peace and liberty, and citing the Treaty, which reads: ‘resolved by thus pooling their Community shall have as its task, by establishing a common ‘Thereads: It market. common the developing at aimed together and culturally enriched their lives. EU has brought the citizens of its member countries closer munity and the that emerged from it: the acknowledged. The same can be said of the European Com- later; in fact, it is very important that this issue be adequately between its founders or between the members that joined allowed to detract from the peace-making power exercised Community (EEC) were projects of peace, this should not be view here that neither the ECSC nor the European Economic majority were even colonial powers. When we reiterate the beneficiaries of the Marshall Plan, members of NATO, and a up the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), were for this conference than its most venerable city.’ ‘Europe could not have found a more significant framework many’sFederal Chancellor, Konrad Adenauer, thatstated WestGer ROME 1957, in TreatyRome the of of signing the OF At Y AT TRE MANIFESTO, THE TO NOT VENTOTENE THE TO LOOK WE beginning with a critique of both the political opportunities that have been taken up with and three those proposals: debate that the haveVentotene been Manifesto; passed address the over.history of the EU; and, analyse the history of the of Left their current political situation, and are looking for ways out of the crisis. The following contributes to this ments, joint the search Left are discussing history, socio-political alternatives, strategies and actions. They a are Union searching that for is the currently causes facing several major crises. In sharp contrast to munity the anniversaryin celebrations the organised by govern- France and Italy signed the treaties establishing the European Economic Community On 25 and March 1957, the the representatives Europeanof the governmentsAtomic of Belgium, Energy the Netherlands, Com Luxembourg, West , pursues only peaceful purposes’. policy. Instead, he declared that ‘The European Community between Berlin, Rome and Tokyo, or about war and colonial formed had that axis terrorist the about nothing said he Nevertheless, the treaty that established the EEC was EEC the established that treaty the Nevertheless, setalready had states members founding the 1952, By THE UNION AND THE VENTOTENE MANIFESTO VENTOTENE THE AND UNION THE Palazzo dei Conservatori, in Rome. This represented the beginning of the official history of the European Union,

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GABI GABI ZIMMER 2 Moreover, he did so by 1 However, - 1 relations between the states belonging to it’. to belonging states the between relations ity, an accelerated raising of the standard of living and closer a continuous and balanced expansion, an increase in stabil- munity a harmonious development of economic activities, policies of member states, to promote throughout the com- economic the approximating progressively and market wife had managed to smuggle it out of prison. which was printed and distributed in Rome after Colorni’s the up drew they time, this During a prison on the island of Ventotene in the Tyrrhenian Sea. pean federalism, were being held in appalling conditions in Euro- of idea the studied had who Colorni, Eugenio and Ventotene Manifesto. Europe and the world. This stands in stark contrast to the democracy,ecology,and justice towardsopenness on or the fight against violence, hunger and social divisions, on ment inevitable, by 1957, the EEC was still not focused on developeconomic - and policy market-focusedeconomic although the treaty was not worded in a manner that made burg’s less situation. The Manifesto is most reminiscent of Luxem- spirit and the capacity for utopia despite a seemingly hope- willingness for the political struggle for power, democratic based internationalism, programmatic clarity, an unreserved emancipatory,solidarity- analyses, social radical ideals, socialist passion, reveals language its Luxemburg: Rosa prison in the early autumn of 1918. Importantly, she used her socialist, had written In 1941, Italian antifascists Altiero Spinelli, Ernesto Rossi The Ventotene Manifesto isreminiscentoftheworks of / 201 The Russian Revolution. 7 The Russian Revolution whilst held in 6 Luxemburg, a democratic VentoteneManifesto 5 4 Moreover, - text to criticise the Bolsheviks, but she also defended them in The history of the EU can be divided into two such phases: solidarity.7 Her critique was directed at the Bolsheviks’ con- the period characterised by the Cold War (I); and the period tempt for and violation of democracy. Luxemburg realised since the collapse of ‘state socialism’ (II). In addition, there how difficult it can be to remain democratic when faced with are two crucial turning points during which in bitter persecution, particularly military persecution, but she Europe had great opportunities to significantly influence also understood how thin the line had become among her European if not world history, and to do so on the basis of comrades on the differences between self-defence and the left-wing ideals and in the interests of large sections of the suppression of democratic dissent expressed by those who population. The first of these turning points was caused by think differently. However, her warnings went unheeded, the political upheavals in Eastern and Central Europe in the and, during late Stalinism, democrats were murdered and late 1980s and early 1990s; the second occurred in 2008 persecuted en masse in the ‘name of socialism’. with the outbreak of the global financial crisis. During these The Ventotene Manifesto is directed against the fascists turning points, the dominant ideology and politics suffered a and those who caused the Second World War, but it also serious loss of legitimacy in the eyes of the people of Europe. directed against Stalinism. As such, the Manifesto sets out a The first loss of legitimacy was caused by the arms race, number of deliberations on the historical developments and repression against democratic opposition, and persistent learning processes that occurred after the assassination of injustices; the second was due to the devastating effects of Rosa Luxemburg. Luxemburg had hoped and struggled for a neoliberal restructuring. The fact that such promising oppor- situation in which people who were suffering from any form tunities were simply passed up is mainly due to the fact that of foreign domination, but also those who were exploited the Left has let other similar chances slip out of its hands in or oppressed by their own country, would rise up against all the past and has yet to learn from these experiences. forms of subjugation and, after victory, refrain from restor- The Left has been unprepared during these decisive politi- ing the old nation states or establishing new ones. Similarly, cal periods because of the lack of continuous and collective Spinelli, Rossi, Colorni and their fellow activists had hoped work on proposals for an alternative society and because of and struggled for a situation in which a European, antifas- the absence of a self-reflective political style or an attractive cist, democratic federation would shape post-war Europe. political culture. The following provides an overview aimed They viewed the ‘ideology of national independence’ and the at encouraging a new start to this long overdue discussion. ‘absolute sovereignty of nation states’,8 which were charac- It covers the two major periods portrayed above and outlines terised by capitalism, but constituted differently in terms of a number of events that have posed challenges to the Left, geography, society, economics, culture, and politics, as the whether in specific countries or at a more coordinated or roots of totalitarianism and war. They stressed that once the European level. German and Italian fascists had been overcome any ‘restora- tion of the nation state’ would mean ‘the reaction would have I WEST EUROPEAN COOPERATION UNDER won’. They maintained that, ‘In appearance, these states US CONTROL DURING THE COLD WAR might well be broadly democratic and socialist; [but] it would In 1952, the implementation of the Treaty constituting the only be a question of time before power returned to the European Coal and Steel Community led to the establish- hands of the reactionaries. And, once national resentment ment of new institutional structures. This included the had developed again, the state would express its satisfaction Council of Ministers, and the Common Assembly, which at its own existence through armed force.’ consisted of 78 deputies elected by the national parliaments. 100 years after Luxemburg’s text and more than 75 years The Assembly only had an advisory function as well as after the publication of the Manifesto of Ventotene, neither certain rights of control and to information. However, along- the ‘single federal state’ nor the ‘United States of Europe’ side the representation provided to employees that was also have been achieved. Furthermore, ‘the European revolution agreed at this time, the Assembly posed a challenge to the [which] must be socialist [...] to respond to our needs’ has Left, which now had to search for new opportunities within remained a utopia. Despite this, the Manifesto’s focus on a the ECSC framework. In addition, the European Convention democratic policy of real socialisation – a situation in which on Human Rights, which was signed in 1953, also provided the social division of labour furthers the democratisation of the Left with areas on which to focus. society and the appropriation of production by the produc- In 1957, in the midst of the escalating Cold War, and faced ers – remains relevant. The same has to be said of the Mani- by resurgent movements for political independence in the festo’s commitment to vibrant, democratic socialist policies European colonies, the ECSC member states launched the in Europe. European Economic Community (EEC) and the Treaty estab- lishing the European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom). CRITICALLY EMBRACE THE VENTOTENE The EEC Treaty was aimed at reducing internal trade barri- ­MANIFESTO ers and ensuring the establishment of a common market If the Left in the EU and Europe intend to critically embrace within the course of the next 12 to 15 years; it also provided the Ventotene Manifesto and move into a position to take for the free movement of goods, services, people and capital. action, they will have to reflect together on history. In particu- In addition, the Assembly, now at 142 members, and the lar, the Left needs to understand when and why the chances ECSC’s Court of Justice, were made responsible for the EEC to influence social developments in the EU and Europe have and Euratom. These changes posed growing challenges to slipped away. In this regard, it could be helpful to focus on the Left, which now had to explore the potential associated critical turning points. Such turning points mark points in time with them and apply it, while developing a politically effec- or phases in the history of the EU during which various social tive approach to the EEC. and political factors come together to produce results that all While the conflicts of the Cold War continued, the colonial relevant political actors are forced to take into account. empires collapsed and the European powers were seeking 2 to impose neo-colonial policies, democratic protests against on ‘security policy’ and to gain ‘protection’ from refugees the dominant political structure and demands for democ- and migrants posed new strategic challenges to the Left. ratisation began to strengthen. In 1967, the merger of the During this time, neither the EU nor European NATO states ECSC, the EEC and Euratom led to the establishment of the had committed themselves consistently to ensuring that European Community (EC). During 1969 and 1970, when the (the, by then, inevitable) dissolution of Yugoslavia would be EC member states reached agreement on European politi- able to take place peacefully. As a result, between 24 March cal cooperation, the community still lacked a focus on civil and 10 June 1999, NATO – together with nine EU members – conflict management and conflict prevention. In 1972, the went to war against Yugoslavia. Ultimately, this further com- Club of Rome published its first report detailing the overload plicated the Left’s political scope for action, despite the fact of global ecosystems and promoted debate about existing that some new opportunities had recently emerged within forms of society and possible alternatives. At this point, the the official political system. Left could have appealed to the Council of Europe’s Euro- In 1999, the euro was introduced into the international pean Social Charter. However, the situation changed dramat- monetary system. That same year, the Amsterdam Treaty ically, when, in 1973, Bretton Woods collapsed as a result of entered into force, further sharpening the rules on price sta- the US budgetary and financial crisis (caused by war) and bility and reinforcing all aspects of ‘security policy’. In spring the neoliberals were finally able to consolidate their influence 2000, the adopted a ten-year strategy in the US. The most powerful parties within the growing EC aimed at making the EU ‘the most competitive and dynamic (which expanded in 1973 and 1981 to include Denmark, the knowledge-based economy in the world’. 9 The Treaty of Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom, then Greece) all Nice, which was signed in 2001, created the conditions intended to follow the new neoliberal model that had been for EU enlargement and introduced Common Security and ‘Made in the USA’. The first direct election to the European Defence Policy into EU law. Parliament (EP) took place in 1979. That same year, the Euro- The war in Afghanistan began in 2001 with the involve- pean Monetary System entered into force. ment of 15 EU members and 11 EU candidate countries. In These changes increased the pressure on the Left to March 2003, the United States and the UK, followed by 5 EU develop a common critique of the European Community and members and 10 EU candidate counties, once again fought to develop socio-political alternatives on a European scale that a war against Iraq. combined individual freedom, justice, ecology and solidarity. In May 2004, an enormous and very important phase of EU In 1986, Spain and Portugal joined the EU. In the same enlargement took place resulting in the accession of Estonia, year, the EU signed the Single European Act, which finally Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Czech geared the EU towards the US economic model with the aim Republic, Hungary and Cyprus, apart from Malta and Cyprus, of ensuring that the Union would become a successful global all of which are NATO states. The next stage of EU expansion player through the development of its internal market by took place in 2007 with Bulgaria and Romania. Enlargement 1992. At this point, the Left’s commitment to a different form led to the development of second-class EU members with of society meant that it could have appealed to Gorbachev’s limited levels of free movement, lower agricultural subsidies, concept of the common European home. Moreover, the and less representation in the EU institutions. These imbal- Brundtland Commission’s Our Common Future could also ances and contradictions in the EU grew dramatically, along- have been a relevant focus. Instead, the ‘socialist camp’ side the worsening social and political problems in the EU’s proved incapable of democratic renewal and imploded. neighbourhood. By now, left-wing alternatives were becom- ing increasingly more urgent. II THE PERIOD SINCE THE END With the 2007 signing of the Treaty of Lisbon, the Charter OF ‘STATE SOCIALISM’ IN EUROPE of Fundamental Rights became binding in all EU countries The World Bank and the IMF had already tested the condi- with the exception of the UK and Poland. In addition, the tions they were imposing on Central and Eastern Europe (as had its co-decision rights extended a prerequisite to the provision of credit) on highly indebted again, and the European Citizens’ Initiative was introduced. developing countries – these policies had caused social and However, the Treaty of Lisbon also enshrined the continua- economic destruction. tion of the EU’s neoliberal path by making real democratisa- In August 1990, Iraq occupied Kuwait. In January 1991, tion and the renunciation of neoliberalism impossible. The the United States responded with intervention in the Persian intensification of this contradiction further impeded left-wing Gulf. Five EU members were directly involved in the alliance politics. The Treaty of Lisbon can be viewed as a response for the first Iraq War. In 1992, NATO began permitting military by the EU’s institutions to the financial and economic crisis operations outside of its member states and Alliance terri- and an attempt to strengthen the EU as a neoliberal global tory. The Maastricht Treaty on European Union (TEU), which player. The banking crisis led to a crisis of state liquidity that came into force in 1993, made political integration possi- was followed by the ‘euro crisis’. Outside of the framework ble. Moreover, it marked a decision to complete the internal provided by the EU treaties, financial institutions were estab- market and introduce a single currency by 1 January 1999. It lished in close cooperation with the IMF in order to secure also extended the rights of the European Parliament (EP) and the property and assets of the powerful in the EU’s ‘core the EP’s participation in decision-making processes. It also countries’. When it was viewed as necessary for the stabil- led to the recognition of the role of European political parties, ity of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), creditors and the strengthening of the regional dimension of coopera- awarded funding to euro countries having difficulties repay- tion in the EU. However, both the amended provisions on ing their debts, albeit under strict conditions. The European decisions taken by qualified majority in the European Council Fiscal Compact and the implementation of the fiscal surveil- and the aims of the Maastricht Treaty in terms of global lance of the ‘euro members’ meant that budgeting was no 2 3 competitiveness, the development of opportunities to act longer the responsibility of the member states. In addition, existing rules on sanctions were tightened and new regula- quences. Moreover, it would become even more difficult to tions created. In July 2015, the informal Euro Group extorted create the conditions needed for fair, social-ecological trans- an ‘agreement’ from Greece aimed at demonstrating the formation to take place in solidarity. The challenge, therefore, impossibility of real policy change; it removed the fundamen- is to work together, analyse and discuss why the EU and, tal rights of citizens of an EU member state and subordinated with it, the EMU, have developed in the way that they have. one EU member to other EU states. This involves understanding the role that the Left has played In the EU’s southern neighbourhood, millions of people in these developments. At the same time, it is important to were forced to flee due to escalating violence. The EU coun- analyse which development scenarios, based on current tries where the refugees arrived received no form of support. problems and constellations of power, will exist in the short, Instead, deals were negotiated in the EU on refugees and medium and long-term, and to understand what the Left is walls were built to keep them out. NATO increasingly began striving for and to define what needs to be done now. provoking Russia, which acted and reacted in an imperialis- It may sound abstract but this approach is essential if the tic manner. And, once Crimea had been cut off from Ukraine, Left is to see joint political success. In order to encourage and a new threat of war developed in Eastern Europe. empower people to begin this task, it is time to (re)turn to the In general, the Left in Europe has been pushed increasingly Ventotene Manifesto and to Luxemburg’s writings. Despite into the political defensive. This has occurred during a period the fact that it may seem highly theoretical, this approach characterised by protracted crises and increased risk of new is strongly linked to democratic protests against dominant crises and wars. Accordingly, it is extremely important that forms of ‘crisis management’, local and regional praxes of the Left in Europe finally develop a common political strategy. solidarity, initiatives to support refugees or the just struggles of the Kurds, peace and antifascist action, action for climate ‘PL AN DEBATE’ and environmental justice, and work in organisations, parlia- Confronted with the shameful blackmailing of Greece, and ments and administrations. These diverse strands of practice ’s defeat, a neo-liberal EU, resurgent nationalist pop- need to be joined together by the participating forces at the ulism and, ultimately, with its own political weakness and administrative levels and beyond national borders. Conse- the danger of a new ‘wave’ of global financial crisis, much quently, EU policy issues such as the control of Greek debt, of the Left is currently discussing an exit from economic and the distribution of refugees throughout EU countries and monetary union. Although this is highly understandable, it their integration into society in solidarity, as well as poverty- also begs the following questions: what part did the Left play resistant EU-wide minimum standards (such as appropriate in Syriza’s defeat? Why did the Left in the EU not provide environmental standards) need to become campaign issues the Left in Greece with the political support it needed? How in the EU member states. In fact, the debate about and action can we do justice to ‘people’s worries and anxieties’ while taken towards developing alternative societies in solidar- still expressing solidarity with refugees and the poor? The ity may be the issue that can permanently unite the diverse fact that the EU’s crisis management did not radically tackle activities undertaken by the Left. The initiative aimed at using the root causes of the financial crisis is essentially due to the European ’s congresses as a European Forum the political weakness of the Left. Small or highly indebted for the Left and to focus on specific issues could represent a countries are unable to protect themselves from the global productive starting point with which to overcome the chal- financial markets or leave the EMU. This is only possible for lenges that remain. countries with intact banks. Moreover, a country’s leaders need to be in a position to prevent the rich from depositing Judith Dellheim is a consultant on solidarity economy at the income and assets outside of the country. At the very least, Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung’s Institute for Critical Social Analysis. the country needs to be able to secure its population with Gabi Zimmer is a member of the European Parliament for the Left supplies ranging from pharmaceuticals and blood products Party and chair of the GUE/NGL group in the European Parliament. to food and energy. Even if certain EU states are certainly in this position, the Left in these countries still needs to clarify 1 Speech by Chancellor Konrad Adenauer at the signing of the Treaties of Rome, Rome, 25.3.1957, (in German) available at: www.cv ce.eu/de/obj/rede_von_konrad_adenauer_ how it can express solidarity with states that are unable to anla%C3%9Flich_der_unterzeichnung_der_romischen_vertrage_rom_25_marz_1957-de- do so. Now that Germany and France (banks in these coun- 6dfd9f25-cae7-49b3-a932-023d40fc483c.html/. 2 Ibid. 3 Treaty establishing the European Economic Community, available at: http://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/ tries were speculating with Greek government bonds) have TXT/?uri=uriserv%3Axy0023. 4 Ibid. 5 Spinelli, Altiero/Rossi, Ernesto/Colorni, Eugenio: secured the assets of the rich at the expense of the Greek Manifest von Ventotene, available at: www.europarl.europa.eu/brussels/website/media/ Basis/Geschichte/bis1950/Pdf/Manifest_Ventotene.pdf. 6 Luxemburg, Rosa: On the population, it is easy enough for people in these countries Russian Revolution, in: Werke, Vol. 4, Berlin 2000, pp. 332–362. 7 See also Brie, Michael: to speak of exiting the EMU; an exit of either country would Rosa Luxemburgs Symphonie zur Russischen Revolution, www.rosalux.de/fileadmin/rls_ uploads/pdfs/Standpunkte/Standpunkte_10-2011.pdf. 8 Spinelli / Rossi/Colorni: Ventotene certainly be feasible. However, the losses incurred through Manifesto; the citations that follow can also be found there. 9 Lisbon European Council 23 currency conversion and those of exporters would be passed and 24 March 2000, Presidency Conclusions, available at http://www.europarl.europa.eu/ summits/lis1_en.htm. from the top down and this would lead to new social hard- ships, new nationalism and new levels of violence. At the same time, major imports would become significantly more expensive for other EMU members who would find it even IMPRINT more difficult to obtain credit, and this would worsen their POLICY PAPER 1/2017 debt burden. is published online by the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung From the very beginning, the construction of the EMU has Responsible: Henning Heine Franz-Mehring-Platz 1 · 10243 Berlin, Germany · www.rosalux.de provided economic disincentives that have had dramatic ISSN 1867-3171 (Internet) consequences for national economic structures. If economi- Editorial deadline: February 2017 cally strong countries were to leave the EMU or if the EMU Translation/Proofreading: Simon Phillips (Linguatransfair) were to disintegrate, this would have devastating conse- Setting/Production: MediaService GmbH Druck und Kommunikation