Two WHY the GREEKS?

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Two WHY the GREEKS? Two WHY THE GREEKS? Finding one definite reason for the appearance of theoretical, or speculative, knowledge (theoria) as a new domain of culture is difficult. The other civili- zations were of a sacral and practical character. In these civilizations knowledge was completely immersed in mythology. The two were united, not distinguished. Knowledge served the ends of individual and social life and resembled practical skills more than knowledge considered as such. Among the Greeks, theoretical science arose as a sphere distinct from mythology and art. What were the circumstances of the appearance of “free thought,” of thought seeking the truth for its own sake? Theoria started in Ionia, a Greek colony in Asia Minor. From that culture grew the independent culture of the Greeks, whose center later became Athens. Three cultures existed in and around the Egyptian Sea in the second millennium B.C.: Cretan, Minoan, and Helladic. Mycenean culture, a variety of the Helladic culture, was close to Cycladic culture. Around 1200 B.C., the Dorians from the north reached Pelopponesia, Crete, Rhodes, Cos, and the shores of Asia Minor. In the ninth-century B.C. the Ionians from the north pushed the Dorians south. The Ionians then took control of the coast of Asia Minor. Greek Culture was born in Asia Minor, not in Athens, in the late ninth- and early eighth-century B.C.. The first great works of this culture were Hesiod’s Works and Days and Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey. The Ionians had a feeling of individuality and independence. They loved to travel, especially to Egypt and the lands of the Near East. They were keen observers. Besides Homer and Hesiod, some other Ionian figures who lived during at least three centuries of that civilization were Thales, Epimenides, Pherecydes, Archelaus, Anaximander, and Anaximenes. Only Empedocles of Acragas was non-Ionian. Aristotle observed that the Greeks were psychologically opposite the other peoples of Asia and Europe: Those who live in a cold climate and in Europe are full of spirit, but wanting in intelligence and skill; and therefore they retain comparative freedom, but have no political organization, and are incapable of ruling over others. Whereas the natives of Asia are intelligent and inventive, but they are wanting in spirit, and therefore they are always in a state of subjection and slavery. But the Hellenic race, which is situated between them, is likewise intermediate in character, being high-spirited and also intelligent. Hence, it 10 SCIENCE IN CULTURE continues free, and is the best-governed of any nation, and, if it could be formed into one state, would be able to rule the world.1 Historians of culture say that the Ionians were a society with no central state, organized by tribe around courts. In Homer’s time no monarchy yet existed. The rationalization of mythology played a crucial role in the emergence of theoria. We can see the rational treatment of mythology in Homer, and especially in Hesiod. The Ancient Greeks interpreted mythology first in theological, then philosophical, terms. Aristotle describes Homer and Hesiod as the protoi theologesantes (first who reasoned about the gods).2 Instead of being content to repeat the old myths, they were the first theologizing thinkers who tried to approach the question of the gods in a rational way, with the help of rational thought (hence theos—god, logos— reason). They still provided no sufficient rational justification for their views. The rational justifications of these first theologians were mythological considerations (mythikos sophizomenoi). They cloaked philosophical thoughts in mythology. Werner Jaeger notes that Hesiod rationalized the myths more than did Homer, since Hesiod searched for coherence among the myths.3 Hesiod’s work sought to reveal the origin of the gods and the generation and order in the physical universe: His work shall reveal the origin of all gods now reigning upon Olympus; he will also tell us how the world has come to be, with all its present order. He must, therefore, record all the relevant myths and show how they fit together; he may perhaps have to eliminate many versions that strike him as incorrect, or devise new connections where tradition has not supplied them. In short, Hesiod (1) presented a genealogy of the gods, (2) explained how the world arose, and (3) showed why the world is now in this state.4 Hesiod provided a theogony (the origin of the gods) and a cosmogony (the origin of the world). His work was a crucial prelude to the rise of philosophy.5 While the religions of Egypt and Babylon were centralized, the religion of the Ionians was not. The Ionians had no priestly caste that would lock away its knowledge for itself and make it an instrument for domination. They had no state religion that would be imposed on all from above. Orphism was the religion that had the greatest influence on their philosophy. And they regarded Orpheus, the mythical singer, as its author. Orphism influenced philosophy with its ideas, especially the immortality and transmigra- tion of the soul, and its attitude that religion could be a search for truth for its own sake. Orphism influenced the Pythagorean school. And the Pythagoreans were renowned for their investigations in mathematics and philosophy. While the Orphic movement was esoteric and only for initiates, within it scientific.
Recommended publications
  • Cultural Dynamics in Ionia at the End of the Second Millennium BCE
    Cultural Dynamics in Ionia at the End of the Second Millennium BCE: New Archaeological Perspectives and Prospects Edited e-Thesis The results, discussions and conclusions presented herein are identical to those in the printed version. This electronic version of the thesis has been edited solely to ensure conformance with copyright legislation and all excisions are noted in the text. The final, awarded and examined version is available for consultation via the University Library. Rik Vaessen PhD The University of Sheffield Department of Archaeology May 2014 Table of Contents List of Figures iii List of Tables vi Acknowledgments vii Abstract ix Chapter 1. Introduction 1 1.1. Setting the stage 1 1.2. Introducing the Ionians 4 1.3. Finding Late Bronze and Early Iron Age Ionia 12 Phokaia 14 Panaztepe-Menemen 16 Smyrna-Bayraklı 17 Limantepe/Klazomenai 19 Erythrai 23 Chios: Emporio and Kato Phana 24 Teos 26 Kolophon 26 Klaros 28 Metropolis-Bademgedi ǧi Tepe 29 Ephesos (Apaša) 31 Ku şadası-Kadıkalesi 33 Samos: Heraion and Pythagorio 33 Miletos 35 The Miletos-area: Assesos and Teichiussa 38 Cine-Tepecik 38 1.4. Outline of the study 39 Chapter 2. Tracing the Ionians in modern scholarship 43 2.1. Introduction 43 2.2. Dorians and Ionians: 1750-1870 43 2.3. The Ionians between 1870 and 1939 54 2.4. The Ionians and their migration become visible … or not? (1945-present) 60 2.5. The current debate in perspective 69 2.6. Final remarks 78 Chapter 3. Theoretical and methodological considerations 79 3.1. Introduction 79 3.2. Theory: some critical remarks 79 3.3.
    [Show full text]
  • The Roles of Solon in Plato's Dialogues
    The Roles of Solon in Plato’s Dialogues Dissertation Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Samuel Ortencio Flores, M.A. Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2013 Dissertation Committee: Bruce Heiden, Advisor Anthony Kaldellis Richard Fletcher Greg Anderson Copyrighy by Samuel Ortencio Flores 2013 Abstract This dissertation is a study of Plato’s use and adaptation of an earlier model and tradition of wisdom based on the thought and legacy of the sixth-century archon, legislator, and poet Solon. Solon is cited and/or quoted thirty-four times in Plato’s dialogues, and alluded to many more times. My study shows that these references and allusions have deeper meaning when contextualized within the reception of Solon in the classical period. For Plato, Solon is a rhetorically powerful figure in advancing the relatively new practice of philosophy in Athens. While Solon himself did not adequately establish justice in the city, his legacy provided a model upon which Platonic philosophy could improve. Chapter One surveys the passing references to Solon in the dialogues as an introduction to my chapters on the dialogues in which Solon is a very prominent figure, Timaeus- Critias, Republic, and Laws. Chapter Two examines Critias’ use of his ancestor Solon to establish his own philosophic credentials. Chapter Three suggests that Socrates re- appropriates the aims and themes of Solon’s political poetry for Socratic philosophy. Chapter Four suggests that Solon provides a legislative model which Plato reconstructs in the Laws for the philosopher to supplant the role of legislator in Greek thought.
    [Show full text]
  • On the Date of the Trial of Anaxagoras
    The Classical Quarterly http://journals.cambridge.org/CAQ Additional services for The Classical Quarterly: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here On the Date of the Trial of Anaxagoras A. E. Taylor The Classical Quarterly / Volume 11 / Issue 02 / April 1917, pp 81 - 87 DOI: 10.1017/S0009838800013094, Published online: 11 February 2009 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0009838800013094 How to cite this article: A. E. Taylor (1917). On the Date of the Trial of Anaxagoras. The Classical Quarterly, 11, pp 81-87 doi:10.1017/S0009838800013094 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/CAQ, IP address: 128.122.253.212 on 28 Apr 2015 ON THE DATE OF THE TRIAL OF ANAXAGORAS. IT is a point of some interest to the historian of the social and intellectual development of Athens to determine, if possible, the exact dates between which the philosopher Anaxagoras made that city his home. As everyone knows, the tradition of the third and later centuries was not uniform. The dates from which the Alexandrian chronologists had to arrive at their results may be conveniently summed up under three headings, (a) date of Anaxagoras' arrival at Athens, (6) date of his prosecution and escape to Lampsacus, (c) length of his residence at Athens, (a) The received account (Diogenes Laertius ii. 7),1 was that Anaxagoras was twenty years old at the date of the invasion of Xerxes and lived to be seventy-two. This was apparently why Apollodorus (ib.) placed his birth in Olympiad 70 and his death in Ol.
    [Show full text]
  • Ment of the Relations Between Persia and the Greek World Is Generally Recognized in Modern Studies of These Relations and of the History of the Greeks
    THE IONIAN REVOLT * BY H. T. WALLINGA 1. Introduction. The importance of the Ionian revolt as a stage in the develop- ment of the relations between Persia and the Greek world is generally recognized in modern studies of these relations and of the history of the Greeks. The bibliography of the revolt is accordingly extensive, that of recent years in particular (Tozzi enumerates some 125 titles, more than half of which date from the years after 1945). The lack of a full monograph, up to 1978 at least, is in that light rather curious: Tozzi's book is very welcome for that reason alone. Interpretations of the revolt are very divergent, both with regard to its causes and with regard to the part played by the leading politi- cians. The reasons for this divergence are not far to seek: not only were the traditions concerning it recorded at a late moment, at least two generations after the event, but the recording took place in a situation which radically differed from that obtaining at the mo- ment the revolt broke out. In the meantime the Ionians and the other Greeks in Asia Minor and those of the islands) had been freed from the Persian domination. They owed their freedom not to their own exertions, but to the failure of the Persian attempt of 480/79 to conquer continental Greece (if indeed that had been the Persian objective), and this failure was entirely due to the continen- tal Greeks themselves. In so far as the Ionians had contributed * Apropos of P. Tozzi, La rivolta ionica (Biblioteca di studi antichi, 15).
    [Show full text]
  • Ancient Greek Coins
    Ancient Greek Coins Notes for teachers • Dolphin shaped coins. Late 6th to 5th century BC. These coins were minted in Olbia on the Black Sea coast of Ukraine. From the 8th century BC Greek cities began establishing colonies around the coast of the Black Sea. The mixture of Greek and native currencies resulted in a curious variety of monetary forms including these bronze dolphin shaped items of currency. • Silver stater. Aegina c 485 – 480 BC This coin shows a turtle symbolising the naval strength of Aegina and a punch mark In Athens a stater was valued at a tetradrachm (4 drachms) • Silver staterAspendus c 380 BC This shows wrestlers on one side and part of a horse and star on the other. The inscription gives the name of a city in Pamphylian. • Small silver half drachm. Heracles wearing a lionskin is shown on the obverse and Zeus seated, holding eagle and sceptre on the reverse. • Silver tetradrachm. Athens 450 – 400 BC. This coin design was very poular and shows the goddess Athena in a helmet and has her sacred bird the Owl and an olive sprig on the reverse. Coin values The Greeks didn’t write a value on their coins. Value was determined by the material the coins were made of and by weight. A gold coin was worth more than a silver coin which was worth more than a bronze one. A heavy coin would buy more than a light one. 12 chalkoi = 1 Obol 6 obols = 1 drachm 100 drachma = 1 mina 60 minas = 1 talent An unskilled worker, like someone who unloaded boats or dug ditches in Athens, would be paid about two obols a day.
    [Show full text]
  • Separating Fact from Fiction in the Aiolian Migration
    hesperia yy (2008) SEPARATING FACT Pages399-430 FROM FICTION IN THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION ABSTRACT Iron Age settlementsin the northeastAegean are usuallyattributed to Aioliancolonists who journeyed across the Aegean from mainland Greece. This articlereviews the literary accounts of the migration and presentsthe relevantarchaeological evidence, with a focuson newmaterial from Troy. No onearea played a dominantrole in colonizing Aiolis, nor is sucha widespread colonizationsupported by the archaeologicalrecord. But the aggressive promotionof migrationaccounts after the PersianWars provedmutually beneficialto bothsides of theAegean and justified the composition of the Delian League. Scholarlyassessments of habitation in thenortheast Aegean during the EarlyIron Age are remarkably consistent: most settlements are attributed toAiolian colonists who had journeyed across the Aegean from Thessaly, Boiotia,Akhaia, or a combinationof all three.1There is no uniformityin theancient sources that deal with the migration, although Orestes and his descendantsare named as theleaders in mostaccounts, and are credited withfounding colonies over a broadgeographic area, including Lesbos, Tenedos,the western and southerncoasts of theTroad, and theregion betweenthe bays of Adramyttion and Smyrna(Fig. 1). In otherwords, mainlandGreece has repeatedly been viewed as theagent responsible for 1. TroyIV, pp. 147-148,248-249; appendixgradually developed into a Mountjoy,Holt Parker,Gabe Pizzorno, Berard1959; Cook 1962,pp. 25-29; magisterialstudy that is includedhere Allison Sterrett,John Wallrodt, Mal- 1973,pp. 360-363;Vanschoonwinkel as a companionarticle (Parker 2008). colm Wiener, and the anonymous 1991,pp. 405-421; Tenger 1999, It is our hope that readersinterested in reviewersfor Hesperia. Most of trie pp. 121-126;Boardman 1999, pp. 23- the Aiolian migrationwill read both articlewas writtenin the Burnham 33; Fisher2000, pp.
    [Show full text]
  • SCEPTICAL ARGUMENTATION and PHILOSOPHICAL THEOLOGY: By
    SCEPTICAL ARGUMENTATION AND PHILOSOPHICAL THEOLOGY: TOPICS IN HELLENISTIC PHILOSOPHY by Máté Veres Submitted to Central European University Department of Philosophy In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Philosophy Supervisor: Prof. Gábor Betegh CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2016 Table of contents Abstract .......................................................................................................................... 5 Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................ 7 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 9 Chapter 1. Keep calm and carry on: Sextan Pyrrhonism as a kind of philosophy ....... 17 1. Philosophy and inquiry ............................................................................................ 18 2. The road to Pyrrhonism ........................................................................................... 22 2.1. The 'origins' of scepticism (PH I. 12) ............................................................... 22 2.2. The goal of Pyrrhonism (PH I. 26 and 29)........................................................ 26 2.3. Men of talent ..................................................................................................... 34 3. The origin of Pyrrhonism ......................................................................................... 37 3.1. The Partisan Premise
    [Show full text]
  • The Persian Wars: Ionian Revolt the Ionian Revolt, Which Began in 499
    The Persian Wars: Ionian Revolt The Ionian Revolt, which began in 499 B.C. marked the beginning of the Greek-Persian wars. In 546 B.C. the Persians had conquered the wealthy Greek settlements in Ionia (Asia Minor). The Persians took the Ionians’ farmland and harbors. They forced the Ionians to pay tributes (the regular payments of goods). The Ionians also had to serve in the Persian army. The Ionians knew they could not defeat the Persians by themselves, so they asked mainland Greece for help. Athens sent soldiers and a small fleet of ships. Unfortunately for the Ionians, the Athenians went home after their initial success, leaving the small Ionian army to fight alone. In 493 B.C. the Persian army defeated the Ionians. To punish the Ionians for rebelling, the Persians destroyed the city of Miletus. They may have sold some of tis people into slavery. The Persian Wars: Battle of Marathon After the Ionian Revolt, the Persian King Darius decided to conquer the city-states of mainland Greece. He sent messengers to ask for presents of Greek earth and water as a sign that the Greeks agreed to accept Persian rule. But the Greeks refused. Darius was furious. In 490 B.C., he sent a large army of foot soldiers and cavalry (mounted soldiers) across the Aegean Sea by boat to Greece. The army assembled on the pain of Marathon. A general named Miltiades (Mill-te-ah-deez) convinced the other Greek commanders to fight the Persians at Marathon. In need of help, the Athenians sent a runner named Pheidippides (Fa-dip-e-deez) to Sparta who ran for two days and two nights.
    [Show full text]
  • Plato's Critique of Injustice in the Gorgias and the Republic
    Plato's critique of injustice in the Gorgias and the Republic Author: Jonathan Frederick Culp Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/972 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2008 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Boston College The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Department of Political Science PLATO’S CRITIQUE OF INJUSTICE IN THE GORGIAS AND THE REPUBLIC a dissertation by JONATHAN FREDERICK CULP submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2008 © Copyright by JONATHAN FREDERICK CULP 2008 Plato’s Critique of Injustice in the Gorgias and the Republic Jonathan Frederick Culp Advisor: Professor Christopher Bruell No rational decision can be made concerning how to live without confronting the problem of justice—both what it is and whether it is good to be just. In this essay I examine Plato’s articulation of these problems in the Gorgias and the Republic. Through detailed analyses of Socrates’ exchanges with several interlocutors, I establish, first, that despite some real and apparent differences, all the interlocutors share the same fundamental conception of justice, which could be called justice as fairness or reciprocal equality (to ison). The core of justice lies in refraining from pleonexia (seeking to benefit oneself at the expense of another). Second, according to this view, the practice of justice is not intrinsically profitable; it is valuable only as a means to the acquisition or enjoyment of other, material goods. This conception thus implies that committing successful injustice is often more profitable than being just.
    [Show full text]
  • A HISTORY of the PELASGIAN THEORY. FEW Peoples Of
    A HISTORY OF THE PELASGIAN THEORY. FEW peoples of the ancient world have given rise to so much controversy as the Pelasgians; and of few, after some centuries of discussion, is so little clearly established. Like the Phoenicians, the Celts, and of recent years the Teutons, they have been a peg upon which to hang all sorts of speculation ; and whenever an inconvenient circumstance has deranged the symmetry of a theory, it has been safe to ' call it Pelasgian and pass on.' One main reason for this ill-repute, into which the Pelasgian name has fallen, has been the very uncritical fashion in which the ancient statements about the Pelasgians have commonly been mishandled. It has been the custom to treat passages from Homer, from Herodotus, from Ephorus, and from Pausanias, as if they were so many interchangeable bricks to build up the speculative edifice; as if it needed no proof that genealogies found sum- marized in Pausanias or Apollodorus ' were taken by them from poems of the same class with the Theogony, or from ancient treatises, or from prevalent opinions ;' as if, further, ' if we find them mentioning the Pelasgian nation, they do at all events belong to an age when that name and people had nothing of the mystery which they bore to the eyes of the later Greeks, for instance of Strabo;' and as though (in the same passage) a statement of Stephanus of Byzantium about Pelasgians in Italy ' were evidence to the same effect, perfectly unexceptionable and as strictly historical as the case will admit of 1 No one doubts, of course, either that popular tradition may transmit, or that late writers may transcribe, statements which come from very early, and even from contemporary sources.
    [Show full text]
  • ([email protected]) Boston University CAMWS 2018 Correcting Herodotus 1.56: ​ the Histories’ Non-Answer to the Pelasgian Question ​ ​
    Matthew W. Kelley ([email protected]) Boston University CAMWS 2018 Correcting Herodotus 1.56: ​ The Histories’ Non-answer to the Pelasgian Question ​ ​ I. The Grammar 1) Hdt. 1.56.1-2: ...μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐφρόντιζε ἱστορέων τοὺς ἂν Ἑλλήνων δυνατωτάτους ​ ​ ἐόντας προσκτήσαιτο φίλους, [2] ἱστορέων δὲ εὕρισκε Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ Ἀθηναίους προέχοντας τοὺς μὲν τοῦ Δωρικοῦ γένεος τοὺς δὲ τοῦ Ἰωνικοῦ. ταῦτα γὰρ ἦν τὰ ​ προκεκριμένα, ἐόντα τὸ ἀρχαῖον τὸ μὲν Πελασγικὸν τὸ δὲ Ἑλληνικὸν ἔθνος. καὶ τὸ μὲν οὐδαμῇ κω ἐξεχώρησε, τὸ δὲ πολυπλάνητον κάρτα. “Afterward, [Croesus] took care to inquire whom of the Greeks, being the most powerful, he should acquire as his friends. He made the inquiry and found that the Spartans were best of the Doric race and the Athenians the best of the Ionic. For these races were preeminent, the first being of old a Pelasgic tribe and the other a Hellenic one. And the first has not yet left their home for anywhere, while the other is very much a wandering tribe.” 2) Raymond Weil is the only scholar to read the lines as I propose: “Les Athéniens sont un ‘ethnos’ héllenique qui fait partie du ‘génos’ ionien, les Lacédémoniens un ‘ethnos’ pélasgique à rattacher au ‘génos’ dorien.” - Weil (1960) 385. II. Arguments for Common Translation ➢ Dorian invasion = πολυπλάνητον ➢ Athenian authochthony = οὐδαμῇ κω ἐξεχώρησε ➢ Herodotus ties Athenians or Ionians to Pelasgians 3 times. ○ 1.57, 7.94-95 (both qualified), 8.44 (back when all of Greece was Pel.) ➢ Dorians are Hellenes par excellence. ​ III. Why Pelasgian Dorians are possible ➢ Dorians did travel, but no more than Ionians.
    [Show full text]
  • Early Greek Ethics
    Comp. by: SatchitananthaSivam Stage : Proof ChapterID: 0004760437 Date:25/2/20 Time:13:07:47 Filepath:d:/womat-filecopy/0004760437.3D Dictionary : NOAD_USDictionary 3 OUP UNCORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FIRST PROOF, 25/2/2020, SPi Early Greek Ethics Edited by DAVID CONAN WOLFSDORF 1 Comp. by: SatchitananthaSivam Stage : Proof ChapterID: 0004760437 Date:25/2/20 Time:13:07:47 Filepath:d:/womat-filecopy/0004760437.3D Dictionary : NOAD_USDictionary 5 OUP UNCORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FIRST PROOF, 25/2/2020, SPi Table of Contents Abbreviations ix Chapter Abstracts and Contributor Information xiii Introduction xxvii David Conan Wolfsdorf PART I INDIVIDUALS AND TEXTS 1. The Pythagorean Acusmata 3 Johan C. Thom 2. Xenophanes on the Ethics and Epistemology of Arrogance 19 Shaul Tor 3. On the Ethical Dimension of Heraclitus’ Thought 37 Mark A. Johnstone 4. Ethics and Natural Philosophy in Empedocles 54 John Palmer 5. The Ethical Life of a Fragment: Three Readings of Protagoras’ Man Measure Statement 74 Tazuko A. van Berkel 6. The Logos of Ethics in Gorgias’ Palamedes, On What is Not, and Helen 110 Kurt Lampe 7. Responsibility Rationalized: Action and Pollution in Antiphon’s Tetralogies 132 Joel E. Mann 8. Ethical and Political Thought in Antiphon’s Truth and Concord 149 Mauro Bonazzi 9. The Ethical Philosophy of the Historical Socrates 169 David Conan Wolfsdorf 10. Prodicus on the Choice of Heracles, Language, and Religion 195 Richard Bett 11. The Ethical Maxims of Democritus of Abdera 211 Monte Ransome Johnson 12. The Sophrosynē of Critias: Aristocratic Ethics after the Thirty Tyrants 243 Alex Gottesman Comp. by: SatchitananthaSivam Stage : Proof ChapterID: 0004760437 Date:25/2/20 Time:13:07:48 Filepath:d:/womat-filecopy/0004760437.3D Dictionary : NOAD_USDictionary 6 OUP UNCORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FIRST PROOF, 25/2/2020, SPi vi 13.
    [Show full text]