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Knowledge and Use of Fungi by a Mycophilic Society of the Venezuelan Amazon1

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Knowledge and Use of Fungi by a Mycophilic Society of the Venezuelan Amazon1 KNOWLEDGE AND USE OF FUNGI BY A MYCOPHILIC SOCIETY OF THE VENEZUELAN AMAZON1 EGLEE L. ZENT,STANFORD ZENT, AND TERESA ITURRIAGA Zent, Eglee L. and Stanford Zent (Departamento AntropologõÂa, Instituto Venezolano de In- vestigaciones Cientõ®cas, Apartado 21827, Caracas 1020-A, Venezuela; e-mail: [email protected]) and Teresa Iturriaga (Departamento de Organismos, Universidad SimoÂn BolõÂvar, Apartado 89000, Sartenejas, Baruta, Estado de Miranda, Venezuela; e-mail: [email protected]).KNOWLEDGE AND USE OF FUNGI BY A MYCOPHILIC SOCIETY OF THE VENEZUELAN AMAZON. Economic Botany 58(2):214±226, 2004. This paper reports on the knowledge and useful applications of various fungi by the HotõÈ, a recently contacted Native American society inhabiting the Sierra Maig- ualida region of the Venezuelan Amazon. At least 31 folk taxa of fungi are esteemed as sources of nutrition, powerful media for hunting magic, protective charms against black magic, human medicinal agents, or body adornments. Even though the results presented here probably do not exhaust the total number of species known and used by them, they nevertheless suggest that the HotõÈ constitute one of the rare mycophilic societies in the Venezuelan Amazon. Further research is needed in order to obtain a more complete picture of the complexity of human- fungi relationships in this society. CONOCIMIENTO Y USO DE HONGOS DE UNA SOCIEDAD MICO FILA DEL AMAZONAS VENZOLANO. La investigacioÂn etnomicoloÂgica en la tierras bajas amazoÂnicas suramericanas es notablemente escasa. La gran mayorõÂa de los estudios disponibles acerca del conocimiento y las praÂcticas etnobioloÂgicos de los grupos eÂtnicos locales de esta regioÂn no incluyen a los hongos, o bien, senÄalan que estos no tienen valor econoÂmico, o son alucinoÂgenos o peligrosos para el consumo humano. Este trabajo reporta sobre el conocimiento y usos dados a varios hongos por parte de los HotõÈ, un grupo de indõÂgenas suramericanos recientemente contactados que ocupan la Sierra de Maigualida del Amazonas venezolano. Los HotõÈ consideran al menos 31 taxa de hongos estimados como fuentes de alimentos, poderosos medios de cacerõÂa, protectores contra la magia negra, agentes medicinales o bien como adornos corporales. Los datos presentados aquõ sugieren que los HotõÈ constituyen una de las pocas y raras sociedades mico®las en el Amazonas venezolano, pese a que los resultados analizados no agotan el nuÂmero total de especies conocidas y usadas por ellos. Es necesario profundizar la investigacioÂn para alcanzar una idea maÂs completa de la complejidad de las relaciones hombres-hongos en este grupo eÂtnico. Key Words: ethnomycology; HotõÈ; Venezuelan Amazon; fungi; mycophilic society; mush- rooms. The study and documentation of folk people's etin and McMahon 1996), with an estimated 1.5 classi®cation and use of the biological world has million species existing in the world (Hawk- experienced phenomenal growth during the last sworth 1991; Lñssùe 1998), surprisingly the lit- quarter century (see Economic Botany; Journal erature on ethnomycology is extremely thin. A of Ethnopharmacology; Journal of Ethnobiolo- recent bibliographic search focusing on empiri- gy; Berlin 1992; Posey and Overal 1990, among cal descriptive accounts of local knowledge and others). However, some important gaps remain, traditional human use of fungi among Native notably the folk knowledge and valuation of American societies turned up a meager handful fungi, or ethnomycology. Although fungi are of scienti®c papers. Most of the systematic re- considered to be one of the most abundant and search on this topic pertains to Central America diverse groups of organisms on the planet (Lev- (de Avila et al. 1980; GonzaÂlez 1982; Hazlett 1986; Mapes and Caballero 1981; Moreno-Fu- 1 Received 1 April 2002; accepted 19 September entes et al. 1994, 1996; Shepard 1997; Shepard 2002. and Arora 1992; Wasson 1995) or North Amer- Economic Botany 58(2) pp. 214±226. 2004 q 2004 by The New York Botanical Garden Press, Bronx, NY 10458-5126 U.S.A. 2004] ZENT ET AL.: KNOWLEDGE AND USE OF FUNGI 215 ica (Blanchette 1997, 2001; Franck and Rad- itus L. ex Fr., were eaten by Yanomami of the cliffe 1957; Timbrook 1990). The shamanic use Ocamo River, whereas members of the Piaroa of fungi has been reported on every continent group at Paria Grande claimed not to eat any (Ott 1994; Wasson 1961, 1968), which may ex- fungi themselves but had heard of other indig- plain why much of the ethnomycological liter- enous groups doing so. Delascio Chitty (1992) ature worldwide is concerned primarily with the mentioned two species (Auricularia mesenterica ritual and religious uses of fungi. Furthermore, and Polyporus sp.) eaten by the Yekuana of the this focus may be due to the common associa- Upper Orinoco. De Civrieux (1973) included tion of this group of organisms with hallucino- one mushroom (Agaricaceae) in a list of plants genic experiences, as more than 95 species are and animals classi®ed by the KarinÄa and Mak- believed to have psychoactive properties (Ott iritare (Yekuana) groups. Thus with the possible 1994). exception of the Yanomami, the existing litera- The literature on the ethnomycology of the ture on the subject leaves the impression that native peoples of the Amazonian-Orinoco low- most native human groups of the Venezuelan lands is particularly sparse and fragmentary. Amazon do not have much knowledge of or use Brief and passing references to fungi can be for one of the most diverse biological groups found in broader anthropological or biological found in this habitat. studies in which the main objective is to gen- What might be the cause of the relative lack erate inventories of local economic natural re- of attention given to fungi in the ethnographic sources, document the ethnotaxonomic knowl- accounts of human-natural relationships in Ama- edge of plants or animals, or describe the food zonia? One reason might be the cultural myco- habits of past or present cultural groups (BaleÂe phobia shared by many western researchers (Fi- 1994; Cooper 1946; Dufour 1983; LeÂvi-Strauss dalgo 1968; Shepard 1997). Another explanation 1950; Milliken and Albert 1996; Morey and might be that few mycologists have carried out Morey 1980; Prance 1972). However, most of ®eld research in this region, and the botanists the works in which some mention of fungi does who have worked there are not particularly in- appear contain only isolated references to one or terested in fungi. But it may also be an accurate a few kinds of edible or medicinal species. The re¯ection of the lack of interest or even outright major exceptions are the papers by Fidalgo avoidance on the part of Amerindians who per- (1965, 1968), Fidalgo and Hirata (1979), Fidal- ceive this group of organisms as useless or even go and Prance (1976), and Prance (1984), which dangerous. An example is provided by the War- report on the fungi used by several indigenous ao of the Orinoco Delta, who classify all fungi groups in the Brazilian Amazon, among them as hebu bure anahoro: food of the vulture bush- the Sanema and Yanomami groups who con- spirit. The Warao describe this spirit as a fear- sume a wide range of mushrooms and therefore some creature that preys upon human life and is may be regarded as rare mycophilic groups (see one of nine different spirit manifestations that also the review of this and other relevant data in may confront an individual three to four times Iturriaga et al. 1991). However, documented ex- throughout the course of his or her lifetime. amples of fungal use by native groups of the When such encounters do occur, the sequence of Venezuelan Amazon are almost nonexistent. Al- events, as recounted by Warao informants, though the ethnobiologies and subsistence ecol- closely mimics a short-lived audiovisual hallu- ogies of several different groups in this region cination. W. Wilbert (1992, 2001, pers. comm.) have been well studied, hardly any mention of hypothesized that a fungus with psychotropic fungi is made. We found just four reports which properties was consumed in ancestral times, and mention fungi being used or even acknowledged the hallucinogenic experience induced by this by the local people of the Venezuelan Amazon. event led to the ideological codi®cation of this Finkers (1986) provided 11 vernacular names of particular class of spirits as part of Warao lore fungi which are collected in gardens and eaten and their perception of natural reality. When by the Yanomami, but apparently he did not col- faced with a stressful situation, the predisposed lect voucher specimens and did not give any sci- individual could trigger an episode of altered enti®c identi®cations. Iturriaga et al. (1991) re- states without the in¯uence of chemical stimuli. ported that some of the fungi growing on fallen A similarly antagonistic perception is expressed logs in swidden ®elds, especially Lentinus crin- by the Piaroa. Although this group does exploit 216 ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL. 58 one edible species, Auricularia delicata (Berk.) nated by granites, with lesser extensions of py- Ryvarden (members of this genus are widely roclastic-acidic volcanic rock, amphibolitic consumed in other countries, such as China and gneisses, and metasedimentary green schists Japan, see Iturriaga et al. 1991), all other fungi (MARNR-ORSTOM 1988). Altitudinal varia- are labeled awethñ ukwñ irisi, which translates tion is great, ranging from 150 to 2400 m. The as ``food of the malevolent bush spirit,'' and are microclimate is characterized by two seasons consciously avoided (S. Zent ®eld notes). Ex- based on rainfall. Annual precipitation is 2400 trapolating from these examples, one might ad- to 2700 mm with a long wet season (.100 mm/ duce not only that mycophobia may be a recur- month) from April to November and a short dry rent phenomenon among the indigenous socie- season from December to March. The tempera- ties of the Venezuelan Amazon, but also that the ture regime is characterized by an annual isoth- current paucity of ethnomycological data is in ermic pattern; the annual variation is less than fact an accurate re¯ection of the general lack of the daily variation, with daily maximum and utilization of this biological group.
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