DANIEL in the LIONS' DEN Subject Matter: Daniel in the Lions' Den. Keywords: Daniel; Habakkuk; Lion; Old Testament; Prophet

DANIEL IN THE LIONS’ DEN Subject matter : Daniel in the lions’ den. Keywords : Daniel; Habakkuk; lion; Old Testament; prophet Summary : the prophet Daniel was thrown into a den with lions. He escaped unharmed thanks to divine intervention. This intervention materialized in the help of an angel and of Habakkuk -who, transported from Iudaea by an angel, took the food that he had prepared for himself to Daniel. The miracle was acknowledged by the king of Babylon, who sentenced the detractors of Daniel to the same punishment. Attributes and types of representation : Daniel is depicted both standing and sitting surrounded by lions. In the most complete version of the scene, Habakkuk, carried by an angel who holds him by his hair, brings food to Daniel. The lions may appear in different attitudes: faced in a heraldic outline, licking the feet of Daniel as a sign of respect and submission, placing their paws on him, trampling the bodies of the accusers of the prophet, etc 1. The divine protection is made explicit not only with the help of Habakkuk, but also in some cases with the appearance of the Dextera Dei . The depiction of the den occurs most frequently in early Christian images and in the illustration of manuscripts, and it can take various forms: rectangular, in the shape of a trough, or even it can be depicted as an architectural interior. 2 Sometimes Daniel is emphasized by being framed in a mandorla or he is represented with a halo. Habakkuk, meanwhile, can carry a staff. Written sources : the episode of the sentence of Daniel to the lions’ den is narrated in the Bible in the book of that prophet. There are two versions of the story. The first one (Dn. 6, 11- 25) 3, short on details, reports that the prophet was condemned because he refused to worship King Darius in order to remain faithful to Yahveh. Dario sealed the stone that closed the entrance to the den, where there were an unknown number of lions. Daniel was saved from their attack by an angel that gagged the lions. After that night, and in view of such a miracle, the prophet was released and his slanderers suffered the same punishment. The second version (Dn. 14, 28-42) takes place during the time of Cyrus. Following this account, the Babylonians were responsible for the punishment of Daniel, taking revenge on him for having destroyed their idol Bel. The story points out that the prophet spent six nights in the pit accompanied by seven lions. Habakkuk, miraculously transported to Babylon to provide Daniel with food, gave him bread and a stew without breaking the seal of the slab that closed the den. Given the incredible salvation of the condemned, Cyrus threw into the pit those who had accused the prophet. This second version, coming from apocryphal sources and richer in details, was added a posteriori to the book of Daniel. The salvation from the lions has some parallels in other Old Testament passages: 1 Sam. 17, 37, Psalm 22, 21, Psalm 90, 11-13, 1 Mac 2, 60 (which refers directly to Daniel), and was also quoted in the New Testament (Tm. 4, 17, Hb. 11 , 33). Some authors, however, have tried to

1 DÉONNA, Waldemar (1949): “Daniel, le ‘Maitre des Fauves’, à propos d'une lampe chrétienne du musée de Genève”, Artibus Asiae , vol. XII, nº 1-2, pp. 125-130, catalogues twelve main formulas of representation of the lions. 2 MOURE PENA, Teresa Claudia (2006): “La fortuna del ciclo de ‘Daniel en el foso de los leones’ en los programas escultóricos románicos de Galicia”, Archivo Español de Arte , t. LXXIX, nº 315, pp. 283-286. 3 For a critical study of the passage, see CASSIN, E. (1951): “Daniel dans la ‘fosse’ aux lions”, Revue de l’Histoire des Religions , t. CXXXIX, nº 2, 1951, pp. 129-161. relate the iconography of Daniel in the den with Jewish literary sources, in particular with midrashic texts 4. Christian exegesis on the episode of Daniel gives different meanings to the story 5. The main one is related to the issue of salvation, the triumph over evil and death and, therefore, the resurrection. The passage was also interpreted as a clear symbol of divine protection and of the constancy of faith over adversity. The presence of Habakkuk carrying bread led to an interpretation of the passage in Eucharistic terms, and also to an allegory of Christ’s virginal conception after the writings of Honorius of Autun, who pointed out that the prophet had entered the den without breaking the seal. The reference to Daniel in the lion’s den among the different paradigms of salvation in the Commendatio animae and other funeral prayers recited since the earliest times of Christianity 6 –whose precedents have been traced back to the Jewish world– has particular importance regarding the symbolic interpretation of the theme. The written sources of these prayers, however, don’t predate the 8 th and 9 th centuries. Two liturgical dramas, probably composed for the Christmas period, retell the episode of the lion’s den. The first one, contained in Hilarius Aurelianensis’ (c. 1075-1140?) Versus et ludi 7, shows elements of the two textual traditions of Daniel’s sentence, as it pairs Dario with Habakkuk. The well known Ludus Danielis 8, written for the Cathedral of Beauvais in the twelfth century, also merges the two passages. Other sources, non-written sources : unlike what happens with the literary sources, non- written sources don’t seem to have determined the iconic formula of the subject matter.

4 KLAGSBALD, Victor A. (1988): “Thèmes bibliques dans les lampes historiées des premiers siècles de l’ère chrétienne”. In: MENTRÉ, Mireille (dir.), L’Art Juif au Moyen Âge , Paris, Berg International, pp. 29-53. 5 The first commentary on Daniel preserved is that of Hippolytus of Rome ( Commentarius in Danielem , c. 202- 204, published in the collection Sources chrétiennes , nº 14, Paris, M. Lefèvre, 1947), which already develops the parallel with the Resurrection of Christ remarking that Daniel and Habakkuk remained alive even after a stone sealed his tomb. The text also compares Daniel with Adam regarding his authority over the animals and puts the den and the lions on a par with hell and its punitive agents. Other prominent writers of Antiquity and the Middle Ages that glossed the passage are HILARIUS OF POITIERS: De Trinitate , X, 46 ( Corpus Christianorum. Series Latina , vol. LXIIA, p. 499); SAINT AMBROSE: De Elia et jejunio ( Patrologia Latina -PL -, XIV, col. 704); SAINT JEROME: Commentarii in Danielem (PL , XXV, cols. 491-584); MAXIMUS OF TURIN, Sermo 21 ( PL , LVII, col. 576); RABANUS MAURUS, Allegoriae in sacram Scripturam ( PL , CXII, cols. 884ss.); HAIMO OF AUXERRE, Homiliae de tempore , XXVIII ( PL , CXVIII, col. 194); RATERIUS OF VERONA, Pauca de uita sancti Donatiani , in Praeloquiorum ( Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Medievalis , vol. XLVIA, p. 281); RUPERT OF DEUTZ, De Trinitate ( PL , CLXVII, cols. 1511ss.); HONORIUS OF AUTUN, Speculum ecclesiae (PL , CLXXII, col. 905); GOTTFRIED OF ADMONT, Homiliae Dominicales , homily XXXVIII ( PL , CLXXIV, cols. 254-258). For this list of commentators, see TRAVIS, William J. (2000): “Daniel in the Lion’s den: problems in the iconography of a Cistercian manuscript. Dijon, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS. 132”, Arte Medievale , II serie, año XIV, nº 1-2, p. 53, and ANGHEBEN, Marcello (2003): Les chapiteaux romans de Bourgogne. Thèmes et programmes , Turnhout, Brepols, pp. 186-187. 6 Libera, Domine, animam eius, sicut Danielem of lacu leonum Liberati, quoted by CABROL, Fernand, y LECLERCQ, Henri (1920): “Daniel”, Dictionnaire d’Archéologie Chrétienne et de Liturgie , t. IV.1, París, Létouzey et Ané, col. 223. Regarding the allusions to Daniel in these prayers, see the table included in NTEDIKA, Joseph (1971): L’évocation de l’au-delà dans la prière pour les morts. Étude de patristique et de liturgie latines (IVe-VIIIe s.) , Lovaina-París, Nauwelaerts, p. 79. 7 Reproduced in YOUNG, Karl (1993): The Drama of the Medieval Church , II, Oxford, Clarendon Press (1962), pp. 287-290. 8 http://ahorie.net/Daniel_Text.pdf Geographical and chronological framework : the iconography of Daniel in the lion’s den was widely used during early Christian art and the High Middle Ages, reaching its high point during the Romanesque period. Its frequency in the late Medieval period decreased significantly. This episode is one of the most repeated ones in late antique Christian iconography since the 3rd century, probably due to its connection with the funerary liturgy. Its presence is common throughout the entire Christian world from the Middle East to North Africa and the Iberian Peninsula. The Romanesque sculpture marks a second moment of splendour of the depiction of this scene since its beginnings (head of Sainte-Radegonde of Poitiers, ambulatory of Saint- Sernin de Toulouse), constituting one of the first historiated scenes that became widespread in the monumental arts. It is located both in portals (Jaca, Ripoll, Ydes, Beaulieu) and interiors of churches and cloisters. The rise of this scene in Romanesque sculpture has been noted in particular in studies of regional scope such as those regarding Galicia, Cantabria and Palencia, or Burgundy 9. The occurrence of the scene was higher in Western Christianity, although the Byzantine and Eastern area also show interesting examples. That is the case of the Cosmas Indicopleustes (Vatican Library, gr. 699, late ninth century), the Homilies of Gregory Nazianzen (BnF, Grec. 510, c. 879-882, fol. 435v.), or the wall paintings of the Cappadocian church of Agaçalti and the reliefs of the church of the Holy Cross in Aghtamar, both of them of the 10 th century. It was also represented in mosaic in the Greek church of Hosios Lukas in the early eleventh century. Artistic media and techniques : the subject matter of Daniel in the lion’s den is common in all artistic media and techniques during the Middle Ages. This constant can be appreciated since the beginnings of its iconography. The first images of the prophet’s condemnation appear in the paintings of the catacombs, the mosaics, sarcophagi and sumptuary arts: textiles, ampullae , pottery (lamps, bricks, tiles, dishes), ivory, glass, etc. In the early medieval period the episode was depicted mainly in metalwork objects (Burgundian belt plates), sculpture (capitals such as the one of San Pedro de la Nave, the Irish crosses) and manuscripts (mainly Bibles and Beatos ). These latter two categories are the most characteristic ones where this iconography appears during the Romanesque period. The scene of Daniel in the den, given its symmetry derived from eastern models, could be adapted easily to the capitals, hence its success. It was also depicted in the liturgical furniture in some baptismal fonts 10 . During the late Middle Ages the scene could be found in Bible illumination and in mural painting ensembles. Alongside the artistic manifestations of the subject matter in the Jewish world (the floor mosaic of the synagogue of Na’aran, 6 th century), early Christian art develops the simplest formula, with the prophet alone -naked or wearing a tunic-, frontal, in praying attitude (orant) and flanked by two lions, as seen in the paintings of the catacombs and on sarcophagi. This basic iconography survived in many cases in the High Middle Ages and the Romanesque period. In Late Antique art, the second version of the passage, more complex as it includes the

9 MOURE PENA, Teresa Claudia (2006), pp. 279-298; OLAÑETA MOLINA, Juan Antonio (2009): “La representación de Daniel en el foso de los leones en Santillana del Mar y Yermo. Revisión iconográfica y propuesta de programa salvífico”, Codex Aquilarensis , nº 25, pp. 6-34; ANGHEBEN, Marcello (2003), pp. 181- 194. 10 NORDSTRÖM, Folke (1983): “Daniel in the lions’ den in baptismal fonts”. In: ZEITLER, Rudolf, y KARLSSON, Jan O.M. (eds.), Imagines medievales: studier i medeltida ikonografi, arkitektur, skulptur, måleri och konsthantverk , Uppsala, Författarna, pp. 349-358. presence of Habakkuk -with or without the angel-, seems to be the favourite in North Africa and in the decoration of lamps 11 . In an attempt to systematize the occurrence of the scene in the Romanesque period, R.B. Green has recognized four basic iconographic models regarding the attitude, attributes and actions of Daniel 12 . The first one, developed in the Meuse region, would consist on the bearded prophet, sitting frontally and raising his arm. The second one, typical of South-West France, shows Daniel sitting in a praying attitude. The third type depicts Daniel leaning his head against his hand in a meditative and visionary gesture surrounded by lions, as shown in Burgundy and the Nivernais. The last group, with precedents in Byzantium and in early Christian art, shows Daniel standing up as in prayer. In the absence of other elements, the number of lions doesn’t define iconographically one passage or another, unless seven lions appear as mentioned in the second textual version. Even when illustrating the second version of Daniel in the lions’ den, the seven lions were not always represented, probably due to compositional constraints. This can be seen in the cathedral of Jaca, where they were reduced to two, or in the Burgundian examples of Neuilly- en-Donjon or Autun, among others. Often they were depicted in even numbers according to symmetrical designs. The same criteria of symmetry sometimes causes that Daniel, Habakkuk, and even the angel appear in duplicate, as can be seen in the capitals of Vézelay, Charlieu Anzy-le-Duc, Loarre or Jaca. Many Beatus manuscripts include the scene when illustrating the Commentary on the book of Daniel of St. Jerome. It occurs in the manuscripts of the families IIa and IIb, as well as in Saint-Sever (BnF, MS Lat. 8878) and San Millán Beatus (Madrid, RAH, cod. 33). They reproduce the scene with Habakkuk carried through the air and the lions licking Daniel’s feet, corresponding to Dn. 14, whilst the commentary of St. Jerome refers to the first version of the text, where the allusion to the dream of King Darius was also depicted in the illustrations. The late medieval manuscript illumination tradition is somehow innovative in including the scene in a landscape and recreating the lions den in various ways: as a closing wall, a room, etc. Precedents, transformations and projection : the image of Daniel flanked by lions comes from the Mesopotamian world, particularly from the iconography of Gilgamesh 13 , although additional Northern influences have been also noted14 . The two biblical versions of the episode conditioned the ways of depicting the scene in the medieval period. It is unusual that both formulas coexisted in the same work of art. It only happened in rare examples (fols. 65v.-66 from the Bible of Roda , cloister of Moissac, portal of San Xulián of Moraime). In some cases, the two accounts are merged into a single image, incorporating elements of both stories, such as Habakkuk led by the angel and the angel that gags the lions 15 . The fact that they share many common elements made the transfer easier.

11 MANCHO I SUÀREZ, Carles (1999), p. 311. 12 GREEN, Rosalie B. (1948): Daniel in the Lions’ Den as an Example of Romanesque Typology , unpublished dissertation, University of Chicago. Quoted by TRAVIS, William J. (2000), p. 69, n. 19. 13 DÉONNA, Waldemar (1949) 14 GROSSET, Charles (1953): “L’origine du thème roman de Daniel”, Études Mérovingiennes (Actes des journées de Poitiers, 1 er -3 mai 1952) , Paris, A. et J. Picard, pp. 147-156. 15 MANCHO I SUÀREZ, Carles (1999): “Lucerna romana con el tema de Daniel en el foso de los leones”. In: AZANZA, Javier; BALAGUER, Vicente; COLLADO, Vicente (eds.), V Simposio Bíblico Español. La Biblia en el arte y en la literatura. II. Arte , Valencia-Pamplona, Universidad de Navarra, pp. 310-311, quotes as examples the “Dogmatic” sarcophagus of the Museo Pio Cristiano in the Vatican and two pyxis of the fifth century. Typology and related themes: the passage of Daniel in the lions’ den was understood since ancient times as one of the most obvious typological scenes of the resurrection of Christ. Moreover, its typological character spread to other subject matters such as the Visitation, the Nativity, Christ’s fasting in the desert, the Last Supper or the Harrowing of Hell. The passage was also related to the Sacrifice of Isaac or the punishment of the Hebrews in the fiery furnace 16 . The iconography of Daniel in the den is closely linked with the iconic formula of the lord of animals, which had a great success in the East, from where it spread to Western Europe. In fact, the absence of secondary attributes and characters impede sometimes to give a precise biblical significance to the basic pictogram. The story of Daniel in the den is also related in both a formal and semantic level to other Old Testament figures who faced lions, like David or Samson; an analogy which was made concrete, in some cases, with the figurative association of these characters 17 . The image of Daniel in the den has been visually related to other iconographic subject matters. In this sense, the bearded prophet, sitting frontally and rising up his arm (as represented in the Meuse region) has been compared with the Maiestas Domini, symbolizing the coming of Christ. The formula of Daniel sitting in a praying attitude widespread in south western France has been understood as referring to Christ in the Last Judgement. The iconographic formula of the orant surrounded by submissive wild beasts is also similar to that of saints as Menas or Tecla. Images: - Fresco in the Giordano Cemetery, Rome, 4 th century - Sarcophagus, Auch, 4 th century. Toulouse, Musée Saint-Raymond - Sarcophagus of Junius Bassus, 359. Rome, Museo della civiltà romana - Pavement mosaic of Bordj El Loudi (Tunisia), 5 th century. Tunis, Bardo Museum - Ivory panel, 5 th century. National Museum of Cartaghe (Tunisia) - Bronze belt plaque, second half of the 6 th century. Musée d’Archéologie Nationale of Saint-Germain-en-Laye (France) - Capital of San Pedro de la Nave (Zamora, Spain), early 9 th century - Moone High Cross (Ireland), 10 th century - Relief of the church of the Holy Cross of Aghtamar (Armenia), c. 915-921 - Mosaic in the church of Hosios Loukas (Greece), early 11 st century - Capital of Saint-Germain-des-Prés, Paris, second half of the 11 st century. Paris, Musée National du Moyen Âge - Beatus of Saint-Sever , second half of the 11 st century. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Ms. Lat. 8878, fol. 233v. - Narthex capital of the church of Saint-Porchaire, Poitiers (France), end of the 11 st century - West portal capital of the cathedral of Jaca (Huesca, Spain), end of the 11 st century

16 On these and other parallels see TRAVIS, William J. (2000), p. 56. 17 Angheben, Marcello (2003), pp. 189-191, focusing on the value of these figures as paradigms of spiritual struggle. - Capital of the church of San Pedro de Loarre (Huesca, Spain), end of the 11 st century - Cloister capitals of Moissac (France), c. 1100 - Capital of the church of Sainte-Geneviève, Paris, early 12 th century. Paris, Louvre Museum - Saint Jerome, Explanatio in Prophetas et Ecclesiastes , Cîteaux, first third of the 12 th century. Bibliothèque Municipale de Dijon (Francia), MS. 132, fol. 2 v. - Cloister capital of La Daurade, Toulouse (France), first quarter of the 12 th century. Toulouse, Musée des Augustins - Capital of the abbey church of Sauve-Majeure (France), early 12 th century - Capital of the presbytery of Saint-Benoît-sur-Loire (France), early 12 th century - Capital of the south nave of the church of St. Mary Magdalen, Vézelay (Burgundy, France), c. 1120-1130. - Admont Bible , second half of the 12 th century. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. ser. nov. 2701, fol. 227r. - Capital of the abbey church of Sant’ Antimo (Tuscany, Italy), second half of the 12 th century - Façade of Saint-Trophime d’Arles (France), end of the 12 th century - Bible, NW France, c. 1200. Koninklijke Bibliotheek of The Hague (Netherlands), Ms. Den Haag, KB, 76 F 5, fol. 9r. - Bible of Sancho el Fuerte of Navarre , early 13 rd century. Bibliothèque Communale d’Amiens (France), Ms. lat. 108, fols. 140v.-141 - Central portal of the west façade of the cathedral of Amiens (France), first third of the 13 th century - Wall paintings of Saint-Pierre-ès-Liens de Colonzelle (Drôme, France), early 14 th century - Petrus Comestor, Bible Historiale , Paris, 1372. Koninklijke Bibliotheek of The Hague (Netherlands), Ms. Den Haag, MMW, 10 B 23, fol. 257v. - Wall paintings of the church of Tirsted (Denmark), c. 1400 - Speculum humanae salvationis , Germany (?), 15 th century. Koninklijke Bibliotheek of The Hague (Netherlands), Ms. Den Haag, MMW, 10 C 23, fol. 32r. Bibliography: ALEXANDER, Shirley (1977): “Daniel Themes on the Irish High Crosses”. In: KARKOV, Catherine E.; RYAN, Michael; FARRELL, Robert T. (eds.), The insular tradition , Albany, State University of New York Press, pp. 99-114 [Partially available at Google books]. ARBEITER, Achim (1994): “Frühe hispanische Darstellungen des Daniel in der Löwengrube”, Boreas , vol. 17, pp. 5-12. ANGHEBEN, Marcello, Les chapiteaux romans de Bourgogne. Thèmes et programmes , Turnhout, Brepols, 2003, pp. 181-194. CABROL, Fernand, and LECLERCQ, Henri (1920): “Daniel”, Dictionnaire d’Archéologie Chrétienne et de Liturgie , t. IV.1, Paris, Létouzey et Ané, cols. 221-248. CASSIN, E. (1951): “Daniel dans la ‘fosse’ aux lions”, Revue de l’Histoire des Religions , t. CXXXIX, nº 2, 1951, pp. 129-161. CLAES, Myriam (1983): “‘Daniel between the Lions’. A Circus Scene or a Biblical Image?”, Acta Archæologica Lovaniensia , nº 22, pp. 43-59. COLETTA, John Philip (1982): The Prophet Daniel in Old French Literature and Art, dissertation (The Catholic University of America, 1981), Ann Arbor, UMI. DÉONNA, Waldemar (1949): “Daniel, le ‘Maître des Fauves’, à propos d’une lampe chrétienne du musée de Genève”, Artibus Asiae , vol. XII, nº 1-2, pp. 119-140; nº 4, pp. 347- 374. GREEN, Rosalie B. (1948): Daniel in the Lions’ Den as an Example of Romanesque Typology , unpublished dissertation, University of Chicago. GROSSET, Charles (1953): “L’origine du thème roman de Daniel”, Études Mérovingiennes (Actes des journées de Poitiers, 1 er -3 mai 1952) , Paris, A. et J. Picard, pp. 147-156. KLAGSBALD, Victor A. (1988): “Thèmes bibliques dans les lampes historiées des premiers siècles de l’ère chrétienne”. In: MENTRÉ, Mireille (dir.), L’Art Juif au Moyen Âge , Paris, Berg International, pp. 29-53. LE BLANT, Edmond (1874): “Note sur quelques représentations antiques de Daniel dans la fosse aux lions”, Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires de France , t. XXXV, pp. 68-78. MANCHO I SUÀREZ, Carles (1999): “Lucerna romana con el tema de Daniel en el foso de los leones”. In: AZANZA, Javier; BALAGUER, Vicente; COLLADO, Vicente (eds.), V Simposio Bíblico Español. La Biblia en el arte y en la literatura. II. Arte , Valencia-Pamplona, Universidad de Navarra, pp. 301-320. MORALEJO ÁLVAREZ, Serafín (1977): “Aportaciones a la interpretación del programa iconográfico de la catedral de Jaca”, Homenaje a Don José María Lacarra de Miguel en su jubilación del profesorado: estudios medievales , vol. I, Zaragoza, Anubar, pp. 173-198. MOURE PENA, Teresa Claudia (2006): “La fortuna del ciclo de ‘Daniel en el foso de los leones’ en los programas escultóricos románicos de Galicia”, Archivo Español de Arte , t. LXXIX, nº 315, pp. 279-298 [Available online: http://xn--archivoespaoldearte- 53b.revistas.csic.es/index.php/aea/article/view/18 ] NORDSTRÖM, Folke (1983): “Daniel in the lions’ den in baptismal fonts”. In: ZEITLER, Rudolf, y KARLSSON, Jan O.M. (eds.), Imagines medievales: studier i medeltida ikonografi, arkitektur, skulptur, måleri och konsthantverk , Uppsala, Författarna, pp. 349-358. OLAÑETA MOLINA, Juan Antonio (2009): “La representación de Daniel en el foso de los leones en Santillana del Mar y Yermo. Revisión iconográfica y propuesta de programa salvífico”, Codex Aquilarensis , nº 25, pp. 6-34. PERRAYMOND, Myla (1992): “Abacuc e il cibo soterico: iconografia e simbolismo (Dan. 14, 33-39)”, Studi e materiali di storia delle religioni , vol. 58, pp. 249-274. RÉAU, Louis (1996): Iconografía del arte cristiano. Iconografía de la Biblia - Antiguo Testamento , Barcelone, Ediciones del Serbal (Paris, P.U.F.), pp. 457-462. ROUMÉJOUX, Anatole de (1885): “Daniel dans la fosse aux lions: à propos d’une sculpture de Charlieu”, Congrès Archéologique de France , LII, pp. 420-424. SALOMONSON, Jan Willem (1979): Voluptatem spectandi, non perdat sed mutet. Observations sur l’iconographie biblique du martyre en Afrique romaine , Amsterdam-New York, North-Holland Publishing Company. SCHEIFELE, Eleanor L. (1994): “A French Romanesque Capital of Daniel in the Lions’ den”, Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art , vol. LXXXI, nº 3, pp. 46-83. SIMON, David L. (1975): “Daniel and Habakkuk in Aragon”, Journal of the British Archaeological Association , 3 rd series, vol. XXXVIII, pp. 50-54 TRAVIS, William J. (2000): “Daniel in the Lion’s den: problems in the iconography of a Cistercian manuscript. Dijon, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS. 132”, Arte Medievale , II series, year XIV, nº 1-2, pp. 49-71. VIDAL ÁLVAREZ, Sergio (2002): “Problemas en torno a la iconografía del Libro de Daniel en la escultura hispánica de los siglos IV-VII”, Madrider Mitteilungen , 43, pp. 220-238. WEISBACH, Werner (1946): “Das Daniel-Kapitell im Dom von Chur und der dämonische Stoffkreis der romanischen Plastik”, Phoebus , I, nº 3-4, pp. 151-155. Author and Electronic address: Francisco de Asís García García [email protected] ; [email protected]