Food Safety Law in

The Composition of the Curatorium of the Xiamen Academy of International Law

President

Professor Jiuyong shi (Former President of the International Court of Justice)

Members

José Enrique alvarez, Herbert and Rose Rubin (Professor of International Law, New York University Law School, u.s.a.) An chen (Professor of International Economic Law at Xiamen University) Bin cheng (Professor Emeritus of Air Law at University of London) Chia-Jui cheng (Professor of International Law at Soochow University School of Law; Visiting Professor of International Law, Faculty of Law, Xiamen University) José Angelo Estrella faria (Secretary-General, unidroit, Rome) Herbert kronke (Dean, Faculty of Law, University of Heidelberg, Germany) Yixin liao (Professor of Law, Xiamen University) Vaughan lowe (Chichele Professor of Public International Law at Oxford University) Andreas F. lowenfeld (Professor of International Law at New York University) H.E. (Judge at the International Court of Justice, Former President of International Court of Justice) Malcolm N. shaw, Sir Robert Jennings (Professor of International Law at University of Leicester) Nicolas Jan schrijver (Professor of Public International Law at Leiden University) Renaud sorieul (Secretary, uncitral, Vienna) H. E. A.A. cancado trindade (Judge and Former President of the International- American Court of Human Rights) H.E. Wilfrido V. villacorta (Ambassador to the asean, the Republic of Philippines; Former Deputy Secretary – General of asean) Huaqun zeng (Director, Institute of International Law, Xiamen University) Chongshi zhu (President, Xiamen University)

Secretary-General

Chia-Jui cheng (Professor of International Law at Soochow University School of Law; Visiting Professor of International Law, Faculty of Law, Xiamen University)

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/ccxa

Law in China

Making Transnational Law

VOLUME 6 2015

By

Francis Snyder

LEIDEN | BOSTON

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Snyder, Francis G., author. Title: Food safety law in China : making transnational law / By Francis Snyder. Description: Boston : Brill Nijhoff, 2015. | Series: Collected courses of the Xiamen Academy of International Law ; 6 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2015038106| ISBN 9789004301054 (hardback : alk. paper) | ISBN 9789004306929 (e-book) Subjects: LCSH: Food law and legislation--China. | International law--China. Classification: LCC KNQ3377 .S69 2015 | DDC 344.5104/232--dc23 LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2015038106

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Copyright 2016 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill nv provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, ma 01923, usa. Fees are subject to change.

This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

For Anne-Lise

Contents

Acknowledgments XIII List of Tables and Figures XXI List of Abbreviations XXIII Biographical Note XXIX Selected Publications XXX

1 Introduction 1

2 Three Worlds of 9 Introduction 9 Purpose and Scope 9 Some Words about Method 11 Organisation and Argument 13 The First World of Melamine 16 Introduction 16 Multinational Companies, wto Accession and Joint Ventures 17 International Trade, Competition for Markets and Anti-Dumping 30 Illegal Trade and the Rise of Foreign Risk Regulation 36 The Second World of Melamine 40 Introduction 40 The Rise of Sanlu 41 The Sanlu Model 45 The Race to the Bottom 51 Melamine in Baby Formula 55 The Third World of Melamine 60 Introduction 60 The Party-State 61 Bureaucratic Networks 65 Administrative Organisation of Food Safety Regulation 74 Food Safety Regulation of Melamine in Practice 78 Intervention of Central Party-State Authorities 86 Conclusion 99

viii Contents

3 Emergence of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 108 Introduction 108 Ensuring the Quality of Dairy Products 111 The Need to Protect Public Health and Reassure the Public 111 The qsdp Regulation 115 The ppfm Measures 119 Restructuring the Dairy Sector 121 Dairy Farmers 121 Milk Collection Stations 125 Processors and Manufacturers 126 Sanlu Bankruptcy 127 Unexpected Consequences 130 Law, Sanctions and Managed Justice 134 Party and Government 134 High-Profile Criminal Cases 138 Criminal Prosecution of Middlemen and Milk Producers 146 Civil Suits by Victims for Compensation 147 Administrative Compensation 150 Managed Justice 152 Toward a National Food Safety Law 155 Background 155 The 1995 Food Hygiene Law 157 The 2009 Food Safety Law 162 The 2009 State Council Implementing Regulation 173 Conclusion 175

4 Transnationalisation of Chinese Dairy Standards 180 Introduction 180 The Normative Framework for Standards before Melamine 181 wto sps and tbt Agreements 181 Historical Background of Standards in China 186 The 1988 Standardization Law 188 The 1990 Standardization Law Implementing Regulations 192 The 2001 Measures for the Administration of Adoption of International Standards 195 The 2002 Notice on International Standards 200

Contents ix

Regulatory Reforms after Melamine 202 Food Safety Standards on the Eve of 2009 202 The 2009 Food Safety Law and Standards 202 The 2009 Food Safety Law Implementing Regulation 208 The 2010 Administrative Measures for National Food Safety Standards 209 Politics of Dairy Standards 211 Two Dilemmas 211 Small Workshops, Standards and Factions 212 International Dairy Federation (idf) in China 217 New Standards for Dairy Products 222 Precursors 222 Adoption of New Dairy Standards 224 Protein, Bacteria and Compromise 229 Melamine Standards and Transnational Relations 232 Conclusion 239

5 Transnational Sites of Food Safety Regulation 241 Introduction 241 Food and Agriculture Organisation (fao) 243 World Health Organisation (who) 245 Structure 245 Relations 246 International Food Safety Authorities Network (infosan) 252 Structure 252 Relations 254 World Trade Organisation (wto) 257 Structure 257 Relations 262 Other Bodies 267 Introduction 267 Codex Alimentarius Commission (cac) 268 Structure 268 Relations 273 World Organisation for Animal Health (oie) 274 International Plant Protection Convention (ippc) 275 International Organisation for Standardisation (iso) 275 Conclusion 276

x Contents

6 Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards through wto Consultations 278 Introduction 278 The Cases 281 Classification 281 Pre-Importation Production and Treatment Methods 283 Import Bans – Procedures 292 Import Bans – Health and Quality Standards 301 Post-Importation Testing and Inspection 306 Shelf-Life 308 Discussion 313 Introduction 313 Number and Categories of Cases 313 Participants 313 Mode of Settlement 317 Winners and Losers 324 Conclusion 327

7 International Food Safety Standards in wto Case Law 334 Introduction 334 Legal Bases for Cross-References 336 Introduction 336 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (vclt) 336 Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (sps Agreement) 338 Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (tbt Agreement) 340 Cases on Basic Concepts 344 Introduction 344 Australia – Salmon 344 EC – Hormones 349 Japan – Agricultural Products 356 Cases on More Complex Questions 358 EC – Sardines 358 Japan – Apples 362 EC – Biotech Products 366 Australia – Apples 371 United States – Country of Origin Labelling (cool) 378 United States – Clove Cigarettes 380 India – Agricultural Products 384 Conclusion 389

Contents xi

8 Multilateral Monitoring of Chinese Food Safety Law 394 Introduction 394 Multilateral Monitoring within the wto 397 China’s wto Rights and Obligations 397 The Transitional Review Mechanism (trm) 399 The Trade Policy Review Mechanism (tprm) 402 wto tprm Reviews of China’s Food Safety Regime 403 The tprm and Food Safety Regulation in China 403 The 2006 Trade Policy Review 404 The 2008 Trade Policy Review 411 The 2010 Trade Policy Review 422 The 2012 Trade Policy Review 438 The 2014 Trade Policy Review 449 Discussion 467 tprm as an Institution 467 Questions and Questioners 468 Subject Matter 471 Conclusion 474

9 Conclusion 477

Appendix 1: Table of Treaties, Agreements and Related Documents 497 Appendix 2: Table of Constitutions and Statutes of International Organisations 501 Appendix 3: Table of Legislation and Regulations 502 Appendix 4: Table of Standards 517 Appendix 5: Table of Cases 519 Bibliography 523 Author Index 574 Subject Index 575

Acknowledgments

Writing a book is like cooking. Both are creative activities, individual and col- lective, uniting mind and hand, and requiring imagination and experimenta- tion as well as retracing some well-worn channels. Both are processes involving structure and agency, embracing actors of many kinds in a complex chain from production to consumption. Both are framed (usually) by rules, formal and informal, whether articulated clearly, grasped intuitively or working below the level of consciousness. Both are often unpredictable: we learn so much about the activity by practising and transforming its ingredients, resulting in unfore- seen consequences and in a creation that is old and new, raw and cooked. Despite the best intentions of its chef or author, no dish, or no book, is ever perfect: its creator, while savouring the final product, knows that there is much room for improvement. The many parallels between writing and cooking have often been in my mind during the writing of this book. This book is a study of cooking law. It is a study of the making of transna- tional food safety law in China. Preparing food safety law in China has been a long process, of which this book traces only a recent part. Modern Chinese food safety law, as with food safety law elsewhere, was the fruit of food safety crisis. The melamine baby formula scandal of 2008 draw widespread public attention, concentrated minds and energy and stimulated Chinese govern- ment activity concerning food safety as never before. The great institutional and normative activity which ensued, as the melamine crisis itself revealed, occurred in the context of economic and legal globalisation. Global legal plu- ralism and China together provided the ingredients, the stimulus, the norma- tive repertoire and the craft knowledge for the making of the China’s first Food Safety Law in 2009, as well as for the continuing adaptation and improvement of Chinese food safety law and the system of food safety regulation in China today. As part of the search for the best ways to guarantee safe food, the process of cooking food safety law in China is not finished. Indeed, it cannot be, by definition, in China or elsewhere, because of the constant changes in food technology, in the production, distribution and consumption of food and in the ways in which the culture of food is embedded in society. In this continu- ing process, the Chinese spirit of experimentation and adaptation should be in its element, transposing inherent features of the great Chinese culinary tradi- tion to the realm of law-making and the protection of public health. My reflections on the food economy, the internationalisation of agriculture and food safety regulation began many years ago. Let me begin therefore by thanking all who contributed to my research on these questions in West Africa

xiv Acknowledgments and then in Western Europe and later in China. In retrospect, I learned much more than could have been anticipated then about the context, substance, potential and limits of food safety regulation. More recently, during the prepa- ration of this book, I have been fortunate to benefit from the support and help of many people and numerous institutions. Without their generosity, kindness and tolerance, my understanding of food safety law in China would be much poorer than it is today. It is a pleasure to thank them here. I hope that anyone whom I have neglected to mention, or government officials who may wish not to be identified specifically, will find in the book itself an adequate expression of my gratitude. The book began with a series of lectures on ‘Legal Pluralism and the Develop­ ment of International Food Law’ at the Xiamen Academy of Inter­national Law in July 2012. For the kind invitation to deliver the lectures and their hospitality and support during my stay in Xiamen, I am grateful to President Jiuyong Shi, President of the Curatorium of the Academy and former President of the International Court of Justice, The Hague; Professor Huaqun Zeng, Director, International Economic Law Institute, University of Xiamen and Co-President of the Adminis­ trative Council of the Academy; particularly Professor Chia Jui-Cheng, Professor of International Law, Soochow University, Visiting Professor of International Law, Xiamen University, and Secretary-General of the Xiamen Academy of International Law; and Associate Professor Cliff Manjiao Chi, Associate Professor of International Law, Xiamen University, and Deputy Secretary-General of the Administrative Council of the Academy; and I also wish to thank the authorities of the City of Xiamen for their hospitality and kindness during my visit to their city. The book, though stemming originally from my Xiamen Academy lectures, takes a rather different perspective on food safety law from that of the lectures. It also treats aspects of food safety regulation in China which, for reasons of time, could not be discussed in the lectures. For contributing to the shift in perspective, I am very grateful to my colleagues at Peking University School of Transnational Law (stl) and Peking University Shenzhen Graduate School. I wish to thank especially President Wu Zhipan, Vice-Chancellor Hai Wen, Dean Jeffrey Lehman, Dean Philip McConnaughay, my professorial colleagues and my students for their encouragement and support. I am grateful particularly to Dean Lehman and Dean McConnaughay for giving their enthusiastic support to my interest in a subject which has increasingly come to play a major role in Chinese life. For reinforcing the shift in perspective, I owe a special debt to the State Administrative of Foreign Expert Affairs (safea), People’s Republic of China. safea invited me in 2013 to join the Foreign Experts Advisory Committee (feac) and to serve as leading foreign expert on the reform of the 2009 Food Safety Law. This unparalleled experience provided an invaluable opportunity

Acknowledgments xv to learn about, think about and potentially contribute to the development of food safety law in China. I am deeply grateful to safea for this experience, which has contributed considerably to the orientation and shape of the book. I also wish to record here my lasting gratitude to Jerome A. Cohen, who many years ago introduced me to Chinese law and society and whose imprint shall surely be found in this book. Academic research depends on financial support, whether in the direct form of research grants or fellowships or in the indirect form of covering the hidden costs of doing research. For both, I am very grateful to Peking University School of Transnational Law (stl) and Peking University Shenzhen Graduate School, which kindly awarded me a grant to support my research on food safety law in China and the European Union. Both institutions also supported the Food Safety Law Research Project, which I directed during the past few years at stl. Special thanks are due to Professor Wu Zhipan, Executive Vice-President of Peking University, Director of the Peking University Financial Law Institute and formerly Dean, Peking University Law School, ; Professor Hai Wen, currently Chancellor, Peking University Shenzhen Graduate School and Dean, hsbc Business School, Peking University Shenzhen Graduate School, and for- merly Vice-President of Peking University; Professor Jeffrey Lehman, currently Vice-Chancellor, New York University Shanghai and formerly Vice-Chancellor, Peking University Shenzhen Graduate School and Founding Dean, Peking University School of Transnational Law; and Professor Philip McConnaughay, Dean of Peking University School of Transnational Law. The book also draws partly on my previous research on food safety regulation. For financial or other material support of this earlier research, I am grateful to the European Commission Jean Monnet Programme which awarded me a Jean Monnet Chair ad personam; the Ministry of Education, People’s Republic of China, for granting me a Chinese Culture Research Fellowship (2006–2007); the Centre d’Etudes et de Recherches Internationales et Communautaires (ceric), umr 7318 – dice (cnrs-amu), Aix-Marseille Université; Peking University Law School, Beijing; Institute of European Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing; Centre for European Studies, Peking University, Beijing; Tsinghua Law School, Beijing; London School of Economics; Institute for Advanced Study (Wissenschaftskolleg), Berlin; University of Warwick; and the European University Institute, Florence. For research assistance and continuing discussion, I owe a great debt to Lu Yi 卢毅, first a candidate for the jd and jm degrees at Peking University School of Transnational Law, Peking University Shenzhen Graduate School and now my colleague as Assistant Director of the Centre for Research on Transnational Law at the same institution. My thinking about Chinese and international food

xvi Acknowledgments safety regulation has benefitted enormously from discussions and research with the stl Food Safety Research Project Group, whose members have included Liu Dingmin 刘丁敏, Lu Yi 卢毅 (stl Graduating Class of 2012),Yu Weiye 于伟业, Li Chunyan 李春艳 (Class of 2013), Han Limei 韩丽梅, Li Xinghai 李星海, Zhou Kaichen 周开晨, Tang Yun 唐芸, Qi Chong 启翀, Lin 林媛, Kim Yiseul (Class of 2014), Liu Shuang刘爽, Liu Xing’er刘幸儿, Chen Fei 陈飞, Zheng Tianyuan 郑田园, Ying王影, Li Yi 李毅, Zhang Xian 张娴 (Class of 2015), and Richard Zhang 张俊琪, Xu Mengting 徐梦婷, Ruan Min 阮旻, Chen Shenglan 陈盛兰, Xin Junqing 辛俊卿 (Class of 2016). For research assistance, I am also extremely grateful to Dr Wei Gong (London School of Economics). I wish to thank Harvey Yao Zhihong and Dong Shi for their help; Dong Shi checked the dates in Chapter 2 with great efficiency. I owe a special debt to the stl Brill Book Team (bbt) which I formed at stl to help in preparing the final manuscript of the book.. This group of outstanding jd/jm students consisted of (in alphabetical order) Li Jiaxing 李佳星, Xin Junqing 辛俊卿, Richard Junqi Zhang |张俊琪, and Zhang Xueying 张雪莹, who acted as coordinator. I wish to thank them most sincerely for their dedication, incredible hard work, great attention to deal and spirit of friendly cooperation during a busy period of great pressure during the academic year. For help in obtaining documents, I wish to thank Lei Tan (Evelyn), Deputy Director of the Center for Legal Research, Shenzhen Graduate School; Professor Chris Simoni, formerly Professor of Law and Associate Dean for Information Services, Peking University School of Transnational Law, Peking University Shenzhen Graduate School; Professor Duncan Alford, currently Consulting Director of the Shenzhen University Town Library and Associate Dean for Information Services, Peking University School of Transnational Law and Associate Dean for the Law Library; Dr Jose Luis de Sales Marques, President, Institute of European Studies of Macau (ieem); and José Matias of Televisão de Macau. For encouragement and moral support, I am grateful to Professors Jacques Bourrinet, Zhou , Cheng Weidong, Shao Jingchun, Song Ying, Rostane Mehdi, Director Sandrine Maljean-Dubois and Dr Eve Truilhe. Preliminary versions of various chapters were presented at the Law & Soci­ety Association Annual Meeting (2013), Boston, Massachusetts, usa; Seminar on ‘Dispute Settlement in the wto: The Floor to Practitioners’, European University Institute, Florence, Italy; College of Europe (Bruges, Belgium); Academy of Inter­ national Trade and Investment Law (Macau); Faculty Scholarship Workshop, Peking University School of Transnational Law, Peking University Shenzhen Graduate School; Peking University School of Transnational Law Food Safety Law Research Project Group; Seminar on Food Safety, organised by the Institute of European Studies of Macau (ieem) and the Government of the Special

Acknowledgments xvii

Administrative Region of Macau, with support of the European Union; Jean Monnet Seminar Series, Faculty of Law and Institute for Advanced Legal Studies, University of Macau; Visiting Speaker Seminar Series, University of Macau, sponsored by the European Union Academic Programme in Macau, the Univer­ sity of Macau and the Institute of European Studies of Macau (ieem); and the European Union Studies Association Asia Pacific Conference, University of Macau, sponsored by the European Union Lifelong Learning Programme and the Asia Pacific Association of European Studies; and the International Forum on Development Strategies and Ecological Issues in Northwest China, Northwest Agricultural and Forestry University (nwafu), Yangling, Shaanxi, China. I am grateful for helpful comments on these occasions. For reading specific chapters, I wish to express my sincere gratitude to Professors Ray Campbell, Douglas Levene, Jin Zining, two anonymous review- ers and the editor of the Journal of Integrative Agriculture and the editors of the Peking University Transnational Law Review. I am most grateful to my colleages at Peking University School of Transnational Law for comments and discus- sion of Chapters 1 and 2 at our Faculty Scholarship Seminar. Zhou Zhaoke and Li Yi, successive Editors-in-Chief of Peking University Transnational Law, pro- vided invaluable help. I also thank Professors Simon Roberts, Elisa Baroncelli and Giorgio Monti and Dr Gudrun Wacker for further helpful comments. On behalf of the Peking University School of Transnational Law Food Safety Law Research Project Group, I wish to thank the organisers of the 9th International Workshop of Young Scholars, held in November 2012 at Peking University School of Transnational Law, Peking University Shenzhen Graduate School, for including a Roundtable based on the Project and for comments and discus- sion on that occasion. I am grateful to Professor Shu Geng for proving that the topic of food safety regulation in China remains of continuing interest. A very early version of part of Chapter 6 was published as ‘Exporting Food Safety Standards: The Hidden Jurisprudence of the wto’, in Inge Govaere and Dominik Hanf (eds), Scrutinizing International and External Dimensions of the Internal Market/Les dimensions internes et externes du droit européen à l’épreuve: Liber Amicorum for Rector Paul Demaret, Volume ii (Peter Lang Publishers, Brussels, 2013), pp. 779–799; a later, much longer version was pub- lished as ‘We Need a Global Food Safety Agency: Reflections on the Hidden Jurisprudence of the wto’, Peking University Transnational Law Review, 1, 2, 2013, pp. 162–209. A short version of Chapter 8 was published as ‘No country is an island in regulating food safety: How the wto Trade Policy Review Mechanism (TPRM) monitors Chinese food safety law’, Journal of Integrative Agriculture (formerly Agricultural Sciences in China) [an Official Publication of the Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences, CASS], Special Issue on ‘Food Safety in

xviii Acknowledgments

China: Science, Economics and Policy’, October 2015, Doi: 10.1016/S2095- 3119(15)61111-X. An updated, longer version was published as ‘Multilateral Monitoring of Food Safety Law in China: The wto Trade Policy Review Mechanism (tprm), 2006–2014’, Peking University Trans­national Law Review, 2, 1, 2014, pp. 321–410. I am grateful to the following publishers and other copyright holders for permission to use material in which they hold copyright:

• Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences (caas) for permission to include in Chapter 8 material from my article ‘No country is an island in regulating food safety: How the wto Trade Policy Review Mechanism (tprm) monitors Chinese food safety law’, which is in the Food Safety Special Issue of the Journal of Integrative Agriculture (official publication of the caas), Vol. 14, 2015; • Edward Elgar Publishing, for permission to quote from Michael Webber, Making Capitalism in Rural China (Edward Elgar Publishing, Cheltenham, 2012; • Elsevier Ltd., for permission to quote from: Food Policy, 35, 5, 2010, Changbai Xin and K.K. Klein, ‘Melamine in Milk Products in China: Examining the Factors that Led to Deliberate Use of the Contaminant’, pp. 463–470; • Elsevier Ltd., for permission to quote from: Food Policy, 36, 32, June 2011, Xiaofang Pei, Annuradha Tandon, Anton Alldrick, Liana Giogi, Wei Huang and Ruijia Yang, ‘The China Melamine Milk Scandal and Its Implications for Food Safety Regulation’, pp. 412–420. • Hague Academy of International Law, for permission to use material from Francis Snyder, ‘Report of the Director of Studies: Toward an International Law for Adequate Food’, in Ahmed Mahiou and Francis Snyder (eds), La Securite alimentaire/Food Security and Food Safety (Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, Leiden/Boston, 2006), pp. 79–163; • Penguin Books, HarperCollins Publishers and Richard McGregor, for per- mission to quote from THE PARTY: THE SECRET WORLD OF CHINA’S COMMUNIST RULERS by RICHARD MCGREGOR. Copyright (c) 2010 by Richard McGregor. Reprinted by permission of HarperCollins Publishers; • Peter Lang Publishers, for permission to incorporate into Chapter 6 material from my article ‘Exporting Food Safety Standards: The Hidden Jurisprudence of the wto’, in Inge Govaere and Dominik Hanf (eds), Scrutinizing International and External Dimensions of the Internal Market/Les dimensions internes et externes du droit européen à l’épreuve: Liber Amicorum for Rector Paul Demaret, Volume ii (Peter Lang Publishers, Brussels, 2013), pp. 779–799; • lap Lambert Academic Publishing, for permission to use material from Jing Li, Policy Coordination in China: The Cases of Infectious Disease and Food Safety Policy (lap Lambert Academic Publishing, Hong Kong, 2012);

Acknowledgments xix

• Lexxicon for permission to use material from Pinghui Xiao, ‘China’s Food Standardization System, Its Reform and Remaining Challenges’, European Journal of Risk Regulation, 4, 2012, 507–520; • Dr Jing Li, for permission to use material from her PhD thesis on ‘Policy Coordination in China: The Cases of Infectious Disease and Food Safety Policy’ submitted to the University of Hong Kong in 2010, and from her book: Policy Coordination in China: The Cases of Infectious Disease and Food Safety Policy (lap Lambert Academic Publishing, Hong Kong, 2012); • Peking University School of Transnational Law and Peking University Transnational Law Review, for permission to include in Chapter 6 material from my article ‘We Need a Global Food Safety Agency: Reflections on the Hidden Jurisprudence of the wto’, Peking University Transnational Law Review, 1, 2, 2013, pp. 162–209; • Peking University School of Transnational Law and Peking University Transnational Law Review, for permission to include in Chapter 8 material from my article ‘Multilateral Monitoring of Food Safety Law in China: The wto Trade Policy Review Mechanism (tprm), 2006–2014’, Peking University Transnational Law Review, 2, 1, 2014, pp. 321–410 • University of California Press, for permission to quote from Franz Schur­ mann, Ideology and Organization in Communist China (University of California Press, Berkeley, 2nd edition 1971 [originally published in 1966] • University of California Press, for permission to quote from Kenneth G. Lieberthal and David Lampton (eds), Bureaucracy, Politics and Decision- Making in Post-Mao China (University of California Press, Berkeley, 1992); • Professor Michael Webber, for permission to quote from his book Making Capitalism in Rural China (Edward Elgar Publishing, Cheltenham, 2012; • who Press for the World Health Organization, for permission to reprint 13 lines (about 130 words) from a wto report on from a infosan work with the Chinese Ministry of Health and the who Country Office in China after the 2008 melamine infant formula crisis, reproduced from http://www.who. int/foodsafety/fs_management/inforsan-events/en/index4.html and http:// www.health.govt.bt/newslatters/infosan.pdf; • World Trade Organization, for permission to quote from wto panel reports and Appellate Body reports and from documents concerning the Trade Policy Review Mechanism. All quotations are drawn from material available on the wto website www.wto.org; • Professor Zheng Yongnian, for permission to quote from his book The as Organizational Emperor: Culture, Reproduction and Transformation (Routledge, London, 2010).

xx Acknowledgments

I wish to thank Lu Yi for her help, hard work and many discussions about food safety law in China during the preparation of my suggestions as lead foreign export for reform of the 2009 Food Safety Law of the People’s Republic of China. I am also grateful for her cooperation and knowledge in teaching our joint course on Food Safety Law and Policy at Peking University School of Transnational Law, Peking University Shenzhen Graduate School. I also thank the superb administrative staff at STL for their constant interest and support. For their love, interest in food, encouragement and moral support, I wish to thank my son Jasper, my daughter-in-law Julie and my grandson Keevie for bringing me so much joy before, during and after the writing of this book. I am also grateful to my brother Stephen and my sister-in-law Ellen for their support. Most of all, I am pleased to thank Anne-Lise Strahtmann. Her contributions to this book are beyond counting. Without her love and support, this book would never have been undertaken and certainly it would never have been completed. I shall never be able to repay my enormous debt to her, which I happily acknowledge. As a modest but sincere token of my thanks, I dedicate this book to her. I am pleased that it has been possible to include the book in the Collected Courses of the Xiamen Academy of International Law. I wish to thank Professor Chia Jui-Cheng, Secretary-General of the Xiamen Academy, and Ingeborg van der Laan and Ester Lels at Brill Publishers for their help, support and coopera- tive spirit. I remain responsible for all errors and other shortcomings of the book. Comments and suggestions for improvement may be sent to me at fgsnyder@ gmail.com. The book aims to take account of the law up to 1 September 2014, though some later developments have been taken into account so far as possible.

List of Tables and Figures

Tables

2.1 Milk production in China, 2002–2010 52 2.2 Capacity and volume of domestic melamine production in China, 2001–2010 (in 10,000 tonnes) 56 2.3 Participants at State Council executive meeting on the melamine crisis, 17 September 2008 92 4.1 Codes, content and formulating bodies for food standards before 2009 203 4.2 Members of the Chinese idf national committee 219 6.1 Cases on pre-importation production and treatment methods 284 6.2 Cases on import bans – procedures 293 6.3 Cases on import bans based on health and quality standards 302 6.4 Cases on post-importation testing and inspection measures 307 6.5 Cases on the shelf-life of products 308 6.6 Income classification of complainants and respondents in food safety cases considered here 315 6.7 Income classification of complainants and respondents in all wto cases 316 6.8 Comparison of food safety cases considered here and total wto cases accord- ing to income classification of complainants and respondents 317 6.9 Procedural outcome of cases on food safety 318 6.10 Mode of settlement by income category of parties 323 6.11 Complainants, respondents and winners in food safety cases 325 7.1 wto cases involving international food safety standards 390 8.1 2006: wto members asking questions about food safety and the subject matter of the questions (in order of page number in the tprb reports) 410 8.2 2006 China trade policy review: wto members asking questions about food safety, number of questions and main concerns 411 8.3 2008 review of China’s trade policy: wto members asking questions about food safety and the subject matter of the questions (in order of page number in the tprb report) 416 8.4 2008: China trade policy review: wto members asking questions about food safety, the number of questions and the main concerns 420 8.5 Registration of Geographical Indications (gis) in China, 1994–2009 425 8.6 2010 review of China’s trade policy: wto members asking questions about food safety and subject matter of the questions (in order of page number in the tprb report) 426

xxii List of Tables and Figures

8.7 2010 China trade policy review: wto members asking questions and number of questions 434 8.8 Evolution of Chinese standards, 2006–2010 440 8.9 2012 China trade policy review: wto members asking questions and subject matter of questions (in order of page number in the Record of the Meeting) 442 8.10 2012 China trade policy review: wto members asking questions, number of questions and main concerns 444 8.11 Laws and regulations related to China’s sps regime 451 8.12 Institutions in charge of the sps system in China 453 8.13 2014 review of China’s trade policy: wto members asking questions about food safety and subject matter of the questions (in order of page number in the tprb report) 456 8.14 2014: wto members asking questions about food safety, number of questions and main concerns in 2014 China trade policy review 463 8.15 Evolution of questions about food safety in reviews of China’s trade policy, 2006–2014 468 8.16 Main subjects of questions in reviews of China’s trade policy, 2006–2014 472

Figures

2.1 The Sanlu Model of the Chinese dairy industry 47 2.2 Food safety regulatory authorities, City, 2008 77 3.1 Meta-policy and policy contexts of the 2009 Food Safety Law 110

List of Abbreviations ab Appellate Body, World Trade Organisation abgc Australia Banana Growers’ Council abs Access and Benefit Sharing abwa Asian and Middle Eastern Bottled Water Association abwi Australasian Bottled Water Institute aic Administration of Industry and Commerce alop Appropriate Level of Protection ams Agriculture Marketing Service ansi American National Standards Institute AoA Agreement on Agriculture apec Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation aphis us Animal and Plant Inspection Service aqsiq Administrative of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine (PRC) bricsam Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa and Mexico bse Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy (mad cow disease) cabs Conformity Assessment Body cac Codex Alimentarius Commission caiq Chinese Academy of Inspection and Quarantine cap Common Agricultural Policy cas Chinese Academy of Sciences cbd Convention on Biological Diversity cbwa Council of Bottled Water Associations ccc China Compulsory Certificate ccfa Codex Committee on Food Additives ccmas Codex Committee on Methods of Analysis and Sampling ccmc China Chamber of Commerce of Metals, Minerals & Chemicals Importers and Exporters ccp Chinese Communist Party ccpr Codex Committee on Pesticide Residues cdc Centre for Disease Control cdia China Dairy Industry Association cesm Committee of Experts on Phytosanitary Measures cfda China Food and Drug Administration cfqs China Food Quality and Drug Supervision and Testing Center cfs Commission on Food Safety chemlinked China’s Chemical Regulatory News & Database

xxiv List of Abbreviations

CiCLOPs Duke Law Center for International and Comparative Law Occasional Papers cifst Chinese Institute of Food Science and Technology cit Dalian Century International Trading Company Ltd. cis Center for Comparative and International Study cl Criminal Law cnampg China National Agricultural Means of Production Group cnas China National Accreditation Service cnca China National Certification and Accreditation Administration cnccc China National Chemical Construction Corp cnooc China National Offshore Oil Corporation cnoocc China National Offshore Oil Corp. Chemical Ltd cnpc China National Petroleum Corporation cool Country of Origin Labelling cop Conference of the Parties CoRePer Committee of Permanent Representatives cpa Communist Party of China cpc The Communist Party of China cpd Central Propaganda Department cplc Central Political and Legal Commission cyl Communist Youth League dfc Dairy Farmers of Canada ds sanco Directorate-General for Health and Food Safety, European Commission dsb wto Dispute Settlement Body dsm wto Dispute Settlement Mechanism dsu Understanding on Rules and Procedures Governing the Settlement of Disputes, World Trade Organisation ebwa European Bottled Watercooler Association (Europe) ec European Community ecpr European Consortium for Political Research efbw European Federation of Bottled Waters efma European Fertilisers’ Manufacturers Association ehs Environment, Health and Safety eu European Union fao Food and Agriculture Organisation, fcc Forensic Chemistry Centre fctc Framework Convention on Tobacco Control fda Food and Drug Administration fdi Foreign Direct Investment

List Of Abbreviations xxv ffdca United States Federal Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act fmd Foot-and-Mouth Disease fos Department of Food Safety and Zoonoses fsc Food Safety Committee fsis Food Safety and Inspection Services fsl Food Safety Law, 2009, People’s Republic of China gad Global Antidumping Database (World Bank) gain Global Agricultural Information Network gap Good agricultural practices gaqsoq General Administration of Quality Inspection, Supervision and Quarantine gar Global Alert and Response gats General Agreement on Trade in Services gatt 1947 1947 General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade gc-ms Gas Chromatography- Mass Spectrometry gdp Gross Domestic Product gfn Global Foodborne Infections Network ghp Good Hygienic Practice gis Geographical indications glews Global Early Warning System gm Genetically Modified gmd Guomindang gmos Genetically Modified Organisms gmp Good Manufacturing Practices goarn Global Outbreak and Response Network gscf Gujurat State Chemicals & Fertilizers Ltd gsp us Generalized Scheme of Preferences haccp Hazard Analysis and Critical Control Point hfiqb Frontier Inspection and Quarantine Bureau hku University of Hong Kong hpai Highly Pathogenic Avian Influenza hplc High Performance Liquid Chromatography hs Harmonised System iarc International Agency for Research on ibwa International Bottled Water Association icbwa International Council of Bottled Water Associations icm Integrated supply chain management ics International Classification of Standards icsid International Center for Settlement of Investment Disputes idf International Dairy Federation

xxvi List of Abbreviations iec International Electrotechnical Commission IFoFS International Union of Food, Science and Technology ihr International Health Regulations ilo International Labour Organisation infosan International Food Safety Authorities Network ingo International Non-Governmental Organisation ioe International Office of Epizootics [now World Organisation for Animal Health] ippc International Plant Protection Convention ipr Intellectual Property Rights ira Import Risk Analysis iso International Organization for Standardization ispm International Standard for Phytosanitary Measures ita International Trade Administration, us itc International Trade Commission, us itu International Telecommunications Union jecfa Joint fao/who Expert Committee on Food Additives jemra Joint fao/who Expert Meetings on Microbiological Risk Assessment jes Joint Explanatory Statement jmpr Joint fao/who Meeting on Pesticide Residues labwa Latin American Bottled Water Association lc-ms/ms Liquid Chromatography-Tandem Mass Spectrometry lpai Low Pathogenicity Avian Influenza lsg Leading Small Group mah Marketing Authorisation Holder mdi Maximum daily intake mep Ministry for Environmental Protection mfn Most Favoured Nation ml Maximum level moa Ministry of Agriculture, China MoA Ministry of Agriculture, China moc Ministry of Commerce, China mofcom Ministry of Trade and Economic Cooperation, China mofert Ministry of Foreign Economic Relations and Trade, China moftec Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation, China moh Ministry of Health, China mou Memorandum of Understanding mpi Ministry of Petroleum and Industry, China mrls Maximum residue limits

List Of Abbreviations xxvii mrm Microbiological Risk Assessment nafta North American Free Trade Association nai Notifiable Avian Influenza ncfsra National Centre for Food Safety Risk Assessment ndrc National Development and Reform Commission, China nepa National Environmental Protection Agency, China ngos Non-governmental organisations nhfpc National Health and Family Planning Commission, China npc National People’s Congress, China nt National treatment ntbs Non-tariff barriers oci Orascom Construction Industries oecd Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development oie Office International des Epizooties, now the World Organisation for Animal Health olpc Organic Law of the People’s Courts of the People’s Republic of China pbgea Philippine Banana Growers and Exporters Association pic Prior Informed Consent ppfm Measures Administrative Measures for the Production and Purchase of Fresh Milk ppfm Measures State Council and the Administrative Measures for the Production and Purchase of Fresh Milk ppia Poultry Products Inspection Act pql Product Quality Law pra Pest Risk Analysis prt Pathogen Reduction Treatments qci Quality Council of India qsdp Regulation Regulation on the Supervision and Administration of the Quality and Safety of Dairy Products reach eu Regulation on Registration, Evaluation, Authorisation and Restriction of Chemicals saarc South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation sac China Standardisation Administration saic State Administration for Industry and Commerce scm Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures scprc Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress scw Sichuan Chemical Works sdc Shijiazhuang Dairy Company sdt special and differential treatment

xxviii List of Abbreviations sez Special Economic Zone sfda State Food and Drug Administration sme Small or Medium-Sized Enterprise soe State-owned Enterprise sop Standard Operating Procedure sps Agreement Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures sps Committee wto Committee on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures sqi Institute of Supervision and Testing on Product Quality stes State trading enterprises tbt Agreement Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade Terrestrial Code Terrestrial Animal Health Code tfeu Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union tpr Trade Policy Review tprb Trade Policy Review Body tprm wto Trade Policy Review Mechanism trips Agreement wto Agreement on Trade-Related Measures of Intellectual Property trm Transitional Review Mechanism tusiad Turkish Industry and Business Association un United Nations unctad United Nations Conference on Trade and Development unep United Nations Environmental Programme usda United States Department of Agriculture usfda United States Food and Drug Administration vclt Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties wco World Customs Organization wha World Health Assembly who World Health Organisation who-unicef World Health Organisation – United Nations Children’s Fund [formerly United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund] wto World Trade Organization wto Agreement The Marrakesh Agreement Establishing the World Trade Organisation

Biographical Note

Francis SNYDER was educated at Yale University (B.A. Hons., Political Science); Sciences-Po Paris (Fulbright Scholar); Université de Paris i (Panthéon- Sorbonne) (Certificat de droit et économie des pays d’Afrique; Doctorat (Droit comparé); Habilitation à diriger des recherches (droit), Aix Marseille Université. Currently he is C.V. Starr Professor of Law, eu Jean Monnet Chair Professor ad personam and Director, Centre for Research on Transnational Law, Peking University School of Transnational Law (pkustl), Peking University Shenzhen Graduate School, China. He is also Special Endowed Chair Professor of Food Safety at Northwest Agricultural and Forestry University (nwafu), Yangling, Shaanxi, China, and Research Director on Food Policy and Law of the Sino-US Joint Research Centre for Food Safety. He is Visiting Professor at the College of Europe (Bruges) and Institute of European Studies of Macau (ieem) and Adjunct Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Macau. He is Founder and a Director of the Pearl River Delta Academy of International Trade and Investment Law (praia). He has been a Fellow of the Institute for Advanced Study (Wissenschaftskolleg), Berlin. He is Emeritus Professor of Public Law, ceric, Aix Marseille Université. He is a member of the Bar of Massachusetts. usa. The Republic of France in 1988 awarded him the honour of Officier de l’Ordre des Palmes Académiques. Previously he taught at London School of Economics; European University Institute, Florence; University College London; University of Warwick; Osgoode Hall Law School and Division of Social Science, York University, Toronto; and was a Fellow, Programme in Law and Modernization, Yale Law School. He has held visiting professorships at numerous universities in Europe, North America and Asia. He is the founder and from 1995–2013 Editor-in-Chief of the European Law Journal and served as Co-Director, Academy of European Law, Florence (1997–2000) and Director of Research, Hague Academy of International Law Centre for Studies and Research (2003). He serves on the editorial board or advisory board of numerous academic journals. He is a member of the Foreign Experts Advisory Committee (feac), State Administration of Foreign Experts Affairs (safea), People’s Republic of China, and was chief foreign expert on reform of the Chinese 2009 Food Safety Law. He has also served as consultant to various international organisations, gov- ernments, law firms and companies in the fields of eu agricultural law, eu international trade and customs law and wto law.

Selected Publications

(a) Monographs

1. Snyder, Francis, Food Safety Law in China: Making Transnational Law, published in Collected Courses of the Xiamen Academy of International Law (E.J. Brill Publishers, Leiden, 2016). 2. Snyder, Francis, The eu, the wto and China: Legal Pluralism and International Trade Regulation (Hart Publishing, Oxford, Series: China and International Economic Law’, 2010, 651 pp.). 3. Snyder, Francis. International Trade and Customs Law of the European Union (Butterworths Law Publishers, London, Series: ‘Commercial Laws of Europe’, 1998), lxi + 650 pp., reprinted Tollet Publishers Ltd, Dublin and Sussex, 2007. 4. Snyder, Francis. Introduction to the Law of the European Union [in Chinese; translation by Song Ying] (Peking University Press, Beijing, 1996), 185 pp. 5. Snyder, Francis. Common Agricultural Policy of the European Economic Community (Butterworths, London, 1990; reprinted from: 1(2) Halsbury’s Laws of England (4th edition, republished 1990), 207 pp. 6. Snyder, Francis. Law of the Common Agricultural Policy (Sweet & Maxwell, ‘Modern Legal Studies’ Series, London, 1985), xxxiv + 181 pp.; translated into French (1987) and Italian (1990). 7. Snyder, Francis. Capitalism and Legal Change: An African Transformation (Academic Press, New York, Series: ‘Studies in Law and Social Control’, 1981), xiv + 344 pp. 8. Snyder, Francis (with the collaboration of M.-A. SAVANE). Law and Population in Senegal: A Survey of Legislation (Afrika-Studiecentrum, Leiden, 1977), v + 242 pp. 9. Snyder, Francis. One-Party Government in Mali (Yale University Press, New Haven, 1965), xi + 178 pp.

(b) Edited Books and Special Issues

1. Snyder, Francis (editor and sole contributor), The European Union and China, 1949–2008; Basic Documents and Commentary (Hart Publishing, Oxford, February 2009), xxiv + 1103 pp.; trans. into Chinese: 欧洲联盟与中 国 (1949–2008): 基本文件与评注 [平装] (2013). 2. Snyder, Francis (ed), The European Union, India and China: Strategic Partners in a Changing World / L’Union européenne, l’Inde et la Chine: Parténaries stratégiques dans un monde en mutation (5th International

Selected Publications xxxi

Workshop for Young Scholars (wish) / 5ème Rencontre international des Jeunes Chercheurs (rijc) (Bruylant, Brussels, 2008), 288 pp. 3. Snyder, Francis (ed), International Food Security and Global Legal Pluralism / La sécurité alimentaire et le pluralisme juridique global (2ème Rencontre internationale des Jeunes Chercheurs rijc / 2nd International Workshop for Young Scholars wish) (Bruylant, Brussels, 2004), 234 pp. 4. Snyder, Francis (ed), Regional and Global Regulation of International Trade (Hart Publishing, Oxford, 2002), xx + 304 pp. 5. Snyder, Francis (ed), The Europeanisation of Law: The Legal Effects of European Integration (Hart Publishing, Oxford, 2000), xxi + 348 pp. 6. Snyder, Francis (ed), Constitutional Dimensions of European Economic Integration (Kluwer, Dordrecht, 1996), ix + 375 pp. 7. Snyder, Francis (ed), European Community Law, two volumes (Dartmouth Publishing Company, Aldershot, ‘International Library of Essays in Law and Legal Theory’ Series, 1993), Volume i, xxvi + 477 pp., Volume ii, xxviii + 460 pp.

(c) Jointly Edited Books and Special Issues

1. Snyder, Francis and Lu, Yi (eds), The Future of Transnational Law : eu, usa, China and the brics / Le futur du droit transnational : ue, usa, Chine et les brics (Brussels, Bruylant, 2014), 528 pp. 2. Mahiou, Ahmed and Snyder, Francis (eds), La Sécurité alimentaire / Food Security and Food Safety (E.J. Brill for the Hague Academy of International Law, Leiden, 2006), 933 pp. 3. Bourrinet, Jacques and Snyder, Francis (eds), La Sécurité alimentaire dans l’Union européenne (Bruylant, Brussels, 2003), 189 pp. 4. Snyder, Francis and Hay, Douglas (eds), Labour, Law and Crime: An Historical Perspective (Tavistock, Londres, 1987), x + 309 pp. 5. Ghai, Yash, Luckham, Robin and Snyder, Francis (eds), The Political Economy of Law (Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1987), xvi + 821 pp. 6. Snyder, Francis and Slinn, Peter (eds), The International Law of Development: Comparative Perspectives (Butterworths Law Publishers, London, 1987), ix + 322 pp.

(d) Contributions to Edited Volumes

1. Snyder, Francis, ‘The Contribution of Anthropology to Teaching Comparative and International Law’, in The Trials and Triumphs of Teaching Legal Anthropology (eds. Marie-Claire Foblets, Gordon

xxxii Selected Publications

Woodman and Anthony Bradney) (Ashgate Publishing Company, Farnham, Surrey, 2015, in press). 2. Snyder, Francis, ‘Common Agricultural Policy’, in Oxford Handbook of the European Union (eds. Eric Jones, Anand Menon and Stephen Weatherill) (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2012), pp. 484–495. 3. Snyder, Francis, ‘emu – Integration and Differentiation: Metaphor for the European Union’, in The Evolution of eu Law (eds. Paul Craig and Grainne de Burca) (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2nd edition 2011), pp. 687–716. 4. Snyder, Francis, ‘“Worrying about Europe”: Chinese Law and the Changing Context of eu Legal Scholarship’, in H. Koch, , K. Hagel-Sorensen, U Haltern et J.H.H. Weiler (eds), EUROPE: The New Legal Realism – Essays in Honour of Hjalte Rasmussen (Copenhagen, diøf-Publishing, 2010), pp. 661–677. 5. Snyder, Francis, ‘Creusets de la communauté doctrinale de l’Union euro- péenne: Regards sur les revues francaises de droit européen’, in Doctrine et droit de l’Union européenne (ed. Fabrice Picod) (Bruylant, Brussels, 2009), pp. 35–89. 6. Snyder, Francis, ‘Soft Law and Governance: Structure and Process in the European Union Experience’, in LUO Haocai (ed), The Challenge of Soft Law (Beijing, Peking University Press, 2009) (in Chinese). 7. Snyder, Francis, ‘Economic Globalisation and the Law in the 21st Century’, in The Blackwell Companion to Law and Society (ed. Austin Sarat) (Blackwell Publishing, New York and Oxford, 2004), pp. 624–640. 8. Snyder, Francis, ‘Governing Globalization’, in Transnational Legal Processes: Globalisation and Power Disparities (ed. Michael Likosky) (Butterworths LexisNexis, ‘Law in Context’ Series, London, 2002), pp. 65–97. 9. Snyder, Francis, ‘Europeanisation and Globalisation as Friends and Rivals: European Union Law and Global Economic Networks’, in The Europe­ anisation of Law: Legal Effects of European Integration (ed. F. Snyder) (Hart Publishing, Oxford, 2000, pp. 293–320. 10. Snyder, Francis, ‘emu Revisited: Are We Making a Constitution? What Constitution Are We Making? in The Evolution of eu Law (eds. Paul Craig and Grainne de Burca) (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1999), pp. 417–473. 11. Snyder, Francis, ‘General Course on European Community Law: Consti­ tutional Law of the European Union: Principles, Processes and Culture’, in Collected Courses of the Academy of European Law 1995, Volume vi, no. 1 (ed. Academy of European Law) (Kluwer, Deventer, 1998), pp. 41–155. 12. Snyder, Francis, ‘Legal Aspects of Relations between the European Union and China: Preliminary Reflections’, in European Union External Relations

Selected Publications xxxiii

Law after the Uruguay Round (ed. David O’Keeffe and Nicholas Emiliou) (Chancery, London, 1996), pp. 363–377. 13. Snyder, Francis, ‘The Use of Legal Acts in ec Agricultural Policy’, in Sources and Categories of European Union Law: A Comparative and Reform Perspective (ed. Gerd Winter), Nomos, Baden-Baden, 1996, pp. 348–384. 14. Snyder, Francis, ‘Interinstitutional Agreements: Form and Constitutional Limitations’, in Sources and Categories of European Union Law: A Comparative and Reform Perspective (ed. Gerd Winter), Nomos, Baden- Baden, 1996, pp. 453–466. 15. Snyder, Francis, ‘Out on the Weekend: Reflections on European Union Law in Context’, in Frontiers of Legal Knowledge (ed. G.P. Wilson) (Chancery, London, 1995) pp. 120–142. 16. Snyder, Francis, ‘European Community Law and International Economic Relations: The Saga of Thai Manioc’, in Essays in Honour of WANG Tieya (ed. Ronald St. J. Macdonald) (Nijhoff, Dordrecht, 1994), pp. 753–769. 17. Snyder, Francis, ‘emu – Metaphor for European Union? Institutions, Rules and Types of Regulation’, in Europe after Maastricht: An Ever Closer Union? (ed. Renaud Dehousse) (Law Books in Europe, München, 1994), pp. 63–99. 18. Snyder, Francis, ‘Soft Law and Institutional Practice in the European Community’, in The Construction of Europe: Essays in Honour of Emile noel (ed. Stephen D. Martin) (Kluwer, Deventer, 1994), pp. 197–225. 19. Snyder, Francis, ‘The Common Agricultural Policy in the Single European Market’, in Collected Courses of the Academy of European Law 1991, Volume i Book 1 (Nijhoff, Dordrecht, 1992), pp. 303–336. 20. Snyder, Francis, ‘Thinking about “Interests”: Legislative Process in the European Community’, in History and Power in the Study of Law (ed. June Starr and Jane Collier) ( Press, Ithaca, 1989), pp. 168–198. 21. Snyder, Francis (with Douglas Hay), ‘Comparisons in the Social History of Law: Labour and Crime’, in Labour, Law and Crime: An Historical Perspective (ed. Francis G. Snyder and Douglas Hay), Tavistock, London, 1987), pp. 1–41. 22. Snyder, Francis, ‘The European Community’s New Food Aid Legislation: Towards a Development Policy?’ in The International Law of Development: Comparative Perspectives (ed. Francis G. Snyder and Peter Slinn) (Professional Books [now Butterworths], Abingdon, 1987), pp. 271–304. 23. Snyder, Francis, ‘Land Law and the Transition to Capitalism: Natural History of a Senegalese Case Study’, in Law and Social Enquiry: Case Studies of Research (ed. R. Luckham) (International Center for Law in

xxxiv Selected Publications

Development, New York, and Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Uppsala, 1981), pp. 76–109. 24. Snyder, Francis, ‘Colonialism and Legal Form: The Creation of “Customary Law” in Senegal’, in Crime, Justice and Underdevelopment (ed. Colin Sumner) (Heinemann, London, 1982), pp. 90–121. 25. Snyder, Francis, ‘Land Law and Economic Change in Rural Senegal: Diola Pledge Transactions and Disputes’, in Social Anthropology and Law [Association of Social Anthropologists Monograph No. 14] (ed. Ian Hamnett) (Academic Press, London, 1977), pp. 113–157.

(e) Articles

1. Snyder, Francis, ‘Multilateral Monitoring of Food Safety Law in China: The wto Trade Policy Review Mechanism (tprm), 2006–2014’, Peking University Transnational Law Review, 2, 1, 2014, pp. 321–410. 2. Snyder, Francis, ‘No Country is an Island in Regulating Food Safety: How the wto Monitors Chinese Food Safety Law through the Trade Policy Review Mechanism (tprm)’, Journal of Integrative Agriculture [Official Journal of the Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences], Special Issue on ‘Food Safety’, 4, 2015, DOI: 10.1016/S2095-3119(15)61111-X. 3. Snyder, Francis (chief author), Lu,Yi and Yazdani, Gulrez, ‘Traditional Chinese Medicine and European Union Law: Cultural Logics, Product Identities, Market Competition, Legal Rechanneling and the Need for Global Legal and Medical Pluralism’, Peking University Law Journal, 2, 1, 2014, pp. 129–200. 4. Snyder, Francis, ‘We Need a Global Food Safety Agency: Reflections on the Hidden Jurisprudence of the wto’, Peking University Transnational Law Review, 1, 2, 2013, pp. 162–209. 5. Snyder, Francis, ‘China, Regional Trade Agreements and wto Law’, Journal of World Trade, 43, 1, 2009, pp. 1–57. 6. Snyder, Francis, ‘The Gatekeepers : The European Courts and wto Law’, Common Market Law Review, 40, 2003, pp. 313–367. 7. Snyder, Francis, ‘The Origins of the “Nonmarket Economy”: Ideas, Pluralism and Power in ec Antidumping Law about China’, European Law Journal, 7, 4, 2001, pp. 369–424. 8. Snyder, Francis, ‘Governing Economic Globalisation: European Union Law and Global Economic Networks’, European Law Journal, 5, 4, December 1999, pp. 334–374. 9. Snyder, Francis, ‘The Effectiveness of European Community Law: Institutions, Processes, Tools and Techniques’, Modern Law Review, 56, 1, January 1993, 19–54.

Selected Publications xxxv

10. Snyder, Francis (with Renaud Dehousse, Christian Joerges and Giandomenico Majone, and with the collaboration of Michelle Everson), ‘Europe after 1992: New Regulatory Strategies’, eui Working Paper LAW no. 92/31 (October 1992), 80 pp. 11. Snyder, Francis, ‘European Community Law and Third World Food Entitlements’, German Yearbook of International Law, 32, 1989, pp. 87–110. 12. Snyder, Francis, ‘Ideologies of Competition in European Community Law’, Modern Law Review, 52, 2, March 1989, pp. 149–178. 13. Snyder, Francis, ‘L’agriculture et l’industrie dans le droit de la cee’, Droit et Société, 5, 1, 1987, pp. 23–52. 14. Snyder, Francis, ‘Anthropology, Dispute Processes and Law: A Critical Introduction’, British Journal of Law and Society [now Journal of Law and Society], 8, 2, 1981, pp. 141–180, reprinted in several collections. 15. Snyder, Francis, ‘The Failure of “Law and Development”’, Wisconsin Law Review, 3, 1982, pp. 373–396. 16. Snyder, Francis, ‘Labour Power and Legal Transformation in Senegal’, Review of African Political Economy, 21, 1981, pp. 26–43. 17. Snyder, Francis, ‘Colonialism and Legal Form: The Creation of “Customary Law” in Senegal’, Journal of Legal Pluralism, 19, 1981, pp. 49–90. 18. Snyder, Francis, ‘Law and Development in the Light of Dependency Theory’, Law and Society Review, 14, 3, 1980 (Special Issue on ‘Contemporary Issues in Law and Social Science’), pp. 723–804. 19. Snyder, Francis, ‘Legal Innovation and Social Change in a Peasant Community: A Senegalese Village Police’, Africa [Journal of the International African Institute, London], 48, 3, 1978, pp. 231–247. 20. Snyder, Francis, ‘Health Policy and the Law in Senegal’, Social Science and Medicine, 8, 1974, pp. 11–28. 21. Snyder, Francis, ‘Bibliographie sur les Diola de la Casamance (Sénégal)’, Bulletin de l’Institut Fondamental d’Afrique Noire, 34, B, 2, 1972, pp. 393–413. 22. Snyder, Francis, ‘The Political Thought of Modibo Keita’, Journal of Modern African Studies, 5, 1, 1967, pp; 79–106. A more complete list of pub- lications may be found at www.francis-snyder.com.

chapter 1 Introduction

道生之,德畜之,物形之,勢成之。是以萬物莫不尊道而貴德。道之尊, 德之貴,夫莫之命常自然。故道生之,德畜之;長之育之;亭之毒之; 養之覆之。生而不有,為而不恃,長而不宰,是謂玄德。

(The operation (of the Dao) in nourishing things)

All things are produced by the Dao, and nourished by its outflowing oper- ation. They receive their forms according to the nature of each, and are completed according to the circumstances of their condition. Therefore all things without exception honour the Dao, and exalt its outflowing operation.

This honouring of the Dao and exalting of its operation is not the result of any ordination, but always a spontaneous tribute.

Thus it is that the Dao produces (all things), nourishes them, brings them to their full growth, nurses them, completes them, matures them, main- tains them, and overspreads them.

It produces them and makes no claim to the possession of them; it carries them through their processes and does not vaunt its ability in doing so; it brings them to maturity and exercises no control over them; − this is called its mysterious operation.1

1 Chinese Text Project, Dao De Jing [Spring and Autumn (772 bc – 476 bc), English Translation: James Legge, Chapter 51, Copyright © Chinese Text Project, available at http://ctext.org/dao -de-jing, last accessed Spring Festival, 19 February 2015. Using a slightly different English translation, Ames and Hall comment on this Chapter as follows: ‘The world emerges as a collaboration between foci and their fields, between particular events and their contexts, between one’s effective character and one’s way in the world, between de and dao. It is only with the complexity of a contextualizing situation that particular events take shape and assume their productive functions. Thus, within this process, respect is extended to both the energy of insistent particularity and the environments that conduce to its consummation….: Roger T. Ames and David L. Hall (translators and commentators), Dao De Jing ‘Making This Life Significant’: A Philosophical Translation (Ballantine Books, New York, 2003), p. 157.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi 10.1163/9789004306929_002

2 chapter 1

Food safety regulation in China is a subject of worldwide concern. China’s size, population, production, economic dynamism and international trade mean that regulation of affects not only 1.4 billion peo- ple in China but also consumers all over the world. During the past decade, however, China has witnessed a number of serious food safety incidents and scandals. These scandals concern only a small proportion of China’s food products, but nevertheless they have resulted in a serious loss of public trust in Chinese food products in China and elsewhere. They reinforce widespread concerns that, scandal or not, much of the food produced in China does not meet adequate standards for food safety. This book aims to contribute to our understanding about the reasons for these concerns, the recent rapid devel- opment of Chinese food safety regulation and how to meet the challenges of the future. The book is a study of the making of transnational food safety law in China. It traces many concerns about food safety in China back to the 2008 melamine crisis. This event was not the only food scandal in China in the last decade; nor was it the only such scandal which became known throughout the world. The melamine crisis, however, was emblematic. A serious attack on public health, it represented a meeting point of different sets of international, national and local social relations. It focused widespread public attention on questions which previously had received little public or governmental attention, such as: Is my food safe to eat? How do I know? What does ‘safe’ mean’? What are food safety standards? Who makes them? How are they enforced, if at all? Where do international standards come from? Which local standards are globalised? Can and should all countries in the world follow the same standards? If not, what about trade? The melamine scandal in China provoked anger and crystallised feelings of a lack of trust, not only in food safety regulation but in government more generally. It led to substantial reforms in Chinese government policies, laws and relations between China and international organisations. It was a major cause, though not the only cause, of the transnationalisation of Chinese food safety law. The transnationalisation of food safety law in China was (and is) a continu- ing process, not a fixed state of affairs. This book draws inspiration from Philip Jessup’s famous Storrs lectures at Yale Law School, in which he defined ‘trans- national law’ as ‘all law which regulates actions or events that transcend national frontiers’.2 Jessup delivered his lectures in 1957, however, and since then globalisation, the establishment of the World Trade Organization and the

2 Philip Jessup, Transnational Law (Yale University Press, New Haven, 1956), p. 136.

Introduction 3 rise of global legal pluralism have altered the legal landscape profoundly.3 Later scholars have tried to take account of these changes. For example, Harold Hongju Koh has proposed an analysis of transnational legal process. In his view, repeated participation in transnational legal processes comprises a cycle of interaction, interpretation and internalisation of international norms, which explains why nations obey international law.4 Today there is an immense scholarly literature on globalisation, legal pluralism and transnational law.5 This book, so far as I know, is the first to bring this perspective to bear on Chinese food safety regulation. It takes ‘transnational law’ ‘primarily as a meth- odological perspective’,6 not as a distinct field of law. It aims to show how, during the past decade, Chinese food safety regulation has become increas- ingly internationalised or globalised, in two different senses. First, background assumptions, actors and orientations which previously were mainly national are now influenced strongly by cross-border or international processes. Second, transnational legal regimes increasingly condition, shape or even replace deci- sions by domestic institutions.7 The process of transnationalisation of craft knowledge8 or norms was not, however, a one-way street. Nor was the interac- tion of legal regimes. On the contrary: Chinese institutions, deeply embedded in Chinese society, played a major, if not always determining role in the selec- tion, translation, reinterpretation and application of both craft knowledge and

3 This sentence is drawn from Francis Snyder and Yi Lu, ‘The Future of Transnational Law: Competing Institutions, Conflicting Narratives, and Legal Pluralism’, in Francis Snyder and Yi Lu (eds), The Future of Transnational Law: eu, usa, China and the brics/L’avenir du droit trans- national: ue, usa, Chine et les brics (Bruylant, Groupe Larcier, Brussels, 2015), pp. 1–22 at 1. 4 Harold Hongju Koh, ‘Why Do Nations Obey International Law?’, Yale Law School Faculty Scholarship Series, Paper 2101, available at http://digitalcommons.law.yale.edu?fss_papes/ 2101, published in Yale Law Journal, 106, 1996–1997, pp. 2599–2659. 5 See for example Francis Snyder, ‘Economic Globalisation and the Law in the 21st Century’, in The Blackwell Companion to Law and Society (ed. Austin Sarat) (Blackwell Publishing, New York and Oxford, 2004), pp. 624–640; Francis Snyder, The eu, the wto and China: Legal Pluralism and International Trade Regulation (Hart Publishing, Oxford, 2010); Paul Schiff Berman, Global Legal Pluralism: A Jurisprudence of Law Across Borders (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2014); Craig Scott, ‘“Transnational Law” as Proto-Concept’, German Law Journal, 10, 7, 2009, pp. 859–876; Gralf-Peter Calliess and Peer Zumbansen, Rough Consensus and Running Code: A Theory of Transnational Private Law (Hart Publishing, Oxford, 2012). 6 Gralf-Peter Calliess and Peer Zumbansen, Rough Consensus and Running Code: A Theory of Transnational Private Law (Hart Publishing, Oxford, 2012), p. xvi. 7 Francis Snyder, The eu, the wto and China: Legal Pluralism and International Trade Regulation [hereafter Snyder, Legal Pluralism] (Hart Publishing, Oxford, 2010), p. 13. 8 On craft knowledge, see Joseph Bensman and Robert Lilienfeld, Craft and Consciousness: Occupational Technique and the Development of World Images (Aldine de Gruyter, New York, 1991).

4 chapter 1 norms which were to be integrated into Chinese food safety regulation. In addition, as will be seen, Chinese norms now are part of the transnational legal repertoire. The book envisages the process of transnationalisation in the context of global legal pluralism and in terms of relations between sites of governance. The theoretical framework draws on my earlier research,9 and this book aims to develop these ideas further. A site of governance is a forum for decision- making with authority to settle disputes. It may be public, for example a state; or private, for example an international trade association; or mixed, for exam- ple an international standards-setting body. Hence sites include but are not limited to international organizations or States; they may also be private inter- national organisations or dispersed and disaggregated fields of spheres of authority. They are not necessarily linked to a specific territory. Hence they can include specific types of transnational relations, such as transnational compa- nies or transnational non-governmental organisations (ngos). They represent spheres of authority which are ‘distinguished by the presence of actors who can evoke compliance when exercising authority as they engage in the activi- ties that delineate the sphere’.10 According to this way of understanding international and transnational rela- tions, each site of governance has two dimensions: a structural dimension and a relational dimension. The structural dimension refers to the organization of the site itself; it is internal to the site. It consists of three elements: institutions, norms and modes of resolving disputes. The relational dimension refers to rela- tions between a particular site and other sites of governance; it concerns the connections between one site and others. It indicates the ways in which a spe- cific site is linked to other sites; this might potentially include mere contact, cooperation, coordination, borrowing or domination. A basic hypothesis under- lying the theory of sites of governance is that these two dimensions interact; each helps to shape the other. The internal structure of sites (institutions, norms, dispute settlement processes) conditions external relations between sites, and conversely external relations between sites condition the internal structure (institutions, norms, dispute settlement processes) of a site. In the world today, multiple sites of governance provide the institutional, normative and proce- dural framework for interaction in matters of food security and food safety. With regard to food safety regulation, they constitute global legal pluralism.

9 For more detailed discussion, see Snyder, Legal Pluralism, supra note 7. 10 James N. Rosenau, ‘Toward an Ontology for Global Governance’, in Approaches to Global Governance Theory (sous la direction de Martin Hewson et Timothy J. Sinclair) (Albany, State University of New York Press, 1999), pp. 287–301 à la p. 295.

Introduction 5

The theory of sites of governance thus differs from standard versions of pub- lic international law in several ways. It is not founded primarily on an idea of the state or a conception of national sovereignty. Its actors comprise not only public organisations but also private bodies, provided that they satisfy the minimal definition of ‘site of governance’. It distinguishes different ways in which sites of governance can be created, namely by polities or by markets. It posits an intimate connection between the structural dimension and the rela- tional dimension of a site. Finally, it gives as much emphasis, if not more, to the relational dimension than to the structural dimension. It is an integral part of my conception of global legal pluralism, which holds that ‘globalisation is gov- erned by the totality of strategically determined, situationally specific and often episodic conjunctions of a multiplicity of sites throughout the world’.11 Within this framework, the book makes three principal arguments. First, modern food safety law in China, as in many other countries, was born from a food safety crisis. Second, the crisis resulted in partial transnationalisation of Chinese rules and institutions concerned with food safety regulation. Third, the process of transnationalisation involved an increasing engagement with multilateral sites of governance, in particular international standards-setting bodies and the World Trade Organisation (wto) and their transnational cul- tural frame or normative repertoire.12 The book is divided into seven main chapters. Chapter 1, following this brief introduction, presents an extended case study of the melamine crisis. Taking a broad view, it identifies three worlds of melamine: the world of multinational companies and international competition; the world of domestic economy, industrial structure, and society; and the world of government, law and regula- tion. It shows how the intersection of these three worlds resulted in the melamine crisis, leading to the demise of one of China’s leading producers of dairy products and resulting in new, unexpected challenges concerning food safety regulation for the Chinese party-state. The response, as the crisis, was shaped decisively by the main features of China’s domestic governmental institutions, namely administrative fragmen- tation and a system of dual rule involving the role of the Communist Party of China (cpc) and tensions between vertical and horizontal relations, all set within the overarching objective of the preservation of social stability. Chapters 2 and 3 show how the melamine crisis contributed directly to reshaping the

11 Snyder, Legal Pluralism, supra note 7 p. 32. 12 On a roughly similar example of the diffusion of an international normative repertoire, see ibid, Chapter 6, ‘Global Legal Pluralism and the Creation of New Legal Concepts: The Concept of “Non-market Economy” in ec Anti-dumping Law’, pp. 209–264.

6 chapter 1 normative universe regarding food safety regulation in China. Chapter 2 traces the emergence of China’s first food safety law: the Food Safety Law of 2009. It analyses the legal text of the Food Safety Law and also shows how it was shaped significantly by the State Council’s other related policies: reassuring the public and ensuring the quality of dairy products, repairing damage and sanctioning offenders, and restructuring the dairy sector. The 2009 Food Safety Law repre- sented a paradigm shift in normative terms if compared to its predecessor, the 1995 Food Hygiene Law. In institutional terms, however, it demonstrated con- siderable continuity. The melamine crisis also led to a dramatic loss of public trust in domestic food safety regulation. It contributed to opening up the Chinese dairy prod- uct market even more to imports and to an increase in foreign investment. It provoked increasing interest within China in drawing on foreign experience and practice, particularly in the context of the gradual impact of Chinese 2001 accession to the wto. wto membership altered the international legal context in which national food safety regulation took place. In these circum- stances, the melamine crisis served as a powerful stimulant for the transna- tionalisation of the Chinese food safety regulatory regime, including the 2009 Food Safety Law and reform of food safety standards. Chapter 3 turns from legislation and administrative regulation to food safety standards. It shows how the crisis stimulated a rapid but partial trans- nationalisation of Chinese dairy standards. Though mandated by the 2009 Food Safety Law, the adoption of new standards proved to be a double-edged sword, being intended to ensure product quality and safety on the one hand but serving as barriers to market entry on the other hand. Proposals for dairy standards for small workshops crystallised opposing factions, which involved individual companies, domestic and international business organisations and ministries. It mobilised social forces deeply embedded in Chinese society, and it involved competing views of the objectives, pace, role and even the legiti- macy of transnationalisation. Chapter 4 shifts focus to discuss international organisations and standards- setting bodies, which are the principal multilateral sites of food safety regulation. It concentrates on the fao, the who, infosan, the wto and four major stan- dards-setting bodies relevant to food safety: the Codex Alimentarius Commission, the World Organisation for Animal Health (oie), the International Plant Protection Convention (ippc) and the International Organisation for Standardisation (iso). It argues that the melamine crisis was a watershed in China’s links with interna- tional food safety institutions. The crisis led to fundamental changes in people’s thinking about food safety regulation and to a dramatic increase in relations between China and other sites involved in food safety regulation.

Introduction 7

In transnational food safety regulation today, the World Trade Organisation (wto) dispute settlement system is crucially important as a site for the inter- section of national and international food safety standards. Using the wto Agreements on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (sps Agreement) and on Technical Barriers to Trade (tbt Agreement), it decides disputes on conflicts between national food safety standards and determines the relevance and role of international standards in national food safety regulation. Chapters 5, 6 and 7 consider the role of the wto in the globalisation of national food safety stan- dards, the use of international food safety standards in wto dispute settle- ment and the reviews so far of Chinese food safety regulation in the wto Trade Policy Review Mechanism (tprm). Together with the Conclusion, they also make recommendations concerning food safety regulation in China. Chapter 5 focuses on the consultation phase of wto dispute settlement. It considers the ‘hidden jurisprudence’ of wto food safety law: cases concerning pre-importation and treatment methods, procedures on import bans, import bans based on health and quality standards, testing and inspection and shelf- life. It shows that most cases ended at the consultation phase of the wto dis- pute settlement process, the complainant always won and the winner was of equal or higher income category than the respondent except when the dispute went to a panel. Food safety is treated as simply another trade issue, and com- plainants can use the wto dispute settlement mechanism to export and even impose their national standards and practices. The chapter argues that China should pay special attention to the wto consultation phase and also develop a proactive, conscious strategy about the use of wto law and wto institutions as part of its normal food safety policy. Chapter 6 analyses high-profile wto food safety cases involving cross-refer- ences to international food safety standards. The chapter aims to understand what role international food safety standards play in wto case law. It assesses the ways in which, in judging disputes, wto institutions use international standards produced by international standards-setting bodies. The chapter argues that wto law on food safety is couched in terms of the law of interna- tional trade. It also argues that, nonetheless, wto law on food safety is part and parcel of transnational food safety regulation, in which norms, institutions and dispute settlement processes from different sites of governance are intimately connected. The chapter may provide useful guidelines about relations between international food safety standards and national food safety standards. Chapter 7 then places food safety regulation in China squarely within the context of the wto and debates about the relationship between national and international standards, otherwise known as alignment. Every two years, China’s trade policy, including relevant food safety measures, is scrutinised by

8 chapter 1 other wto Members. Examining all reviews since China’s accession, the chap- ter concentrates in particular on Chinese food safety law and types of stan- dards, alignment of domestic standards with international standards, the role of different domestic institutions in China, transparency and notification of Chinese food safety measures under the sps and tbt Agreements, import and export, and geographical indications (gis). It shows that the tprm through peer pressure encourages mutual learning, provision of information and chan- nelling reforms in a wto-compatible direction, while leaving substantial room for the development of specifically national policies. The book thus analyses the emergence of Chinese food safety law and rela- tions between China and other, mainly international, sites of governance con- cerned with food safety regulation. It is concerned particularly with the recent past but nevertheless may hold lessons for the present and the future. Throughout the discussion and especially in the concluding Chapter 8, it identi- fies some of the significant achievements which have been in a short time to set up a legal framework and institutional infrastructure to ensure food safety, including a new Food Safety Law. The Conclusion also sets forth a set of challenges for the future and makes recommendations for meeting them, including the development of a national food strategy founded on clear and sound principles. Such a strategy would provide a solid basis for ensuring safe and healthy food for present and future generations. In closing, the book emphasizes that China can both learn from and teach other countries.

chapter 2 Three Worlds of Melamine

Introduction

Purpose and Scope Food safety law often grows out of food safety crisis. Food safety crises fre- quently lead to law reform; sometimes, they even result in improvements in the protection of public health. Both happened in China as a result of the melamine crisis. In China, melamine (sān jù qíng àn, 三聚氰胺) was added to infant formula1 in the first decade of this century in order to increase protein content to meet raw milk testing standards, thus giving a false impression that the product was acceptable for consumers. The result caused severe health problems in 46 countries, including China, where about 300,000 children became ill and six infants died. It provoked substantial reforms in Chinese food safety policy and law. The melamine crisis was a watershed in China in the development of food safety law and standards, public attitudes and expec- tations about food safety, and the role of government in confronting food safety problems. Its many-faceted legacy remains a constant presence in daily life in China today. This chapter and the following two chapters analyse the melamine crisis and its implications for the development of Chinese law on food safety. ‘[M]elamine is…integral to the material life of any industrialized society’.2 It is a chemical3 that is frequently used in industrial products, such as tableware, plastics and fire-retardant fabrics, and more widely in industry for processing timber such as wood-based panels, making paper, adhesives, electrical and pharmaceutical products, and laminates used in high-resistant concrete and reinforced flooring, among many other uses. Produced by the distillation of urea or as a byproduct of synthesis gas production, melamine typically takes

1 On the history, components and manufacture of infant formula, see Wikipedia, ‘Infant for- mula’, http://en.-wikipedia.org/wiki/Infant_formula#History, last accessed 28 January 2014. 2 James E. McWilliams, ‘China, America and melamine’, , Opinion, Thursday 16 October 2008, available at http://www.nytimes.com/2008/11/16/opinion/16iht -edmcwilliams.1.17862064.html, accessed 23 March 2012. The author is Professor of Agricultural History at Texas State University – San Marcos. 3 Its formal name is 1,3,4-Triazine-2,4,6-triamine. It is also known as 2,4,6-Triamino-s-triazine, cyanurotrimide, cyanurotriamine or cyanuramide. See the Wikipedia entry on ‘Melamine’, at http:/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/-Melamine, accessed 17 November 2011.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi 10.1163/9789004306929_003

10 chapter 2 the form of a tasteless and odorless white, crystalline powder. It is very rich in nitrogen, being 66% nitrogen by mass.4 Added to dairy products, however, melamine can and did have disastrous consequences,5 amounting to inten- tional or unintentional harm to public health. The melamine saga illustrates the conditions under which new forms of food safety regulation emerge; it also reveals the constraints within which improvements in public health and consumer protection develop. Moreover, it illuminates with special clarity the operation of China’s legal institutions dur- ing a period of social crisis and the gradual reform of China’s law and adminis- trative system concerning food safety. Reforms which began in 2009 continue today, but I wish to emphasise that this chapter is concerned with the past, not the present: it is best considered as a study of recent or contemporary history. Finally, the melamine crisis underscores the extent to the Chinese govern- ment’s much earlier decision, in December 1978, to join ‘the international track’6 had unintended as well as intended consequences, resulting in closer relations between China and other sites of governance and in the development of transnational food safety regulation in China. This chapter situates the melamine crisis in its domestic and international context, traces its development and draws out its legal aspects and implica- tions. It gives special attention to two main points: the economic and legal links between the international and domestic markets, arenas and sites of gov- ernance; and relations between relevant legal norms, legal processes and the institutions of the Chinese party-state before, during and after the crisis. The next chapter discusses the ways in which the melamine crisis contributed to reshaping the normative universe regarding food safety regulation in China, while the following chapter concerns the transnationalisation of Chinese dairy standards.

4 See Anthony Kai-ching Hau, Tze Hoi Kwan and Philip Kam-tao Li, ‘Melamine toxicity and the Kidney’, Journal of the American Society of Nephrology,20, 2, February 2009, 245–250, available online at http://jasn.-asnjournals.org/content/20/2/245.full, last accessed 27 January 2014. 5 Melamine itself is not very toxic but together with , a component of , it can form an insoluble complex, leading to : Yuan Liu, Ewen E.D. Todd, Qiang Zhang, Jiang-rong Shi and Xian-jin Liu, ‘Recent developments in the detection of melamine’, Journal of Zhejiang University Science B (Biomedicine and Biotechnology), 13, 7, July 2012, pp. 525–532, at 525. See also Wikipedia, ‘Cyanuric Acid’, available at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Cyanuric_acid, last accessed 29 Janary 2015. 6 See Wang Hongying, ‘Linking Up with the International Track’, The China Quarterly, 189, March 2007.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 11

Some Words about Method Some words about method are useful at the outset, because the discussion differs in several important respects from previous studies of the melamine crisis, even those relatively few which take account of law and legal institutions.7 The chap- ter adopts what may be called a semi-anthropological approach: ‘anthropologi- cal’ because it tries to understand the melamine crisis from the perspective of the main actors, in particular that of the regulatory authorities; and ‘semi’ because it is based largely on documents, mostly available in English but some in Chinese, and limited interviews, rather than extensive fieldwork focused on the subject.8 The chapter takes the form of an extended case study.9 When confronted with a polycentric set of issues, such as food safety regulation, this has the great advantage of providing a larger time frame. We, meaning the reader and I, can then consider law as a process, occurring over a longer period of time. An extended case study also makes possible the use of a broader theoretical per- spective or framework. This provides a structure within which to study the interconnections between and sequencing of legislation, administrative action, judicial decisions and other legal processes. An extended case study thus enables us to understand law as a process, which occurs over a long period of time, in which multiple actors in specific domestic and international institu- tional settings are implicated, and which involves numerous aspects of the Chinese party-state. By means of this contextual method, we can best under- stand the ‘living law’ and its social meaning, including how international law, domestic law and transnational law are related, how they work in practice, and thus the relation between law on the books and law in action.

7 Full references are given later in the chapter. 8 On the distinctive features of anthropology of law (or legal anthropology), see Francis Snyder, ‘Anthropology, Dispute Processes and Law: A Critical Introduction’, British Journal of Law and Society [now Journal of Law and Society], 8, 2, 1981, pp. 141–180, reprinted in Peter Sack (ed), Law and Anthropology (Dartmouth Publishing Company, Aldershot, 1992), pp. 65–104, and in P.A. Thomas (ed), Legal Frontiers (Dartmouth, Aldershot, 1996), pp. 135–179; and Francis Snyder, ‘Building Bridges, Comparing Legal Cultures: Experiences of Anthropology of Law in Africa, the eu, the wto and China’, Keynote speech at the International Workshop on ‘Teaching Legal Anthropology: Aims and Constraints in a Changing Academic Climate in Europe’, Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology, Halle/Saale, Germany, 27–28 November 2013. See also Sally Falk Moore (ed), Law and Anthropology: A Reader (Blackwell Publishing, Oxford, 2005). 9 On this method, see A.L. Epstein (ed), The Craft of Social Anthropology (Tavistock, London, 1967), especially the chapters by Max Gluckman, ‘Introduction’, xi–xx at xv–xvii; J. Van Velsen, ‘The Extended-case Method and Situational Analysis’, 129–149 at 141–149; and A.L. Epstein, ‘The Case Method in the Field of Law’, 205–230 at 223–230.

12 chapter 2

Previous studies of the melamine crisis have often focused solely on Chinese domestic events, and their accounts of the crisis and its legal or other implica- tions, are often limited to China alone. Such an approach neglects the effects of globalization, the international food economy and transnational food safety regulation. Yet these sets of transnational social, economic, cultural or legal rela- tions are frequently very significant in understanding the origins of food safety crises and in shaping their results. Consequently, the chapter sets the melamine crisis in the context of three discrete but overlapping semi-autonomous worlds or social fields.10 By ‘social field’, I mean nothing more than ‘the totality of ­co-existing facts that are conceived of as mutually interdependent’.11 A social field comprises a set of social relations, with its own dynamics, actors, struggles and stakes.12 The boundary of a social field may be negotiable and fluid. Nevertheless, a social field involves a relatively high degree of social interac- tion, a shared focus, a measure of coherence and some systematic character. I argue that the melamine crisis in China was the result of the conjunction of three semi-autonomous social fields and that the crisis stimulated the devel- opment of a transnational social field of food safety regulation in China. The ‘three worlds of melamine’ are, first, the world of multinational compa- nies and international competition; second, the world of the domestic indus- trial structure, economy and society; and third, the world of government, law and regulation. These ‘worlds’ are partly distinct, partly intersecting spheres or arenas of social action, including economic and legal processes. Together they constitute the context in which the Chinese melamine saga unfolded. This

10 See Sally Falk Moore, ‘Law and Social Change: The Semi-Autonomous Social Field as an Appropriate Subject of Study’, Law and Society Review, 7, 4, 1973, 719–746; reprinted in Sally Falk Moore, Law as Process: An Anthropological Approach (Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1978) (hereafter Moore, Law as Process). See also Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice, trans. R. Nice (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1977), originally published as Esquisse d’une théorie de la pratique, précédée de trois études d’ethnologie Kabyle (Editions Droz, Geneva, 1972) (hereafter Bourdieu, Practice). 11 Kurt Lewin, Field Theory in Social Science: Selected Theoretical Papers (ed. Dorwin Cartwright) (Harper and Row, New York, 1951), p. 240 (hereafter Lewin, Field Theory). 12 The basic work is Pierre Bourdieu, ‘The Force of Law: Toward a Sociology of the Juridical Field’ (trans. R. Terdiman), Hastings Law Journal, 38, 1987, 814–854 (hereafter Bourdieu, ‘Law’). For an early application of Bourdieu’s theory to law, see David Trubek, Yves Dezalay, Ruth Buchanan and John Davis, ‘Global Restructuring and the Law: Studies of the Internationalization of Legal Fields’, Case Western Reserve Law Review, 44, 1994, 407–498. More recently, see Sarah Biddulph, Legal Reform and Administrative Detention Powers in China (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2007) (hereafter Biddulph, Detention), especially 26–58.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 13 chapter traces the specific features of each of these worlds so far as they relate to the melamine crisis and shows how they were interconnected in the melamine saga. By understanding these different but overlapping arenas, we can begin to grasp both the complexity and the core of the melamine crisis in China and its implications for the reform of Chinese food safety regulation. By emphasizing relations between different sites of governance as well as the internal structures of these sites, the chapter aims also to begin the task undertaken in this book of situating the melamine crisis and the emergence of Chinese food safety regulation in the theoretical framework of global legal pluralism.13 An emphasis on relations as well as structures, instead of only on structures alone, also bears more than a passing resemblance to the Chinese philosophies of Daoism and Confucianism, and thus in the present context may seem especially appropriate.14

Organisation and Argument The remainder of this chapter consists of three main parts. The first main part considers the first world of melamine: the world of multinational companies, international competition and foreign direct investment. It sketches the inter- national context in which the Chinese melamine crisis emerged and devel- oped. The most striking features of this context were the development of closer

13 See Snyder, Legal Pluralism, supra note 7. An earlier version of Chapter 3 of that book was first published as ‘Governing Economic Globalisation: Global Legal Pluralism and European Union Law’, European Law Journal, 5, 4, 1999, 334–374; a long extract of which is published under the same title in Sally Falk Moore (ed), Law and Anthropology: A Reader (Blackwell Publishing, Oxford, 2005), 313–329. 14 See for example Roger T. Ames and David L. Hall, Daodejing ‘Making This Life Significant’: A Philosophical Translation (Ballantine books, New York, 2003).; Lao Tzu, The Book of Tao and The, trans. Gu Zhengkun (Peking University Press, and China Translation and Publishing Corporation, Beijing, 2nd edition 2006); Stefan Stenudd, Tao Te Ching: The Taoism of Lao Tzu Explained (Arriba, Malmö, Sweden, 2011); Tao Te Ching: A Bilingual Edition trans. D.C. Lau, (Chinese University Press, Hong Kong, 1962, revised edition 1989). See also Richard E. Nisbett, The Geography of Thought: How Asians and Westerners Think Differently…and Why (Nicholas Brealey Publishing, London, 2005). Note also Lewin’s remark: ‘What is important in field theory is the way the analysis proceeds. Instead of picking out one or another isolated element within a situation, the importance of which cannot be judged without consideration of the situation as a whole, field theory finds it advantageous, as a rule, to start with a characterization of the situation as a whole. After this first approximation, the various aspects and parts of the situation undergo a more and more specific and detailed analysis. It is obvious that such a method is the best safe- guard against being misled by one or another element of the situation’. Lewin, supra note 11, p. 63.

14 chapter 2 links between international and domestic Chinese firms, the economic poli- cies of the Chinese government, and the corresponding interconnection of international and domestic markets, such that the structure and processes of the world market exercised increasing pressure on supply and demand, hence particularly on prices, in the domestic Chinese market. The leitmotif of the first world of melamine was profit. The next main part of the chapter focuses on the second world of melamine: the world of domestic dairy products, the pre-industrial or industrial structure of these interrelated markets and the ways in which this economic sector was embedded in Chinese economy and society. This world comprised, as did the first and third worlds, a set of social relations, with specific actors, a shared focus, competition for stakes such as economic resources or social capital, and widely shared though not necessarily consistent ‘ideas and categories, includ- ing explicit rules and implicit schemes, by which people interpret and give meaning to their experience’.15 Drawing on a wide range of available sources, this mainly descriptive part of the chapter provides a detailed analysis of the unfolding of the melamine crisis. The crisis itself exemplified ‘economically motivated adulteration’16 of a basic, widely consumed food product. It repre- sented intended and unintended harm to public health in the form of threats to food safety. The leitmotif of the second world of melamine was greed. The last main part presents the third world of melamine: the world of law, government and regulation. It devotes considerable attention to trying to understand the melamine crisis from the perspective of the regulators. It focuses in particular on relations between government and the Chinese Communist Party (Communist Party of China, ccp or cpc) and the two pri- mary patterns of Chinese administrative organization: ‘fragmented authori- tarianism’, on one hand, and the tension between vertical (or leadership) and horizontal (or professional) relations, on the other hand. Instead of presuming that the United States or Europe are the best comparators for understanding food safety in China, this attempt to capture the (or an) ‘internal’ perspective recognizes that the political, institutional, legal and other parameters of

15 Francis Snyder, New Directions in European Community Law (London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson [now Cambridge, Cambridge University Press], 1990), p. 72, which focuses on competing perspectives on the completion of the European internal market. 16 To borrow the terminology of Dr Randall Lutter, then Deputy Commissioner for Policy, us Food and Drug Administration, in Food and Drug Administration, News and Events, ‘Text Version of Randall Lutter, PhD Presentation: ‘Addressing Challenges of Economically- Motivated Adulteration’, available at http://www.fad.-gov/newsevents/meetingsconfer- encesworkshops/ucm163656.htm, last accessed 16 September 2013.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 15 policy-making and law implementation in China differ profoundly from those in other large countries, such as the United States, India or Brazil, or in regional integration associations, such as the European Union. This part traces the responses of the Chinese party-state, both national and local, to the melamine crisis. It gives special but not exclusive emphasis to the law, legal institutions and legal processes, including but not only the role of courts. I consider the leitmotif of the third world of melamine to be a concern for the preservation of social stability. The three worlds of melamine constitute overlapping, semi-autonomous social fields. Taking the intersection of the three worlds into account, the chap- ter makes two principal arguments. First, it argues that when organizational profit and individual greed meet an overriding concern for the preservation of social, including institutional, stability, the outcome will be shaped decisively by the main features of the institutions in question. In the clash of the three leitmotifs or imperatives of profit, greed and stability, the preservation of sta- bility won, at least in the short term. These outcomes were shaped decisively by the main features of Chinese domestic institutions. It is important to note, however, that the relationship between business organisations, individual behavior and governmental institutions, in China or elsewhere, is not simply one-way. Instead, it is reciprocal and reflexive: the main characteristics of dominant institutions, whether in business, market or government, may con- dition, shape or determine the room for organizational profit or individual greed. The second argument of the chapter is that the principal outcomes of the melamine crisis were the development of China’s first Food Safety Law and its increasing engagement with the transnational normative repertoire17 of food safety regulation. We can characterize this process as the gradual transna- tionalisation of Chinese food safety regulation, including law, standards and craft knowledge, such as basic assumptions, concepts and procedures. If, in general, food crisis leads to food safety law, in this specific case the develop- ment of Chinese food safety law drew heavily upon the relevant transnational normative repertoire. This does not mean however that Chinese food safety law was (and is) simply a copy or transposition of transnational norms. Indeed,

17 On the concept of normative repertoire, see Snyder, Legal Pluralism, supra note 7, pp. 209–264. On the transnational normative repertoire of food safety regulation, see Ahmed Mahiou and Francis Snyder (eds), La Sécurité alimentaire/Food Security and Food Safety (Martinus Nijhoff Publishers for The Hague Academy of International Law, Leiden and Boston, 2006) (hereafter Mahiou and Snyder, Food Safety). For a similar approach to competition law, see Qianlan Wu, Competition Laws, Globalization and Legal Pluralism: China’s Experience (Hart Publishing, Oxford, 2013).

16 chapter 2 the domestic institutions embedded in Chinese society shaped the domestic responses to food crisis, the principal features of the resulting food law and how China adopted and developed the transnational normative repertoire of food safety regulation.

The First World of Melamine

Introduction The first world of melamine consists of the social field of transnational mar- kets. It embraces multinational companies, trade and foreign investment, competition for foreign markets, and other aspects of international and trans- national social, economic and legal relations. It not only provided the interna- tional context of the Chinese melamine scandal; it also shaped the origins, evolution and outcome of the crisis. The present section briefly sketches this social field. It is concerned particularly with the interrelated product markets for petrochemicals, fertiliser and melamine, on the one hand, and the market for dairy products, on the other hand; these markets are usually separate and distinct, except to the extent that fertiliser is used to produce animal feed for dairy cattle or other milk-producing ruminants. The discussion gives special emphasis to the development of transnational economic relations which con- tributed, directly or indirectly, to the short-lived but disastrous convergence of these product markets. It considers three strands: first, the formation of joint ventures between Chinese domestic enterprises and multinational companies, particularly after China joined the wto; second, participation in international trade, increased market competition and the adoption by foreign countries of anti-dumping measures against Chinese companies; and, third, illegal trade and further foreign regulation. The following paragraphs argue that, starting in the early , the social relations in the first world of melamine had a direct impact on the other two worlds of melamine. With regard to the domestic Chinese market, this impact consisted, first, in serving as a transmission belt between world prices for vari- ous products and the domestic Chinese market for melamine; second, and in particular, in lowering domestic Chinese prices for melamine and thus poten- tially increasing domestic demand; and, third, in contributing to a convergence of the usually separate markets for fertilisers and dairy products, with oversup- ply of melamine on the former market being partially channeled to meet a growing demand for melamine on the latter market. With regard to the third world of melamine, that of social regulation, law and government, the first set of social relations presented new opportunities for the Chinese government, in

Three Worlds Of Melamine 17 a period of continuing domestic reforms, to attract foreign direct investment (fdi); raised the stakes for domestic regulatory institutions confronted with new challenges regarding market management and regulation of food safety; and helped to efface boundaries between international and domestic social fields by promoting the transnationalisation of Chinese food safety law.

Multinational Companies, wto Accession and Joint Ventures An initial set of social relations in the first world of melamine involved multi- national companies. As of 2004, 70 of the more than 90 melamine producers in the world (78%) were located in China. However, China-based producers then accounted for only about 21% of world production. Most if not all Chinese melamine producers were small or medium-sized enterprises (smes). By 2006, their production of melamine was reported to be in ‘serious surplus’, relative to the absorption capacity of domestic and export markets.18 The underlying rea- son appeared to be a shift in the relative world prices of melamine and urea, its main competitor for use as fertilizer. In April 2007, an ‘industry update’ pub- lished by the Dutch multinational company dsm Melamine noted that between 2002 and 2007 there had been a rapid increase in the world market price of urea while melamine prices remained stable.19 Even though Chinese domestic production was reported to be increasing by 10% per year, produc- tion of melamine had become less profitable, and several joint ventures were reported to have been postponed.20 Actual or potential producers of melamine suffered, while advantages potentially accrued to purchasers. Leading multinational companies were largely responsible for establishing world prices for urea and melamine, and their investment and trade activities translated these prices to the Chinese domestic market. It is useful to describe one prominent example in detail. dsm Melamine was the world’s largest producer of melamine at the time, with about 25% of the world market as of the year 2000.21 Its encounters with the domestic Chinese market illustrate the developing Chinese government policy toward fdi, the multiple transnational economic and legal ties between Chinese companies and foreign multinationals, and their impact on the

18 Wang Ruilin, ‘Melamine Capacity is [sic] Serious Surplus’ [hereafter Wang, ‘Surplus’], China Chemical Reporter, 6 January 2006, available at http://goliath.ecnext.com/coms2/ gi_0199-5152838/Melamine-capacity-is-serious-surplus.html#abstract, accessed 23 March 2012. 19 The Idaho Observer, ‘Melamine: Another toxic industrial byproduct planted in the food chain’, available at http://proliberty.com/observer/20081104.htm, accessed 23 March 2012. 20 See Wang ‘Surplus’, supra note 18. 21 Anthony S. Travis, ‘Manufacture and the Uses of the Anilines’, in Zvi Rappoport (ed), The Chemistry of Anilines (John Wiley & Sons, Chichester, England, 2007), 715–782 at 771.

18 chapter 2 domestic Chinese economy. Indeed, it is emblematic of similar transnational ties in the dairy sector, in particular those discussed later involving Fonterra, the New Zealand multinational cooperative, and Sanlu, a leading Chinese dairy producer. dsm Melamine then was part of the international life sciences and materials company Royal dsm n.v., based in the Netherlands. The name dsm reflected the company’s origins as Dutch State Mines, which had been a leader in the Netherlands coal industry before it entered the market for fine chemicals.22 Its subsidiary Stamicarbon (from State Mines Carbon) managed its patent portfolio and licensed its technology. Stamicarbon first licensed a urea fertil- izer plant in China in 1963. Its licensing activities in China continued even ­during the Cultural Revolution. Later, in 1980, it first licensed dsm melamine technology to a Chinese company, Sichuan Chemical Works (scw).23 In 1986 it licensed dsm’s technology for producing caprolactum, an organic compound used in producing Nylon-6, a polymer used in nylon and plastics, to two com- panies, Nanjing Chemical Plant, now called Sinopec Nanjing Chemical Industry Corporation Ltd, and another company that also became a Sinopec subsidiary, Sinopec Yueyang, now apparently closed.24 Sinopec (China Petroleum & Chemical Corporation) (中国石油化工股份有限公司), or Sinopec Limited (中国石化, Zhōngguó Shíhuà), is China’s second largest chemical company.25

22 See the history of dsm up to 2005 at ‘dsm n.v. History’, http://www.fundinguniverse .com/company-histories/dsm-n-v-history/, last accessed 17 January 2014. 23 On scw, see Sichuan Chemical Group Ltd., ‘Brief introduction of scw’, available at http:// www.scwltd.-com/english/html/intro.html#, last accessed 25 January 2015; Sichuan Chemical Works Group Catalyst Plant, ‘About Us’, available at http://www.chchj.com/ doce/company/company.htm, last accessed 25 January 2015. As of January 2015, scw was still using dsm technology: BuyersGuideChem.de, ‘Sichuan Chemical Works Group’, available at ‘http://www.buyersguidechem.com/supplier_company/Sichuan_Chemical _Works_Group_-Ltd_31951806.html, last accessed 25 January 2015. 24 Stefan Sommer, ‘dsm in China: In Touch with Evolving Needs in the Specialty Chemicals Market’, in Gunter Festal, Andreas Kreimayer, Udo Oels and Maximillian von Zedwitz (eds), The Chemical and Pharmaceutical Industry in China: Opportunities and Threats for Foreign Companies (Springer Verlag, Berlin, 2010), 247–263 at 248–252. Mr Sommer was then President of dsm (China) Ltd. 25 On the creation of the China National Petroleum Corporation (cnpc) in 1988 and Sinopec in February 1983 as part of the process of marketization and institutional reform in the oil and petrochemical industy, see Peter Nolan, China and the Global Economy: National Champions, Industrial Policy and the Big Business Revolution [hereafter Nolan, National Champions] (Palgrave, Basingstoke, Hampshire, uk and New York, 2001), 49–56; and, ‘China Haohua Chemical Group Co. Ltd, History’, available at http://www.chinahaohua .com.cn/haohuaen/gywm/lsyg/A010104web_1.htm, last accessed 10 January 2014.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 19

In 2001 dsm Stamicarbon licensed a urea plant as part of a joint venture on Hainan Island with China National Offshore Oil Corporation (中国海洋石油总 公司, zhōng guó hǎi yáng shí yóu zǒng gōng sī) (cnooc), a large state-owned enterprise which is one of China’s three main national oil companies.26 Hainan Island had since 1988 been a Special Economic Zone (sez), was endowed with oil and gas resources, and offered considerable attractions to foreign inves- tors.27 The urea plant was completed in early 2004, and dsm began joint ven- ture negotiations with cnooc to build a large melamine plant nearby.28 In July 2004 dsm Melamine signed a letter of intent with a cnooc subsidiary, China National Offshore Oil Corp. Chemical Ltd (cnoocc, or cnooc Chemical Ltd) to study the feasibility of building the new melamine plant.29 The two parties had different but complementary reasons for signing up to the project. On one side, it seems that dsm Melamine hoped to reduce the cost of its access to raw materials.30 On the other side, cnooc hoped to improve its position in access to markets for oil and chemicals relative to its main domestic competitors, Sinopec and Petrochina, a subsidiary of China’s largest oil company, China National Petroleum Corporation (cnpc) (中国石油天然气集团公司,

26 On the origins, structure and development of cnooc to the late 1980s, see Kenneth Lieberthal and Michel Oksenberg, Policy Making in China: Leaders, Structures, and Processes (Princeton University Press, Princeton ny, 1988), 123–128. At least during this early period, cnooc ‘functioned effectively as a state oil company for the Chinese’ (127). 27 See Gao Shangquan and Chi Fulin (eds), New Progress in China’s Special Economic Zones (Foreign Languages Press, Beijing, 1997), pp. 200–229. On sezs in general, see Jung-Dong Park, The Special Economic Zones of China and Their Impact on Its Economic Development (Praeger, Westport and London, 1997). David Zweig points out, however, that ‘zone fever’ resulting from the government policy of ‘segmented deregulation’ subsided once central government extended preferential investment policies to many other parts of the coun- try: David Zweig, Internationalizing China: Domestic Interests and Global Linkages (Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London, 2002. 28 Stefan Sommer, ‘dsm in China: In Touch with Evolving Needs in the Specialty Chemicals Market’, in Gunter Festal, Andreas Kreimayer, Udo Oels and Maximillian von Zedwitz (eds), The Chemical and Pharmaceutical Industry in China: Opportunities and Threats for Foreign Companies [hereafter Sommer, ‘dsm in China’] (Springer Verlag, Berlin, 2010), 247–263 at 255, 260. 29 dsm, ‘dsm Melamine and China National Offshore Oil Corp. Chemical Ltd. sign a letter of intent for building worldscale melamine plant in China, Heelien, Netherlands, 20 July 2004, 08:15 cet, available at http://www.dsm.com/en_US/cworld/public/media/ downloads/20e_04_melamine_china.pdf?fileaction=openFile, accessed 23 March 2012. 30 Bob De Wit and Ron Meyer (eds), Strategy: Process, Content, Context – An International Perspective (Cengage Learning Business Press, Stamford ct, 4th revised edition 2010), p. 734.

20 chapter 2

Zhōngguó Shíyóu Tiānránqì Jítuán Gōngsī).31 Each company had previously been accountable to a different hierarchical superior: cnooc to the Ministry of Petroleum and Industry (mpi) and Sinopec to the State Council; cnpc resulted from the restructuring of the mpi in 1988.32 Another factor affecting dsm’s fdi in China was China’s accession on 11 December 2001 to the World Trade Organization (wto). wto accession changed the conditions of competition in the Chinese markets for oil, chemicals and fertiliser. With regard to oil, cnooc lost its monopoly of Chinese offshore oil exploration, because the previous system in which each leading company specialized in a different market was abolished. Consequently cnooc faced strong domestic competition from Sinopec and Petrochina. wto accession also opened the offshore oil market to potential participation by foreign multinational oil companies.33 As for chemicals, in 2003 Petrochina was the market leader with a turnover of 455,133 million rmb, and Sinopec was second with a turnover of 443,136 million rmb, while cnooc had a turnover of only 40,950 million rmb: in other words, cnooc then had ‘virtually no chemical business’.34 During this period, in the midst of reforms of Chinese state-owned enterprises (soes) and following China’s adoption of the Going Out (走出去战略, Zǒuchūqū Zhànlüè) policy in 2001, Sinopec and Petrochina both sought alliances with foreign companies, and in 2005 cnooc made an ultimately unsuccessful bid for the American oil company Unocal. cnoocc’s agreement with dsm Chemical was part of the same wave of competition for a share of the increasingly overlapping domestic and international markets.

31 On the domestic oil and petrochemicals sectors in China, see Nolan, National Champions, supra note 25, at 49–56, 164–166. 32 On the history of the Chinese petroleum industry, see Ellennor Grace M Francisco, ‘Petroleum Politics: China and Its National Oil Companies’, Master Thesis, Academic Year 2012–2013, Master in Advanced European and International Studies, Anglophone Branch, Centre international de formation européenne, Institut Européen, Paris, pp. 6–18, 66–67 (Appendix 2.1). 33 See also Ibid., pp. 11–13. 34 Jörg Wuttke, ‘The Petrochemical Industry in China’, in Gunter Festal, Andreas Kreimayer, Udo Oels and Maximillian von Zedwitz (eds), The Chemical and Pharmaceutical Industry in China: Opportunities and Threats for Foreign Companies (Springer Verlag, Berlin, 2010), 9–22 at 18–22. Turnover statistics come from Table 2.3 at p. 20, the quotation is from p. 18. For further general background information on these companies, see their pages on Wikipedia at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/China_National_Offshore_Oil_Corporation (cnooc), http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sinochem_Group (Sinochem) and http://en .wikipedia.org/wiki/Petro-China (Petrochina), accessed 23 March 2012. As usual, Wikipedia pages are subject to review and correction and should be used only together with other sources.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 21

The market for fertilisers also felt the effects of China’s accession to the wto. As of 1999 the importation of fertilisers was reserved to foreign trade companies designated by the then Ministry of Trade and Economic Cooperation (moftec, now Ministry of Commerce, mofcom).35 The designated state trading enterprises were China National Chemical Import & Export Company, which was part of Sinochem, and China National Agricultural Means of Production Group (cnampg). cnampg grew out of the China Union of Supply and Marketing Cooperatives founded in 1950, was merged into the Ministry of Commerce in 1957, was set up as a company in 1982 and since 1993 has been part of the Sino-Agri Group.36 They were the only enterprises approved by the Chinese government for import, export and distribution of chemical fertilisers and biocides in China.37 wto accession required the Chinese government to liberalise the right to trade, that is, the right to import and export goods, except for specified products.38 Joint ventures with a minority-state foreign invest- ment were to be entitled to full trading rights, subject to product exceptions, by one year after accession;39 and all export performance conditions for foreign- invested joint ventures, among others, would be removed by the third year after accession. Specific products were exempted from these provisions.40 The wto Working Party Report on China’s accession included fertilisers in the list of products subject to state-trading. Numerous chemical fertilisers were subject to the monopoly rights of state-trading enterprises. The listed fertilisers included urea (hs No. 31021000) and mineral or chemical fertilis- ers, nitrogeneous, nes, incl. mixtures not specified in the foregoing subhead- ings (hs No. 31029000). Licenses were required for importation of chemical

35 World Trade Organization, Report of the Working Party on the Accession of China, p. 27, para 134, WT/ACC/CHN/49; World Trade Organization, Protocol on the Accession of the People’s Republic of China, Doha, 10 November 2001 (Cambridge University Press, Vol 1, Cambridge, 2003), Annex 2A1 Products submit to state trading (Import), at 21. 36 Sino-Agri Leading Bio-Sciences Company Ltd, ‘About Us’, available at http://en.sino-agri -sal.com/about.-php?-cid=13, last accessed 25 January 2015. 37 World Trade Organization, Report of the Working Party on the Accession of China at 41 and 93 (Annex 2A1 Products subject to state trading (Import)), WT/ACC/CHN/49; World Trade Organization, Protocol on the Accession of the People’s Republic of China, Doha, 10 November 2001 (Cambridge University Press, Vol 1, Cambridge, 2003), at 22 (Annex 2A1 Products subject to state trading (Import)), WT/L/432. See also AgriFood Asia: Industry Sectors, Chemicals, China, available at http://www.agrifoodasia.com/English/ind_sectors/ chemi-cals.htm, last accessed 3 May 2014. 38 World Trade Organization, Protocol on the Accession of the People’s Republic of China, Doha, 10 November 2001 (Cambridge University Press, Vol 1, Cambridge, 2003), paragraph 5. 39 World Trade Organization, Report of the Working Party on the Accession of China, p. 16, paragraph 83(c). 40 Ibid., p. 16, paragraph 83(d).

22 chapter 2 fertilizers;41 there were no similar restrictions on exports. Fertilisers were also included on the list of products subject to non-tariff import measures which were subject to phased elimination under China’s wto obligations.42 Urea fertilizer (hs No. 31021000), whether or not in aqueous solution, was listed as a product subject to government guidance pricing,43 and China undertook to make its best efforts to reduce and eliminate these controls.44 wto accession also reduced the comparative advantage of China’s sezs. The Protocol on Chinese Accession required the government to notify the wto of all relevant measures regarding sezs, to apply to products imported into sezs the same taxes, charges and other measures normally applied to imports into other parts of the country and to observe wto provisions on non-discrimination and national treatment.45 By the date of accession, preferential tariff policies were eliminated, and China undertook to ensure non-discriminatory treatment with regard to taxes, import restrictions and customs duties.46 Subsidies for the sezs were notified to the wto; they included preferential tax rates of 15%47 and a 100% refund of paid income tax for profits from foreign-invested enterprises in Hainan sez which were re-invested into infrastructure profits of the sez.48 The wto scm Agreement required that such subsidies be abolished.49

41 World Trade Organization, Protocol on the Accession of the People’s Republic of China, Doha, 10 November 2001 (Cambridge University Press, Vol 1, Cambridge, 2003), Annex 2A1 Products submit to state trading (Import), at 21. 42 Ibid., at 44, paragraph 7(1); Annex 3 Non-tariff measures subject to phased elimination, Table One Products Subject to Import Licence, Import Quota and Import Tendering, WT/L/432. 43 Ibid., at 67, Annex 4 Products and Services Subject to Price Controls, Products Subject to Government Guidance Pricing, WT/L/432. 44 Ibid., at 7, paragraph 9(3), WT/L/432. 45 Ibid., paragraph 2(A),(B), WT/L/432. 46 World Trade Organization, Ministerial Conference, Fourth Session, Doha, 9–13 November 2001 (WT/MIN(031) 3 [reprinting WT/ACC/CHN/49 and WT/ACC/CHN/49/Corr.1 in English only], 10 November 2001), Report of the Working Party on the Accession of China p. 43, paragraph 222 (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2003). 47 Ibid., Annex 5A Notification pursuant to Article xxv of the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures, V Preferential Policies for the Special Economic Zones (exclud- ing the Pudong Area of Shanghai), point 7(1), p. 147 (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2003). 48 Ibid., Annex 5A Notification pursuant to Article xxv of the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures, viii Preferential Policies for Foreign Invested Enterprisespoint 7(6), p. 150 (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2003). 49 Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures, Articles 1 (definition of subsidy), 2 (prohibition of subsidies subject to certain conditions). World Trade Organization, Ministerial Conference, Fourth Session, Doha, 9–13 November 2001 (WT/MIN(031) 3

Three Worlds Of Melamine 23

These various factors converged in the logic justifying the proposed dsm- cnoocc joint venture in Hainan. The joint venture was envisaged originally as a 70% share for dsm and 30% for cnoocc; dsm reported subsequently that it held 49% of its joint venture melamine production in China.50 The Hainan plant, making use of local gas, was to be the world’s largest melamine produc- tion facility. It was to be built near the Stamicarbon-licensed cnooc urea plant on Hainan Island, and ‘the melamine plant [was] to be integrated with cnoocc’s modern large-scaled urea plant – based on technology licensed by dsm – on Hainan’.51 It was planned to start in 2007, with Chinese production of melamine increasing from 46,500 metric tons in 1998 to 88,000 metric tons in 2003, making China one of the largest melamine-producing countries in the world.52 With proximity to the Chinese domestic market, easy access to raw materials, economies of scale, and high technology, the Hainan joint venture was expected to have an annual capacity of 120,000 metric tons.53 However, the dsm-cnoocc joint venture never came to fruition. On 27 September 2007, three years after signing the letter of intent, dsm announced a major change of business strategy: henceforth it would focus on

[reprinting WT/ACC/CHN/49 and WT/ACC/CHN/49/Corr.1 in English only], 10 November 2001), Report of the Working Party on the Accession of China, p. 79, paragraph 10(3) (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2003). 50 ‘dsm, ‘dsm to sell dsm Agro and dsm Melamine to Orascom Construction Industries, Heerlen, Netherlands, 30 March 2012, 07:15 cet, available at http://www.dsm.com/en_US/ html/dcn/03_03_10_DSM-_sell_Melamine_Agro_to_OCI.htm, accessed 23 March 2012. 51 Hans Dijkman, Business Group Director, dsm Melamine, ‘dsm Melamine: Growing a Profitable Business’ [hereafter Dijkman, ‘dsm Melamine’], Chemical Analysts Conference, Vaalsbroek, Netherlands, 24 September 2004, p. 3.23, available at http://www.dsm.com/ en_US/cworld/public/investors/downloads/publications/dijkman_24_sept.pdf, accessed 23 March 2012; on the cnooc urea plant, see Yang Yexin and James H. Gosnell, ‘cnooc Chemical Ltd. New Fertilizer Plant, prepared for presentation at the 49th Annual Safety in Ammonia Plants and Related Facilities Symposium, Denver, Colorado, 20–23 September 2004, available at http://www.kbr.com/Newsroom/Publica-tions/technical-papers/CNOOC -Chemical-Ltd-New-Fertilizer-Plant.pdf, accessed 26 March 2012. 52 Anthony S. Travis, ‘Manufacture and the Uses of the Anilines: A Vast Array of Processes and Products’, in Zvi Rappoport (ed), The Chemistry of Anilines (John Wiley & Sons, Chichester, England, 2007), 715–782 at 771. 53 Dijkman, ‘dsm Melamine’, supra note 51; Stefan Sommer, ‘dsm in China: In Touch with Evolving Needs in the Specialty Chemicals Market’, in Gunter Festel, Andreas Kreimeyer, Udo Oels and Max von Zedtwitz (eds), The Chemical and Pharmaceutical Industry in China: Opportunities and Threats for Foreign Companies (Springer, Heidelberg, 2005, p. 260. A second edition of the book with the same editors and same title was published by Springer in 2010.

24 chapter 2 life science and materials science, and by 2010 it would divest all of its non- core businesses,54 including melamine. Royal dsm n.v. held a press confer- ence at 11:00 am on 6 October 2005 at its headquarters in Heerlen, The Netherlands. It then announced further details of its new strategy for the next five years. The new strategy was entitled ‘Vision 2010 – Building on Strengths’. It was based on dsm’s previous five-year strategy, which had successfully completed the shift of company activities to specialty life science and perfor- mance material products. With ‘Vision 2010’, dsm planned to develop further its existing investment in nutrition, health and performance materials and to increase its activities in the growth areas of biomedical materials, specialty packaging, personalized nutrition and industrial (‘white’) biotechnology. By 2010 it expected to double its sales in China to one billion us dollars.55 This was unlikely to have been a surprise to cnoocc or to the Hainan and national cpc and governmental authorities, given the long history of good relations between dsm and the Chinese government. Royal dsm n.v. then sold dsm Melamine and dsm Agro to Orascom Construction Industries (oci),56 the leading Egyptian company in the engi- neering, procurement and construction sector. oci rebranded its Fertilizer Group as oci Nitrogen, which rapidly became a leader in fertilizer production and distribution and the world’s largest producer of melamine, with produc- tion plants in the United States, the Netherlands, Egypt and Algeria, but pre- viously it did not have production facilities in China.57 With this acquisition,

54 dsm, ‘History’, available at http://www.dsm.com/corporate/about/our-company/dsm -history-timeline.html, last accessed 17 January 2014. On dsm investments and divest- ments since 2003, see dsm Information Center, at https://www.dsm.com/corporate/ investors/informationcenter.limit.30.year.2005.offset.0.html?markets=dsmpr-ess -releases%3Aacquisitions_investm, last accessed 21 January 2014. The Hainan joint ven- ture proposal never reached the investment stage so is not listed. 55 dsm, ‘New dsm Strategy Towards 2010: Accelerate Growth, Innovation, Portfolio Quality’, available at http://globenewswire.com/news-release/2005/10/06/334462/87411/en/New -DSM-Strategy-Towards-2010-Acce-lerate-Growth-Innovation-Portfolio-Quality.html, last accessed 21 January 2014. 56 ‘dsm, ‘dsm to sell dsm Agro and dsm Melamine to Orascom Construction Industries, Heerlen, Netherlands, 30 March 2012, 07:15 cet, available at http://www.dsm.com/en_US/ html/dcn/03_03_10_DSM-_sell_Melamine_Agro_to_OCI.htm, accessed 23 March 2012. See also the Orascom Construction Industries Annual Report for 2010, at 2, 8, 10, available at http://www.orascomci.com/filestore/OCI2010AnnualReport.pdf, last accessed 10 January 2014. Orascom annual reports are available at http://www.orascomci.com/index.php? -id=annualreportsarchive, last accessed 17 January 2014. 57 Orascom Construction Industries Annual Report 2010, at 6, available at http://www .orascomci.com/filestore/-OCI2010AnnualReport.pdf, last accessed 17 January 2014.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 25 oci acquired dsm’s melamine production facilities in China, namely a 49% stake in the FengHe Melamine Company, but it seems that it did not follow up the Hainan joint venture.58 This change in company strategy almost inevitably involved changes in per- sonnel, which also symbolised company restructuring. The founder of dsm’s operations in China in 1992, Mr Ari van der Steenhoven, retired as dsm’s Chief Representative and General Manager in China in 2004.59 In the intervening years dsm in China had grown into an operation with 11 wholly owned compa- nies and joint ventures, employing more than 3000 people, and with revenue of more than 400 million euros per year.60 Mr Stefan Sommer replaced Mr van der Steenhoven and became President of dsm China. In June 2006, dsm announced that Mr Hans Dijkman, Business Group Director of dsm Melamine, would take early retirement as of 1 September 2006; Mr Dijkman led the dsm side in the dsm-cnoocc joint venture.61 In 2007, Mr Weiming Jiang, formerly Senior Vice President Strategic Products Asia for dsm, became President of dsm China, based in Shanghai, with Mr Sommer remaining as strategic advi- sor to dsm’s management board,62 thus further cementing dsm’s shift in busi- ness strategy and its position in a new Chinese market.

See also http://www.ocichina.com.cn/about.asp?-catid=23&classid=144, last accessed 17 January 2014. 58 See InfoChine et Chimie Pharma Hebdo, ‘Orascam s’empare de dsm Agro et dsm Melamine, 6 April 2010, available at http://www.industrie.com/chimie/orascom-s-empare -de-dsm-agro-et-dsm-melamine,36338, last accessed 27 January 204. Today oci Nitrogen has its China headquarters in Shanghai and a 49% stake in a melamine joint venture in Pinglu and Jishan, Shanxi Province. http://www.ocinitrogen.com/EN/Pages/-Locations .aspx, last accessed 27 January 2014. The Pinglu company is Shanxi Fenghe Melamine Company, see http://cn.linkedin.com/pub/tongyong-ding/41/ba/123, last accessed 27 January 2014. 59 Sommer, ‘dsm in China’, supra note 28, at 247, note 1. 60 Authors [entry: Stefan Sommer] in Gunter Festal, Andreas Kreimayer, Udo Oels and Maximillian von Zedwitz (eds), The Chemical and Pharmaceutical Industry in China: Opportunities and Threats for Foreign Companies (Springer Verlag, Berlin, 2010), 247–263 at 282. 61 dsm Press Release, ‘Appointment at dsm’, available at http://www.dsm.com/en_US/ cworld/public/media/-downloads/25e_06_appointment_robek.pdf?fileaction=openFile, accessed 26 March 2012. See also Hans Dijkman, Business Group Director, dsm Melamine, ‘dsm Melamine: Growing a Profitable Business’, Chemical Analysts Conference, Vaalsbroek, Netherlands, 24 September 2004, available at http://www.dsm.com-/en_US/cworld/public/ investors/downloads/publications/dijkman_24_sept.pdf, accessed 23 March 2012. 62 ‘dsm appoints Wei-Ming Jiang as President of dsm China (Ltd)’, available at http://www .dsm.com/nl_NL-/html/dcn/03_03_07_DSM_China_News_Weiming_Jiang.htm, last accessed 17 January 2014.

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By 2010, dsm’s reorientation was virtually complete.63 Following its new emphasis on sustainability and its Triple P motto of ‘People, Planet, Profit’, it focused on life sciences and materials science.64 The main ‘clusters’ were phar- maceuticals, nutrition, performance materials and polymer intermediates, and the company envisaged biotechnology, biomedicine and advanced sur- faces as emerging growth areas. On the European side, the proposed Hainan joint venture proposal thus disappeared without trace, at least so far as one can tell without considerable research on company histories.65 The same was true on the Chinese side. Undoubtedly the Chinese govern- ment was aware of dsm’s plan for reorientation, and most likely it approved, at least tacitly, the implications for the proposed joint venture. Certainly the shift in the activities of a multinational company toward investment in the produc- tion of biotechnology, health and pharmaceuticals in China would contribute more to Chinese economic growth and to the development of Chinese domes- tic enterprises than another joint venture in melamine production alone. In any event, in September 2003 cnooc Chemical had commissioned a joint ven- ture with Kellogg, Brown & Root66 to build a new ammonia and urea plant in Hainan; about three years the plant started production, using Stamicarbon

63 The president and ceo of the recently divested dsm Melamine, Mr Anton Robek, became senior vice president of dsm White Biotechnology, renamed as dsm Bio-Based Products and Services. See ‘Reshaped dsm sets out its stall’, Specialty Chemicals Magazine, http:// www.specchemonline.com/articles/view/reshaped-dsm-sets-out-its-stall#.Ut5ISBA1jIU, last accessed 21 January 2014. 64 See dsm, ‘Sustainability in China’, available at http://www.dsm.com/nl_NL/html/dcn/ sustainability_china.-htm, last accessed 17 January 2014; dsm, ‘dsm Sustainability Report 2007’, available at http://www.dsm.-com/en_US/downloads/dcn/2007_triple_P_cn_final .pdf, last accessed 17 January 2014. 65 It is important to realise that the termination of the joint venture proposal probably had little if anything to do with the dairy sector, unless dsm then was aware (which it may have been; the Chinese government certainly was) of the illegal addition of melamine to liquid milk (discussed later). Nevertheless, it is interesting to note dsm today produces cultures and enzymes used in the dairy sector to affect flavour and texture and to produce higher yields. See ‘dsm in food, beverage and dietary supplements: Your way in dairy: We make it happen’, available at https://www.dsm.com/markets/foodandbeverages/en_US/ markets-home/market-dairy-lp.html, last accessed 24 January 2014. 66 Now kbr, Inc. Kellogg, Brown & Root resulted from the merger in 1997 of M.W. Kellogg and Brown & Root, a construction company which was a subsidiary of Haliburton Energy Services: ‘kbr (company)’, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/KBR_%28company%29, last accessed 18 January 2015.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 27 urea melt technology.67 In 2006 the Chinese central government was reported to have authorized cnooc to take over China National Chemical Construction Corp. (cnccc) ‘at no cost’ as part of an asset rearrangement between the two soes. This restructuring was designed to increase cnooc’s presence in the fer- tilizer business.68 With regard to personnel, it is very difficult to trace changes in company organization and personal. However, then Director Yang Yexin had been involved in the early negotiations with Kellogg, Brown & Root69 and at the time was general manager of cnooc Chemical.70 According to news reports, after 2003 he was also Director of China BlueChemical Ltd, a wholly owned subsidiary of cnooc and based in Hainan, as well as Chairman of cnooc Fudao Limited,71 a subsidiary of China BlueChemical located in Dongfang, Hainan, which produced and distributed fertilisers.72 In April 2006

67 Yang Yexin and James H. Gosness, ‘cnooc Chemical Ltd. New Fertilizer Plant’, prepared for presentation at the 49th Annual Safety in Ammonia Plants and Related Facilities Symposium, Denver, Colorado, 20–23 September 2004, available at http://www.kbr.com/ Newsroom/Publications/technical-papers/CNOOC-Chemical-Ltd-New-Fertilizer-Plant .pdf, last accessed 18 January 2015. 68 Wang Ying, ‘cnooc to snap up chemical company’, China Daily, 24 October 2006, 06:37, available at http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2006-10/24/content_715158.htm, accessed 26 March 2012. On cnccc, see http://chemicals.indiabizclub.com/profile/161312 0~china+national+chemical+construction+corporation~beijing_china#, last accessed 26 March 2012. 69 Yang Yexin and James H. Gosness, ‘cnooc Chemical Ltd. New Fertilizer Plant’, prepared for presentation at the 49th Annual Safety in Ammonia Plants and Related Facilities Symposium, Denver, Colorado, 20–23 September 2004, available at http://www.kbr.com/ Newsroom/Publications/technical-papers/CNOOC-Chemical-Ltd-New-Fertilizer-Plant .pdf, last accessed 18 January 2015. 70 See People’s Daily Online, ‘Hainan becomes home of world’s largest chemical plant’, 11 April 2005, available at http://en.people.cn/200504/11/eng20050411_180472.html, last visited 10 December 2014. 71 mydallaspost.com, ‘What is the history of Yexin Yang and the latest information about Yexin Yang’, available at http://finance.mydallaspost.com/what-is-the-history-of-yexin -yang-and-the-latest-information-about-yexinya-ng/wpshf/executive/yexin-yang/yexin -yang-3410515.htm, last accessed 18 January 2015. cnooc bought the Hainan fertilizier plant Fudao Chemical Factory in October 2000: Yang Yexin and James H. Gosness, ‘cnooc Chemical Ltd. New Fertilizer Plant’, p. 3, prepared for presentation at the 49th Annual Safety in Ammonia Plants and Related Facilities Symposium, Denver, Colorado, 20–23 September 2004, available at http://www.kbr.com/Newsroom/Publications/technical -papers/CNOOC-Chemical-Ltd-New-Fertilizer-Plant.pdf, last accessed 18 January 2015. 72 Among other sources: Bloomberg Businessweek, ‘Overview of cnooc Fudao Ltd’, available at http://-investing.businessweek.com/research/stocks/private/snapshot.asp?privcapId= 109231487, last accessed 19 January 2015.

28 chapter 2 he became Executive Director and President of China BlueChemical.73 Again, as with dsm, the subsequent Chinese economic landscape revealed few if any tangible signs of the proposed joint venture amidst the interlocking Chinese enterprises. Urea production by cnooc in Hainan gradually declined from 1,949,123 tonnes in 2008 to 977,741 tonnes in 2011. By 2011 the biggest melamine production site in China’s had moved to Xinjiang, in the form of Xinjiang Yuxiang Huyang Chemical Company, owned by Sichuan Golden Elephant Chemical Industry Group, which itself had become China’s largest producer of melamine.74 Less dramatic and less salient on the international scene, at least at the time, was the Chinese dairy sector. As early as the late 1990s, the government had encouraged the consumption of dairy products.75 With reform and open- ing up, it welcomed foreign investment in the form of joint ventures, not only in chemicals and fertilizer but also in other products, including dairy products. Foreign investment in the form of direct establishment of dairy-processing enterprises, joint ventures or direct investment contributed to the rapid growth of the Chinese dairy industry, notably in the form of larger producers and pro- cessors.76 One example was the China Mengniu (‘Mongolian Cow’) Dairy Company Limited in , , which developed on the basis of

73 China Businessweek, China Bluechemical Ltd – H, Executive Profile & Biography: Yexin Yang’, available at http://investing.businessweek.com/research/stocks/people/person.asp ?personid=8358434&ticker=3983:HK, last accessed 18 January 2015; mydallaspost.com, ‘What is the history of Yexin Yang and the latest information about Yexin Yang’, available at http://finance.mydallaspost.com/what-is-the-history-of-yexin-yang-and-the-latest -information-about-yexin-yang/wpshf/executive/yexin-yang/yexin-yang-3410515.htm, last accessed 18 January 2015. 74 For a brief description of the company, see http://www.bloomberg.com/profiles/companies/ 1003567D:CH-sichuan-golden-elephant-sincerity-chemical-co-ltd, last accessed 16 January 2015. The company website is listed as http://www.jxgf.com/homee.asp, last accessed 28 March 2012. 75 For an overview of the sector as of 2005, see Frank Fuller, Jikun Huang, Hengyun Ma and Scott Rozelle, ‘Got milk? The rapid rise of China’s dairy sector and its future prospects’, Food Policy, 31, 2006, 201–215, and Dinghuan Hu, ‘China: Dairy Product Quality as the New Industry Driver’, at 7, available at http://www.fao.org/-docrep/011/i0588e/i0588e04.htm, last accessed 24 September 2013. 76 See Dinghuan Hu, ‘China: Dairy Product Quality as the New Industry Driver’, at 7, avail- able at http://www-.fao.org/docrep/011/i0588e/i0588e04.htm, last accessed 24 September 2013. On development of the Chinese dairy industry generally, see Li Jing, Policy coordina- tion in China: the cases of infectious disease and food safety policy, PhD Thesis, University of Hong Kong, January 2010, at 101–110, available on The hku Scholars Hub, The University of Hong Kong at http://hdl.handle.net/10722/57580, last accessed 20 September 2013.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 29 a business plan by McKinsey & Co. and investments from Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley and was listed on the .77 In 2006 Mengniu entered into a joint venture with Arla Foods, a Danish-Swedish coop- erative based in Aarhus, Denmark, which long has been the largest dairy prod- uct producer in Scandinavia78 and later, as of 2010, was the seventh largest dairy producer in the world.79 Mengniu’s main competitors were the Yili Group (Inner Mongolia Yili Industrial Group Company Limited), also based in Hohhot, and the Sanlu Group Company Limited, located in Shijiazhuang, Hebei Province. Despite relatively fast economic growth from 1991 to 2004,80 Hebei Province lagged beyond China’s other coastal provinces in economic openness.81 To remedy its unfavourable competitive position, it sought to develop a strategy of transna- tionalisation. In 2005 the Sanlu Group concluded a joint venture agreement with the world’s largest dairy exporter, Fonterra, which was based in New Zealand. Fonterra is today a multinational dairy cooperative owned by more than 10,000 New Zealand farmers.82 It resulted from the merger, in 2001, of two of New Zealand’s three largest dairy cooperatives, together with the New Zealand Dairy Board, which, until the merger, had been the statutory board in charge of all of New Zealand’s dairy products, accounting for about one-third of the world’s dairy trade. Fonterra exported 90% of its total production, exporting dairy ingredients to 120 countries. As of 2009, it accounted for 30% of the world’s dairy exports.83

77 See Richard McGregor, The Party: The Secret World of China’s Communist Rulers [hereafter McGregory, The Party] (Harper, New York, 2010), pp. 181–182 (hereafter McGregor, The Party). 78 This paragraph is based on ‘Mengniu Dairy’ at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mengniu _Dairy, last accessed 3 March 2014, and ‘Yili Group’ at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yili _Group, last accessed 3 March 2014. 79 See ‘Arla Foods’ at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arla_Food, last accessed 3 March 2014. See also the Arla website at www.arla.com, last accessed 3 March 2014. 80 Yumin Sheng, Economic Openness and Territorial Politics in China (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2010) (hereafter Sheng, Openness), 71, Table 3.4 Growth and Wealth among the Provinces, 1978–2004. 81 For the period 1991–2004, Hebei’s Trade/GDP ratio was 6.64%, its Export/GDP ratio was 7.43% and its FDI/GDP ratio was 1.46%. In contrast, the comparable figures for Guangdong Province were 130.80%, 74.06% and 10.53%, and for Jiangsu Province they were 38.25%, 22.52% and 6.22%: Ibid., 67, Table 3.3 Economic Globalisation among the Provinces. 82 Wikipedia, ‘Fonterra’, available at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fonterra, last accessed 15 January 2015. 83 Ibid.; Wikipedia, ‘New Zealand Dairy Board’, available at http://en.wikipedia.org/-wiki/ New_Zealand_Dairy_Board, last accessed 15 January 2015; Fonterra, ‘The New Zealand

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By the joint venture agreement, Sanlu aimed to strengthen its market posi- tion and to develop into a leading international company, celebrating in advance, as it were, Sanlu’s 50th birthday, to be held the following year.84 The agreement was initialed at the Diao Yu Tai State Guest House in Beijing.85 Fonterra contributed rmb 864 million (us$107 million) and took a 43% stake in Sanlu. Sanlu Limited, representing management and employees, held a 56% share, and several small shareholders held the remaining 1%.86 Fonterra had three seats on the joint venture board of seven members and one repre­ sentative on the senior executive team of the Shijiazhuang Sanlu Group. Unfortunately, as the company admitted later, Fonterra had only one Mandarin speaker on its Sanlu staff and only one technician to oversee the maintenance of Fonterra’s internationally reputed standards.87 Nonetheless, the joint ven- ture considerably strengthened Fonterra’s position in the Chinese market rela- tive to its foreign competitors, mainly American and European: by 2009 Fonterra accounted for between 80%-90% of total monthly milk powder imports into China.88 The Fonterra – Sanlu joint venture was concluded in the context of dramatic changes in the structure of the domestic Chinese dairy market. It contributed to an increase in the demand for raw milk in China.

International Trade, Competition for Markets and Anti-Dumping A second strand of transnational economic and legal relations pertinent to the subsequent melamine crisis comprised international trade, market competition

Dairy Industry’, available at http://www.fonterra.com/global/en/financial/global+dairy+ industry/new+zealand+dairy+industry, last accessed 15 January 2015. 84 Fonterra Co-operative Group Ltd, ‘Fonterra and San Lu Reach Joint Venture Agreement’, Media Release 1 December 2005, available at http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/BU0512/ S00032.htm, last accessed 22 September 2013. 85 Fonterra Co-operative Group Ltd, ‘Fonterra and San Lu Reach Joint Venture Agreement’, Media Release 1 December 2005, available at http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/BU0512/ S00032.htm, last accessed 22 September 2013, according to which this was the largest foreign investment in a Chinese dairy company ever made up to that time. This article reports that Fonterra was advised by Deutsche Bank, PricewaterhouseCoopers and Baker & McKenzie. 86 Fonterra Co-operative Group Ltd, ‘Fonterra and San Lu Reach Joint Venture Agreement’, Media Release 1 December 2005, available at http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/BU0512/S00032 .htm, last accessed 22 September 2013. See also Jenny Fu and Geoffrey Nicoll, ‘The Milk Scandal and Corporate Governance in China’, Canberra Law Review, 10, 3, 2011, 103–124 at 106–107. 87 Eloise Gibson, ‘Fonterra will test for every ’, The New Zealand Herald, Thursday, 25 September 2008, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/fonterras-chinese-milk-scandal/ news/article.cfm?c_id=1502761&objec-tid=10534051, last accessed 3 May 2014. 88 ‘Fonterra milk powder challenged in China’, Shenzhen Daily, Wednesday, 18 December 2013, p. 6.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 31 and the imposition by foreign countries of anti-dumping measures on melamine and related exports from China. This set of social relations revealed clearly a morose international market and continuing low prices for melamine, both internationally and domestically, which resulted in increasing international competition for markets and increasing protectionism everywhere against for- eign imports, further depressing domestic prices. As early as 1995, a United States International Trade Commission (itc) report sketched the basic param- eters for understanding the relationship between prices, demand and supply for melamine in international and domestic e.g. Chinese markets. The itc con- ducted a detailed study of the effects on the American urea industry of anti- dumping duties imposed by the us on urea imports between 1981 and 1991. It showed that urea is the main competitor of melamine for use as fertilizer, but normally melamine is much more expensive to produce. It concluded that ‘the demand for urea is relatively inelastic’, supply was highly elastic, and anti-dump- ing duties ‘essentially stopped imports’.89 Anti-dumping duties thus raise the price of foreign urea imports, which results in lower demand for foreign urea. We can depict the likely effects on melamine prices in China by means of a simple scenario. Suppose that the supply of urea, being elastic, declines, while demand for fertilizer remains inelastic. Melamine, a substitute for urea, becomes relatively less expensive. We then would expect demand for melamine to increase. Anti-dumping duties on urea in importing countries thus may be expected to stimulate increased production of melamine in exporting coun- tries. This in turn may be expected to lead to three consequences: an increase in the supply of melamine in an exporting country; most probably, an increase of international trade in melamine, especially given its large-scale production by multinational companies and by Chinese companies trying to break into the international market; and lower prices for melamine in exporting coun- tries, unless all the increased melamine supply were exported (which was very unlikely, given the structure of the melamine market in China). I speculate that this description of an exporting country applied to China in the early 2000s. The World Bank’s Global Antidumping Database (gad)90 provides useful data for understanding the effects of anti-dumping measures globally on the

89 United States International Trade Commission, Economic Effects of Antidumping and Countervailing Duty Orders and Suspension Agreements (Diane Publishing Company, Darby, pa, 1995), 11–21 – 11–23 [Chapter 11, pp. 21–23]. The quotations are from pages 11–21 and 11–23. 90 For an introduction, see Chad P. Bown, ‘Global Antidumping Database Version 3.0’ [here- after Bown, ‘Database’], available at http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTTRADERESEARCH/ Resources/544824-1272916036631/bown-global-a-d-v3.0.pdf, last accessed 12 August 2014.

32 chapter 2 melamine market in China in the early 2000s. Let us take account of exports from all countries, including but not limited to China, and consider the time period leading up to the melamine crisis in mid-2008. Globally, between 1998 and 2008, anti-dumping duties in the chemicals sector, notably fertilisers (mainly urea), peaked in 1999, 2000 and 2006.91 These statistics reflected increased competition in the world market for fertilisers, including melamine; melamine is of course employed for many other uses. Increasing anti-dumping duties contributed to an oversupply of melamine in exporting countries. According to the gad, the United States, the European Community [now eu] and India were the most active users of anti-dumping measures against imports of urea and related products. First, the United States initiated investi- gations in 1986 and then imposed anti-dumping duties on urea from East Germany (1997–1998), Romania (1997–2004) and ussr (1997-still in force).92 Second, the European Community [now eu] initiated investigations in 1987 and then imposed anti-dumping duties on imports of urea from Trinidad and Tobago (1987–1991), Libya (1987–1992), Saudia Arabia (1987-mi [missing infor- mation]), Yugoslavia (1987–1994), Czech Republic (1987–1995), German Democratic Republic (1987-mi), Kuwait (1987-mi) and Russia (1987–2007). Later the same year it initiated investigations and imposed anti-dumping duties on imports of urea from Malaysia (1989–1994), Austria (1989–1994), Hungary (1989–1994), Romania (1989–1994), United States (1989–1994) and Venezuela (1989–1995); and initiated investigations in 1989 on NpK (N: nitrogen, P: phos- phorus, K: potassium) fertilizer from Yugoslavia, Poland, Hungary and Romania without imposing duties. Subsequently it initiated investigations in 1990 on potassium chloride (potash) from Belarus (1992–2011), Russia (1992–2011) and Ukraine (1992–2005); initiated investigations in 1992 on ammonium nitrate from Lithuania, Russia, Belarus, Georgia, Turkmenistan, Ukraine and Uzbekistan and imposed duties on such imports from Lithuania (1994–1999) and Russia (1994-mi); initiated investigations in 1993 and imposed duties on imports of ammonium nitrate, urea and ammonium nitrate in liquid solution from Bulgaria (1994–1999) and Poland (1994–2004); initiated investigations in 1994 on ammonium nitrate from Lithuania (no duty imposed) and from Russia (duty imposed: 1995-if: in force as of 2005). Then it initiated investigations in 1999 and then imposed duties on imports of urea and ammonium nitrate in liquid

91 Lucy Davis, ‘Ten Years of Anti-dumping in the eu: Economic and Political Targeting’, European Centre for International Political Economy, ecipe Working Paper no. 02/2009, p. 11, available at http://www.ecipe.org/-media/publication_pdfs/ten-years-of-anti-dumping -in-the-eu-economic-and-political-targeting.pdf, last accessed 8 August 2014. 92 Bown, ‘Database’, supra note 90.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 33 solution from Algeria (2000–2011), Lithuania (2000–2011), Belarus (2000–2004), Russia (2000–2011), Ukraine (2000–2011) but after investigations no duties were imposed on imports from Slovakia; initiated investigations in 1999 and then imposed duties on ammonium nitrate from Poland (2001–2004)93 and Ukraine (2001–2012) though after investigation no duties were imposed on imports from Lithuania; initiated in 2000 investigations and then imposed duties on imports of urea from Libya (2002–2008), Romania (2002–2007), Bulgaria (2002–2007), Croatia (2002–2008), Belrus (2002–2008), Estonia (2002–2004), Lithuania (2002–2004) and Ukraine (2002–2008) though no duties were imposed on such imports from Egypt or Poland. In 2010 it initiated an investigation and later imposed duties on imports of melamine from China (2011-if: currently in force).94 Between 1998 and 2008, the European Fertilisers’ Manufacturers Association (efma) ‘instigated 15 ad investigations leading to definitive mea- sures on imported urea and ammonium nitrate on behalf of its members’.95 Third, India initiated investigations in 2002 on ammonium nitrate from Russia and Iran but no duties were imposed. It initiated an investigation in 2003 and imposed duties on imports of melamine from China (2004-if: - rently in force). It also initiated an investigation in 2010 and then imposed duties on imports of melamine from the European Union (2012-if; currently in force), Iran (2012-if: currently in force), Indonesia (2012-if: currently in force) and Japan (2012-if: currently in force).96 Reports of investigations by the anti-dumping authorities in both India and the eu provide valuable insights into the structure of the global and Chinese markets for melamine at the time. In 2004 India imposed anti-dumping duties on melamine produced in and exported from China by Tianjin Kaiwei Chemical Co. Ltd.97 The complainants were leading Indian companies Tpm Consultants

93 On 1 May 2004 Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia became Member States of the European Union. Bulgaria and Romania joined the eu on 1 January 2007. eu Member States do not have the legal competence to impose anti-dumping duties, and the eu does not impose anti-dumping duties on its Member States. eu duties on newly acceding Member States were terminated as of the date of accession at the latest. 94 Bown, ‘Database’, supra note 90. 95 Lucy Davis, ‘Ten Years of Anti-dumping in the eu: Economic and Political Targeting’, European Centre for International Political Economy, ecipe Working Paper no. 02/2009, pp. 12–13, available at http://www.ecipe.-org/media/publication_pdfs/ten-years-of-anti -dumping-in-the-eu-economic-and-political-targe-ting.pdf, last ace-ssed 8 August 2014. 96 Bown, ‘Database’, supra note 90. 97 See Indian Customs, Anti-dumping duty on Melamine, Customs Notification No. 107/204, 16-11-2004, available at http://www.eximguru.com/Notifications/Anti-dumping-duty-on

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Pvt. Ltd, Gujurat State Chemicals & Fertilizers Ltd (gscf), and Fertilizers & Chemicals Travancore Ltd.98 However in the official report gscf was listed as the complainant and described as the sole melamine producer in India.99 Tianjin Kaiwei was established in China in 1995 and is a major producer of melamine and caustic soda.100 The anti-dumping duty that was imposed in 2004 is still in force.101 In the eu 2010 investigation regarding melamine from China, the com- plainants were the only European producers: dsm Melamine bv (now oci Melamine bv), Borealis Agrolinz Melamine GmbH, a Vienna-based company formed in 1994 by the merger of the Norwegian oil company Statoil and the Finnish refining and marketing company Neste,102 and the Polish company Zaklady Azotowe Pulawy.103 The defendants were Sichuan Jade Elephant Melamine S&T Company Ltd, Liaherd Chemical Industry Co. Ltd., Henan Junhua Development Company Ltd, and others referred on the World Bank Global Antidumping Database as ‘All Other Companies’,104 the last group included Tianjin Kaiwei Chemical Co. Ltd.105 The eu anti-dumping authority, the European Commission, found that the Chinese companies

-Melamine-12251.aspx, last accessed 9 August 2014, Government of India, Ministry of Finance (Department of Revenue), Notification No. 10/2010-Customs, to be published in the Gazette of India, Extraordinary, Part ii, Section 3, Sub-Section (i), available at www.cbec .gov.in/customs/cs-act/notifications/notfns-2k10/cs10-2k10.htm, last accessed 9 August 2014. 98 See Bown, ‘Database’ supra note 90. 99 Available at Republic of India, Ministry of Commerce and Industry (Department of Commerce), Final Findings, New Delhi, the 3rd September 2004, Subject: Anti-dumping investigation concerning imports of Melamine from the People’s Republic of China, Final Findings, No. 14/16/2003-dgad, http://webcache.-googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache: http://commerce.nic.in/adfin_melamine_chinapr.htm, last accessed 12 August 2014. 100 See the company profile at http://www.e-to-china.com/company/companyinfo.php?usd =243649, last accessed 12 August 2014. 101 See Bown, ‘Database’, supra note 102. 102 On Borealis, see http://www.borealisgroup.com/ and http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Borealis On Neste, see http://www.nesteoil.com/ and http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Neste_Oil. 103 On Pulaway, see http://www.zapulawy.pl/ and http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zak%C5%82ady _Azotowe_Pu%-C5%82awy. 104 Bown, ‘Database’, supra note 90. For further details about the Chinese companies, see Commission Regulation (eu) No 1035/2010 of 15 November 2010 imposing a provisional anti-dumping duty on imports of melamine originating in the People’s Republic of China, paragraph 9, ojeu 16.11.2010, L298/10 at L298/11. 105 See Commission Regulation (eu) No 1035/2010 of 15 November 2010 imposing a provi- sional anti-dumping duty on imports of melamine originating in the People’s Republic of China, paragraph 20, ojeu 16.11.2010, L298/10 at L298/11.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 35 manufactured melamine by producing urea from natural gas.106 Three State- owned companies­ – Sichuan Golden Elephant, Shandong Liaherd and Henan Junhua – dominated the natural gas market in China. According to the European Commission:

Companies that produce urea, which is then used by them to produce melamine, benefit from a low government fixed gas price for the produc- tion of urea. A company producing urea, which is a fertilizer and impor- tant for the Chinese agricultural and food industry, pays a significantly lower price for its gas compared to companies which need gas for other industrial uses.107

The Commission also concluded that the low gas price allowed companies to produce melamine at very reduced prices, since ‘natural gas forms a major part of the cost of urea (around 80%) and that urea represents between 50 and 60% of the cost of production of melamine’.108 The investigation showed that eu consumption between 2006 and 2008 declined by more than 15%, due largely to a decline in the housing and construction markets, the main users of melamine, while imports from China increased by 30% but during the investi- gation period imports from China decreased and their market share declined.109 The investigation period was from 1 January 2009 to 31 December 2009,110 and the Commission found that the crisis in the melamine sector was ‘at its peak’ during the first half of the year.111 It was accentuated by the financial crisis, which had a serious impact on China’s foreign markets. The ec imposed a mini- mum import price (instead of anti-dumping duties) on all imports of melamine from China; one exporters, Sichuan Jade Elephant Melamine S&T Co. Ltd.,112 notified the eu in 2013 that it had changed its name to Sichuan Golden-Elephant

106 Ibid., at L298/11. 107 Ibid., at L298/11. 108 Ibid., at L298/11. 109 Ibid., at L298/11. 110 Ibid., at L298/11. 111 Ibid., at L298/11. 112 Council Implementing Regulation (eu) No. 457/2011of 10 May 2011 imposing a definitive anti-dumping duty and collecting definitively the provisional duty imposed of imports of melamine originating in the People’s Republic of China, oj 13.5.2011 L124/2. On the company, see Chen Duanyang, ‘Melamine in China and Action on Sichuan Jade Elephant Melamine S&T Company, Ltd’, prepared to the iv International Melamine Meeting in Moscow, 9 October 2009, available at http://www.creonenergy.ru/upload/iblock/1e3/Melamine-%20 in%20Chian%20and%20action%20on%20Sichuan%20Jade%20Elphant%20 Melamine%20SxT%20Co.,Ltd.%20Chen%20Duanyang.pdf, last accessed 25 January 2015.

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Sincerity Chemical Co. Ltd. while remaining subject to the minimum import price.113 I speculate that the combination of foreign anti-dumping duties and Chinese government subsidies in the form of low domestic gas prices contrib- uted to an oversupply of melamine and thus to lower prices for melamine on the Chinese domestic market.114

Illegal Trade and the Rise of Foreign Risk Regulation The discussion so far has highlighted various features of the changing connec- tions between transnational economic and legal relations, international trade, and Chinese domestic markets. It aimed to identify clearly some of the princi- pal ways in which the social field of transnational markets conditioned and might affect the social field centred on domestic dairy products and the social field of law, regulation and government. It may appear to be speculative to pinpoint a precise connection between international markets and Chinese domestic practices in general. Nonetheless, the preceding discussion indicates numerous overlaps between the first and the second worlds of melamine, notably through the mechanism of prices. This section introduces a further example of transnational relations: illegal trade and the rise of foreign risk regulation. As early as 2006, illegal trade in melamine disturbed relations between China and the United States. From the perspective of individuals or organisations, this may be seen simply the consequence of greed. From a broader, systemic or macro-economic perspective, it might be considered as a remedy for domestic Chinese oversupply. In either case, it comprised illegal practices, both domestically in China and in the importing countries. It also exemplified a further connection between the three worlds of melamine, albeit one which began its trajectory in China. Starting in 2006, problems were noted in the United States with regard to melamine added to food and feed products exported from China. Beginning in March 2007, numerous cats and died in the United States from eating contaminated food, composed of ingredients originating partly in China.

113 Notice concerning the anti-dumping measures in force in respect of imports into the Union of melamine originating in the People’s Republic of China: modification of the name of a company subject to an individual anti-dumping duty rate, ojeu 31.5.2013 C153/3. 114 By late 2009 three leading Chinese producers had closed production sites or reduced ­production due to lower demand and lower prices: Fanny Zhang, ‘China’s Sichuan Chem 2009 net profit slumps 35%’, icis News, 9 February 2010, available at http://www.icis.com/ resources/news/2010/02/09/9332776/china-s-sichuan-chem-2009-net-profits -slumps-35-/, last accessed 10 February 2015.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 37

Exact numbers are unknown, but reportedly they ranged up to 4,000.115 The u.s. Food and Drug Administration (fda) reported finding granular melamine in the as well as in a main ingredient, wheat gluten, imported from China, and in the kidneys and urine of infected animals. When mixed with other chemicals, melamine could quickly cause kidney failure.116 , based in Ontario, Canada, was the largest producer of wet cat and food in North America. It ordered the recall of 60 million containers of pet food, mostly manufactured in the United States and sold under about 100 brand names. ChemNutra, a major supplier of wheat gluten based in Las Vegas, Nevada, recalled 792 tonnes of wheat gluten which it had supplied to American manufacturers of pet food.117 The contaminated wheat gluten was supplied to Menu Foods and to ChemNutra by Xuzhou Anying Biologic Technology Development Co. Ltd, based in Jiangsu Province, China.118 Xuzhou Anying Biologic reportedly had listed its exports as non-food products and shipped them to the u.s. through a third party to avoid Chinese customs inspection.119 The fda ordered ‘detention

115 ‘As many as 3,600 as of 11 April [2007] is the figure given in ‘2007 pet food recalls’, http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pet_food_recalls, accessed 27 March 2012. 4,000 is the figure given by ny Times News Service, Shanghai, ‘Firm in pet food case mislabeled exports’, Taipei Times, Friday, 4 May 2007, http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/worldbiz/archives/2007/ 05/04/2003359448, accessed 27 March 2012. 116 The other chemicals include , used in rat poison, and cyanuric acide, used to stabilize chlorine in swimming pools. See the report by the University of Guelph Animal Health Laboratory, available at www.cbc.ca/cp/national/071227/n122706A.html, accessed 29 March 2012. See also ‘Menu Foods’, available at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Menu _Foods, accessed 29 March 2012. 117 u.s. Food and Drug Administration, Recall-Firm Press Release: ChemNutra Announces Nation­ wide Wheat Gluten Recall’, available at http://www.fda.gov/Safety/Recalls/ArchiveRecalls/ 2005/ucm112153.htm, last accessed 26 January 2015. 118 Karen Roebuck, ‘fda names gluten maker from China’, Pittsburgh Tribune-Review, TribLIVE News, Monday, 2 April 2007, http://www.pittsburghlive.com/x/pittsburghtrib/ news/s_500724.html, accessed 27 March 2007. 119 ny Times News Service, Shanghai, ‘Firm in pet food case mislabeled exports’, Taipei Times, Friday, 4 May 2007, http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/worldbiz/archives/2007/05/04/ 2003359448. This would have been contrary to the Provisions of the People’s Republic of China on Sanitation of Food for Export (For Trial Implementation) (Promulgated by the State Administration of Import and Export Commodity Inspection and the Ministry of Public Health of the People’s Republic of China on July 16, 1984), with effect from 1 January 1985); the 1995 Food Hygiene Law (Adopted at the 16th Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Eighth National People’s Congress on October 30, 1995, promulgated by Order No. 59 of the President of the People’s Republic of China on October 30, 1995, and effective as of

38 chapter 2 without examination’ of wheat gluten and other vegetable proteins imported from China. Both Xuzhou Anying Biologic and Binzhou Futian Biology Technology Co. Ltd., whose products did not contain melamine, provided ‘strong evidence’ that they obtained their products from many different manu- facturers, which they did not identify.120 Subsequently, between 60 and 90 class actions were filed in United States courts against numerous branches of Menu Foods, Xuzhou Anying Biologic Technology Development Co. Ltd, and the latter’s shipper Suzhou Textile Import and Export Company.121 Subsequently

the date of promulgation) (Repealed by the 2009 Food Safety Law on June 1, 2009); the Frontier Health and Quarantine Law of the People’s Republic of China (Adopted at the 18th Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Sixth National People’s Congress on December 2,1986; and amended in accordance with the Decision on Amending the Frontier Health and Quarantine Law of the People’s Republic of China adopted at the 31st Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Tenth National People’s Congress on December 29, 2007) and the Provisions on Food Hygiene Supervision and Administration at Entry/ Exit Ports (adopted through discussion at the executive meeting of the General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine on 31 December 2005, promulgated by Order No. 86 of the General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine on 1 April 2006, entry into force 1 April 2006). 120 u.s. Food and Drug Administration, Import Alert 99–29, ‘Detention Without Physical Examination of All Vegetable Protein Products From China for Animal or Human Food Use Due to the Presence of Melamine and/or Melamine Analogs’, available at http://www .accessdata.fda.gov/cms_ia/importalert_267.html, last accessed 26 January 2015. The recall notice may also be found in an fda press release at SoCalMuchacha, ‘Xuzhou Biological Technology Development Co., Ltd. (supplied tainted wheat gluten to ChemNutra)’, available at https://socalmuchacha.wordpress.com/pet-food-recall-infoposts/xuzhou-anying-biologic -technology-develop-ment-co-ltd-supplied-tainted-wheat-gluten-to-chemnutra/, last accessed 26 January 2015. Karen Roebuck, ‘fda names gluten maker from China’, Pittsburgh Tribune-Review, TribLIVE News, Monday, 2 April 2007, http://www.pittsburghlive .com/x/pittsburghtrib/news/s_500724.html, accessed 27 March 2007; On the company, see Food and Beverage Online, www.21food.com, ‘Xuzhou Anying Biologic Technology Development Cp. Ltd’, available at http://www.21food.com/showroom/30501/aboutus/ xuzhou-anying-biologic-technology-developme-nt-co.,ltd.html, last accessed 26 January 2015. 121 The legal website Justia records 214 cases brought against Menu Foods between 19 March 2007 and 5 May 2012. Most of these cases concern product liability for pet food. See http:// dockets.justia.com/search?-query=Menu+Foods, accessed 27 March 2012. It also records 19 cases brought against Xuzhou Anying Technology Development Company Ltd http:// dockets.justia.com/search?q=XUZHOU+ANYING+BIOLOGIC-+TECHNOLOGY+DEVEL OPMENT+COMPANY+LTD, accessed 27 March 2012.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 39 the us and China signed a Bilateral Agreement on Food Safety.122 The European Union and China agreed on an Arrangement for the Cooperation on Joint Prevention of Illegal Action for Import and Export of Food.123 Both were intended to regulate potential risks arising from unsafe imported food. Melamine was also included in the new regulatory system for chemicals established by the European Union in 2006, though there is no reason to sus- pect that adoption of regulatory scheme was due to melamine or its use in food stuffs in particular. The eu Regulation on the Registration, Evaluation, Authorisation and Restriction of Chemicals (reach)124 entered into force on 1 June 2007. It required all companies exporting listed chemicals to register with

122 Agreement between the Department of Health and Human Services of the United States of America and the General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine of the People’s Republic of China on the Safety of Food and Feed (11 December 2007), available at http://globalhealth.gov/news/agreements/-ia121107b.html, accessed 27 March 2012. For an analysis of the Agreement, see Marisa Anne Pagnattaro and Ellen R. Pierce, ‘From China to Your Plate: An Analysis of New Regulatory Efforts and Stakeholder Responsibility to Ensure Food Safety’, George Law Review, 42, 2010, 1–56, at 23–27. See also Chenglin Liu, ‘The Obstacles of Outsourcing Imported Food Safety to China’, Cornell International Law Journal, 43, 2010, 249–305 at 250–281 (hereafter Liu, ‘Obstacles’). 123 European Commission Directorate-General for Health and Consumer Protection (ds sanco) and the General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine of the People’s Republic of China, Arrangement for the Cooperation on Joint Prevention of Illegal Action for Import and Export of Food, reprinted in Francis Snyder, The European Union and China, 1949–2008: Basic Documents and Commentary (Hart Publishing, Oxford, 2009), pp. 831–833: translated and published in Chinese as 欧洲联盟 与中国 (1949–2008): 基本文件与评注 [平装], 2 volumes (Social Sciences Academic Press China, Beijing, April 2013) (hereafter Snyder, Basic Documents). For brief presenta- tions of eu reactions to the 2008 melamine scandal in China, Alberto Alemanno, ‘The European Food Import Safety Regime under a “Stress Test”: The Melamine Contamination of the Global Food Supply Chain’, Erasmus Law Review, 3, 4, 2010, 203–215 at 212–213; and Roland Poms, Xiaofang Pei and Daniel Spichtinger, ‘Food Safety in the European Union and China: The Melamine Case’, eu-China Observer, Issue 4, 15 September 2011, at 13–14. For a brief comparison of us and eu approaches, see Marisa Anne Pagnattaro and Ellen R. Pierce, ‘From China to Your Plate: An Analysis of New Regulatory Efforts and Stakeholder Responsibility to Ensure Food Safety’, George Washington Law Review, 42, 2010, 1–56 at 44–47. 124 Regulation (ec) No 1907/2006of the European Parliament and of the Council of 18 December 2006 concerning the Registration, Evaluation, Authorisation and Restriction of Chemicals (reach), establishing a European Chemicals Agency, amending Directive 1999/45/EC and repealing Council Regulation (eec) No 793/93 and Commission Regulation (ec) No 1488/94 as well as Council Directive 76/769/EEC and Commission Directives 91/155/EEC, 93/67/EEC, 93/105/EC and 2000/21/EC, ojeu, 29.5.2007, L136/3.

40 chapter 2 the eu in order to have access to the eu market. To provide information and encourage Chinese companies to register, an eu reach Webinar was held on 19 March 2010 in Beijing. The Webinar was jointly organized by the China Chamber of Commerce of Metals, Minerals & Chemicals Importers and Exporters (ccmc) and Hangzhou ruio Technology Co. Ltd. sief-dsm Netherlands was invited. Numerous Chinese institutions were invited, includ- ing the Chemical Registration Centre of the Ministry of Environmental Protection, the Chinese Academy of Inspection and Quarantine (caiq) and the China National Chemical Information Centre.125 The eu reach Regulation and the reach Webinar testified further to the growing links between interna- tional and Chinese organisations and markets, both in economic terms and in terms of law. So too did the enactment by the Chinese Ministry of Environmental Protection of its own version of reach, in the form of Provisions on the Environmental Administration of New Chemical Substances in China’.126

The Second World of Melamine

Introduction The second world of melamine consists of the social field of domestic eco- nomic relations regarding the production, distribution and marketing of melamine in China. This part of the chapter focuses mainly on the market for dairy products. It analyses the origins and development of the melamine scan- dal from the standpoint of local social and economic relations.127 It aims also

125 This paragraph is based on ‘Melamine eu reach Registration Webinar Concluded in Beijing, China’, available at http://www.reach24h.com/en-us/reach24h-events/item/79 -melamine-reach-registration-webinar.html, last accessed 10 May 2014. 126 Provisions on the Environmental Administration of New Chemical Substances in China (2010), Order No. 7 of the Ministry for Environmental Protection (mep), Issued on: 30 December 2009, Date of Entry into Force: 15 October 2010, Updated by cirs [Chemical Regulation and Inspection Service], available at http://www.cirs-reach.com/China _Chemical_Regulation/The_Provisions_on_Environmental_Administration_of_New _Chemical_Substances_2010.html, last accessed 26 January 2015. 127 The available literature on the Chinese melamine scandal is immense. For those who may not have access to academic publications, Wikipedia provides an easily available, useful source. It may be unusual to recommend Wikipedia as a source of information for research, but nevertheless, if one uses due care and scholarly precaution, articles in Wikipedia can be very useful as a starting point and as a guide to further sources of information. This is particularly notable in the case of the melamine scandal, an extremely high-profile food crisis which provoked a veritable flood of publications, many of which are cited by articles in Wikipedia. For basic information and additional references, and taking usual precau- tions into account, readers may be referred to the following summary articles in Wikipedia:

Three Worlds Of Melamine 41 to provide a basic chronology and to lay a foundation for the discussion of governmental institutions and legal processes in the next section of the chap- ter. The three worlds of melamine constitute overlapping social fields or inter- secting sets of social relations. This section therefore highlights other ways in which the first and the second worlds were interconnected. It argues that, if the leitmotif of the first world of melamine was profit, the leitmotif of the sec- ond world of melamine was greed.

The Rise of Sanlu Beginning in early 2008, complaints regarding the use of melamine in the dairy sector arose in China.128 They focused on the Sanlu Group Co. Ltd., a well-known State-owned producer of dairy products located in Shijiazhuang, the capital city of Hebei Province. Originally a small dairy farmers’ cooperative,129 known as

‘Melamine’, available at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Melamine, accessed 17 November 2011; ‘Food safety in the People’s Republic of China’, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Food-_safety_in_the_People%27s_Republic_of_China, accessed 27 March 2012; ‘2007 pet food recalls’, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pet_food_recalls, accessed 27 March 2012; ‘2008 Chinese milk scandal’, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2008_Chinese_milk_scandal, accessed 27 March 2012: ‘Protein adulteration in the People’s Republic of China’, http://en.wikipedia .org/wiki/Chinese_protein_adulteration, accessed 27 March 2012, ‘Sanlu Group’, available at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sanlu_Group, accessed 27 March 2012. 128 An earlier draft of this section was based on an initial skeleton timeline prepared by Ms Lu Yi under my supervision. It relies on internet and private sources, so does not contain footnotes. I am very grateful to Lu Yi for her assistance. A copy of the timeline is on file with the author. For an overview of the melamine crisis from the standpoint of public policy, see Li Jing, Policy coordination in China: the cases of infectious disease and food safety policy, PhD Thesis, University of Hong Kong, January 2010 [hereafter Li, PhD Thesis], available on The hku Scholars Hub, The University of Hong Kong at http://hdl .handle.net/10722/57580, last accessed 20 September 2013, now published as Jing Li, Policy Coordination in China: The Cases of Infectious Diseases and Food Safety [hereafter Li, Policy Coordination] (lap Lambert Academic Publishing, Saarbrűcken, Germany, 2012). Research for and writing of this chapter was substantially completed before that book was published, so subsequent references to the work are to the PhD thesis unless other- wise noted. A detailed timeline may be found in Francis Sun, ‘Sanlu Group and the Tainted Milk Crisis’, paper number 9B09M077 written under the supervision of Professor Shih-Fen Chen, Richard Ivey School of Business, University of Western Ontario, (Ivey Management Services, 2009), p. 6, available at http://www.asiapacific.ca/sites/default/ files/sanlu.pdf, last accessed 26 January 2015, pp. 19–21, Exhibit 2. A brief timeline may also be found in Shumei Chen, ‘Sham or shame: Rethinking the China milk powder scan- dal from a legal perspective’, Journal of Risk Research, 12,6, 2009, 725–747. 129 The cooperative was a special form of state ownership under the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, Article 6, which states that ‘[i]n the primary stage of socialism, the State upholds the basic economic system in which the public ownership is dominant and diverse forms of ownership develop side by side.

42 chapter 2

Shijiazhuang Dairy Company (sdc), Sanlu (‘Three Deer’) grew rapidly in the 1990s into a separate company. Ms Tian Wenhua, a veterinarian who had been sdc’s general manager, was appointed in 1996 as new chairwoman. Born in 1942 into a poor family in Nangang village near Shijiazhuang, she graduated in 1966 from Zhangjiakou Agricultural College (now part of Hebei North University) and then in 1968 went to work for sdc.130 Under her direction, Sanlu became China’s leading dairy processing company. For her contribution to the develop- ment of the company, the city and the province, Ms Tian Wenhua received ‘more than 100’ national and local honours, including a seat on the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Committee and the Hebei Provincial People’s Congress.131 She was both chairwoman of Sanlu and the head of the company’s Communist Party committee.132 Until she was later removed from office, she had worked for Sanlu for almost forty years.133 In 2002 the Shijiazhuang municipal government reformed the structure of the company and converted its net assets into shares, with 92% being sold to Sanlu management and employees.134 I speculate that the municipal Com­ munist Party of China (cpc) committee was involved in making all decisions

130 See Zhang Xiang, ‘Tian Wenhua, industry leader to disgraced prisoner’, Window of China, www.chinaview.-cn, available at http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2009-01/22/ content-10704519.htm, last accessed 20 January 2010. Another source reports that Tian Wenhua’s family was ‘marginalised as pro-capitalists’ during the Cultural Revolution: see Grace Ng, ‘Ex-Sanlu boss clawed her way to the top’, The Straits Times, Monday 5 January 2009, available at http://news.asiaone.com/News/Latest%2BNews/Asia/Story/A1Story/20090105 -112478.html, last accessed 20 January 2009. 131 Jenny Fu and Geoffrey Nicoll, ‘The Milk Scandal and Corporate Governance in China’ [hereafter Fu and Nicoll, ‘Corporate Governance’], Canberra Law Review, 10, 3, 2011, 103– 124 at 111. 132 McGregor, The Party, supra note 77, p. 182. On co-optation of successful entrepreneurs into the cpc before and after 2000, when President Zhang Zemin introduced the idea of ‘the three represents ((san ge dai biao), see eg Heike Holbig, ‘The Party and Private Entrepreneurs in the prc’, in Kjeld Erik BrØdsgaard and Zheng Yongnian (eds), Bringing the Party Back In: How China is Governed (Eastern Universities Press, Marshall Cavendish International (Singapore) Private Limited, 2004) (hereafter BrØdsgaard and Zheng, Bringing), 239–268. No data seems to be available about when Tian Wenhua joined the cpc. 133 For a critical review of her career, see Grace Ng, ‘Ex-Sanlu boss clawed her way to the top’, The Straits Times, Monday 5 January 2009, available at http://news.asiaone.com/News/ Latest%2BNews/Asia/Story/A1-Story/20090105-112478.html, last accessed 20 January 2009. 134 Zhang Xu, ‘An Overview of Sanlu’s History’ [Huanyuan Sanlu Qianshi Jinsheng] (in Chinese), Huaxia Times, 20 September 2008, available at http://finance.jrj.com .cn/2008/09/2000072101769.html, cited in Fu and Nicoll, ‘Corporate Governance’, supra note 131, at 106.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 43 by the municipal government which had a significant economic impact. The municipal government retained the power to fill important positions in the company, including appointing the ceo.135 One author described Sanlu at the time as a ‘collective, an enterprise in which the managers and workers owned the shares, usually under the political supervision of the local commu- nist party and government’.136 After the joint venture with Fonterra was estab- lished in 2005, Sanlu Dairy Company [Sanlu] owned 56.4% of the shares, Fonterra owned 43%, and Shijiazhuang Hongqi Dairy Company, Chengde Huaning Dairy Company and Tangshan Kangning Dairy Company each owned 0.2% of the shares. When Sanlu’s assets were later liquidated, they included a liquid milk plant, a plant in Jinan, three wholly-owned subsidiaries, and 19 joint ventures.137 Consequently, Sanlu can be described as a foreign-invested state-owned enterprise138 or, in legal terms, as a Chinese – foreign equity joint venture.139

135 Chenglin Liu, ‘Profits Above the Law: China’s Melamine Tainted Milk Incident’, Mississippi Law Journal, 2009–2010, 79, 371–417 [hereafter Liu, ‘Profits’] at 378. 136 McGregor, The Party, supra note 77, p. 182. 137 Caijing Magazine, ‘Who owns Sanlu Group?’, available at http://english.caijing.com.cn/ ajax/enspring.html, last accessed 16 September 2013. The same figures are given in two other (overlapping) sources, which however cite a Caijing Magazine report of 2009: see Li PhD thesis, supra note 128 at 132; and John P. Burns, B. Guy Peters, Wang Xiaoqi and Li Jing, ‘Food Policy Coordination in Three Chinese Cities’, paper prepared for the Conference on ‘Regulation in the Age of Crisis’, Third Biennial Conference for the Standing Group on Regulatory Governance of the European Consortium for Political Research ecpr and the Regulation Network, University College Dublin, 17–29 June 2010 [hereafter Burns et al, Dublin], at 18. 138 Li PhD Thesis, supra note 128, at 132. 139 This formal designation is used by the Higher Court of Hebei Province in People’s Procuratorate of Shijiazhuang Municipality v. Shijiazhuang Sanlu Group Co. Ltd. and related persons, appeal rejected on 29 March 2009. I am grateful to Dingmin Liu for trans- lating the judgment into English. See the Equity Joint Venture Law (1979, 1990 revision) and the Equity Joint Venture Law Implementing Regulations (Promulgated by the State Council on Sep. 20, 1983 Amended by the State Council on Jan.15 1986, Dec.21, 1987 Amended by the State Council according to the Decision of the State Council on Amending the Regulations for the Implementation of the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Joint Ventures Using Chinese and Foreign Investment on July 22, 2001, Amended by the State Council on February 19, 2014 according to the Decision of the State Council on Repealing and Amending Some Administrative Regulations). On this type of company form, see Daniel C.K. Chow, The Legal System of the People’s Republic of China (West Nutshell Series, St Paul mn, 2nd edition 2009) [hereafter Chow, Legal System], 376–393.

44 chapter 2

To stimulate municipal and regional development, Shijiazhuang City and Tanghang City in Hebei Province adopted preferential policies in favour of dairy companies, farmers and investment. They ‘reduced by half, over a five-year period, the local portion of the income tax required for production, dairy product pro- cessing and feed-processing enterprises’. They also exempted investment of more than us$3.75 million from land-use tax and reduced land-rent fees by half.140 Such government subsidies were part and parcel of an intricate set of mutually beneficial relations between company, local Party and local government. Sanlu, as a ‘dragon-head enterprise’, became the ‘largest producer of milk powder, the second largest producer of yogurt, and the fourth largest producer of fresh milk’ in China.141 It was the leading seller of infant formula in China. It was one of China’s top 500 companies and a ‘key enterprise’ for the City and the Province.142 It was also granted a ‘Renowned Chinese Brand Products’ [Famous Brand] Certificate, and in January 2008 it received the National Science and Technology Award for its infant formula.143 Not surprisingly, Sanlu was also the biggest taxpayer in Shijiazhuang. In 2007, it contributed rmb 330 million (about us$48.5 million) in tax revenue to the Shijiazhuang Government.144 Financially as well as politically, Sanlu and the Shijiazhuang Municipal Government were therefore linked very closely indeed. The circular flow of funds via government subsidies and company tax payments benefitted both parties. As Barry Naughton remarked concerning similar business-government rela- tions elsewhere in China,

[e]very aspect of enterprise performance is related in some way to the bargains the enterprise has struck; an enterprise therefore always has someone in the administrative hierarchy to share the blame for unfa- vorable outcomes. Conversely, any unfavorable outcome has a possible

140 Ministry of Agriculture of the People’s Republic of China, Dairy Product Project Office, ‘The supporting policies of the government to promote dairy industry development, part one of the integrated operation report on dairy industry superiority regime’, in Dairy Industry World (Economic Daily Press, Beijing, 2004), 29–31, cited in Dinghuan Hu, ‘China: Dairy Product Quality as the New Industry Driver’, at 7, available at http://www .fao.org/docrep/011/i0588e/i0588e04.htm, last accessed 24 September 2013. 141 Liu, ‘Profits’, supra note 147, at 378. On Sanlu as a ‘dragon-head enterprise, see Jørgen Delman and Yang Minghong, ‘A Value-Chain Gone Awry : Implications of the “Tainted- Milk Scandal” in 2008 for Political and Social Organization in Rural China’, in Ane Bislev and Stig Thogerson (eds), Organizing Rural China – Rural China Organizing, (Lexington Books, Lanham MD, 2012), pp 205–220. 142 Fu and Nicoll, ‘Corporate Governance’, supra note 131, at 111. 143 Li PhD Thesis, supra note 128, at 133. 144 Fu and Nicoll, ‘Corporate Governance’, supra note 131’, at 111. See also McGregor, The Party, supra note 77 p. 182.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 45

remedy somewhere in the bargaining process; some package of con- cessions and benefits is always potentially available. The lack of accountability naturally reproduces the ‘soft budget constraint’ char- acteristic of bureaucratic economies. Pressures to raise efficiency are correspondingly reduced, and destabilizing types of behavior are encouraged.145

Such close relations between business and local government, as later events revealed, make it very difficult for any single institution, except top central Party leaders, to untangle this complex relationship if anything goes seriously wrong.146

The Sanlu Model In 1987 Tian Wenhua initiated a new practice in China’s dairy industry, the out- sourcing of milk production. This was the Sanlu ‘separation’ model, which one author describes as ‘sending cows to villages and bringing the milk back to town’.147 As described by Richard McGregor, former Beijing bureau chief for the Financial Times,

Sanlu lent cows to farmers, who repaid the debt by delivering milk back to the company via a huge network of collection stations and middle- men. In return Sanlu collected a management fee. Instead of producing milk, the company transformed itself from a small local dairy into a milk- marketing giant.148

The Sanlu model became ‘an industry norm’.149

145 Barry Naughton, ‘Hierarchy and the Bargaining Economy: Government and Enterprise in the Reform Process’, in Kenneth G. Lieberthal and David Lampton (eds), Bureacracy, Politics, and Decision-Making in Post-Mao China (University of California Press, Berkeley, 1992) (hereafter Lieberthal and Lampton, Bureaucracy), 245–279 at 277. 146 This does not take account of the question whether such practices were compatible with China’s obligations under wto law in so far as they might have affected international trade, for example through Fonterra’s trading network. 147 Liu, ‘Profits’, supra note 135, at 379. The same author provides (at 378–381) a detailed description of the Sanlu model, its adoption by other leading dairy companies and the resulting fragmentation of milk supply sources. 148 McGregor, The Party, supra note 77 p. 182. 149 Gong Jing and Liu Jingjing, ‘Spilling the Blame for China’s Milk Crisis’, Caijing Magazine, 10 October 2008, available at http://english/caijing.com.cn/2008-10-10/110019183.html, last accessed 15 September 2013.

46 chapter 2

China’s dairy sector as it developed thus was based on ‘milk processors + milk collecting stations + family based dairy farms’.150 Figure 2.1 shows the Sanlu model in outline; it also includes the corresponding administrative regulatory authorities, which are discussed in more detail later. Chenglin Liu ascribes the adoption of this organizational form directly to governmental economic reforms of State-owned enterprises to separate ownership and management.151 For Sanlu, it saved feed costs of 100 million (us$70 million) per year, while it also increased farmers’ income and local government tax revenue.152 However, it meant that milk processors had no control of hygiene or product quality at any stage of the process before the product reached them. Milk collection stations began in the mid-1990s. Replacing the previously used mobile stations, they were usually located in villages with many dairy cattle. A government license was not required to open a milk station. Many were small, and it seems that more than 50% of all milk stations were small- size milk stations or milk stalls, in which the manager did not have a desig- nated station but collected milk from individual farms.153 On the other end of the spectrum were milk collection centres, sometimes called ‘dairy villages’, which became a well-known type of organization of the market for collecting milk.154 Usually each station catered for about 200 cows.155 Setting up a milk collection station could be expensive, ranging from rmb 200,000 to rmb 300,000.156 Local governments provided land, Sanlu for exam- ple provided training, and funds came from local governments, Sanlu and the

150 Dou Ming Master et al, The Research Report on the Development of the Dairy Industry in China, sec. 5.1 (Beijing Orient Dairy Consultants 2006) (for Albert R. Mann Library of Cornell University), cited in Liu, ‘Profits’, supra note 135, at 379, note 43. 151 Liu, ‘Profits’, supra note 135, at 379. 152 Ibid., at 379. 153 Li, PhD Thesis, supra note 128, at 106. 154 Hans Schiere, Xiaoyong Zhang, Kees De Koning and Huib Hengskijk, ‘China’s Dairy Chains: Towards qualities for the future’, Wageningen ur, September 2007, at 14, available at edepot.wur.nl/38449, last accessed 16 September 2013. Table 3.4.2 at 16 compares four dairy chain modes, showing that the cooperation chain (dairy villages) are characterised usually inter alia by small-scale family farms, unstable milk quality, large quantity as an objective, prices set by processing companies, strong middlemen and weak power of farmers. 155 Changbai Xiu and K.K. Klein, ‘Melamine in milk products in China: Examining the factors that led to deliberate use of the contaminant’, Food Policy, 35, 2010, 463–470 (hereafter Xiu and Klein, ‘Factors’) at 466. 156 Ibid., at 466.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 47 Urban area Rural area High quality milk Low quality milk to to

esh milk Yogurt Acidic milky beverage Low end Fr milk Peanut High end Liquid milk Industry and Commerce Bureau (Marketing) Milk powder Dairy enterprises milk (from internal Raw market) milk (from Reconstituted market) international Quality and Technology Quality and Supervision Bureau (production) Milk stations Gap (choose to ignore) The Sanlu model of the Chinese dairy industry note 140, Figure 5.5, at 106; published version available as Li, as Li, 106; published version available Li, PhD Thesis, supra note 140, Figure 5.5, at Source: note 140, Figure 5.5 at 65. supra note 140, Figure 5.5 at Policy Coordination,

wder Chain wder Agriculture Bureau (development) Small farms Large farms markets International Individual farmers Milk Po Regulation Figure 2.1

48 chapter 2 farmers themselves.157 They benefitted from government support in some areas, though it is not clear whether this was true in Shijiazhuang area. In addi- tion to using smaller milk collection stations, Sanlu also benefitted from about rmb 100 million of government support in order to establish more than 200 dairy zones, which were based on the principle of ‘one separation and four unifications’: households owned the cattle, and the zone management pro- vided milking, selling and services.158 The milk stations, or collecting centres, were completely unregulated. In principle, they fell under the authority of the Ministry of Agriculture, but the local agricultural authority rarely regulated milk stations. There was no real incentive to do so. In the then extremely fragmented regulatory system, to refer to the third world of melamine briefly, the local authority would not have obtained any institutional or other benefit from undertaking such a complex regulatory task, and ‘[t]he local cfss [Commission on Food Safety] (provincial, municipal and county levels) did not have the power to propose or make adjust- ments regarding the responsibilities of regulatory agencies’.159 When such sta- tions began in the 1990s, some were owned by large processors, but most were private businesses which had contracts with processors to supply milk. At that time they were in effect agents of the processors, lacking market power, negoti- ating strength or investment capability.160 Their investors have been described as ‘village leaders or local business men in a role of middlemen who have not always a mindset towards production of clean milk’.161 Note, however, that, as Xiu and Klein point out, at least at the time they were mainly responsible for sterilization of the animals, milking, storage and shipment and ‘[q]uality inspec- tions have not been part of their regular daily activities’.162 It is hardly surprising that milk quality varied, and so also did testing. One investigation in northern China indicated that 41.6% of larger milk stations did not do any testing at all.163

157 Gong Jing, ‘Hebei Dairy’s Messy Supply Chain’, Caijing Magazine, 22 September 2008, available at http://english.caijing.com.cn/2008-09-22/110014641.html, last accessed 21 September 2013. This article provides a good overview of developments. 158 See Dinghuan Hu, ‘China: Dairy Product Quality as the New Industry Driver’, at 7, avail- able at http://www.-fao.org/docrep/011/i0588e/i0588e04.htm, last accessed 24 September 2013 [this document is not paginated] (hereafter Hu, ‘Driver). 159 Li, PhD Thesis, supra note 128, at 144. 160 Xiu and Klein, ‘Factors’, supra note 155, at 466. 161 Hans Schiere, Xiaoyong Zhang, Kees De Koning and Huib Hengskijk, ‘China’s Dairy Chains: Towards qualities for the future’, Wageningen ur, September 2007, at 14, available at edepot.wur.nl/38449, last accessed 16 September 2013. 162 Xiu and Klein, ‘Factors’, supra note 155, at 466. 163 Li, PhD Thesis, supra note 128, at 107 and note 16.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 49

When the market consisted of a few dairy companies, processors could refuse milk; this power imbalance was accentuated if the dairy company enjoyed a monopoly in its area, as with Sanlu in the Hebei market. But as pro- duction increased and more companies entered the processing market, it became a sellers’ market. Farmers continued to have little bargaining power, and processing companies, such as Sanlu, competed increasingly for raw milk from milk collection stations. I speculate that the establishment of the joint venture with Fonterra accentuated competition. These economic changes were reflected in the legal organization of social relations in the dairy products chain. Changes in ownership of milking stations and the reorganization of contracts linking the different parts of the chain went hand-in-hand with the redistribution of risks. As the Australian scholar Michael Webber reported from a detailed study of Beidalaban, Hohot, Inner Mongolia:

In 2002 the contractual links were reorganised. Contracts are now between farmers and milking stations and between milking stations and processing companies. For an investment of rmb 0.5–1 million, private individuals bought the former milking stations or built new ones. Farmers contract with the milking stations to milk their cows, using their own labour (supervised by the milking station manager). The stations pay the farmers and provide agro-veterinary services, but do not provide loans for farmers to buy cows: loans are far harder to get than previously. Milking stations earn a fixed fee of rmb 0.2 per kg of milk supplied, for which they supply facilities and labour and bear the financial and quality risks previ- ously borne by the companies.164

Reversing the earlier balance of power in the milk marketing chain, milk col- lection stations grew stronger at the expense of farmers and, more surprisingly perhaps, at the expense of processors. Subsequent events reinforced this gradual shift in the balance of power. Far from being tightly integrated, each part of the dairy sector, from farmers through milk collection stations to milk processors, was highly fragmented, like shifting sands. Not only was it difficult to regulate. In addition, we might hypothesise, the allocation of power within the sector was relatively fragile and subject to change. Until 2007, the dairy market had been a buyers’ market,

164 Michael Webber, Making Capitalism in Rural China (Edward Elgar Publishing Ltd, Cheltenham, 2012) (hereafter Webber, Making Capitalism), Chapter 2, ‘Rich Wang’s Village: marketing the dairy economy’, 18–45, at 31.

50 chapter 2 and large milk processing companies such as Sanlu had the incentives of repu- tation and profits to control the quality of their products. However, the inter- section of domestic, transnational and international social fields, which was manifested for example in lower milk prices and the Sanlu-Fonterra joint ven- ture, tended to undermine these concerns and resulted in the gradual transfor- mation of power relations in the Chinese dairy sector to the relative benefit of milk collection stations. Milk collection stations as of 31 October 2008 reportedly numbered about 20,393; 38.5% were private milk stations and 24.5% were milk stalls.165 The larger stations collected their milk from small stations or milk stalls. Seen from their perspective, the downstream part of dairy sector may have appeared to be an oligopsony: numerous sellers (milk collection stations) confronted a small number of buyers (milk processors). In fact, however, the buyers’ subsector was actually very fragmented. We can distinguish three different groupings. As of 2007, four companies produced and sold almost 50% of all dairy products: China Mengniu Dairy Company Limited and Yili Group in Inner Mongolia each accounted for 16% of the market; Bright Dairy, which formerly was known as Shanghai Dairy Corporation and later became part of Bright Food founded in 2006, had 8%: and the Sanlu – Fonterra joint venture had 5% of the market.166 Mengniu and Yili were pri- vate companies,167 while Bright Dairy was wholly government-owned.168 In contrast to this group, most dairy enterprises at the time were small and produced inferior milk powder. Furthermore, in addition to these legally established firms,

165 Li, PhD Thesis, supra note 128, at 106. The author relies on data from the Ministry of Agriculture. 166 Xiu and Klein, ‘Factors’, supra note 155, at 465–466. On the role of foreign investment in these companies, see Hu, ‘Driver’, supra note 158, at 7. 167 On Mengniu, see ‘Mengniu Dairy’ at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mengniu_Dairy, last accessed 3 March 2014. Following the melamine crisis, however, the state became the larg- est shareholder when in July 2009 Mengniu sold 20% of its shares to the state-owned consortium China National Oils, Foodstuffs and Cereals Corporation, which long has been China’s biggest food importer and exporter: see ibid. On Yili see ‘Yili Group’ at http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yili_Group, last accessed 3 March 2014. 168 On Bright Dairy, see ‘Bright Food’ at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bright_Food, last accessed 3 March 2014. As of February 2014, Bright Food was China’s third largest dairy producer by revenue and was actively seeking to increase its international assets from 12% to 25% of total assets in third years time: see Scheherazade Daneschkhu, ‘Bright Food hungry for buys’, Financial Times (London), Tuesday, 11 February 2014, p. 16.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 51

…there were numerous underground workshops which were unlicensed and operated beyond government supervision. The government did not yet have effective measures to eliminate these ‘underground’ workshops. The owners of these ‘underground’ factories and workers disappeared when supervisory agencies investigated. They did not have any good equipment, and did not lose much by disappearing in such a manner. When the investigation ended, they resumed illegal production. Local quality supervision agencies understood the problem but lacked effective ways to deal with it. Instead, they were satisfied to occasionally crack- down on underground factories and report that to upper levels of government.169

Such practices were responsible for the Fuyang city milk powder incident in 2003, when more than 60 babies died from ‘big head disease’ and another 100– 200 babies suffered malnourishment but survived after consuming substan- dard infant formula, rich in starch and sugar but lacking sufficient protein.170

The Race to the Bottom Domestically, the Fuyang incident171 provoked the first discussion of the pos- sible enactment of a food safety law in China. It also stimulated what, with the benefit of hindsight, proved to be short-sighted business and government poli- cies. Transnational and domestic social fields intersected in complex ways in the transformation of the dairy sector. They affected supply, demand and prices for melamine, milk and dairy products alike. Leading dairy processing firms, as already noted, engaged in various trans- national strategies to improve their market share. Increasing straddling the domestic and international arenas, milk processors dramatically upgraded their facilities starting in 2005, partly by government subsidies, partly through

169 Li, PhD Thesis, supra note 128, at 104–105. 170 Among many reports, see Li, Policy Coordination, supra note 128, 63–80; Xinhua, ‘“Killer” milk powder probe continues, 31 arrested’, China Daily, 17 May 2004, 11:19, available at http://www.chinadaily.-com.cn/english/doc/2004-05/17/content_331352.htm, last accessed 28 January 2014; Xinhua, ‘47 people detailed for fake milk powder’, China Daily, 17 May 2004 16:16, available at http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/english/-doc/2004-05/17/ content_331404.htm, last accessed 28 January 2014; ‘Chinese babies die from “fake milk”’, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/3641475.stm, last accessed 28 January 2014; Weijie Wang, ‘The Decline of Social Capital in Urban China’, in Carol Camp-Yeakey (ed), Living on the Boundaries: Urban Marginality in National and International Contexts (Emerald Group Publishing Limited, Bingley, uk, 2012), 490–510 at 501. 171 On the Fuyang incident, see Li, Policy Coordination, supra note 128, pp. 65–78.

52 chapter 2 foreign investment. Sanlu, for example, agreed in that year on the joint venture with Fonterra. The dsm – cnoocc joint venture proposal came to an end in 2005, though the impact of its demise on domestic Chinese melamine prices is difficult to estimate; other domestic joint ventures continued, and large users most likely simply obtained melamine domestically or from abroad. However, in 2006, after five years of steady increases in milk production, domestic Chinese milk prices fell. Animal feed prices rose, with the result that some farmers sold or killed their cows and left the market, thus increasing the cost of milk to milk stations and processors. This coincided with increasing demand for dairy products in China and elsewhere in the world, with the result that the world market price of dairy products, which had been fluctuating but nonethe- less relatively stable between 1996 and 2006, increased rapidly in 2007–2008.172 As Table 2.1 shows, milk production in China almost tripled between 2002 and 2007 but then remained stable until 2010. I speculate that this coincided with

Table 2.1 Milk production in China, 2002–2010

Year Volume in millions of tonnes

2002 13 2003 17.3 2004 22.6 2005 27.5 2006 31.9 2007 35.3 2008 35.6 2009 35.2 2010 35.8

Source: World Trade Organization, Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Report by the Secretariat, Revision. WT/TPR/S/264/Rev.1, 20 July 2012, p 99 Table iv.2, ‘Volume of agricultural production for selected agricultural products, 2003–2010 (million tonnes), Milk, WT/TPR/S/264/Rev.1, 20 July 2012, based on data from the National Statistics Bureau, People’s Republic of China.

172 Tim Hunt, Hayley Moynihan, and Mark Voorbergen, ‘Rabobank Global Dairy Outlook: Enter the Giants’, at 3 Figure 1.1 wmp Prices [for Dairy Products] fob Oceania 1996–2010 (in usd), at 3, (Rabobank International Food and Agribusiness Research & Advisory, November 2010), available at http://www.rabobank.de/uploads/-media/Rabobank_Global _Dairy_Outlook_November 2010_01.pdf, last accessed 28 January 2014.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 53 further increases in the prices of dairy products in China and with increases in dairy imports. New Zealand was China’s largest supplier of dairy products, and Fonterra was New Zealand’s [and the world’s] largest producer. However, in early 2007, a severe drought in New Zealand led to a dramatic reduction in production and exports, an increase in international export prices for milk powder and a consequent increase in milk prices on the domestic Chinese market. Milk pro- cessors in China turned to domestic farms for increased supply, but domestic supplies were inadequate.173 As described by Webber on the basis of field research:

Milk-processing companies mainly competed over access to milk from contracted farmers or milking stations; so, given lax inspection, they had no incentive to demand high quality from their suppliers. Apparently squeezed between YiLi and MengNiu, for example, Sanlu started buying lower-quality milk, turning a blind eye to hygiene and quality standards in milk collection stations. In turn, in a sellers’ mar- ket and without effective inspection, milk collection stations were cheap to buy and run: stations in Beidaolaban were operated by peas- ants who had little education but could raise money from their previ- ous exploits or from friends and relatives. They did not have to control or raise the quality of milk they supplied to processors. Since milking stations made no demands for quality and farmers had no way to demonstrate the quality of their milk (in most milking stations, the milk from all farmers is pooled), the farmers, in their turn, had no incentive to raise the quality of milk. Under income pressure to cut costs and generally lacking a technical education, farmers were at the end of a lack-of-quality chain.174

The result was a ‘race to the bottom’. Intense competition was exacerbated by central government policy. In 1999, the Chinese central government had established a quality exemption system. The Decision of the State Council Concerning Several Issues on Further Strengthening Product Quality Work175 was intended to promote a national

173 Burns et al., ‘Dublin’, supra note 137, at 18. 174 Webber, Making Capitalism, supra Chapter 1 note 164, at 37–38. 175 Issued by Document Guofa No. 24 [1999] of the State Council on December 25, 1999, cited in Liu, ‘Profits’, supra note 135, at 382, note 62.

54 chapter 2 market and limit local protectionism (dì fāng bǎo hù zhǔ yì 地方保护主义).176 It granted exemption from inspection to certain producers, including those which had passed three consecutive quality inspections. The products of Sanlu and the five other large dairy processors benefited from exemption, leaving their products, including those produced with poor quality milk, without any inspection. Leading dairy processors entered the Hebei provincial market,177 and the Sanlu – Fonterra joint venture could not sustain its previous local monopoly. In 23 September 2007, the Chinese Government announced a series of eight policy measures to stimulate increased production and marketing of dairy products.178 They included subsidies for converting to more productive breeds, increasing herd sizes, purchase of dairy machines, killing diseased cattle and insuring animals, as well as support for building standardized cow breeding areas, more support for credit for dairy farmers and improved industrial poli- cies for the dairy industry.179 I speculate that larger enterprises, whether farm- ers, milk collection stations or processors, would have benefitted most from these measures. One study concluded that, in a relatively isolated part of the country such as central Inner Mongolia, 60% of small farmers claimed to be aware of about only half of the measures.180 However, it is likely that large companies such as Sanlu, Yili and Mengniu were aware of them, and indeed it is possible that they might have been consulted or otherwise involved in their adoption. In any event, these policies stimulated and sustained further changes in the dairy sector: a dramatic increase in the number of enterprises, such as collecting stations: new types of contractual relations between farmers, col- lecting stations and processors; and increased competition among large milk processors. Four months later, in January 2008 the National Development and Reform Commission imposed price controls on dairy products.181 This governmental

176 Xiao Tong, Quxiao Mianjian Shifou Hui Fuhuo Difangbaohu [The Repeal of Quality Inspection System is Feared to Revive Local Protectionism], Zhongguo Qingnian Bao [China Youth Daily], 10 October 2008, cited in Liu, ‘Profits’, supra note 147, at 382, note 63. 177 Liu, ‘Profits’, supra note 135, at 381. 178 Yuangfeng Zhao, Ruijin Zhang and K.K. Klein, ‘Perceived information needs and avail- ability: results of a survey of small dairy farmers in Inner Mongolia’, Information Research, 14, 3 September 2006, Paper 411, pp. 8–9, available at http://informationr.net/ir/14-3/ paper411.html, last accessed 15 September 2013. 179 Ibid., pp. 8–9. 180 Ibid., pp. 12 and 16. 181 The Measures of the National Development and Reform Commission for the Practice of Temporary Price-Intervention Measures on Some Important Commodities and Services

Three Worlds Of Melamine 55 policy increased even further the pressure on processors to reduce input costs and contributed to the shift in the allocation of power in the dairy value chain to milk collection stations. It exacerbated a classic problem in social and eco- nomic regulation, namely how to regulate a market characterized by thousands of small actors. One solution would have been to regulate at the specific level of the dairy chain where the actors were limited in number and fairly well known, that is, at the level of milk processors. Unfortunately, however, that solution was not followed, mainly because of shortcomings in the regulatory system, such as fragmented governmental authority, an exemption system for large processors, and the nexus of possible corruption and local protectionism.182

Melamine in Baby Formula The consequences should have been predictable. Caijing Magazine asked:

What’s in the milk? Industry insiders told Caijing that it started with add- ing water and alkali, and later progressed to animal and plant protein powders that contain melamine… When the price of dairy products slid further in 2008, milk station workers started to add melamine directly to the milk.183

After Fuyang, as one specialist researcher observed, the government ‘began to emphasize the protein content of raw milk, and I speculate that adulteration of illegal additives began to prevail in a household farming mode’.184 According to a who study, water or alkali was added to raw milk to increase volume, though this diluted the original protein content, and then animal or plant protein pow- der containing melamine was added to increase nitrogen content, since the

(issued by State Development and Reform Commission, Order of the National Devel­ opment and Reform Commission (No.58)) (Promulgated and came into force on January 15th, 2008). 182 Chinoy states that ‘Milk producers regularly paid bribes to testers and milk station man- agers to take the poor quality milk’: Daniel Chinoy, ‘Black-hearted Products: The Causes of China’s Food Safety Problems’, Columbia East Asia Review, 2, Spring 2009, 20–36, at 31, available at http://www.eastasiareview.org/issues/2009/articles/-Chinoy_Daniel.pdf, last accessed 23 September 2013 (hereafter Chinoy, ‘Black-Hearted Products’). 183 Gong Jing, ‘Hebei Dairy’s Messy Supply Chain’, Caijing Magazine, 22 September 2008, available at http://english.caijing.com.cn/2008-09-22/110014641.html, last accessed 21 September 2013. 184 Li, PhD Thesis, supra note 128, at 105. Note that this estimate of the starting date for such additives coincides with the estimate by Caijing Magaine, discussed later.

56 chapter 2 regulations then in force used nitrogen content as a measure of protein.185 Where the idea of adding melamine to raw milk originated remains subject to speculation, however, despite an industry insider’s remark that ‘[t]he farmers are not well-educated enough to think of melamine. There must be people from chemical companies contacting them and telling them it’s a good idea’.186 By the middle of the decade, melamine in China was in oversupply.187 Table 2.2 shows the

Table 2.2 Capacity and volume of domestic melamine production in China, 2001–2010 (in 10,000 tonnes)

Year Capacity Volume of production

2001 19 13 2002 22 11 2003 30 23 2004 34.6 25.4 2005 42.8 32.1 2006 60.9 41.6 2007 89.6 58.8 2008 95 62 2009 105 62 2010 110 66

Source: Calculated by Lu Yi from online resources, mostly from chemical­ websites with other data from government websites and social media websites, including http://www.ccin.com.cn/ccinv/; http://www.jxhg.gov.cn/; http://chem.cmrc.cn; http://www.foodprc.com/; http://stock.asiafinance.cn/; http://dcj.mofcom.gov.cn; http://news.sina.com.cn/, etc.

185 World Health Organization, ‘Questions and Answers on Melamine’, available at http:// www.who.int/-csr/media/faq/QAmelamine/en/, last accessed 13 September 2013; see also Burns et al.’, Dublin’, supra note 137, B, at 17. 186 This statement was reported to have been made by Chen Lianfang of the Beijing Orient Agribusiness Consultant Company: Jerry A. Grunor, Enough to Make You Sick …: Tained and Counterfeit Imports (iUniverse, Inc., New York and Bloomington in, 2009), p. 297. See also Chen Lianfang, ‘China’s tainted formula shows risks of dairy boom, Kentucky New Era [Hopkinsville ky], Friday, 19 September 2008, p A4, available at http://news.google.com/ newspapers?nid=266&dat=20080919&id=L6s0AAAAIBAJ&sjid=62wFAAAAIBAJ &pg=5382,1012235, last accessed 16 January 2015. 187 Wang, ‘Surplus’, supra note 18, p. 20.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 57

The effects of over-production on the price and availability of melamine on the domestic market were accentuated by the world recession, a slowdown in the domestic real estate market in China and eu and other anti-dumping measures, all of which depressed prices and increased domestic stock. I spec- ulate that the proposed dsm – cnooc joint venture also stimulated further concerns about increased competition. By 2008 China had 26 main producers of melamine, with a reported total capacity of 722,000 tonnes and a volume of production of 467,100 tonnes, though other sources give total capacity above 800,000 tonnes and production volume around 550,000 tones;188 the balance of total domestic production came from smaller producers. Most were located in the provinces of Hebei, Henan, Shanxi, Shandong and Sichuan.189 Caijing Magazine also reported that milk stations were not alone in deliber- ate adulteration of milk, because it was most likely that melamine was added at every stage from farmers to milk stations to processing companies.190 Evidence suggests that processors of raw milk accepted and sold milk which they knew to be of poor quality. Xiu and Klein’s detailed account is more spe- cific and more damaging. They state that ‘[a]pparently, executives at Sanlu allowed their own dairy farms [sic: milk collection stations] to add water in raw milk while knowing that the content of protein could not be reduced. This means that they informally allowed their milk farms [sic: milk collection sta- tions] to add melamine to the milk’.191 Burns et al state that ‘Dairy enterprises clearly knew about the various quality levels of raw milk during collection and where to sell these different grades of products’. In a sellers’ market, they no longer refused low quality milk, which then was used ‘to make low quality

188 See statistics given on http://chem.cmrc.cn and other internet sources. 189 See cmrc news, ‘Melamine Price Will Fluctuate Around Cost Price in 2009’ [2009 Nian Sanjuqingan Jiage Jiangzai Chengbenjia Shangxia Bodong] [in Chinese], at http://chem .cmrc.cn/shangqing/201012/29-16122.html, last accessed 5 February 2015. 190 Gong Jing, ‘Hebei Dairy’s Messy Supply Chain’, Caijing Magazine, 22 September 2008, available at http://english.caijing.com.cn/2008-09-22/110014641.html, last accessed 21 September 2013. 191 Xiu and Klein, ‘Factors’, supra note 155, at 46, referring to Zhu Feng, Yang Chouyong and Zhang Honghe, ‘Tracing Back to the Sanlu Poisonous Milk Powder: How Sanlu Glosses over the Fact’, available at http://www.chinanews.com.cn/cj/kong/news/2009/01-01/ 1513271.shtml. See also Francis Sun, ‘Sanlu Group and the Tainted Milk Crisis’, paper number 9B09M077 written under the supervision of Professor Shih-Fen Chen, Richard Ivey School of Business, University of Western Ontario, (Ivey Management Services, 2009), p. 6, available at http://www.asiapacific.ca/sites/default/files/sanlu.pdf, last accessed 26 January 2015.

58 chapter 2 infant milk powder for sale in rural areas where government regulation was much weaker’.192 In 2008, Caijing Magazine reported that the addition of melamine to fresh milk ‘had been a “public secret” for the past two years’.193 Richard McGregor stated that unscrupulous milk collecting stations began to add melamine to their product to increase protein content as early as late 2007.194 However, a report by the Deputy-Governor of Hebei Province reportedly traced the practice back to 2005.195 It seems that Sanlu knew of the problem as early as December 2007,196 or according to some sources reportedly even as early as 2005, even before Fonterra and Sanlu established a joint venture in December 2005.197 Even though this chapter focuses mainly on institutions and market struc- ture, not on individuals, it is clear that greedy, unscrupulous and perhaps igno- rant individuals, and by extension the profit-oriented economic organisations including the companies to which they belonged, had many incentives and opportunities to add melamine to milk, and thus deliberately or knowingly to threaten public health. Xiu and Klein summarise the situation by noting that ‘While there has been no official report on who did what…, ample evidence exists of easy availability of the contaminant. Melamine was sold in local drug markets, with clear instructions about how to use it to raise the protein content of milk. This means that everyone had access to melamine on the local open

192 Burns et al., ‘Dublin’, supra note 137, at 19. 193 Gong Jing and Liu Jingjing, ‘Spilling the Blame for China’s Milk Crisis’, Caijing Magazine, 10 October 2008, p. 1 available at http://english.caijing.com.cn/2008-10-10/110019183.html, accessed 29 March 2012: ‘You just need to make a call, and then someone will send the stuff (melamine) to your home’. 194 McGregor, The Party supra note 77, p. 185. 195 See 21 Century Economy Reports news story, ‘Deputy-Governor of Hebei: Law Offenders Began to Add Melamine to Raw Milk From Two Years Ago’ [Hebei Sheng Fusheng Zhang Toulu: Bufa Fenzi 2005 Nian Yi Kaishi Xiang Niunai Chan Sanju Qingan] [in Chinese], at http://news.cnfol.com/080918/101,1280,4781164.-00.shtml, Caijin Magazine, as cited in Fu and Nicoll, ‘Corporate Governance, at 108, note 22. See also [no identified author], ‘Milk may have been contaminated since 2005’, The New Zealand Herald, Friday 19 September 2008, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/fonterras-chinese-milk-scandal/news/article .cfm?c_id=1502761&objecti-d=10532997, last accessed 3 May 2014; Lincoln Tan and Andrew Koubaridis, ‘Govt helps Fonterra protect its directors’, The New Zealand Herald, Saturday 20 September 2014, available at http://www.nzherald.-co.nz/fonterras-chinese-milk-scandal/ news/article.cfm?c_id=1502761&objectid=10533201, last accessed 3 May 2014. 196 See Xiu and Klein, ‘Factors’, supra note 155, at 464 and sources cited there. 197 See ‘Contaminated milk kills fourth baby, Allegations dosing began the year Fonterra bought stake’, available at http://www.stuff.co.nz/the-press/635611/Contaminated-mil -kills-fourth-baby, last accessed 1 April 2012.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 59 markets’.198 Adding melamine to milk was extremely profitable. One scholar, subsequently Deputy Commissioner for Policy at the us Food and Drug Administration, estimated that the return on using melamine to contaminate milk was 50-fold and that the ‘aggregate gain from spiking 1 billion kg (3.7% of total) [was] [us] $87 million’.199 By March 2008, it was reported that Sanlu had received complaints about infants’ irregular urine after having consumed infant formula from the compa- ny.200 However, consumer complaints were ignored and not reported public- ly.201 Then in April 2008 a Sanlu inspection team confirmed the very high level of melamine in Sanlu products.202 In late May a father in Zhejiang Province complained on the internet that his daughter had difficulty urinating after consuming Sanlu powdered milk. Before posting his complaint online, he had apparently complained to Sanlu and the local Administration for Industry and Commerce but received no answer. On 28 June 2008, the People’s Liberation Army No. 1 Hospital in Lanzhou, Gansu Province, reported the first case of an infant diagnosed with kidney stones. A few days later, Sanlu sent employees to the village in question to investigate, but it seems that the investigation was not publicized. However, in mid-July 2008 Sanlu suspended dairy product sup- plies to dealers. On 1 August 2008 a test report from Hebei Provincial [Frontier] Entry and Exit Inspection and Quarantine Bureau203 showed that 15 of 16 Sanlu

198 Xiu and Klein, ‘Factors’, supra note 155, at 467. 199 Randall Lutter, ‘Addressing Challenges from Economically-motivated Adulteration of fda Regulated Products’, United States Food and Drug Administration, Washington, dc, 2008, available at , quoted in Xiu and Klein, ‘Factors’, supra note 167, at 467. 200 It seems that the Sanlu internal email system showed that such complaints had been received. For a detailed account of subsequent events, see also Liu, ‘Profits’, supra note 135, at 385–388. 201 Among many reports, see Jim Yardley and David Barboza, ‘Despite Warnings, China’s Regulators Failed to Stop Tainted Milk’, The New York Times, 26 Septembe 2008, available at http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/27/-world/asia/27milk.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0, last accessed 16 January 2015. 202 Liu, ‘Profits’, supra note 135, at 385. 203 Hebei Frontier Inspection and Quarantine Bureau (hfiqb). Such bureaus in each province operated at the time under the General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine (now Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine, aqsic). They are responsible for the management of entry-exit inspection and for the use of quarantine seals, or special marks used in control measures. Such measures may concern, for example, goods which have completed customs inspection but which are subject to

60 chapter 2 specimens contained melamine. Then, after the Beijing Olympics, the central government stepped in.

The Third World of Melamine

Introduction Central government belonged to the third world of melamine. The world of government, regulation and law is the focus of this section, which explores the responses to the melamine crisis by the Chinese party-state, both local and national. The discussion aims, so far as possible, to understand the melamine crisis from the perspective of the regulators. It gives special emphasis to party- state institutions, ideologies and legal processes and norms. On the basis of this discussion, the following section of the chapter considers the role of the legal system in more detail. From this perspective, the leitmotif of the third world of melamine was to preserve social stability. The main priority of any government is to remain in power, of course, but China also has specific features.204 Social stability has long been a central theme of Chinese history, psychology and culture.205 Furthermore, since the foundation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the preservation of stability has been very well-developed as a political dis- course, ideology and practice. A succession of Chinese leaders has stressed the priority of social stability (wéiwěn, 维稳, short for wéihù wěndìng, 维护稳定,

inspection, quarantine and supervision management by the relevant agency at the place of arrival, or ‘foods which have caused food poisoning accidents or on which there is evidence of likeliness to cause food poisoning accidents, and their production or operation locations, where it is necessary to further carry out port hygienic supervision, investigation or dis- posal’. See Administrative Measures for Entry-Exit Inspection and Quarantine Seals, pro- mulgated 3 April 2000, entry into force 1 May 2000, available at http://law.e-to-china.com/ index_content-id-f64b404bff3f8f7a566b83c967aa38131.html, accessed 29 March 2012. The quotation is from Article 8 of the Measures. 204 On the question of cultural distinctiveness, see Andrew J. Nathan, ‘Is Chinese Culture Distinctive? A Review Article’, The Journal of Asian Studies, 52, 4, November 1993, pp. 923–936. 205 See e.g. Lucien Pye, The Dynamics of Chinese Politics Oelgeschlager, Gunn & Hain, Cambridge ma, 1981), pp. 208–213; Michael Harris Bond (ed), The Psychology of the Chinese People (Chinese University Press, Hong Kong, 1986). For a business perspective, see Tim Clissold, Chinese Rules: Mao’s Dog, Deng’s Cat and Five Timeless Lessons for Understanding China (William Collins, London, 2014), 107–108.

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‘stability maintenance’ or ‘stability preservation’).206 As early as 1974, Mao Zedong emphasized ‘stability and unity’ (āndìng tuánjié 安定团结); in the late 1980s articulated the slogan ‘stability overrides everything’ (wěndìng yādǎo yíqiè 稳定压倒一切); in 1997 postulated that ‘without stability, nothing can be achieved’ (méiyǒu wěndìng, shénmeshì yě gànbùchéng 没有稳定,什么事也干不成) and in the years 2002–2012 Hu Jintao put forward the concept of ‘harmonious society’ (héxié shèhuì, 和谐社 会). Since 1978, domestic reforms have been the main policy priority for China’s leaders, and the preservation of stability is an essential precondition to the success of these reforms.207

The Party-State Two principal features of the Chinese system of government played a central role in ensuring, so far as possible, social stability in the melamine saga. Both were crucial in shaping the governmental responses to the melamine crisis and

206 Much of the remainder of this paragraph is based on Maurizio Marinelli, ‘Jiang Zemin’s Discourse on Intellectuals: The Political Use of Formalised Language and the Conundrum of Stability’, Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 2, 2013, 111–140 at 112–114, and Feng Chong Yi, ‘Preserving Stability and Rights Protection: Conflict or Coherence’, Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 2, 2013, 21–50 at 22–29. This issue of the Journal of Current Chinese Affairs is a special issue on ‘Preserving Stability: Process, Dimensions and Ideological Exercise’. I am grateful to Dr José Luis de Sales Marques for drawing it to my attention. See in par- ticular the general introduction by Feng Chongyi, ‘The Dilemma of Stability Preservation in China’, Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 2, 2013, 3–19. On relations between govern- mental institutions and stability maintenance, see Thomas Heberer and Gunter Schubert, Regime Legitimacy in Contemporary China: Institutional Change and Stability (Routledge, London, 2009) and Barbara J. Sinkule and Leonard Ortolano, Implementing Environmental Policy in China (Praeger, Westport,Connecticut, and London, 1995) (hereafter Sinkule and Ortolano, Implementing), at 177–178. 207 For a capsule summary of and references concerning the debate about the importance of ‘order’ or ‘avoiding chaos (luan)’, see Kenneth Lieberthal, Governing China: From Revolution Through Reform (W.W. Norton & Company, London and New York, 1995, 2nd edition 2004) (hereafter Lieberthal, Governing), p. 293 and note 11. See also David M. Lampton, The Three Faces of Chinese Power: Might, Money, and Minds (University of California Press, Berkeley, 2008), pp. 247–251. For examples, see Peter Sandby-Thomas, Legitimating the Chinese Communist Party Since Tiananmen: A Critical Analysis of the Stability Discourse (Routledge, London, 2011). See also Flora Sapio, ‘The Invisible Hand of Government: The Conceptual Origins of Social Management Innovation’, in Susan Trevaskes, Elisa Nesossi, Floria Sapio and Sarah Biddulph (eds), The Politics of Law and Stability in China (Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, 2014), pp. 244–267 at 247–249 (hereafter Trevaskes et al., Politics).

62 chapter 2 in conditioning the role of law and legal institutions.208 The first feature is that China since 1949 has been and still is a party-state.209 In the words of Shiping Zheng, ‘[a] “party-state” denotes a type of state in which the Communist Party organisation, as the core of the state, monopolizes state power over the direc- tion and control of the society’.210 The cpc, unlike political parties in the United States or most European countries (at least in theory), is continuously and thoroughly internal rather than external to government.211 From an economic institutional perspective, the relationship between cpc and government has often been described as ‘“an agency relationship” in which the Communist Party is the “principal” and the government is the “agent”’.212 According to this view, the cpc Politburo, at the top of the cpc hierarchy, del- egates implementation and administration of policy and law to governmental authorities. For present purposes, however, this perspective posits too sharp a distinction between the cpc and government,213 for several reasons. First, as

208 The following sentences draw partly on my article ‘Foreword: China as a Laboratory for Legal Change’, published as the Foreword to Qianlan Wu, Competition Laws, Globalisation and Legal Pluralism: China’s Experience (Hart Publishing, Oxford, 2013), also available on ssrn at http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm-?abstract_id=2319736, last accessed 10 January 2014. 209 According to Shiping Zheng, Party vs. State in Post-1949 China: The Institutional Dilemma (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1997) (hereafter Zheng, Party), 9–12, who argues however that the concept is now out of date. See also Zou Keyuan, China’s Legal Reform: Towards the Rule of Law (Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, Leiden and Boston, 2006) (hereafter Zou, Reform) 43–72. For basic documents, see Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, Article 1 (Adopted at the Fifth Session of the Fifth National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China and Promulgated for Implementation by the Proclamation of the npc on 4 December 1982 (Foreign Languages Press, Beijing, 5th edition (with Chinese text) 2004); Constitution of the Communist Party of China, General Program (Foreign Languages Press, Beijing, 2001). 210 Zheng, Party, supra note 209, p. 9. See also Zou, Reform, supra note 209, pp. 43–72. 211 See further Yang Fengchun, Chinese Government (Foreign Languages Press, Beijing, 2004); BrØdsgaard and Zheng, Bringing, supra note 132; David Shambaugh, China’s Communist Party: Atrophy and Adaptation (University of California Press, Berkeley ca, and Woodrow Wilson Center Press, Washington dc, 2008); Zheng Yongnian, The Chinese Communist Party as Organizational Emperor: Culture, Reproduction and Transformation (Routledge, New York, 2010) (hereafter Zheng, Organizational Emperor); McGregor, The Party, supra note 89. 212 Susan L. Shirk, ‘The Chinese Political System and the Political Strategy of Institutional Reform’, in Lieberthal and Lampton, Bureacracy supra note 155, 59–91, at 61. 213 I prefer the ‘property rights owner [of the country]’/‘manager of the State’ analogy used by Zheng, Organizational Emperor, supra note 208, pp. 98–99.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 63 derived from Roman law214 and as incorporated into contemporary American economics and then political science,215 it assumes that principal and agent are different individuals or entities. In the Chinese party-state, however, the cpc and the government are not different entities except in concept, internal constitutional structure and function.216 The Western legal conception of agency does not capture adequately the ways in which, in China, the cpc dom- inates and controls government by imbrication. Second, the cpc since 1984 has applied the nomenklatura (in Chinese, zhíguān mínglù zhìdù 职官名录制 度) system on a one-level-down principle, according to which central govern- ment, consisting of the Politburo and State Council, appoints only top-level listed functions, and numerous organisations appoint their own personnel but are required to report specified positions to the cpc central authorities.217

214 On Roman law origins, see W.W. Buckland and Arnold D. McNair, Roman Law and Common Law: A Comparison in Outline (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2nd edi- tion revised by F.H. Lawson, 1965), 217–221, 307–310. 215 For an overview, see Gary J. Miller, ‘The Political Evolution of Principal-Agent Models’, Annual Review of Political Science, 8, 2005, 203–225. 216 From a constitutional perspective, Backer remarks that ‘current constitutional realities… are…that state organs do not define the entirety of national power, that the constitution distinguishes between state power (vested in the state organs) and national political power (vested in the ccp), that while the elaboration of state power may be bureaucra- tized within well institution[s] the elaboration of political power remains outside either institution or bureaucracy, that the institutionalization of the ccp’s own governance is internal to it and beyond the direct regulatory power of the constitution’: Larry Catá Backer, ‘A Constitutional Court for China Within the Chinese Communist Party: Scientific Development and the Institutional Role of the ccp’, Consortium for Peace & Ethics Working Papers, No. 2008-11/1 (November 2008), at 7, available at http://ssrn.com/ abstract=1308598, last accessed 10 June 2013 (hereafter Backer, ‘Constitutional Court’). See also Larry Catá Backer, ‘The Party as Polity, The Communist Party, and the Chinese Constitutional State: A Theory of State-Party Constitutionalism’, Journal of Chinese and Comparative Law, 16, 1, 101–168, electronic copy available at http//ssrn.com/ abstract=1325792. 217 See Hon S. Chan, ‘Cadre Personnel Management System in China: The Nomenklatura System, 1990–1994’, China Quarterly, 179, 2004, 703–734; Lieberthal, Governing, supra note 207, 234–239. Chan gives relevant lists of positions in Appendix I: Job Title List of Cadres Centrally Managed by the Chinese Communist Party, 1998 and Appendix ii List of Cadre Positions to be Reported to the Chinese Communist Party Centre, 1998, at 719–727 and 727–734, respectively. See also Kjeld Erik Brødsgaard, ‘Management of Party Cadres in China’ in Brødsgaard and Zheng, Bringing, supra 132 note pp. 57–91. For earlier studies, see eg John P Burns, ‘China’s Nomenklatura System’, Problems of Communism, 36, September- October 1987, 36–51. On the ‘soft centralisation’ of nomenklatura appointments, see Andrew C. Mertha ‘China’s “Soft” Centralization: Shifting Tiao/Kuai Authority Relations’,

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On the basis of the system as it operated in 1998, the fact that a position, for example a mayor of a city, is not appointed directly by central authorities but must only be notified does not amount to a strict separation between party and government.218 Third, virtually all officials at every level of government and in many business and other organisations are cpc members. This organizational feature has been defined as ‘same group of people working for same things under two different plates’ (yítào bānzi, liángkuài páizi一套班子两块牌子).219 Whether government and other officials are centrally appointed, or their appointment must only be notified, or they are simply appointed at local level is certainly important for some purposes, but it should not be over-emphasised in describing relations between Party and government with regard to the melamine crisis. Third, ‘there is no such thing as government policy indepen- dent from the ccp’, as a leading Chinese scholar points out.220 This observa- tion, while perhaps compatible with principal-agent theory, is more consistent with a theoretical position that posits closer relations in which the cpc is imbricated in government, both always in terms of general policy direction and often in daily affairs. Fourth, the Party domination over the state is not

The China Quarterly, 184, December 2005, 791–810 at 799–780 (hereafter Mertha, ‘Soft Centralization’). 218 However, Pierre F. Landry concluded that party institutions, though powerful, are not necessarily efficient, and other political motivations, not just central government eco- nomic priorities, are most important in shaping mayoral performance: Pierre F. Landry, ‘The Political Management of Mayors in Post-Deng China’, in BrØdsgaard and Zheng, Bringing, supra note 144, at 165. See also Maria Edin, ‘Remaking the Communist Party- State: The Cadre Responsibility System at the Local Level in China’, in Brødsgaard and Zheng, Bringing, supra note 132, 175–191. 219 Wei Luo, Chinese Law and Legal Research (William S. Hein & Co., Inc., Buffalo, New York, 2005), 16–17. 220 Zhu Suli, ‘Political Parties in China’s Judiciary’, Fifth Annual Herbert Bernstein Memorial Lecture in International and Comparative Law, 2 November 2006, published as Duke Law Center for International and Comparative Law Occasional Papers (CiCLOPs), Volume 1, June 2009, 85–110 at 89–90, available at www.law.duke.edu/cicl/ciclops, last accessed 30 March 2013 (hereafter Zhu, ‘Political Parties’). The same author points out (at 87) that ‘the ccp inherited the political tradition, initiated by Sun Yat-sen and pursued by the gmd, comprised of “a party construction of the state”, “party rule of the state” and “party above the state”’. He argues (at 89) that ‘its influence is ubiquitous at every level and in every aspect of contemporary Chinese society…’. See also Zhu Suli, ‘“Judicial Politics” as State- Building’, in Stéphanie Balme and Michael W. Dowdle (eds), Building Constitutionalism in China (Palgrave Macmillan, New York, 2009), 23–36; and Zhu Suli, ‘The Party and the Courts’, in Randall Peerenboom (ed), Judicial Independence in China: Lessons for Global Rule of Law Promotion (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2010), 52–68.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 65 absolute, however, and each has its own ‘field’ of power, if we accept Zheng Yongnian’s characterization.221 There appear to be differences according to the policy area or specific issues concerned.222 Consequently, in the following dis- cussion, the fusion of party and government will be assumed unless otherwise noted; references to ‘the government’ thus refer to the party-state, except when the distinction between party-state, Party and governmental functions, institu- tions or officials is necessary for precision and clarity.223

Bureaucratic Networks These remarks might suggest a highly centralized system of decision-making, policy-making and implementation and application of law and other norms. In fact, the contrary is usually the case. As many scholars have shown,224 the processes of governing in China are extremely fragmented, and government by consensus through intra-bureaucratic bargaining is often the rule in practice. This is what scholars have called ‘management by exception’, according to which decision-making is referred to the highest level only if lower-level authorities cannot agree.225 This pattern of institutional relations character- ized the melamine crisis.

221 Zheng,Organizational Emperor, supra note 211, p. 100. 222 For example, Sinkule and Ortolano noted that ‘The extent to which the Party organization has direct influence over matters concerning environmental policy is an open question. Although it is difficult to separate the influence of the Party from that of the State, it appears that the Party’s influence on environmental protection is generally exerted through the state administration. This is not to say that the influence of the Party on environmental protection is minor’, since…many leaders are [Party] members and are influenced by the ideas and attitudes of the Party’ and ‘while the ccp does not seem to play a direct role in environmental policy making, Party approval is a critical source of legitimacy’ and facilitates implementation of policies: see Sinkule and Ortolano, Implementing, supra note 206, p. 11. 223 For the argument that the cpc represents the highest authority of constitutional review within the Chinese party-state and that a special constitutional court should be estab- lished within the cpc for judicial review of constitutional questions, see Backer, ‘Constitutional Court’, supra note 228). This would appear to be consistent with Zhu Suli’s argument that ‘in studying contemporary China, one must treat either the gmd [Guomindang] or cpc as a constituent element of the political and legal system or as a constitutional structure’: Zhu, ‘Political Parties’, supra note 220, at 109. 224 Among the first was Franz Schurmann, Ideology and Organization in Communist China (University of California Press, Berkeley, 2nd edition 1971 [originally published 1966]) (hereafter Schurmann, Ideology). 225 See Lieberthal and Oksenberg, Policy Making, supra note 26, 23–24; Susan Shirk, The Political Logic of Economic Reform in China (University of California Press, Berkeley, 1993),

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A second feature of the Chinese governmental system that was oriented toward the preservation of social stability, in addition to the party-state, con- sisted of different types of bureaucratic networks or arrangements. One type comprises the existence of multiple xitong. Since the 1950s,226 despite reforms, the cpc has exercised control over government by means of hierarchically organized xitong (xìtǒng 系统). In English-language scholarship, xitong have been variously characterized as ‘administrative systems’,227 ‘functional systems’,228 ‘functionally defined systems’,229 ‘bundles of bureaucracies’,230

116–117. At least in general outline, this method of decision-making resembles that of the European Union in relations between the Committee of Permanent Representatives (CoRePer) and the Council of Ministers. One may speculate that it is frequently used in decision-making involving hierarchically arranged bureaucratic systems in which at least the lower level consists of multiple bodies. 226 On the origins of xitong, at least since 1949, David Bachman, Bureaucracy, Economy, and Leadership in China: The Institutional Origins of the (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1991) (hereafter Bachman, Great Leap), at x-xi, writes that ‘these institutions and interests are results of the dynamics of China’s relative economic poverty and the original missions of these organizations. Coalitions of interests and insti- tutions formed because individual bureaucracies were seldom powerful enough to advance and defend their specific interests. With the help of senior leaders charged with overall supervision in each major area of endeavor, there emerged a broad tendency, or program of policies, around which groups of bureaucracies could organize themselves. Because the tasks and the resource environment in which these organizations operate have not changed fundamentally since 1949, these coalitions and their interests have also persisted with little change’ [at least up to 1991, the date of writing]. So far as I have been able to ascertain, this system did not originate in the Qing dynasty: see Thomas A. Metzger, The Internal Organization of the Ch’ing Bureaucracy (Harvard University Press, Cambridge ma, 1973). 227 Zheng, Organizational Emperor, supra note 211, p. 109 and passim. The author notes (at 110) that these functional systems operate at every level, and that the administrative system is sub-divided into smaller secondary system, eg sport and public health, finance and econ- omy, science and technology, etc, 228 Biddulph, Detention, supra note 20, p. 16, note 65, writes that ‘bureaucracy is organised into functional systems called xitong (系统) which are headed by a leadership small group (lingdao xiaoxu 领导小旭) responsible for policy making’. On leadership small groups, see Lieberthal, Governing, supra note 207, pp. 215–218; Zheng, Organizational Emperor, supra note 211,), p. 107–109. 229 Sinkule and Ortolano, Implementing, supra note 206, at 13. 230 [No named author], ‘The Dynamics of Threat in the Vertical Hierarchy of the People’s Republic of China’, available at http://www.smithsbluebook.com/dynamics.html, last accessed 9 May 2014, uses the term ‘bundles of bureaucracies’.

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‘hierarchical unified bureaucratic network or system[s]’231 ‘coalitions of bureaucracies’ that run parallel to the hierarchically organized governmental organisations’,232 or ‘systems, sometimes called “silos” or “stovepipes” [which are] vertically integrated systems in government, industry, and other areas of society’, or ‘system’ … ‘a group of bureaucracies that together deal with a broad task the top political leaders want performed’.233 Zheng Yongnian defines xitong as meaning that ‘society is divided into different functional spheres, and corresponding party organs and cadres supervise and control these systems, which encompass the entire political and social leadership at each level’.234 He also points out that:

Xitong are also different from the administrative counterpart depart- ments in the Party. The Party leadership in the xitong are usually not part of the formal, legally organizational structure, and in general, Party lead- ers’ names are not publicized while the Party’s administrative counter- part departments are part of the formal and legal structure. Also, […] the Party’s administrative counterpart departments have a limited function, that is, to oversee a specific administrative agency. In contrast, one xitong often oversees several related governmental ministries, departments and agencies.235

231 Mark Dougan, A Political Economy Analysis of China’s Aviation Industry (Routlege, London, 2002) (hereafter Dougan, Aviation), p. 11. 232 Bachman, The Great Leap, supra note 226, at page x. He writes (at 45–46) that ‘These were networks of bureaucratic agencies with responsibilities in the same general area. These xitong form the starting point for bureaucratic coalitions in China’ 233 Lieberthal, Governing, supra note 207, 218. The work deals (at 218–233) with the six major xitong as of 2004: Party Affairs (dangwu) Xitong, Organization Affairs (zuzhi) Xitong, Propaganda and Education (xuanjiao) Xitong, Political and Legal Affairs (zhengfa) Xitong, Finance and Economics (caijing) Xitong and Military (junshi) Xitong. See also Dennis J. Blasko, The Chinese Army Today: Tradition and Transformation for the -21st Century at 15; see also passim. He remarks (at 15), that ‘The proliferation of modern communications and computer capabilities in the pla [People’s Liberation Army] has helped to break through the walls of some of these systems, but control of information, especially the man- agement of bad news, remains a consideration among some members of individual xitong and may inhibit effective decision-making’ [emphasis added: fs]. His discussion concerns the pla, but it may also apply more widely. 234 Zheng, Organizational Emperor, supra note 211, text at note 21. Note that Zheng Yongnian points out that central leading small groups exist only a central level, while xitong also operate at provincial and city levels: Ibid., text at note 21. 235 Ibid., p. 109.

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At central level xitong are headed by a member of the Political Bureau Standing Committee and at provincial level by members of the Provincial Party Committee.236 Another type of bureaucratic arrangement consists of dual rule or dual leadership. The concept of dual rule, according to Franz Schurmann, was for- mulated by Lenin237 and adapted by China from the then Soviet Union. Schurmann wrote that in China:

Dual rule, in practice, means that an agency is partly under the jurisdic- tion of another body on the same administrative level. Dual rule may be seen as a combination of vertical and horizontal control, that is, one channel of command and information going up, and the other going sideways. This characteristic of dual rule makes it important in the prob- lem of allocation of authority between central and local government.238

In this system, which Lieberthal refers to as ‘the matrix muddle’, the only body with overall authority is the highest level of the party-state.239 Western scholars have analysed dual rule using two different but interre- lated concepts: fragmented authoritarianism, on one hand, and the distinction between ‘leadership relations’ and ‘professional relations’, on the other hand. Fragmented authoritarian and the distinction between leadership relations and professional relations are both features of China’s institutional structure, though the two are not necessarily associated in other countries. Lieberthal

236 Ibid., p. 110, who also (at 110) gives a list of the main xitong, such as the political and legal system and the administrative system, the latter embracing small systems such as sport and public health or finance and economy. Borrowing from other scholars, Biddulph, Detention, supra note 20, p. 16, notes various functional systems. On the 1950s, see Bachman, Great Leap, supra note 226, 46–51. For a detailed analysis of the propaganda system (xuanchuan xitong), see Anne-Marie Brady, Marketing Dictatorship: Propaganda and Thought Work in Contemporary China (Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Lanham md, 2008) and David Shambaugh, ‘China’s Propaganda System: Institutions, Processes and Efficacy’, The China Journal, 57, January 2007, 26–58 (hereafter Shambaugh, ‘System’), who also notes (at 51) that ‘the Party School system is bureaucratically in its own xitong (sys- tem) under the Central Committee’. 237 Under the name of ‘dual power’: see e.g. V.I. Lenin, ‘The Dual Power’, in Lenin Collected Works, Progress Publishers, 1964, Moscow, Volume 24, pages 38–41. available at https:// www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/-1917/apr/09.htm, last accessed 28 November 2014. 238 Schurmann, Ideology, supra note 224, at 188–194; the quotation is from p. 189. 239 Lieberthal, Governing, supra note 207, especially 187–188.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 69 and Oksenberg’s classic study of Chinese policy-making in the energy sector developed the concept of ‘fragmented authoritarianism’.240 Subsequently, writing in 1992 but drawing partly on earlier research, Lieberthal defined the ‘fragmented authoritarianism’ model as arguing that ‘authority below the very peak of the Chinese political system is fragmented and disjointed. The frag- mentation is structurally based and has been enhanced by reform policies regarding procedures. The fragmentation, moreover, grew increasingly pro- nounced under the reforms beginning in the late 1970s’.241 Later, Andrew Mertha deployed this theoretical model fruitfully in his analysis of the politics of intellectual property enforcement in China up to 2005.242 Lieberthal and Oksenberg’s study showed that actors within semi-indepen- dent bureaucratic systems (xitong) belonged to a vertical (tiao) system and to a horizontal (kuai) system.243 It also showed that relations between govern- mental agencies could be ‘leadership relations’ (lingdao guanxi) [lǐngdǎo guānxì 领导关系] with administrative superiors, or ‘professional/business relations’ (yewu guanxi) [yèwù guānxì 业务关系] with units at the same hierar- chical level.244 Summarising their discussion almost fifteen years later, Mark Dougan remarked in 2002 that ‘this dual tiao/kuai administrative organizing principle could be considered the key structural feature on the Chinese state in

240 Lieberthal and Oksenberg, Policy Making, supra note 26. This book is a link in a long chain of American political science theorising about Chinese bureaucracy, which began at with A. Doak Barnett’s book Cadres, Bureaucracy and Political Power in Communist China (Columbia University Press, New York and London, 1967); continued with the publication of Lieberthal and Oksenberg’s book on Policy Making in China [Barnett supervised the PhD theses of both authors at Columbia) and Kenneth G Lieberthal and David M Lampton (eds), Bureaucracy, Politics, and Decision-Making in Post-Mao China (University of California Press, Los Angeles, 1992); and has been devel- oped most recently in Andrew C. Mertha, The Politics of Piracy: Intellectual Property in Contemporary China (Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London, 2005) (hereafter Mertha, Piracy) and Andrew C. Mertha, China’s Water Warriors: Citizen Action and Policy Change (Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London, 2008). [Lieberthal supervised Mertha’s PhD thesis at Michigan]. 241 Kenneth G. Lieberthal, ‘Introduction: The “Fragmented Authoritarianism” Model and Its Limitations’, in Lieberthal and Lampton (eds), Bureacracy, supra note 145, 1–30. 242 Mertha, Piracy, supra note 240, at 26–28, 146, 190, 227–228. See also his article ‘Policy Enforcement Markets: How Bureaucratic Redundancy Contributes to Effective ipr Policy Implementation in China’, Comparative Politics, 38, 3, April 2006, pp. 295–316. 243 Lieberthal and Oksenberg, Policy Making, supra note 26. 244 Lieberthal and Oksenberg, Policy Making, supra note 26, 148–149, which also points out that these are not the only important types of inter-bureaucratic relationships in China.

70 chapter 2 the economic realm’.245 In his political economy analysis of China’s civil avia- tion industry, Dougan identified direct lines of formal authority, indirect lines of formal authority and indirect lines of informal authority within the aviation manufacturing administrative system.246 Subsequently, in his 2005 analysis of intellectual property law enforcement, Mertha also distinguished between ‘leadership relations/binding orders’ on one hand and ‘professional relations/ non-binding orders’ on the other hand.247 He showed that ‘leadership rela- tions/binding orders’ exist between the State Council and each central govern- ment ministry, between the State Council and each lower level of government (provincial, municipal, county, district), and between the government at each level and the regulatory authorities at each level. ‘Professional relations/ non-binding orders’ exist within the hierarchical bureaucracies (xitong) [xìtǒng 系统] of the same regulatory authorities at the central, provincial, municipal, and county and district.248 Leadership relations and professional relations denote the relations also glossed in Chinese as tiao (lines) and kuai (pieces), respectively. For example, with regard to environmental policy, Barbara Sinkule and Leonard Ortolano also distinguished between ‘leadership relationship’ (lingdao guanxi) [lǐngdǎo guānxì 领导关系], ‘in which one [unit] has direct authority over the other’, and ‘professional relationship’ (yewu guanxi) [yèwù guānxì 业务关系], in which ‘neither has authority over the other’.249 As Mertha points out, leadership rela- tions do not necessarily involve administrative hierarchy ‘(described by the Chinese as “leadership along a line”, or tiaoshang lingdao [tiáo shàng lǐng dǎo (条上领导)]’; they may be either relations with administrative superiors or ‘with local governments at the same administrative level (or “leadership across a ‘piece’”, kuaishang lingdao) [kuài shàng lǐng dǎo (块上领导), meaning both vertical and horizontal relations, including central to local and at the same level]’.250

245 Dougan, Aviation, supra note 231, at 12. 246 See ibid., at 95–99, especially Figure 4.1 at p. 95, and 152–159, especially Figure 5.1 at p. 156. 247 See Mertha, Piracy, supra note 240, at 26–28, 146, 190, 227–228. See also his article ‘Policy Enforcement Markets: How Bureaucratic Redundancy Contributes to Effective ipr Policy Implementation in China’, Comparative Politics, 38, 3 April 2006, pp. 295–316. 248 Lieberthal refers to these hierarchical bureaucracies in terms of a ‘functional division of labo[u]r’: see Kenneth G. Lieberthal, ‘Introduction: The “Fragmented Authoritarianism” Model and Its Limitations’, in Lieberthal and Lampton (eds), Bureacracy, supra note 145, 1–30, at 8. 249 Sinkule and Ortolano, Implementing, supra note 206, at 14, see also 10–21. 250 Mertha ‘Soft Centralization’, supra note 217, at 797 [original italics omitted]. Henry Yuhuai He, Dictionary of the Political Thought of the People’s Republic of China (M.E. Sharpe,

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Tiao/kuai thus refers to dual rule.251 Sinkule and Ortolano discuss dual rule in terms of ‘lines and pieces’ (tiao tiao kuai kuai) [tiáotiáo kuàikuài 条条块块]. ‘Tiao tiao refers to vertical (or functional) relationships within a xitong, i.e. a unit’s connection with central leading organs (tiao tiao lingdao guanxi) [tiáotiáo lǐngdǎo guānxì 条条领导关系]. Kuai kuai refers to horizontal (or lat- eral) relationships, for example, a unit’s connection with local leading organs (kuai kuai lingdao guanxi) [kuàikuài lǐngdǎo guānxì 块块领导关系].252 To give an example from the food sector, Sinkule and Ortolano remark in passing that a food processing plant is generally under the Ministry of Light Industry xitong but if it is in the form of a township and village industrial enterprise located in a rural area, it falls under the Ministry of Agriculture xitong. They also give a detailed example of a textiles factory, which is subject both to vertical leader- ship relations and also to territorial professional relations, for example with local government. Concluding their study of environmental policy, they iden- tify ‘[w]hat is unique about China is that national environmental laws are implemented by local agencies that are part of the national agency system (via the xitong with the nepa [National Environmental Protection Agency] at the top level) and part of local government (with attendant kuai kuai relationships)’.253 Consequently, lines of authority are often blurred and

Armonk, ny and London, 2001), at 455, defines ‘tiaotiao lingdao (vertical leadership)’ as ‘policy and operational control by the “Center” – the Party Central Committee and the Central Government (its ministries and other national agencies) – to their local depart- ments or branches at various levels in the country. …those departments, enterprises, or institutions under “vertical leadership” are also subject to “regional geographical leader- ship”, that is, “dual leadership” (shuangchong lingdao). When a contradiction occurs, the “vertical leadership” should submit to the “regional geographical leadership”. Up to the present, China’s institutional structure is still very complicated. Enterprises and institu- tions are often managed by the “Center” for vocational work, and by the local authorities for expenditure and personnel matters. “Dual leadership” also refers to the two leader- ships, from the Party system and the government system’. 251 ‘In China’s unitary system, tiao-tiao lines of authority tie each unit vertically to superior organs of power at the Center, whereas kuai-kuai lines of authority tie them horizontally to local organs of power. In the Chinese scheme of things, tiao-tiao and kuai-kuai authori- ties are to share power cooperatively according to a system of dual rule, or shuangchong lingdao. Problems that arise in this dual-rule scheme are supposed to be ironed out in the unifying authority of the Community Party, dang tongyi lingdao, a hierarchical organiza- tion that theoretically has only a single leading organ at the Center’: Paul E. Schroeder, ‘Territorial Actors as Competitors for Power: The Case of Hubei and Wuhan’, in Lieberthal and Lampton, Bureaucracy, supra note 145, at 286. 252 Sinkule and Ortolano, Implementing, supra note 206, at 14. 253 Ibid., at 201.

72 chapter 2 the burden of responsibility for taking decisions is frequently not clear. As Schurmann pointed out long ago, dual rule tends to strengthen the role of Party committees, which are able to coordinate both vertical and horizontal relations.254 It also would contribute to ensuring that inaction, or indeed iner- tia, would be the most likely short-term reaction to a food safety crisis. Recently, Mertha summarized the fragmented authoritarianism theoretical framework as follows:

It asserts that policy made at the center becomes increasingly malleable to the parochial organizational and political goals of various vertical agencies and spatial regions charged with enforcing that policy. Outcomes are shaped by the incorporation of interests of the implementation agen- cies in the policy itself. [The model] thus explains the policy process as being governed by incremental change via bureaucratic bargaining.255

In his recent research on environmental politics, however, Mertha shows that policy-making and policy-implementation in China have become increasingly pluralistic.256 Similarly, Lema and Ruby in their analysis of the Chinese market for wind energy argue that policy coordination among bureaucratic actors has largely replaced ‘fragmented authoritarianism’.257 These changes seem to be characteristic also of recent developments with regard to monetary policies, financial regulation, financial stability and reduction of systemic risks.258 As Mark Dougan’s study of the civil aviation industry makes clear, these

254 Schurmann, Ideology, supra note 224, at 191; see also 176–178, 190–194 and 216–219 on the coordinating functions of the regional Party committee, in particular by the Party commit- tees taking control of regional government agencies. See also Bachman, Great Leap, supra note 226, 46–47. On historical precedents, see Sebastian Heilmann and Elizabeth J. Perry, Mao’s Invisible Hand: The Political Foundations of Adaptive Governance in China (Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 2011), especially the chapter by Jae Ho Chung, ‘Central-Local Dynamics: Historical Continuities and Institutional Resilience’, pp. 297–320. 255 Andrew Mertha, ‘“Fragmented Authoritarianism 2.0”: Political Pluralization in the Chinese Policy Process’, The China Quarterly, 200, December 2009, 995–1012, at 1013. 256 Andrew Mertha, China’s Water Warriors: Citizen Action and Policy Change (Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London, 2008). 257 Adriaan Lema and Kristian Ruby, ‘Between fragmented authoritarianism and policy coordi- nation: Creating a Chinese market for wind energy’, Energy Policy, 35, 2007, 3879–3890. For a similar case study of competition policy, see Angela Huyue Zhang, ‘Bureaucratic Politics and China’s Anti-Monopoly Law’, Cornell International Law Journal, 48, 1, 2015, available at http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2391187, last accessed 8 May 2014. 258 See ‘New financial agency to better coordinate policies’, Shenzhen Daily, Wednesday, 21 August 2013, p. 6. On the emergence during economic reforms of new variables such as

Three Worlds Of Melamine 73 changes can result in real structural change, amounting to much more plural fragmentation than foreseen originally by the proponents of the fragmented authoritarianism model, in particular ‘because it is splinted across non-state and even foreign lines’.259 Similarly, in his recent study of public health gover- nance in China, Yanzhong Huang argues that the conjunction of weak hierar- chy, highly dispersed resources and high functional differentiation in the post-Mao era has resulted in a shift in the mode of policy implementation from ‘getting along’, or bureaucratic negotiations, to ‘buck-passing’, or failure to take responsibility.260 The melamine crisis contributed powerfully to these devel- opments with regard to food safety regulation. During much of the melamine crisis, the dominant position of the Beijing- based cpc and its potential centralizing role with regard to decision-making power were in constant tension with the fissiparous tendencies of administra- tive fragmentation. Today, this tension remains, despite recent and continu- ing reforms, and even though in some areas policy-making and law-making may be more pluralistic and more concerned with coordination, with the exception that decision-making at the very top of the system is highly central- ised.261 As a result of the institutional pattern of fragmented authoritarianism in the Chinese party-state with regard to food safety regulation, I consider the leitmotif of the third world of melamine to be preservation of social stability.

marketization, destatisation, decentralisation and globalisation (in addition to the role of bureaucracy), see Dougan, Aviation, supra note 231, at 15–21, 205–215, passim. 259 Ibid., at 179 and especially 214, Figure 6.1. 260 Yanzhong Huang, Governing Health in Contemporary China (Routledge, London and New York, 2013), at 11–15 (hereafter Huang, Health). 261 In 1992, Lieberthal and Lampton, supra note 145, wrote that ‘no institutional regulations in themselves seriously constrain the options available to the top leaders as a group’ (16) and that ‘the top leadership in China remains very powerful, despite the reforms. At the top, bureaucratic boundaries fade even as leaders compete over bureaucratic resources. Personalities and personal relationships assume tremendous importance at the pinnacle’. (16) They point out (at 21) that, while ‘formal rules do not constrain the top leaders in reshaping the system’, other factors limit their power, namely lower-level officials may ignore vague or inconsistent decisions, achieving policy objectives requires delegation and leeway and implementation of policies is best achieved by persuasion rather than by coercion’. See Carol Lee Hamrin, ‘The Party Leadership System’, in Lieberthal and Lampton, Bureaucracy, supra note 145, 95–124; see also Sinkule and Ortolano, Implementing, supra note 206, at 13. Similarly, Mark Dougan argues that relations among different xitong and tiao/kuai relations ‘[tend] to blunt the authoritarian elements of the state system and [give] rise to a more protracted policy process in which outcomes often differ from policy intentions’: Dougan, Aviation, supra note 231, at 206.

74 chapter 2

Administrative Organisation of Food Safety Regulation The domain of food safety regulation in China in the early 2000s was a classic example of fragmented authoritarianism. The 2004 Decision of the State Council about Strengthening Food Safety consolidated a pattern of institu- tional fragmentation (zhèngchū duōmén, 政出多门). It confirmed ‘the working mechanism for food safety – “being under national uniform leadership, with the local governments to be specifically responsible, guidance and coordina- tion by competent departments, and joint act of all sides”’.262 All levels of gov- ernment were admonished:

You must further strengthen up the functions of the supervisory depart- ments. According to the principle – one supervision link subject to the supervision of one department, you should, by adopting the phase-by- phase supervision as the main approach and product-based supervision as a supporting way, further strengthen up food safety supervision and con- trol functions so as to clarify the responsibilities. The Ministry of Agriculture shall be responsible for the supervision over the product link of primary agricultural products. The quality inspection departments shall be respon- sible for the supervision over the food production and processing link, while the function of supervision and regulation of the sanitation of food production and processing link currently undertaken by the hygiene departments shall be transferred to the quality inspection departments. The industrial and commercial departments shall be responsible for the supervision over the food circulation link. The hygiene departments shall be responsible for the supervision of the catering industry. The food and drug supervision departments shall be responsible for the comprehensive supervision and coordination in the food safety, organizing investigations into and imposing punishments to the serious accidents. According to the principle of consistence between power and responsibilities, a food safety supervision responsibility system and a penal system shall be set up. The specific measures shall be formulated by the Office of the Committee for Establishing Government Organizations of the cccpc jointly with other pertinent departments. The current function adjustments are very complicate[d] and difficult, all relevant departments shall, considering the general situation, carefully make good preparations so as to ensure the smooth implementation on January 1, 2005.263

262 Decision of the State Council about Further Strengthening Food Safety, issued on 1 September 2004, effective date 1 September 2004, (No. 23 [2004] of the State Council). 263 Decision of the State Council about Further Strengthening Food Safety, issued on 1 September 2004, effective date 1 September 2004, Section 3 ‘Several Significant Measures’.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 75

As of 2006, the Chinese government reported to the wto Trade Policy Review body that at least sixteen institutions were involved in governing agriculture and related subsectors. It also noted that sub-national governments had become more influential, often being free to decide how to implement national measures, sometimes resulting in inter-regional variation.264 The same was true of food safety. At central government level, responsibility for food safety was divided among the State Administration for Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine (aqsiq),265 the Ministry of Health (MoH), the Ministry of Commerce (MoC), the State Administration for Industry and Commerce (saic),266 the Ministry of Agriculture (MoA) and the State Food and Drug Administration (sfda). The State Council did not act as a strong coordinating body. Administrative respon- sibility for food standards was fragmented between the China Standardi­ sation Administration (sac), Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Health, State Administration of Industry and Commerce (saic), aqsiq and the State Food and Drug Administration (sfda). Administrative responsibility for labelling was divided among sac, aqsiq and the Ministry of Agriculture, the latter being responsible for agricultural gmos.267 Leaving aside quarantine and the entry/ exit system as well as the Law on Agriculture, China’s main food safety mea- sures included the Food Hygiene Law, the Law on Animal Disease Prevention, the Law on Import and Export Commodity Inspection, the Law on Frontier Health and Quarantine, the Law on the Entry and Exit of Animals and Plant Quarantine and numerous implementing measures and rules.268 This fragmentation was replicated at each lower level of government, for example in Hebei Province and Shijiazhuang Municipality. For instance, Shijiazhuang City in 2010 was a prefecture-level city269 with a total population

264 World Trade Organization, Trade Policy Review Body. 28 February 2006. Trade Policy Review, People’s Republic of China, Report by the Secretariat, WT/TPR/S/161. (World Trade Organization, Geneva), p. 165. 265 On the organisational history of aqsiq and its competition with saic with regard to trademarks and counterfeiting, see Mertha, Piracy, supra note 240, 180–194. 266 On the organisational history of saic, see Ibid., 173–180, and Mertha ‘Soft Centralization’, supra note 217, at 794–795. 267 World Trade Organization, Trade Policy Review Body Report, Trade Policy Review, China, Report by the Secretariat, Revision, WT/TPR/S/199/Rev.1, 12 August 2008, at 69–70. 268 Part of this paragraph is drawn from Francis Snyder, ‘Multilateral Monitoring of Food Safety Law in China: The wto Trade Policy Review Mechanism, 2006–2014’, Peking University Transnational Law Review, 2, 2, 2014, pp. 321–410, at 347. 269 Below central government and above municipalities, the Chinese administrative hierar- chy comprises provinces, prefectures and counties. Prefecture-level cities (diji shi) is one of the four types of administrative unit in a prefecture. They have prefecture-level status

76 chapter 2 of more than 10 million; almost 3 million people lived in the urban area and almost 4 million in the built-up metro area. As of 2013, as an example of the most complex type of prefecture-level city, it administered 12 counties, 6 dis- tricts and 5 county-level cities.270 At the level of Shijiazhuang City (see Figure 2.2), there were six different authorities involved in different facets of food safety regulation. At the level of each of the countries and districts, there were also six different authorities. This extremely fragmented, indeed confus- ing and disparate organization of food safety regulation at local level reflected the fragmentation of food safety regulation into six different authorities at the levels of the central and provincial governments. Figure 2.2 indicates the leadership relations (bureaucratic lines) and profes- sional relations (coordination lines) between central government and food safety regulation in Shijiazhuang. It shows that leadership relations existed between the State Council, provincial government, municipal government and county and district governments. In Shijiazhuang City, municipal government was subject to provincial government, which in turn was subject to central gov- ernment, all within the Chinese party-state. Professional relations existed between the main food safety regulatory authorities (aqsiq, MoH, MoC, saic, MoA, sfda) at central government level and the same functionally specific authorities lower in the bureaucratic hierarchy.271 The six different functionally specific regulatory authorities at each level were subject to the bureaucratic

and thus govern surrounding counties, county-level districts and county-level cities and are subject to the local People’s Congress. See Shiuh-Shen Chien, ‘Prefectures and Prefecture-Level Cities: The Political Economy of Administrative Restructuring’, in Jae Ho Chung and Tao-Chiu Lam (eds), China’s Local Administration: Traditions and Changes in the Sub-National Hierarchy (Routledge, London and New York, 2010), 127–148 at 127–128, see also 135–147 (hereafter Chung and Lam, Local Administration). The complexity of shared competences is such that Chien (at 138) describes it as ‘a kind of free-for-all, in which governments at all levels can initiate policies and influence each other’. 270 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shijiazhuang, last accessed 22 September 2013. Chien iden- tifies these three sets of relations as ‘(1) prefecture-level-city governing counties (“city- leading-county”, shi guan xian), (2) prefecture-level-city governing county-level cities (“city-leading-city”, shi guan shi), and (3) prefecture-level-city governing county-level districts (“city-leading-districts”, shi guan qu)’: Shiuh-Shen Chien, ‘Prefectures and Prefecture-Level Cities: The Political Economy of Administrative Restructuring’, in Chung and Lam, Local Administration, supra note 269, at 136. 271 Before late 1998, the local aic had mainly kuai-based relations of authority, but it gradu- ally shifted to emphasise tiao-based relations. This was a form of ‘soft centralisation’, in which the provincial government replaced the prefectural government, county govern- ment and township and village governments in leadership relations with the aic at pre- fecture, county and township and village levels. The government at each level then was

Three Worlds Of Melamine 77

State Council

AQSIQ MoH MoC SAIC MoASFDA

Shijiazhuang Shijiazhuang Shijiazhuang Shijiazhuang Shijiazhuang Shijiazhuang Municipal Municipal Municipal Municipal Municipal Municipal AQSIQ HB CB AIC AB FDA

District/ District/ District/ District/ District/ District/ Country Country Country Country Country Country AQSIQ HB CB AIC AB FDA

Bureaucratic lines Coordination lines

AQSIQ: General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quaratine MoH: Ministry of Health; Health Bureau MoC: Ministry of Commerce; CB: Commerce Bureau SAIC: State Administration for Industry and Commerce AIC: Administraction for Industry and Commerce MoA: Ministry of Agriculture; AB: Agriculture Bureau SFDA: State Food and Drug Administration

Figure 2.2 Food safety regulatory authorities, Shijiazhuang City, 2008 Jing Li, Policy Coordination in China: The Cases of Infectious Disease and Food Safety Policy (lap Lambert Academic Publishing, Saarbrűcken, 2012, p. 78, Figure 5.9: Food Safety Regulation System in Shijiazhuang before Sanlu Incident. control of the eponymous functionally specific regulatory authority at the next higher level, running up to the level of ministries which are departments of the State Council. None of the ministries, however, or their offspring at lower levels had any power or responsibility for coordination. Coordination of the minis- tries was left to the State Council. At city level, the Shijiazhuang Municipal Food and Drug Administration exercised coordinating power over the other functionally specific authorities at the same municipal level. It did not how- ever exercise leadership relations over these same-level authorities. Instead, leadership relations with the City’s fda stemmed from the Shijiazhuang municipal government, closely intertwined with the Shijiazhuang Party Committee.

left with only professional, or non-legally-binding, relations with the aic at each level. See Mertha ‘Soft Centraliation’, supra note 217, at 794–795, 798 (Figure 1).

78 chapter 2

Administrative responsibilities were fragmented, central government con- trol was weak, and local government proved to be concerned mainly with social stability and economic growth. It is not surprising that, when the melamine crisis erupted, neither leadership relations nor professional rela- tions resulted in an adequate response. Despite the fact that there had been citizen complaints as early as December 2007, and despite the official scientific finding that Sanlu products contained melamine, there was little coordination between regulatory authorities in different provinces and even less action by either local (Shijiazhuang City or its subdivisions), provincial (Hebei Province) or central government regulatory agencies. Xiu and Klein recount that ‘[w]hen the melamine event was first reported, the government did not even know which of its departments should be responsible for it’.272 The administrative organization of regulatory authorities in the field of food safety made coordi- nation difficult, the assignment of responsibility almost impossible, and action a much less likely outcome in any situation than inaction or indeed inertia.

Food Safety Regulation of Melamine in Practice In early August 2008 a number of meetings were held between city and local governmental officials and Sanlu. It is extremely difficult to trace the number, dates and participants in various meetings, and indeed it is not always easy to confirm whether and when a meeting took place. Bearing these limitations in mind, the following discussion seeks to reconstruct the unfolding pattern of regulation in the melamine crisis. On the evening of 1 August 2008, Ms Tian Wenhua, the President of Sanlu, held an emergency Sanlu board meeting. Members of the Sanlu board from Fonterra, the New Zealand company that was Sanlu’s partner in the joint venture, proposed to recall the defective prod- ucts immediately. However, this proposal was rejected by representatives of Sanlu and of the Shijiazhuang city government.273 Instead the meeting decided that Sanlu would replace the existing formula with new formula to be put on the market, but that the existing formula would not be recalled, and also that the incident should be kept confidential. On 2 August, reportedly after having failed to resolve the problem on its own without publicity,274 Sanlu apparently reported the melamine contamination

272 Xiu and Klein, ‘Factors’, supra note 155, at 467. 273 See also Zhao Litao and Lim Tin Seng, ‘The Tainted Milk Formula Scandal: Another Hard Lesson for China’, eai Background Brief No. 406, 29 September 2008, at point 3.5. 274 Gong Jing and Liu Jingjing, ‘Spilling the Blame for China’s Milk Crisis’, Caijing Magazine, 10 October 2008, p. 1 available at http://english.caijing.com.cn/2008-10-10/110019183.html, last accessed 15 September 2013.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 79 to the municipal government of Shijiazhuang and requested the government to investigate milk producers and milk collection station operators and to help manage media response to the case.275 At the 2 August meeting, Shijiazhuang Deputy Mayor Zhao Xinchao headed a delegation of city government officials, who included the City Secretary General and officials from the Quality and Technology Supervision Bureau, Food and Drug Inspection Bureau, Industrial Development Bureau, Agriculture Bureau and the cpc Propaganda Department News Section.276 Another news report stated that the meeting included the Shijiazhuang Municipal Administration of Quality Supervision and Quarantine, the Municipal Food and Drug Administration, the Bureau of Agriculture and the Bureau of Industrial Development. The Sanlu representative proposed to recall the products, but government officials rejected the proposal.277 The local government refused to get involved. It emphasized instead that financial incentives could be used to prevent the parents of sick infants from taking fur- ther action. Reporting subsequently on the meeting, the New Zealand Herald quoted the then Fonterra chief executive as saying later that ‘we would have been much happier if this thing had been in the public domain sooner’, but in his view, as summarized by the Herald, ‘it would have been irresponsible for Fonterra to have gone public that day’. ‘What we had to do was ensure San Lu worked with Chinese authorities within normal guidelines of Chinese prac- tices to begin the recall and that’s what happened’.278 It was reported that on 14 August Fonterra briefed New Zealand diplomats in Beijing about a ‘product quality’ issue, giving an ‘informal indication’ to

275 According to Shijiazhuang city government spokesman Wang Jianguo, quoted in , ‘China milk scandal firm asked for cover-up help’, http://www.reuters.com/article/ 2008/10/01/us-china-milk-idUSTRE48T0-L920081001, last accessed 20 September 2013. 276 This list of participants is based on Wang Heyan, Tao Zhu and Doudou Ye, ‘Caijing Zazhi Tebie Baodao: Sanlu Du Naifen Shenpan (Caijing Magazine Special Report. Sanlu Poisonous Milk Powder Sentences), retrieved 20 January 2009 from http://www.sachina .edu.cn/Htmldata/news/2009/01/4773.html, cited in Li, PhD Thesis, supra note 128, at 136. 277 The New Zealand Prime Minister was reported as having said that a full recall had been blocked by Chinese local officials. As she was not informed of the melamine problem until 5 September, this information must have come from Fonterra representative on the Sanlu board. See Claire Trevett, ‘Fonterra: We acted responsibly on killer milk’, The New Zealand Herald, Tuesday 16 September 2008, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/ -business/news/article.cfm?c_id=3&objectid=10532373, last accessed 3 May 2014 (hereaf- ter Trevett, ‘Responsibly’). 278 Ibid.; Owen Hembry, ‘Fonterra: This is as bad as it gets’, The New Zealand Herald, Thursday, 18 September 2008, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/fonterras-chinese-milk-scandal/ news/article-.cfm?c_id=1502761&objectid=10532797; last accessed 3 May 2014. See also Fu and Nicoll, ‘Corporate Governance, supra note 131, at 110–111.

80 chapter 2 officials in the New Zealand embassy in Beijing that it was ‘receiving milk con- taminated by melamine’. This was followed by further communications and meetings, but the New Zealand government, in Beijing or in Auckland, took no further action till early September. On 5 September the New Zealand embassy in Beijing sent a formal report to the capital in Auckland, and on 8 September Prime Minister Helen Clark held a special meeting for concerned officials. Following this meeting, the New Zealand Ambassador and other embassy offi- cials in Beijing contacted their Chinese counterparts.279 It was also reported that the New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs on 5 September faxed to the Prime Minister a confidential briefing paper suggesting that organized crime may have been behind the melamine scandal, that the scandal could damage New Zealand’s interests and that the government through the Beijing embassy or directly from New Zealand should make contact with the Chinese authori- ties.280 In the New Zealand and Chinese media at least, as well as doubtless behind closed diplomatic doors, Fonterra was strongly criticized for not living up to its main business principle of ‘moral courage and leadership’, because though it apparently knew of the problem on 2 August it did not report the crisis to the government in New Zealand till 11 September.281 Subsequently

279 Fran O’Sullivan, ‘Clark should order inquiry into poisoned-milk crisis’, The New Zealand Herald, Saturday 20 September 2008, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/fonterras -chinese-milk-scandal/news/article.cfm?c_i-d=1502761&objectid=10533146, last accessed 3 May 2014: Fran O’Sullivan, ‘Embassy officials slow to call toxic alert’, The New Zealand Herald, Sunday, 21 September 2008, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/font-erras -chinese-milk-scandal/news/article.cfm?c_id=1502761&objectid=10533363, last accessed 3 May 2014. For further discussion, see Paula Oliver, ‘Grim future for milk culprits’, Friday 19, September 2008, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/fonterras-chinese-milk-scandal/ news/article.cfm?c_id=1502761&objectid=10532999, last accessed 3 May 2014. 280 Paula Oliver, ‘Gangsters linked to milk scandal’, The New Zealand Herald, Saturday, 18 October 2008, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/fonterras-chinese-milk-scandal/ news/article.cfm?c_id=1502761&objecti-d=10538158, last accessed 4 May 2014. 281 See ‘Editorial: Fonterra poison milk scandal a disaster waiting to happen’, The New Zealand Herald, Sunday, 21 September 2008, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/fonterras -chinese-milk-scandal/news/article.cfm?c_i-d=1502761&objectid=10533356, last accessed 3 May 2014; Owen Hembry, ‘Cost of disaster remains to be counted’, The New Zealand Herald, Monday, 22 September 2008, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/fonter-ras -chinese-milk-scandal/news/article.cfm?c_id=1502761&objectid=10533392, last accessed 3 May 2014. Fonterra repeatedly stated that it did not know of any problems till 2 August: see for example Owen Hembry and Eloise Gibson, ‘Fonterra had not heard of milk revela- tions – Ferrier’, The New Zealand Herald, Wednesday, 24 September 2008, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/fonterras-chinese-milk-scandal/news/article.cfm?c _i-d=1502761&objectid=10533828, last accessed 3 May 2014.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 81 the New Zealand Prime Minister stated that Fonterra should have taken a more active role and spoken out earlier.282 A further Sanlu urgent meeting was held on 13 August. The meeting decided to market only products with a much lower level of melamine content. Nevertheless, confronted with a continuing high demand for its products, the company never put this decision into effect.283 During the next five weeks Sanlu sold 904 metric tons of baby formula worth 47,560,000 yuan (about us$7 million) containing melamine, some reportedly over 2,000 mg of melamine per kilogram of product, compared to a reported European standard of 20 mg/ kg.284 Later in August Tian Wenhua gave an oral report to the Shijiazhuang Municipal Government and then a written report to update earlier informa- tion and requested the Municipal Government to report the incident to its administrative superiors. Both company and government, whether local, provincial or national, shared a common interest in keeping the emerging scandal out of the public eye. Concerned with the approaching Olympics, to be held in Beijing starting 8 August 2008 (‘8–8–08’), the Party and the government apparently restricted reporting of the emerging disaster.285 In early August, according to Richard McGregor, then a journalist in Beijing for the Financial Times (London), the cpc Publicity Department (中共中央宣传部, formerly known in English as the Propaganda Department) issued a directive, point 8 of the 21 points of which stated that ‘All food safety issues…are off limits’.286 This was reportedly the

282 See ‘Fonterra slow to speak on milk scandal – pm’, The New Zealand Herald, Monday, 22 September 2008, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/fonterras-chinese-milk-scandal/ news/article.cfm?c_id=1502761&objecti-d=10533487, last accessed 3 May 2014. 283 Liu, ‘Profits’, supra note 135, at 386–387. 284 Ye Tieqiao, ‘Revealing the Secret: Sanlu found Melamine in its Milk Products but Tried to Keep Silence’, available at http://www.chinanews.com.cn/gn/news/2009/01-01/1511162 .shtml, last accessed xxxxxx; see also David Barboza, ‘Former Executive Pleads Guilty in China Milk Scandal’, New York Times, 1 January 2209, at A10, cited in Liu, ‘Profits’, supra note 147, at 387, note 95. 285 On the changing role of the media, see Doug Young, The Party Line: How the Media Dictates Public Opinion in Modern China (John Wiley & Sons Singapore Pte. Ltd., Singapore, 2013); Susan L. Shirk (ed), Changing Media, Changing China (Oxford University Press, New York, 2011) (hereafter Shirk, Media); Doris Fischer, ‘Censorship and Marketization: Institutional Change within China’s Media’, in Thomas Heberer and Gunter Schubert (eds), Regime Legitimacy in Contemporary China: Institutional Change and Stability (Routledge, London, 2009), pp. 175–196. 286 McGregor, The Party, supra note 77, pp. 170–171, 174, 184–186 (the quotation is from p. 186). Richard McGregor is now the Financial Times bureau chief in Washington, dc. According to another account: ‘The timing of the powdered milk crisis, which coincided with the

82 chapter 2 reason why the Shijiazhuang municipal government did not reply to Sanlu’s request in early August to ‘manage’ the media so that it could recall the prod- ucts.287 As one scholar noted, the chairperson of the Sanlu board, Ms Tian Wenhua, would as a senior party member have received the cpc directive, but ‘Party discipline would have kept her from relaying this crucial information to her Fonterra business partners’.288 September was a dramatic month. On 8 September, the Shijiazhuang Municipal Government reported the incident to its hierarchical superior, the Hebei Provincial Government. It disclosed the Sanlu test report of 1 August

2008 Beijing Summer Olympic Games, appears to have rendered media attention on the crisis a virtual impossibility. Prior to the Olympic games, Chinese propaganda officials issued rules requiring domestic publications to obtain permission before publishing articles about food safety or other political delicate subjects [citing New York Times, ‘Despite Warnings, China’s Regulators Failed to Stop Tainted Milk’, http:www.nytimes .com/2008/09/27/world/asia/27milk.html (last visited November 30, 2008). Due to gov- ernmental insistence that the Olympic games should remain free of controversy, Chinese journals were pressured to keep quiet about any potentially disparaging news regarding Sanlu [citing id.]. As a result, at least one newspaper’s investigation in late July 2009, reporting that infants had fallen ill after consuming powdered milk manufactured by Sanlu Group, was suppressed by authorities and never published [citing See Wall Street Journal, ‘Press Controls Feed China’s Food Problem’, http://online.wsj.com/article/ SB12233246205820879.-html (last visited November 30, 2008): Alex Ferguson, ‘Govern­ mental Authority Versus Judicial Independence: The Abuse of Executive Power in China’s Contaminated Powdered Milk Crisis’, available at http://www.marle-rblog.com/uploads/ file/milkcrisis.pdf, last accessed 23 September 2013. See also Reuters, ‘China milk scandal firm asked for cover-up help’, http://www.reuters.com/article/2008/10/01/us-china-milk -idUSTRE48T0L9200-81001. Li Jing reports that ‘The period of the Olympics especially August 2008 was a sensitive time and it is likely that the ccp Propaganda Department banned stories on food safety problems during that time’: see Li, PhD Thesis, supra note 128 at 135, see also 136–137. For a similar but more circumspect account, see Liu, ‘Profits’, supra note 135, at 397. 287 ‘China: Sanlu Group Sought Government Help to Cover Up Tainted Milk Recall’, available at http://digitaljournal.com/article/260553, last accessed 30 March 2012. 288 Anne-Marie Brady, ‘Saving Face, Not Lives’, The Sunday Times Star [New Zealand], 23 September 2008, published in YaleGlobal Online Magazine, available at http://yaleglobal. yale.edu/content/saving-face-not-lives, last accessed 19 April 2012. See also Anne-Mary Brady and He Yong, ‘Talking Up the Market; Economic Propaganda in Contemporary China’, in Anne-Marie Brady (ed), China’s Thought Management (Routledge, London, 2014), 36–56, at 51. The Constitution of the Communist Party of China states that Party members must ‘adhere to the principle that the interests of the Party and the people stand above everything else’ (Article 3(3)): Constitution of the Communist Party of China, p. 37 (Foreign Languages Press, Beijing, 2001).

Three Worlds Of Melamine 83 that showed the presence of melamine in their dairy products.289 Another source reports that the Hebei Provincial Government290 and the central gov- ernment, the Provincial Government’s hierarchical superior, were informed on 9 September. It apparently ‘took the [municipal] government thirty-eight days (instead of two hours stipulated by a State Council regulation) to forward Sanlu’s report to the provincial government’291 for reasons, according to a spokesperson of the Shijiazhuang government, of ‘support for local business- es’.292 Among the factors underlying this policy were not only ‘professional relationships’ but also the ‘organisation responsibility system’ of managing and evaluating the performance of local government officials. Criteria for eval- uation included economic growth, remittance of taxes and social stability; they did not include food safety.293 On 8 September, two widely read newspapers, the Southern Daily (NánFāng Rìbào), the official cpc newspaper in Guangdong Province, and the Oriental Morning Post (DōngFāng Zǎobào) in Shanghai published complaints con­ cerning infants’ kidney stone problems which had occurred after consuming Sanlu infant formula, thus drawing broad public attention to the mounting crisis. Four days later, China Daily reported that a spokesperson for the Ministry of Health stated that a laboratory investigation showed that samples of Sanlu baby milk food contained traces of cyanuramide.294

289 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nanfang_Daily, last accessed 1 April 2012. 290 According to Bloomberg News reporter John Liu, ‘China Milk Scandal Shows Ties Between Companies, City Officials’, 18 September 2008, available at http://bloomberg.com/apps/ news?pid=newsarchive&sid=aphp1-fx8M0Mw&refer=india, last accessed 1 April 2012. 291 Fu and Nicoll, ‘Corporate Governance’, supra note 131, at 110 [fs: footnote omitted]. 292 Nan Su, ‘Why Report of Sanlu Incident was Delayed?’ [Sanlu Shijian Weihe Chichi Bubao] (in Chinese), China Daily (online), 1 October 2008, http://paper.people.com.cn/rmrb/ html/2008-10/01/content_112000.htm; and bbc News, ‘China Dairy “Asked for Cover-up”’, 1 October 2008, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/7646512.stm, both cited in JFu and Nicoll, ‘Corporate Governance’, supra note 143, at 110, note 30. 293 Burns et al., ‘Dublin’, supra note 137, at 7. On ors in China generally, see John P. Burns and Zhou Zhiren, ‘Performance Management in the Government of the People’s Republic of China: Accountability and Control in the Implementation of Public Policy’, oecd Journal on Budgeting, 2, 2012, available at http://www.oecd.org/china/48169592.pdf, last accessed 13 September 2013. Burns and Zhou (at 17) give seven targets, each with criteria, for ors in a county government in 2005: Party building, anti-corruption, family planning, dealing with mass complaints, production safety, propaganda work and spiritual civilisation con- struction, and comprehensive social security. Food safety does not figure anywhere in the list, unless one considers that it could be included under ‘mass complaints’. 294 ‘Sanlu to recall milk powder as baby dies’, China Daily, 12 September 2008, http://www .lawinfochina.-com/Search/DisplayInfo.aspx?id=6904&lib=news&keyTitle=milk&keyCT

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Nevertheless, Sanlu refused on the morning of 11 September to acknowledge quality problems. It announced that its products were in accordance with national standards and were approved by the government’s quality supervi- sion departments. However, in addition to Hebei Province, similar cases of melamine contamination of dairy products were reported in Anhui, Hubei, Hunan, Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Ningxia, Shandong and Shanxi Provinces. The Jiangsu Provincial Office of Health stated that no quality inspection report for Sanlu had been issued, even though Sanlu claimed that its products had been approved by the Provincial Administration of Quality Supervision. On 12 September the Gansu Provincial Administration of Quality Supervision and Quarantine similarly declared that it had never received a quality inspection application from Sanlu. This was perhaps not surprising, because aqsiq had granted Sanlu and other leading dairy companies, including Mengnui and Yili, ‘inspection-free’ status for some years after the companies met government standards for dairy products in previous years.295 Later, however, in a press conference on 15 September the Information Office of Gansu Provincial Government confirmed a causal link between the death of two babies in the province and Sanlu products.296 On 9 September, the New Zealand government reportedly instructed its ambassador in Beijing to inform the Chinese government of the problem and ‘[t]he full , and the massive fallout, began immediately’.297 The national Ministry of Health confirmed, on the evening of the 12th, that traces of melamine sufficient to cause kidney stones had been found in Sanlu’s milk

itle=, accessed 29 March 2009. On the toxicity of , a salt of melamine and cyanuric acid, see Xiaofang Pei, Annuradha Tandon, Anton Alldrick, Liana Giorgi, Wei Huang and Ruijia Yang, ‘The Chinese melamine milk scandal and its implications for food safety regulation’, Food Policy, 36, 2011, 412–420 at 412–413 (hereafter Pei et al, ‘Implications’). 295 See Gong Jing and Liu Jingjing, ‘Spilling the Blame for China’s Milk Crisis’, Caijing Magazine, 10 October 2008, p. 3 available at http://english.caijing.com.cn/2008-10-10/110019183 .html, accessed 29 March 2012; and personal information. 296 ‘Sanlu Milk Events’ [Sanlu Naifen Shijian] [in Chinese], available at http://www.cnii.com .cn/wlw/content/-2011-09/19/content_918291.htm; last accessed on 5 February 2015; See also http://baike.baidu.com/view/215-4221.htm?fromtitle=%E4%B8%89%E9%B9%BF& fromid=3291423&type=syn#4, last accessed 5 February 2015. 297 McGregor, The Party, supra note 77, p. 188. The New Zealand Prime Minister found out about the issue on 5 September 2008: see Trevett, ‘Responsibly’, supra Chapter 2 note 277. See also Alex Ferguson, ‘Governmental Authority Versus Judicial Independence: The Abuse of Executive Power in China’s Contaminated Milk Crisis’, available at http://www .marlerblog.com/uploads/-file/milkcrisis.pdf. Note that the 5th of September 2008 was a Friday….

Three Worlds Of Melamine 85 products. As a result apparently of central government intervention, Sanlu acknowledged the melamine contamination of its products and announced that it would recall approximately 700 tonnes of its infant formula.298 Starting 11 September, Sanlu began accepting returns from customers. It claimed that the contamination was the fault of illegal dairy farmers who added melamine to fresh milk. Sanlu was ordered by central government to stop production and sales.299 The same evening Tian Wenhua, president of Sanlu, published her first pub- lic response to the incident, claiming that Sanlu was innocent and that the problems had been caused by illegal dairy farmers. However, following a Chinese practice used frequently by government officials or business people accused of wrongdoing and now encapsulated in legislation,300 she also apolo- gized publicly, in her case for not giving notice earlier to the public about the contamination of milk products. In addition, according to Chenglin Liu, the local government apologized for its failure to report the problem to central government immediately as required by law. Liu quotes other commentators to the effect that ‘the local government’s first reaction was how to help Sanlu avoid bad publicity and eliminate the negative effects of the scandal’ and that ‘[t]he real purpose of the apology was to beg forgiveness from those high offi- cials with the authority to determine the political futures of local leaders’.301 Other dairy product manufacturers, such as Dumex, Abbott, Wyeth, and Bright Dairy, declared publicly on the following day that their products were not contaminated with melamine. By 16 September, however, aqsiq governmental

298 Much of the information in this paragraph is based on ‘Sanlu to recall milk powder as baby dies’, China Daily, 12 September 2008, http://www.lawinfochina.com/Search/DisplayInfo .aspx?id=6904&lib=news&keyTitle=mil-k&keyCTitle=, accessed 29 March 2009. 299 , ‘China reports 432 infants with kidney stones’, 13 September 2008, available at http://www.china.org.cn/china/national/2008-09/13/content_16448827.htm, last accessed 26 January 2015. 300 The ‘take the blame and resign’ system began with the sars incident. It was included in the April 2004 Provisional Regulations on the Resignation of Leading Cadres of the Party and Government (Adopted at the 15th Session of the Standing Committee of the Tenth National People’s Congress on 27 April 2005, promulgated and came into force as of 1 January 2006); see Zou Keyuan, ‘Rule of Law and Governance’, in John Wong and Lai Hongyi (eds), China into the Hu-Wen Era: Policy Initiatives and Challenges World Scientific, Singapore, 2006), pp. 191–216 at pp. 199–20. As a head of the cpc Committee of a major company, Tian Wenhua would have been covered by the system. 301 Liu, ‘Obstacles’, supra note 122, at 292–293. Liu (at 292) summarises the apology; the two quotations are from p. 293, citing original news reports from Xinhuanet which as of 19 January 2015 are no longer available on the webpages to which Liu refers.

86 chapter 2 inspectors had found melamine in numerous batches of baby milk powder pro- duced by 22 different companies, including Mengniu, Yili and Yashili.302 The World Health Organization called the crisis ‘one of the largest food safety events’ it had ever had to deal with.303 The Shijiazhuang Municipal Government then announced, for the first time, that the incident was caused by illegal dairy farmers, as had previously been stated by Sanlu. What exactly, however, did ‘illegal dairy farmers’ mean? The majority of dairy farmers, whose cows were producing the raw milk, were not exercising their profession illegally, nor were they mainly responsible for the illegal addition of melamine to milk. Milk collection stations were not farmers, in any sense of the word, or at least in collecting milk they were not acting as farmers, though it seems that they were primarily responsible for the act of adding melamine to milk. Nor does the terminology apply to companies, such as Sanlu, which condoned, at least tacitly, the addition of melamine. Rather it appears to have been intended by the Municipal Government (and Sanlu) to deflect attention from the fact that milk processors knew of, accepted and even condoned the addition of melamine. One may speculate that this tactic was intended to protect the Sanlu company, including its president; it exemplified the close professional relations [kuàikuài lǐngdǎo guānxì 块块领 导关系] between the company and local government.

Intervention of Central Party-State Authorities Central government, as the last resort, intervened in the crisis for the first time on 11 September. Initially, individual ministries acted on their own or in con- junction with other ministries at the same hierarchical level, each within the assumed boundaries of its own separate administrative responsibilities. Among them the most prominent was the Ministry of Health, which in principle under the 1995 Food Hygiene Law304 had overall legal responsibility for food hygiene, except for edible agricultural products which fell under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Agriculture. At a press conference on 11 September, an official from

302 Xinhua, ‘Quality watchdog cancels inspection exemptions for food producers’, www .chinaview.cn, 18 September 2008 04:44:07, available at http://news.xinhuanet.com/ english/2008-09/18/content_10070801.htm, accessed 30 March 2012. 303 Voice of America, ‘China’s Melamine Milk Crisis Creates Crisis of Confidence’, http://www .voanews.com/-content/a-13-2008-09-26-voa45/403825.html, last visited 13 September 2013. 304 Food Hygiene Law of the People’s Republic of China, Adopted at the 16th Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Eighth National People’s Congress on 30 October 1995, and promulgated by Order No. 59 of the President of the People’s Republic of China on 30 October 1995, and effective as of the date of promulgation (Repealed by the 2009 Food Safety Law on June 1, 2009), Article 3.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 87 the Ministry of Health indicated that Sanlu powdered milk was tainted with melamine, and confirmed the following day that melamine could cause infants to develop kidney stones. The Ministry ‘required doctors to report cases of babies with kidney problems, organized top Chinese doctors to contribute their knowledge, taught doctors across the country, and sent medical teams to poor regions’.305 The Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Agriculture and Information Technology jointly issued an urgent notice to strengthen supervi- sion and administration of infant formula.306 In addition, the Ministry of Health and the State Food and Drug Administration also jointly issued an urgent mes- sage to strengthen supervision and administration of infant formula. The Ministry of Health and other departments began an on-site inspection of Sanlu’s premises. The General Administration of Quality Supervision and Inspection, using 150 inspection centres, conducted an inspection of manufac- turers of infant formula throughout China.307 On 14 September the Ministry of Agriculture issued an urgent message to strengthen safety control of produc- tion and quality of fresh milk. It announced that it planned to conduct special quality control inspections of fresh milk in 50 key counties; the list of the coun- ties is not open to the public, but they were mainly in Inner Mongolia, Heilongjiang, Henan, Hebei, Shandong, Shanxi, Xinjiang, and Beijing. The Minister of Agriculture, Dr Sun Zhengcai, was reported as having stated that the blame lay mainly on milk collecting stations, that ‘the purchasing process is basically out of control’ and that the government should ‘crack down on them with the greatest determination and the toughest measures’.308 Centralized, decisive high-level leadership soon proved to be both neces- sary, however, to overcome institutional fragmentation at lower levels of

305 Li, PhD Thesis, supra note 128, at 111. 306 On the normative status of administrative instruments, see Peter Howard Corne, Foreign Investment in China: The Administrative Legal System (Hong Kong University Press, Hong Kong, 1997), pp. 62–83 (hereafter Corne, Investment), and Jan Michiel Otto, Maurice V. Polak, Jianfu Chen and Yuwen Li (eds), Law-Making in the People’s Republic of China (Kluwer Law International, The Hague, 2000) (hereafter Otto et al.). 307 According to Li Changjiang, at that time still head of aqsiq: ‘Inspection results on milk powder to be publicized’, Xinhua New Agency, 15 September 2008, available at http://www.china.org .cn/government/news/-2008-09-15/content_16455974.html, last accessed 20 September 2013. 308 ap, with Staff Writer, Beijing, ‘Chinese official says dairy industry is “out of control”’, Taipei Times, Wednesday, 24 September 2008, p. 1, available at http://www.taipeitimes.com/ News/front/archives/2008/09/24/-2003424090, last accessed 3 December 2014; the first quotation also was reported in Mary-Anne Toy, Hohot, ‘Milk of human blindness’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 27 September 2008, available at http://www.smh.com.-au/world/ milk-of-human-blindness-20080926-4ouu.html, last accessed 3 December 2014.

88 chapter 2 government309 as well as at the level of central government. On 13 September the State Council established a First Class Major Food Safety Accident Response and Work Leading Small Group (lsg).310 Such leading groups ‘typically bring […] together all the senior officials in China with responsibil- ity for different aspects of a comprehensive functional arena’.311 According to one report, the lsg on this occasion comprised a total of 16 units, includ- ing different ministries and other government and Party organs. Members represented the Ministry of Health, Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, mofcom, Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Industry and Information Technology, Ministry of Supervision, Ministry of Public Security, aqsiq, saic, sfda, National Development and Reform Commission, Propaganda Department of the cpc Central Committee, Information Office of the State Council, Taiwan Affairs Office of the State Council and Hebei Provincial Government.312

309 See also Fu and Nicoll, supra note 131, ‘at 112; Zhao Lin and Lim Ting Seng, ‘The Tainted Milk Formula Scandal: Another Hard Lesson for China’, in Litao Zhao and Lim Ting Seng (eds) China’s New Social Policy: Initiatives for a Harmonious Society (World Scientific Publishing Company, Singapore, 2009, 195–210 at 205. 310 The official name of the State Council Leading Small Group was ‘Sanlu Brand Milk Powder Major Security Incident Crisis Leading Small Group’: see Burns et al., ‘Dublin’, supra note 137, at 26. According to the Scenario Plan for Market Supervision in the Administration of Industry and Commerce System, (Gongshangban Zi No. 86) (《工商行政管理系统市场 监管应急预案》), issued by the State Administration of Industry and Commerce (saic) on 29 June 2005, ‘First Class Major Food Safety Accident’ refers to an epidemic happening nationwide, major social security events and market fluctuation caused by serious disaster. A ‘First Class Major Food Safety Accident Report’ must be submitted to the General Office of saic by the local Administration of Industry and Commerce (aic) where an emergency happens. The ‘First Class Major Food Accident Response’ includes (a) the leading team for market supervision and emergency solution from the saic has the right to announce the establish of the First Class Scenario Plan and a special directorate for the emergency situ- ation, (b) the special directorate for the emergency situation shall act immediately to hold a meeting of all the relevant departments of saic and set out detailed solutions which could be circulated to the local aics, and (c) the local aics shall act immediately to enforce the solutions circulated by the saic and set out suitable solutions according to the rele- vant situation. ‘These leading groups are not routinely publicized, but they have inordi- nate influence over policy in their respective policy spheres’, according to David Shambaugh, ‘System’, supra note 236, at 32 [original footnote omitted]. 311 Carol Lee Hamrin, ‘The Party Leadership System’, in Lieberthal and Lampton Bureacracy, supra note 145, at 115. See also Kenneth G. Lieberthal, ‘Introduction’, in Lieberthal and Lampton, Bureaucracy, supra note 145, at 13–14, 20–21. 312 Chinanews, The Sanlu Brand Milk Powder Major Security Incident Crisis Leading Small Group Deployed the Emergency Response Working Plan (15 September 2008) (国家处理

Three Worlds Of Melamine 89

lsgs are usually chaired by a member of the cpc Politburo Standing Committee in charge of the specific functional portfolio or xitong.313 In the circumstances this role would usually have fallen to the Ministry of Health.314 However, the new Minister, the very distinguished Professor Chen Zhu, previously Vice-President of the Chinese Academy of Sciences (cas), was not a member of the cpc.315 Hence the chair was assumed in addition by Gao Qiang, a member of the cpc Central Committee who was also Party Secretary of the Ministry of Health.316 After having served for many years in the Hebei Province Finance Department and then Ministry of Finance, Gao Qiang had moved in 2003 to the Ministry of Health, where he served successively as Executive Vice-Minister, Vice-Minister, and then from 2005–2007 as Minister of Health before resuming the position of Vice-Minister on Professor Chen’s appointment in 2007. Gao Qiang’s position in the Party Central Committee enabled him to provide strong leadership to a very disparate group.317

三鹿奶粉事件领导小组部署应急处置工作) (2008年9月15日) http://www.chinanews .com/gn/news/2008/09-15/1382155.shtml, last accessed on 14 May 2014. A slightly different list appears to be given in Li, PhD Thesis, supra note 140, at 141. The inconsistency may however be simply a result of mistranslation. I have no information concerning the spe- cific individuals who represented each organisation, except as discussed later in the text. 313 Lieberthal remarks that ‘China is awash in organizations but generally has weak institu- tions. Key appointments in the elite power game, moreover, are those to the hidden lead- ership organizations that manage the various xitong’: Lieberthal, Governing, supra note 207, at 219. 314 On functional systems, coordination points (zong kou si) and staffing in leading groups, see Carol Lee Hamrin, ‘The Party Leadership System’, in Lieberthal and Lampton, Bureaucracy, supra note 145, at 99–105. 315 In fact, in 2012 Professor Chen became Chairman of the Chinese Peasants’ and Workers’ Democratic Party (中国农工民主党, Zhōngguó Nónggōng Mínzhǔdǎng), which, accord- ing to Wikipedia ‘[currently] comprises a membership of 65,000, most of whom work in the fields of public health, culture and education, science and technology’ (see (http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_Peasants%27_and_Workers%27_Democratic_Party, last accessed 1 December 2014). Professor Chen was Minister of Health until 2013, when he became Vice-Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress. 316 Xinhua Net, The First Class Major Food Safety Accident Response and Work Leading Small Group Established (13 September 2008) (启动国家重大食品安全事故I级响应 机制处置三鹿事件) (2008年9月13日) http://news.xinhuanet.com/local/2008-09/13/ content_9973085.htm, last accessed on 14 May 2014. 317 For an example of the difficulties of decision-making in a Chinese ministry, see the exam- ple of the Ministry of Commerce administrative rule-making and administrative redeter- mination of countervailing and anti-dumping duties in China – Countervailing and Anti-dumping Duties on Grain Oriented Flat-Rolled Electrical Steel from the United States, WT/DS414/12, Arbitration under Article 21.3 (c) of the Understanding on Rules and

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A native son of Hebei,318 his deep local connections and important roles in the Party and central government undoubtedly proved valuable in asserting the power of the provincial authorities against that of the city,319 particularly because he was not from the city itself but rather from Canzhou, about 230 km from Shijiazhuang. In addition, the conjunction of his Party positions and his strong provincial con- tacts served to foster both ‘soft centralisation’, in the sense of shifting authority for local food safety policy away from Shijiazhuang Municipality and toward Hebei Provence,320 as well as ‘hard centralisation’, in the sense of emphasizing that ulti- mate authority for food safety regulation lay with the Party and central govern- ment. Gao Qiang was a central government official, and his principal orientation was toward central policy preferences, not those of the province or, still less, those of the municipality.321 If we consider the melamine crisis to be an unfortunate side- effect of the globalisation of China’s food economy, we can agree with Yumin Sheng’s conclusion that globalisation does not necessarily result in centrifugal forces but instead may lead to an increase in central government control.322 The lsg established several working groups or units. Reflecting the existing pattern of administrative fragmentation, these units were chaired by different ministries or organs: an incident investigation group chaired by the Ministry of Health, a product testing group chaired by aqsiq, a market security group chaired by saic, a news release group chaired by the cpc Central Propaganda Department (cpd), medical treatment group chaired by the Ministry of Health, and the lsg office, which was located in the Ministry of Health Supervision Bureau.323 Note that the Ministry of Health played the leading role, as one

Procedure Governing the Settlement of Disputes, Award of the Arbitrator Claus-Dieter Ehlermann, ARB-2013-1/27, 3 May 2012. ARB-2013-1/27, 3 May 2012. 318 See his curriculum vitae at China Vitae, ‘Gao Qiang’, available at http://www.chinavitae .com/biography/-Gao_Qiang%7C2133, last accessed 16 January 2015. 319 Compare Paul E. Schroeder, ‘Territorial Actors as Competitors for Power: The Case of Hubei and Wuhan’, in Lieberthal and Lampton, Bureaucracy, supra note 145, pp. 283–307. 320 On ‘soft centralisation’, see Mertha, ‘Soft Centralization’, supra note 217, who argues that the centralisation of regulatory functions up to the provincial level has tended to check local protectionism at municipal level and to benefit provincial authorities. 321 On the general Chinese administrative ‘rule of avoidance’ of not appointing native sons to local positions, see Sheng, Openness, supra note 80, 124–125. Following his analysis (at 123–129) of provincial party secretaries, it seems clear that, even had Gao Qiang been a provincial party secretary rather than a central government official, his principal orienta- tion would still have been toward central policy preferences. 322 Sheng, Openness, supra note 80, especially 222–244. 323 Li, PhD Thesis, supra note 128, at 140–141. On the internal organisation of the Ministry of Health at the time, including the Supervision Bureau, see ‘Ministry of Health’, China

Three Worlds Of Melamine 91 would expect from the Food Hygiene Law, and also that release of news to the media (risk communication) was the responsibility of the cpd. Consistently with the well-tried pattern of administrative fragmentation, ‘the lsg’s orders were transmitted to local governments through different sys- tems’, including Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Public Security, aqsic, saic, [and] sfda’324 As described by Li Jing:

Every day the office collected information before noon for a coordination meeting scheduled for 4 pm, at which 16 member units would meet together to discuss the work of the day and plan for the next day, which was reported to the State Council General Office and to the Politburo Standing Committee member and Vice Premier with responsibility for health Li Keqiang. Such a situation lasted for about a month.325

Not only with this procedure consistent with the standard pattern of adminis- trative fragmentation. Most senior officials had little if any experience of food safety regulation; this included the Minister of Health, who in any event had assumed the position only the preceding year.326 Making use of both leader- ship relations and professional relations under the supervision of a very high- level central government official may have served as one way to remedy this shortcoming. It brought available expertise together in overlapping networks from central to local government, despite the risk of inertia due to the cumula- tion of levels of bargaining. To galvanise and orient governmental action, the State Council, led by Premier Wen Jiabao, held an executive meeting in Beijing on 17 September 2008. The participants constituted an extremely high-level group, with wide experience, and representing different factions as well as the major institu- tional interests potentially involved in the management of the crisis. Table 2.3 shows the members, their governmental and Party positions at the time, their

Factfile, available at http://english1.english.gov.cn/2005-10/09/content_75326.htm, last accessed 1 December 2014. 324 Xinhua Net, The First Class Major Food Safety Accident Response and Work Leading Small Group Established (13 September 2008) (启动国家重大食品安全事故I级响应 机制处置三鹿事件) (2008年9月13日) http://news.xinhuanet.com/local/2008-09/13/ content_9973085.htm, last accessed on 14 May 2014; Li, PhD Thesis, supra note 140, at 141. 325 Li, PhD Thesis, supra note 128, at 140–141. 326 At that time senior officials at the Ministry of Health, despite their outstanding distinc- tions in medicine and many other fields, did not seem to have training or experience in matters of food safety: see China Vitae, Ministry of Health, http://www.chinavitae.com/ institution/sta/3100.851&show=list, last accessed 11 May 2014.

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Table 2.3 Participants at State Council executive meeting on the melamine crisis, 17 September 2008

Institution Name Government position Party position as of Other positions University and field Province represented as of september 2008 september 2008 of study of birth

State Council Wen Jiabao Premier; Director, State Energy Secretary, State Council cpc, Previously Director, cpc General Office Beijing Institute of Geology, Commission Leading Party Group; Member, (1986–1993), Vice-Minister (Undergraduate major in 17th cpc Central Committee; and Member and Deputy Secretary, geological surveying and Member, 17th cpc Politburo; cpc Leading Party Group, Ministry prospecting, Postgraduate Member, 17th cpc Politburo of Land and Resources (1983–1985), major in geological structure) Standing Committee; Chairman, other positions at same Ministry, 1968–1983 17th cpc Central Committee, Leading Group for Finance and Economics Ministry of Chen Zhu Minister of Health none 2000–2007 Vice-President, Chinese Shanghai No. 2 Medical Sciences Shanghai Health Academy of Sciences University, then University of Paris (PhD) Ministry of Dai Bingguo Deputy Minister, Ministry Member, 17th cpc Central State Councilor of the State Council Foreign Affairs College Guizhou Foreign Affairs of Foreign Affairs; Committee; 2003–2007 2008–2013 State Councilor, Secretary, Ministry of Foreign State Council Affairs cpc Party Committee Ministry of Gao Qiang Vice-Minister of Health Member, 17th cpc Central most of career at Ministry of Finance Renmin University (economics) Hebei Health [also Committee Finance] Ministry of Hui Liangyu Vice-Premier, State Council Member, 17th cpc Central Jilin Agricultural University Jilin Agriculture Committee; Member, 17th cpc (economics) Central Committee Politburo aqisq Li Changjiang Director, aqsiq member, 17th cpc Central Changchun Institute of Optical Heilongjiang Committee Precision Machinery Li Keqiang Deputy Director, State Deputy Secretary, State Peking University, Law Anhui Energy Commission; Council cpc Leading Party Department and Masters Executive Vice-Premier, Group; Member, 17th cpc and PhD in Economics State Council Central Committee Politburo; Member, 17th cpc Central Committee Politburo Standing Committee; Vice-Chairman, 17th cpc Central Committee Leading Group for Finance and Econmics

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Institution Name Government position Party position as of Other positions University and field Province represented as of september 2008 september 2008 of study of birth

State Council Wen Jiabao Premier; Director, State Energy Secretary, State Council cpc, Previously Director, cpc General Office Beijing Institute of Geology, Commission Leading Party Group; Member, (1986–1993), Vice-Minister (Undergraduate major in 17th cpc Central Committee; and Member and Deputy Secretary, geological surveying and Member, 17th cpc Politburo; cpc Leading Party Group, Ministry prospecting, Postgraduate Member, 17th cpc Politburo of Land and Resources (1983–1985), major in geological structure) Standing Committee; Chairman, other positions at same Ministry, 1968–1983 17th cpc Central Committee, Leading Group for Finance and Economics Ministry of Chen Zhu Minister of Health none 2000–2007 Vice-President, Chinese Shanghai No. 2 Medical Sciences Shanghai Health Academy of Sciences University, then University of Paris (PhD) Ministry of Dai Bingguo Deputy Minister, Ministry Member, 17th cpc Central State Councilor of the State Council Foreign Affairs College Guizhou Foreign Affairs of Foreign Affairs; Committee; 2003–2007 2008–2013 State Councilor, Secretary, Ministry of Foreign State Council Affairs cpc Party Committee Ministry of Gao Qiang Vice-Minister of Health Member, 17th cpc Central most of career at Ministry of Finance Renmin University (economics) Hebei Health [also Committee Finance] Ministry of Hui Liangyu Vice-Premier, State Council Member, 17th cpc Central Jilin Agricultural University Jilin Agriculture Committee; Member, 17th cpc (economics) Central Committee Politburo aqisq Li Changjiang Director, aqsiq member, 17th cpc Central Changchun Institute of Optical Heilongjiang Committee Precision Machinery Li Keqiang Deputy Director, State Deputy Secretary, State Peking University, Law Anhui Energy Commission; Council cpc Leading Party Department and Masters Executive Vice-Premier, Group; Member, 17th cpc and PhD in Economics State Council Central Committee Politburo; Member, 17th cpc Central Committee Politburo Standing Committee; Vice-Chairman, 17th cpc Central Committee Leading Group for Finance and Econmics

94 chapter 2

Table 2.3 Participants at State Council executive meeting on the melamine crisis, 17 September 2008 (cont.)

Institution Name Government position Party position as of Other positions University and field Province represented as of september 2008 september 2008 of study of birth

National Liang Guanglie Minister, Ministry of National Member, 17th cpc Central 2002–2007 Chief of the General State Henan University and National Sichuan Defense Defense; State Councilor, State Committee; Member, 17th cpc of pla Defense University Council Central Committee Central Military Commission Beijing Liu Yandong Vice-Chairman, Chinese Member, 17th cpc Central 2002–2007 Head, cpc Central Committee’s Tsinghua University (chemical Jiangsu Olympics Olympic Committee, Beijing Committee; Member, 17th cpc United Front Work Department; 2003–2008 engineering), Jilin University Organising Committee for the Central Committee Politburo; Vice-Chair, 10th cppcc National Committee (PhD in political science) xxix Olympiad; State Councilor, Deputy Secretary, Being State Council Organising Committee for the xxix Olympiad cpc Leading Party Group; Member, State Council cpc Leading Party Group ndrc Ma Kai 2003–2008 Minister, National Member, 17th cpc Central Renmin University (politics and Shanghai Development and Reform Committee; Secretary, ndrc economics) Commission;­ 2003–2008 Director, cpc Leading Party Group General Office, State Energy Commission; 2003–2008 Director, Western Regional Development Office; 2008–2013 State Councilor, State Council; 2008–2013 Secretary General, State Council Public Security Meng Jianzhu Minister of Public Security; State Party Secretary, Ministry of Shanghai Mechanical Engineering Jiangsu Councilor, State Council Public Security; Member, 17th Institute (Suzhou cpc Central Committee; City) Member, State Council cpc Leading Group saic? Zhang Dejiang from 2007: Director, 20082013 Member, State Council Yanbian University Liaoning State Council Safety Production cpc Leading Group; Member, Jilin Province (Korean language), Committee; 2008–2013 17th cpc Central Committee; then Kim Il Sung Comprehensive Vice-Premier, State Council Member, 17th cpc Central University (economics) Committee Politburo source: Compiled by the author based on information available in the following sources: the China Vitae website at http://www.chinavitae.com/index.php, last accessed 20 January 2015; Bo Zhiyue, China’s Elite Politics: Political →

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Institution Name Government position Party position as of Other positions University and field Province represented as of september 2008 september 2008 of study of birth

National Liang Guanglie Minister, Ministry of National Member, 17th cpc Central 2002–2007 Chief of the General State Henan University and National Sichuan Defense Defense; State Councilor, State Committee; Member, 17th cpc of pla Defense University Council Central Committee Central Military Commission Beijing Liu Yandong Vice-Chairman, Chinese Member, 17th cpc Central 2002–2007 Head, cpc Central Committee’s Tsinghua University (chemical Jiangsu Olympics Olympic Committee, Beijing Committee; Member, 17th cpc United Front Work Department; 2003–2008 engineering), Jilin University Organising Committee for the Central Committee Politburo; Vice-Chair, 10th cppcc National Committee (PhD in political science) xxix Olympiad; State Councilor, Deputy Secretary, Being State Council Organising Committee for the xxix Olympiad cpc Leading Party Group; Member, State Council cpc Leading Party Group ndrc Ma Kai 2003–2008 Minister, National Member, 17th cpc Central Renmin University (politics and Shanghai Development and Reform Committee; Secretary, ndrc economics) Com­mission; 2003–2008 Director, cpc Leading Party Group General Office, State Energy Commission; 2003–2008 Director, Western Regional Development Office; 2008–2013 State Councilor, State Council; 2008–2013 Secretary General, State Council Public Security Meng Jianzhu Minister of Public Security; State Party Secretary, Ministry of Shanghai Mechanical Engineering Jiangsu Councilor, State Council Public Security; Member, 17th Institute (Suzhou cpc Central Committee; City) Member, State Council cpc Leading Group saic? Zhang Dejiang from 2007: Director, 20082013 Member, State Council Yanbian University Liaoning State Council Safety Production cpc Leading Group; Member, Jilin Province (Korean language), Committee; 2008–2013 17th cpc Central Committee; then Kim Il Sung Comprehensive Vice-Premier, State Council Member, 17th cpc Central University (economics) Committee Politburo

Transition and Power Balancing (World Scientific, Singapore, 2007); Bo Zhiyue, China’s Elite Politics: Governance and Democratization (World Scientific, Singapore, 2010).

96 chapter 2 educational background, province of origin and, so far as one can tell, the insti- tutional interests which they represented at the meeting.This distinguished group of top leaders represented most if not all of the principal organisations and interests concerned with the melamine crisis: State Council, ndrc, State Energy Commission, Ministry of Health, Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Finance, aqsiq, Ministry of National Defense, the Beijing Olympics, Ministry of Public Security and saic. Note that though for- mally a ministry-level organization, aqsiq is ranked lower than a ministry in the bureaucratic hierarchy. In addition to their governmental positions, all par- ticipants, except for the Minister of Health Dr Chen, were members of the 17th cpc Central Committee, and almost all held other high Party positions. Dr Chen was represented by Gao Qiang, the Secretary of the Ministry of Health Party group.327 Liu Yandong was the only woman in the group of eleven. All were graduates of institutions of higher education, several in economics or public administration, and three held PhDs. A number had substantial high- level administrative experience. The Minister of Agriculture apparently did not participate in the meeting, for reasons which can only be speculated, and the Ministry of Agriculture was represented by a Vice-Premier of the State Council, Mr Hui Liangyu, who had substantial experience in the field. Almost all members of the group had served as provincial leaders and indeed as Provincial Party secretaries.328 However, among the group of eleven participants (in addition to Premier Wen Jiabao), it would appear that only four had extensive direct experience of rural areas: Wen Jiabao (long career in the Ministry of Land and Resources, notably in Gansu Province); Li Keqiang (Damian Commune, Dongling Production Brigade, Fengyang County, Anhui Province, and then Secretary of its cpc Party Branch during the Cultural Revolution), Hui Liangyu (university study and substantial experience in Jilin Province during and after the Cultural Revolution, including as Deputy Director-General of the Ministry of Agriculture, Jilin Province, and as Deputy- Secretary of its cpc Leading Party Group) and Meng Jianzhu329 (Director and Party Secretary of Qianwei Collective Farm, Shanghai, and other positions con- cerning rural areas around Shanghai). This list omits the Minister of Agriculture,

327 Bo Zhiyue, China’s Elite Politics: Governance and Democratization (World Scientific, Singapore, 2010), p. 107 (hereafter Bo, Governance). 328 Ibid., pp. 36, 81–82. 329 See also Brookings Institution, John L. Thornton China Center, ‘Meng Jianzhu: One of China’s Top Future Leaders to Watch’, available at http://www.brookings.edu/about/ centers/china/top-future-leaders/meng_jianzhu, last accessed 2 December 2014.

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Dr Sun Zhengcai, whose very distinguished career includes very substantial experience in agriculture.330 Members of the group also represented the main factions in Chinese poli- tics: the Communist Youth League (cyl) faction then led by President Hu Jintao, the princelings, the Qinghua Clique and the Shanghai Gang.331 Liu Yandong belonged to the cyl faction,332 as did Li Keqiang333 and Li Changjiang.334 General Liang Guangjie, though not a member of the cyl, sup- ported Hu Jintao.335 Ma Kai, though born in Shanghai, does not seem to have belonged to any faction but had supported Hu Jintao and the use of legal means in economic development policy.336 Liu Yandong also belonged to the group of Tsinghua University graduates, called the Qinghua Clique, which also included Hu Jintao.337 Princelings included Dai Bingguo,338 Liu Yandong339

330 See China Vitae, ‘Sun Zhengcai’, available at http://www.chinavitae.com/biography/Sun _Zhengcai/full, last accessed 23 January 2015; Brookings Institution, John L. Thornton China Center, ‘Meng Jianzhu: One of China’s Top Future Leaders to Watch’, available at http://www.brookings.edu/about/centers/china/top-future-leaders/meng_jianzhu, last accessed 2 December 2014. 331 On these factions, see, Bo Zhiyue, China’s Elite Politics: Political Transition and Power Balancing (World Scientific, Singapore, 2007) (hereafter Bo, Balancing), pp. 131–174; Franziska Barbara Keller, ‘Networks of Power: A Social Network Analysis of the Chinese Communist Party’s Central Committee, 1982–2012’, Draft, November 2014, Dissertation Project, Department of Politics, New York University, presented at the American Political Science Association Annual Meeting, November 2014, available at http://media.wix.com/ ugd/5625bd_18397-6b398b0414794ef85f51e0c6813.pdf, last accessed 23 January 2015 (here- after Keller, ‘Networks). The Shanghai faction lost power to the cyl faction as a result of the earlier sars incident: Bo,Balancing, supra note 343, pp. 238–240, 253–254, who points out (at 183 and 378) that as a result the cyl faction had more members than the Shanghai faction on the 16th Central Committee. 332 Bo, Balancing, supra note 331, p. 193; see also Keller, ‘Networks’, supra note 331, p. 13, Figure 1, p. 17 Figure 2. Liu Yandong was also a protégé of Hu Jintao: Stéphanie Balme, Entre soi: L’élite du pouvoir dans la Chinese contemporaire (Librairie Arthème Fayard, Paris, 2004), p. 231. 333 Bo, Balancing, supra note 331, pp. 190–193; Keller, ‘Networks’, supra note 331, p. 13, Figure 1. 334 Bo, Governance, supra note 327, pp. 155–156. 335 Bo, Balancing, supra note 331, pp. 129–130, 328, 225, 342. 336 Ibid., p. 285. 337 Bo, Governance, supra note 327. p. 137–139. President Xi Jinping is both a princeling and a member of the Qinghua Clique. 338 Bo, Balancing, supra note 331, pp. 163–164. 339 Ibid., pp. 162–163; Bo, Governance, supra note 327, p. 141.

98 chapter 2 and Zhang Dejiang.340 Wen Jiabao’s patron was Jiang Zemin, leader of the Shanghai Gang.341 Meng Jianzhu belonged to the Shanghai Gang.342 Chen Zhu, the Minister of Health, was not a member of the cpc,343 but he had close ties with Shanghai, having been Deputy Director of the Shanghai Research Centre of Life Sciences and the Joint Genetics and Medical Sciences Centre at Shanghai No. 2 Medical Sciences University.344 Though the Minister of Agriculture, Dr Sun Zhengcai, did not participate in the meeting, it may be noted that report- edly he has been linked with both Jia Qinglin, a close friend of Jiang Zemin, and with Wen Jiabao.345 Some people thus were members of different factions, or at least had close ties with people in other factions. Premier Wen Jiabao announced a decision to inspect all dairy products in order to reform the industry. The State Council reportedly considered that the contaminated milk powder problems ‘reflected chaotic industry conditions, as well as loopholes in the supervision and management of the industry’. It made six other decisions and ordered all lower-level governments to implement them. They included:

– ‘providing the best and free medical care to those sickened by melamine- contaminated milk power, – confiscating and destroying all sub-standard products, – strictly supervising the production of dairy companies with on-site inspections, – revising regulations on the supervision and management of the industry,

340 Bo, Governance, supra note 327, p. 141, who states (at 77) that Zhang Dejiang was from Shanghai but was not a member of the Shanghai Gang. 341 Bo, Balancing, supra note 331, p. 78; Keller, ‘Networks’, supra note 331, p. 13, Figure 1. 342 Bo, Balancing, supra note 331, pp. 142, 148; Bo, Governance, supra note 327, pp. 135–137, who points out that, when he became Minister of Public Security, Meng Jianzhu continued the policy established by Ma Zhenchuan, chief of the Beijing Public Security Bureau, for a ‘Safe Olympics’. 343 Consequently, unlike all other participants in the meeting, he was not eligible to be on the 17th Central Committee: Bo, Governance, supra note 327, p. 107. 344 China Vitae, ‘Chen Zhu’, available at http://www.chinavitae.com/biography/Chen_Zhu, last accessed 23 January 2015. 345 On Jia Qinglin’s connection with Jiang Zemin, see Bo, Balancing, supra note 331, pp. 28–29; on Dr Sun’s reported connection with both Jia Qinglin and Wen Jiabao, see Brookings, John L. Thornton China Center, ‘Sun Zhengtai: One of China’s Top Future Leaders to Watch’, available at http://www.brookings.edu/about/centers/china/top-future-leaders/ sun_zh-engcai, last accessed 23 January 2015.

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– subsidizing dairy farmers and encouraging more production by those enter- prises with higher-quality products, and – ‘finding the cause of the incident and punishing those responsible’.346

Subsequently, it was reported that on 30 September Premier Wen Jiabao gave an interview with the American biochemist Bruce Alberts, editor-in-chief of Science magazine, in which Premier Wen stated that ‘[w] feel that though the incident occurred in enterprises, the government is also responsible’.347 State Council leadership was decisive in seeking to allocate responsibility for the crisis and to set overall policies for the future. The exercise of central govern- ment power was necessary to overcome inertia resulting from lower-level administrative fragmentation, to articulate and try to impose a coherent policy in a situation of social crisis, and to preserve stability in the face of manifest and latent public dissatisfaction with the dairy sector and with the lack of effective governmental regulation of food safety.

Conclusion

What caused the melamine crisis, why did it happen when it did, and with what consequences and implications? Numerous scholars have attempted pre- viously to explain the reasons for the crisis. Though often mentioning similar elements, they emphasise different reasons or different combinations of fac- tors. We can group the earlier explanations on a spectrum, ranging from a list of specific, scattered, almost unconnected factors, through standard explana- tions of market failure and regulatory failure, to broader, almost generic expla- nations drawing on both domestic and international factors. As to the first group, an article by Chinoy attempts to explain the existence of ‘black-hearted products’ (heixin). It points to a large and ineffective bureau- cracy, corruption, small size and large number of producers and cpc monopoly

346 Xinhua, ‘China’s cabinet orders inspections, reform of dairy industry’, www.chinaview.cn, 17 September 2008, 20:19:43, available at http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2008-09/17/ content_10059617.htm, accessed 30 March 2012. 347 David Bradley, ‘Melamine Apology’, Sciencebase, posted on 18 October 2008, available at http://www.scie-ncebase.com/science-blog/melamine-apology.html, last accessed 3 December 2014; see also ‘China “sorry” after milk crisis’, bbc Newsround, Saturday 18 October 2008, available at http://news.bbc.co.uk/cbbcnewsid-_7670000/newsid_7677900/ 7677990.sim, last accessed 3 December 2014.

100 chapter 2 of political power and reluctance to undertake reforms.348 This list points to a variety of individual factors, but it is both too specific and too general to pro- vide real insight into the reasons for the crisis or offer any theoretical explana- tion. A similar explanation is proffered by Xiaofang Pei and colleagues. They emphasise the role of individuals, as well as technical and legal factors:

The contamination of Chinese milk by melamine represented a case of fraud…. Specific tests for milk quality…should have detected such fraud, but these tests were either not carried out properly or were inef- fective. Rapid automated systems for testing the content of protein, fat and other ingredients were also not used properly…. Two other factors contributed…[:] melamine was not specifically listed as an illegal additive…[and]…many dairy giants in China, including the main dis- tributor of the contaminated milk, Sanlu, were exempted from official controls.349

However, they seem to neglect the facts that at the time there were no national standards in China for raw milk and related products, still less for melamine,350 and that there were no Chinese or international standards for melamine in dairy products.351 Consequently, as other scholars have pointed out, consis- tently with the Standards Law and its implementing Regulation, ‘[a]ll major dairy companies were given permission to set their own standards and imple- ment their own inspections as they were labeled exempt of inspection…. The government did not intervene in the inspection of these exempt firms until after the problem was reported’.352 Even if sufficient testing equipment had been available to local governmental authorities, another shortcoming con- cerned testing methods. At least one source reports that the Kjeldahl nitrogen

348 Chinoy, ‘Black-hearted Products’, supra note 182, at 20–21, passim. 349 Pei et al., supra note 294, at 413. 350 Xiu and Klein, ‘Factors’, supra note 155, at 467. 351 Ibid., at 467. These authors remark that ‘Prior to the melamine problem in China, there was a lack of understanding in China and, indeed, around the world, about the safe level of melamine in milk and dairy products’. Trace amounts of melamine were found in milk products in other countries, but this of course was quite different from deliberate addi- tion of melamine to such products, particularly from the legal standpoint given then existing law in China (and elsewhere) governing additives and marketing of unsafe products. 352 Ibid., at 467.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 101 determination method used at the time could not determine whether a high protein content of food was natural or resulted from added chemicals.353 Still other scholars have identified the weakness or absence of industry self- regulation as an important factor contributing to the crisis.354 Explanations deploying many of the same factors but drawing on market- failure theories of regulation occupy the middle of the spectrum. For exam- ple, Fu and Nicoll suggest that the principal reasons for the scandal were ‘some unscrupulous milk station operators’ coupled with ‘poor internal controls of the dairy companies’, ‘aggravated by a lack of clarity in the roles assumed by central and local government agencies’, and particularly the exemption system introduced by aqsiq in 2000.355 Similarly, Zhao Litao and Lim Tin Seng view the scandal as ‘the result of fierce competition among local dairy companies in the low-end market vying for a larger share under a weak quality-control regulation system’, ‘a form of market failure which was aggravated by the failure of the government to act or to revamp its quality-control regulation’.356 Yet another explanation also gives priority to regulatory policy. Following Theodore Lowi’s classic analysis of public policy,357 Li Jing distinguishes between three policy types: regulatory, dis- tributive and redistributive policies, and then identifies the most important

353 Zhang Zhiping, ‘Paying the Price’, Editors Desk, Beijing Review, 51, 40, 2 October 2008, at 2. 354 See 陈洪涛,《转型期中国行业协会自律功能探析——以三鹿事件为例》 [Chen Hongtao, ‘An Analysis of Chinese Trade Association’s Self-Regulatory Functions in the Transformative Period’ (the author was then a post-doctoral fellow of Tsinghua University ngo Research Center and associate professor of Northwest University of Politics and Law), available at http://www.cnki.net/KCMS/detail/detail.aspx?QueryID=14&Cur-Rec=1 &recid=&filename=PFEY200901010&dbname=CJFD0910&dbcode=CJFQ&pr=&urlid=&y x=&uid=WEEvREcwSlJHSldRa1FiNllNcnZLaWhWWVRKL0MzbllYU0hacTRuV211cC9Ld HZKaVFwbmJxczZ5SXNnb2Z3PQ==&v=MjE2OTRxVHJXTTFGckNVUkw2Zll1Wm5GeX ZuVkwzTU5Tdk9kN0c0SHRqTXJvOUVaSVI4ZVgxTHV4WVM3RGgxVDM=, last accessed 8 May 2014; and 张鸣,《从古代行会的违规处置谈起》, available at http://hsb.hsw .cn/2008-09/26/content_7111375.htm, last accessed 8 May 2014 [Zhang Ming, ‘How did Hanghui Deal with Violation of Industry Standards in Ancient China’ (the author was then Professor at Renmin University School of International Studies)]. 355 Fu and Nicoll, ‘Corporate Governance, supra note 131, at 108–109. 356 Zhao Litao and Lim Tin Seng, ‘The Tainted Milk Formula Scandal: Another Hard Lesson for China’, eai Background Brief No. 406, 29 September 2008, Executive Summary point 4 and text point 1.8, respectively. 357 Theodore J. Lowi, ‘Review: American Business, Public Policy, Case-Studies, and Political Theory’, World Politics, 16, 4, 1964, 677–715. See also Theodore J. Lowi, ‘Four Systems of Policy, Politics, and Choice’, Public Administration Review, 32, 4, 1972, 298–310.

102 chapter 2 feature of regulatory policy as being the role of government in regulating and monitoring the market.358 Based on the theory of market failure, such an analysis would lead us to point to the weakness or lack of governmental regulation as the basic cause of the melamine crisis.359 A similar but more broad-based institutional explanation is proferred by Yunzhong Huang, who emphases the search for profit in the dairy industry, a lack of business ethics, absence of governmental regulation, the lack of resources for regula- tory purposes, corruption, weak reporting by the media and buck-passing by fragmented regulatory institutions.360 The explanations are useful in that they focus on the domestic arena and identify particular structural, institutional and individual factors which contributed to the melamine cri- sis. However, their point of departure is the notion of market failure, so that they logically end by focusing on a single factor, namely lack of governmen- tal regulation, as the main cause of the crisis. A third, richer and hence more convincing perspective draws on both domestic and international factors. While emphasizing institutional and struc- tural factors, Xiu and Klein adopt a broader, more sociological perspective. They write:

358 See Li, PhD Thesis, supra note 128. This work treats changes in coordination structure as an independent variable, policy type as a moderating variable and coordination of multi- actor governance as a dependent variable. See also her article ‘李静 [Li Jing],《我国食 品安全监管的制度困境——以三鹿奶粉事件为例》 [Institutional dilemma in Chinese Food Safety Regulation: the Case of Sanlu Milk Powder Incident], available at http://www.cnki.net/KCMS/detail/-detail.aspx?QueryID=6&CurRec=4&recid=&filenam e=ZXGL200910011&dbname=CJFD0910&dbcode=CJFQ&pr=&urlid=&yx=&uid=WEEvRE cwSlJHSldRa1FiNllNcnZLaWhWWVRKL0MzbllYU0hacTRuV211cC9LdHZKaVFwbmJxcz Z5SXNnb2Z3PQ==&v=MDAyMzVuVXJ6TFB6WE1Zckc0SHRqTnI0OUVaWVI4ZVgxTHV4 WVM3RGgxVDNxVHJXTTFGckNVUkw2Zll1Wm5GeXY=, last accessed 8 May 2014. 359 See also Li, PhD Thesis, supra note 128, at 143. 360 Huang, Health, supra note 260, at 126–131. He reports (at 130) that Sanlu attempted (and apparently succeeded) in bribing Baidu in removing all negative news about Sanlu until September. Li, Policy Coordination, supra note 128, at 81–82 states that ‘Sanlu…paid… Baidu…to control and delete most negative information about the company’. On 13 September 2008, however, Baidu announced in a communiqué that it had rejected all such overtures: Francis Sun, ‘Sanlu Group and the Tainted Milk Crisis’, paper number 9B09M077 written under the supervision of Professor Shih-Fen Chen, Richard Ivey School of Business, University of Western Ontario, (Ivey Management Services, 2009), p. 20, Exhibit 2, available at http://www.asiapacific.ca/sites/default/files/sanlu.pdf, last accessed 26 January 2015.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 103

However, in retrospect, problems in China’s dairy industry should not have been a surprise: rapid growth fueled by large investments from multinational dairy firms based in New Zealand, Australia, Europe and elsewhere; development of a highly modern and concentrated process- ing sector that obtained its raw materials from millions of small, poor and uneducated traditional farmers; and government support and encouragement for growth with little emphasis on inspection and safety issues.361

Such an explanation is more balanced than the preceding explanations, because it takes both domestic and international contexts into account. Though couched in more general terms, it is broadly consistent with the argu- ment being made here. It focuses mainly on institutions, and notably on insti- tutions similar to those emphasized here (multinational firms, economic sector and government). In addition, it identifies three key dimensions as being fdi, a segmented domestic economy characterized by gross inequalities of resources and the unbalanced role of government. However, it takes account only of the organisational level of analysis. It does not show how the three dimensions are connected, except by temporal coincidence. As with other explanations, it tends to assume a market in which the government intervenes only in case of market failure. It also conceives of the role of government only in terms of specific policies. Finally, as with most explanations focusing on market failure, it does not analyse in detail the specific characteristics of regu- latory institutions in China at the time. This chapter, though drawing partly on previous sources, seeks to offer a different, more theoretically informed explanation. It argues that the melamine crisis was the result of the collision of three worlds, or, to put it more theoreti- cally, the intersection of three semi-autonomous social fields. A social field refers to ‘the totality of co-existing facts that are conceived of as mutually interdependent’.362 It constitutes a set of social relations, with its own dynam- ics, actors, struggles and stakes.363 As envisaged here, social fields have fluid or negotiable boundaries but nonetheless involve some systematic character, with a relatively high degree of social interaction, a shared focus and a measure of coherence. Each world or social field had a dominant feature that I have called the leitmotif. As used here, leitmotifs are ideal types, which abstract a

361 Xiu and Klein, ‘Factors’, supra note 155, at 468. 362 Lewin, Field Theory, supra note 11, p. 240. 363 Bourdieu, ‘Law’, supra note 12.

104 chapter 2 specific feature from a complex reality in order to highlight and distinguish different situations. Within each world, each leitmotif was manifested in terms of organisations, individuals and social relationships. An explanation in terms of social fields, in contrast to earlier explana- tions, takes account of the three levels of analysis: societal, organisational and individual.364 It thus embraces individuals as well as institutions, norms and processes. It portrays a richer, more detailed picture of the transna- tional context, which includes but extends well beyond fdi. Moreover, it aims to show that how these three levels were interconnected in the specific circumstances, for example by the intersection between social fields, insti- tutional structures and individual behaviour, which were linked in particu- lar through the price system. Hence it purports to explain why the melamine crisis occurred when it did, in the specific transnational and domestic cir- cumstances of the time. Furthermore, it considers the cpc and the govern- ment to be integral to the Chinese economy and the market economy, instead of assuming a market in which the government plays no role except in case of market failure. Finally, it tries to show how much the origins of the crisis owed to the specific characteristics of food safety regulatory institu- tions in China at the time, instead of taking a generic view of government defined solely by public policies. The first world of melamine was the world of international markets. Its leit- motif was profit. This chapter examined three of its strands: the formation of joint ventures between Chinese domestic enterprises and multinational com- panies, particularly after China joined the wto; participation in international trade, increased market competition and the adoption by foreign countries of anti-dumping measures against Chinese companies; and illegal trade and fur- ther foreign regulation. In the early 2000s, the social relations which comprised this social field intersected with and had a direct impact on the other two worlds of melamine. They served to transmit world prices to domestic Chinese markets, which led to increased supply and lower domestic prices for melamine, thus potentially increasing demand. They also contributed to bring together two usually separate markets, as an oversupply of melamine on the markets for fertilisers and industrial uses served to meet demand for sources of high protein on the market for dairy products. From another perspective, this set of social relations intersected with those of the second and third worlds of melamine by presenting new opportunities

364 On these three levels of analysis, see Robert R. Alford and Roger Friedland, Powers of Theory: Capitalism, the State and Democracy (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1985), 16–18 and passim.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 105 to Chinese industry and government for trade and foreign direct investment. They restructured and widened the range of options and resources open to participants in the domestic dairy products market and also to the cpc and the government.365 In the event, their impact posed new challenges concerning the regulation of food safety. In sum, among the most salient consequences of the intersection of the three worlds of melamine were, first, the transmission of world market prices to the domestic market; second the Sanlu – Fonterra joint venture which constituted a powerful competitor in the domestic mar- ket, strengthened legal and probably also illicit relations between business, Party and local government, and offered new opportunities for enrichment in the dairy products market, and, third, the creation of new, unexpected regula- tory challenges for the Chinese party-state, thus contributing decisively to the transnationalisation of Chinese food safety law, as will be seen in the following chapters. The second world of melamine was the world of the domestic dairy sector. Its leitmotif was greed. The chapter emphasised the rise of the Sanlu model, the structure of the domestic dairy market and changes in power relations within the market, the role of government policies, notably regarding promo- tion of production, controls on retail prices and exemption of large producers from inspection, and the impact of price changes on supply and demand. Exemptions from inspection, resulting from government policy, enabled melamine to be added to raw milk without detection by dairy product produc- ers, who themselves sought to reduce input prices in order to sell less expen- sive products, mainly to poorer consumers in rural areas, and who were at least aware of the practice. This chapter focused mainly on institutions, not indi- viduals, with the aim of illuminating the institutional causes of the melamine crisis and the institutional framework in which it occurred. It is an exercise in institutional analysis, rather than social or individual psychology. However, seen from outside, individual decisions to add melamine or to tolerate such addition appear as manifestations of greed, regardless of whether these deci- sions were taken intentionally, or with knowledge to be imputed of probable consequences, or out of ignorance. Clearly individuals sought, in different institutional settings, to maximise their own benefit, and that of the institu- tions to which they belonged, regardless of the consequences for consumers and thus at the expense of public health.

365 I adapt this point from the argument by Thomas G. Moore, China in the World Market: Chinese Industry and International Sources of Reform in the Post-Mao Era (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2002), pp. 19–23 (hereafter Moore, World Market).

106 chapter 2

The third world was the world of government, regulatory policy and law. Its leitmotif was a concern for preservation of social stability. In the Chinese party-state at the time, three institutional features stood out: the role of the cpc, the fragmentation of administrative institutions (zhèngchū duōmén, 政 出多门) and the system of dual rule involving vertical leadership relations and horizontal professional relations. Domestic institutions entrusted with food safety regulation were very fragmented; this included the institutions charged with the responsibility for settling disputes. All of these features were consistent with, and in fact conducive to, an emphasis in ideology and policy on the preservation of stability. These institutional features help to explain decisions which were taken by individuals within institutions, and which were or can be ascribed to institutions, such as the lack of regulation before the crisis occurred, the failure of the Sanlu – Fonterra joint venture to recall defective products immediately, the lack of early communication by the joint venture to central government or the New Zealand government of dangers to public health, or the inadequate response at the local level once evidence of a serious food safety risk to public health became clear. The chapter analysed the melamine crisis from the perspective of institutional analysis, We can reformulate it, however, in terms of the leitmotifs of the three worlds of melamine as follows: In the short term, a system of food safety regulation based on fragmented authoritarianism proved to be unable to control the search for organisational profit or the indulgence of individual greed. In the longer term, stability won. When organizational profit and individual greed meet an overriding con- cern for institutional stability, the outcome will be shaped decisively by the main features of the institutions in question. The chapter tends to confirm this hypothesis. In the context of ‘fragmented authoritarianism’, ‘[b]ureaucratic middlemen tend to regard policies that are flexible and ambivalent as the equivalent of having no policies at all. … [P]olicy compliance depended cru- cially on the ability of top leaders to produce well-coordinated sets of clear, detailed policies’.366 Beginning in early September 2008, the highest level of the party-state took charge. It defined the priorities clearly as being to ensure the quality of dairy products and reassure the public, to restructure the dairy sector, to repair damage if possible and sanction offenders and to unify to a greater extent than previously the regulation of food safety. As Schroeder noted, dual rule frequently does not work in practice: ‘There is no dual rule;

366 Kenneth G. Lieberthal, ‘Introduction’, in Lieberthal and Lampton, Bureaucracy, supra note 145, at 15.

Three Worlds Of Melamine 107 instead, there is rule by either tiao-tiao or kuai-kuai authorities, depending on the issue at hand and the relative power of each’.367 Intervention at the highest level, by central Party and central governmental authorities, was necessary to resolve the melamine crisis.

367 Paul E. Schroeder, ‘Territorial Actors as Competitors for Power: The Case of Hubei and Wuhan’, in Lieberthal and Lampton, Bureaucracy, supra note 145, at 286 [no italics in origin].

Chapter 3 Emergence of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law

Introduction

This chapter, building on our analysis of the three worlds of melamine, consid- ers the emergence of modern Chinese food safety law. Starting in early September 2008, Party and central government leaders intervened decisively to break the logjam of the melamine scandal. Central government vertical leadership relations (tiáotiáo lǐngdǎo guānxì 条条 领导关系) trumped provin- cial- or city-level professional relations (kuàikuài yèwù guānxì 块块 业务关系). Modern Chinese food law emerged in this institutional and policy context. Following the 17 September State Council meeting, central government pur- sued four main priorities. ‘Central government’ refers here to the highest levels of the cpc and the State Council. The four priorities were, first, to ensure the quality of dairy products and reassure the public; second, to restructure the dairy sector; third, to repair damage if possible and sanction offenders; and, fourth, to unify to a greater extent than previously the regulation of food safety. The priorities were informed by the overriding objective of preserving social stability; by ‘informed’, I mean ‘oriented to’ in Weber’s sense of ‘subjectively consider[ing] such norms as valid and practically act[ing] according to them’.1 The preservation of social stability has long been a constant cpc policy (dang de zhengce), a term which embraces ‘(1) the political line of the Party; (2) the polarity (dual) norms of the Party; and (3) the policies of the Party’.2 Writing in 2000, Harro von Stenger remarked that, if we wish to understand the role of law in Chinese society, ‘the juricentric Western approach to China, which always looks for laws and speaks only about law-making’ is not appropriate…. Above the law, there are Party norms’.3 In his view, ‘[t]he absolutely dominant official norm in the prc is the political line of the Party. The essential feature of law-making in China…is its orientation towards one focal point: the main contradiction, the main task, the political line of the Party’.4 Admittedly, von

1 Max Weber on Law in Economy and Society, edited with Introduction and Annotations by Max Rheinstein; translation from Max Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft (2nd edition 1925) by Edward Shils and Max Rheinstein (Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1966), p. 11. 2 Harro van Senger, ‘Ideology and Law-Making’, in Otto et al., supra Chapter 2 note 306, at 45. 3 Ibid., at 50. 4 Ibid., at 51.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi 10.1163/9789004306929_004

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 109

Stenger was writing eight years before the melamine crisis, and in the interim circumstances in China may have changed dramatically, but the objective of social stability then was and still remains central to cpc and government policy. In developing policies in each area, the Party and the government gave spe- cial importance to law, including administrative and legal institutions, norms and dispute resolution processes. The government used administrative notices and regulations as a major (though not the only) instrument with regard to the first two priorities, while it employed legislation and other means in trying to create a more unified system of food safety regulation. Within the framework of its orientation toward the preservation of social stability, it also used law and legal processes for sanctioning and punishment. This pattern indicated that the party-state valued the legal system, within certain limits, as a resource for seeking to achieve its objectives. Its use of the legal system was occurred within the framework of the objective of preserving social stability, and it was shaped by the main features of the Chinese party-state: the role of the cpc, the institutional pattern of fragmented authoritarianism and the tension between professional relations and leadership relations. A major result of Party and government policies was the enactment in 2009 of China’s first Food Safety Law.5 We can understand the Food Safety Law best by viewing it from three interrelated yet distinct perspectives (see Figure 3.1). Starting with the most abstract, first, the Food Safety Law should be under- stood within the framework of the objective of preserving social stability. This objective conditioned and informed the four main policies and the text of the Food Safety Law. Second, the chapter seeks to understand the Food Safety Law in its policy context. The 2009 Food Safety Law was part of a set of policies, norms (includ- ing laws, administrative regulations and other rules) and legal and administra- tive processes which were aimed at the preservation of social stability and which were informed by the main features of the Chinese party-state. The set of policies comprised, not only enacting a national food safety law, but also ensuring the quality of dairy products, restructuring the dairy sector and the management of law, sanctions and compensation for harm. The 2009 Food Safety Law emerged in this context. The chapter argues that it is important to take the general ideological framework, the context and the text of the Food

5 Food Safety Law of the People’s Republic of China, adopted at the 7th Session of the Standing Committee of the 11th National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China on 28 February 2009 and promulgated and came into force on 1 June 2009 (hereafter 2009 Food Safety Law).

110 Chapter 3

Ensure Product Quality and Reassure Public

Enact New Restructure Food Safety Dairy Sector Law

Repair Preserve Damage and Social Stability Sanction O fenders

Figure 3.1 Meta-policy and policy contexts of the 2009 Food Safety Law

Safety Law seriously. It argues that the text of the Food Safety Law is best understood as part of a policy package or set, rather than on its own, and that it was influenced and informed by the other elements in the set. The argument, as will be seen, is exemplified most strikingly in the treatment of small work- shops. The example of small workshops shows how reference to certain fea- tures of the context can illuminate specific legislative provisions. It also illustrates clearly the ways in which institutional patterns and institutional politics can shape the details of reform legislation. Third, and most concretely, the chapter analyses the Food Safety Law by focusing on the text of the legislation and the implementing regulation. This classic legal perspective identifies the objectives, scope, substantive provisions and array of sanctions provided by the Food Safety Law and other legislation to which it refers. It reveals that, in conceptual and legal terms, the 2009 Food Safety Law represented a very significant break with its predecessor, the 1995 Food Hygiene Law. At the same time, it shows that, nevertheless, the Food Safety Law demonstrated considerable continuity with the Food Hygiene Law

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 111 in institutional terms. Despite certain reforms, it largely remained faithful to the pattern of institutional fragmentation mandated by the 2004 State Council Decision about Further Strengthening Food Safety.6 The chapter discusses in turn each of the major policies which emerged from the 17 September 2008 State Council meeting and the specific measures which formed part of each policy. A number of specific measures served more than one policy objective, but here they are separated so far as possible according to their principal objective. The next section considers measures taken to ensure the quality of dairy products: certain measures to protect public health and reassure the public, the Regulation on the Quality and Safety of Dairy Products (qsdp Regulation) laid down by the State Council and the Administrative Measures for the Production and Purchase of Fresh Milk (ppfm Measures) adopted by the Minister of Agriculture. The following section focuses on the policy of restructuring of the dairy sector: its priorities and objectives, milk collection stations, processors and manufacturers, the bankruptcy of Sanlu and industrial restructuring and risk management. A third main section discusses policy concerning law, sanctions and managed justice: the role of Party and government, high-profile criminal cases, crimi- nal prosecution of middlemen and producers, civil suits by victims for com- pensation, administrative compensation and managed justice. The final section of the chapter analyses the 2009 Food Safety Law, looking in turn at its background, the 1995 Food Hygiene Law, the text of the 2009 Food Safety Law and the 2009 State Council Implementation Regulation; it also shows how specific parts of the Food Safety Law were influenced by other elements in the same set of State Council policies. The chapter ends with brief concluding remarks.

Ensuring the Quality of Dairy Products

The Need to Protect Public Health and Reassure the Public Public confidence in food safety in China plummeted as a result of the melamine scandal. People were bitter, and their reactions were pungent. The following verse was reported to have been circulated widely on social media and elsewhere on the internet:

6 Decision of the State Council about Further Strengthening Food Safety, issued on 9 January 2004, effective date 9 January 2004, (No. 23 [2004] of the State Council), CLI.2.55522(EN), Chinalawinfo.

112 Chapter 3

China has successfully rid [us] of chemistry illiteracy through food education: we have learned of paraffin wax through rice; we have learned of ddvp (Dichlorvos) through hams; we have learned of Sudan dyes from salted eggs and chili sauce; we have learned of formalin from hotpot; we have learned of sulfur from dates and white fungus; we have learned of copper sulfate from black fungus; and today, Sanlu Group has taught us melamine and its chemistry reaction.7

Restoring public confidence in the diary section and in food safety regulation was consequently a very high priority for central government. The State Council instructed the Hebei Provincial Government to take mea- sures to stop Sanlu’s production.8 The day after the State Council meeting, sev- eral of the ministries most directly concerned with the scandal adopted a series of measures intended to ensure the quality of dairy products and to show the public that central government was taking action to do so. Major food producers, including Sanlu, had since 2000 often been exempt from inspection. They were entitled to label their products to this effect. The General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine (aqsiq) Measures on Exemption from Inspection of Food Products had allowed any company to apply for such exemption if ‘they had a long-standing quality record, large market share, and implemented standards up to or above national or international levels’.9 Products which passed national or

7 English Edition Staff, ‘Timeline for China’s Tainted Milk Scandal’, 23 September 2008, avail- able at http://www.eeo.com.cn/ens/feature/2008/09/23/114549.html, last accessed 1 April 2012. On the role of the media in the melamine crisis, see also [in English] Robert Lawrence Kuhn, How China’s Leaders Think: The Inside Story of China’s Report and What This Means for the Future (John Wiley & Sons (Asia) Ptd Ltd, Singapore, 2010), at 311–312; Susan L. Shirk, ‘Changing Media, Changing China’ in Shirk, Media, supra Chapter 2 note 285, at 18. On online media, see Xiao Qiang, ‘The Rise of Online Public Opinion and Its Political Impact’, in Shirk, Media, supra Chapter 2 note 285, pp. 202–224. 8 Xinhua Net, ‘The State Council Made Six Decisions on Sanlu Milk Event’, 13 September 2008, available at http://news.xinhuanet.com/newscenter/2008-09/13/content_9974780.htm [available only in Chinese] last accessed 9 February 2015. 9 Measures for the Administration of Exempting Products from Quality Supervision and Inspection (adopted after deliberation at the Executive Meeting of the State General Administration for Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine on 21 November 2001 and promulgated for implementation) (Order of the State General Administration for

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 113 provincial-level inspections three consecutive times were exempt from regular inspections, though they were legally required to undergo spot checks and to report product quality regularly. On 18 September 2008, in the first food safety measure since the crisis began, aqsiq revoked the Measures on Exemption of Inspection to Food Products.10 Revocation of the exemption removed the nor- mative shield that had allowing major dairy producers, including Sanlu, to avoid regular governmental inspection of their products. On 12 October 2008, aqsiq issued a Notice on Strengthening Production Licensing of Dairy Products.11 The Notice was intended to enforce a quality safety licensing system, require enterprises to install necessary testing equip- ment and strengthen on-site examination of production and enforcement of batch-by-batch inspection systems. The Ministry of Industry and Information Technology issued a notice that it would launch an immediate inspection of production, sales and usage of melamine nationwide. The following day it issued a notice that it would inspect and rectify dairy processing enterprises.12 The legal status of these normative documents is not entirely clear. Corne remarks that the problem of distinguishing rulemaking and implementation is ‘unique to a system which allows both legislative and administrative action to be exercised by the same bodies’, resulting in ‘a system of law, regulations, rules and other regulatory documents that is at times virtually indistinguishable from policy’.13

Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine (No.9)) (repealed on 18 September 2008), CLI.4.38219(EN) Chinalawinfo, Art. 8. 10 Decision of the General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine on Repealing the Measures for the Administration of the Exemption of Products from Quality Supervision and Inspection, adopted and promulgated on 18 September 2008 (Order of the State General Administration for Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine (No.109)), CLI.4.108639(EN), Chinalawinfo. 11 国家质量监督检验检疫总局关于加强乳制品生产许可工作的通知 [Notice on Strengthening Production Licensing of Dairy Products] (issued by aqsiq No. 757, Oct. 12, 2008), CLI.4.112933 Chinalawinfo. (Order of the Department of Supervision on Food Production of the State General Administration for Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine No. 757 of 2008); see also World Trade Organization, Trade Policy Review Body, 31 May and 2 June 2010, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting, Addendum. Chairperson: H.E. Mr Bozkurt Aran (Turkey). WT/TPR/M/230/Add.1, 22 February 2011. World Trade Organization, Geneva, Question by Brazil p. 15 Question 24. 12 Xiu and Klein, ‘Factors’, supra Chapter 2 note 155, at 468. 13 Corne, Foreign Investment, supra Chapter 2 note 306, p. 79, which at 62–80 discusses the different types of administrative rules. See also the following chapters in Otto et al., supra Chapter 2 note 306: Jan Michiel Otto and Yawen Li, ‘An Overview of Law-Making in China’, pp. 1–18; Chaoyang Jiang, ‘Departmental Rule-Making in the People’s Republic of China’,

114 Chapter 3

The institutional fragmentation of the Chinese food safety regime meant that the melamine crisis concerned numerous ministries and ministry-level central government organisations. They included the Ministry of Agriculture, the Ministry of Health, the State Administration of Industry and Commerce (saic), the General Administration of Quality Supervision (aqsiq), the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology, and the Ministry of Public Security. On 21 September these ministries and organisations jointly issued a notice to inspect and rectify dairy processing enterprises.14 On the same day aqsiq requested by administrative circular the unification on a national scale of all inspection methods and inspection equipment used by local quality supervision administrations.15 Then, on 22 September Mengniu and 108 other manufacturers of dairy products and 207 distributors signed a Quality Integrity Declaration.16 The following day all milk stations nationwide established spe- cial rectification leading groups on production and sales, financial support and supervision of the dairy industry.17 On 27 September the State Council enacted Rules on Supervision of Dairy Products Producing Enterprises on Their Implementation of Quality Safety Responsibilities.18

pp. 105–116; and Jean-Pierre Cabestan, ‘Administrative Law-Making in the People’s Republic of China’, pp. 175–188. 14 China News, ‘Li Yizhong: Urgently Starting to Rectify Milk Product Process Enterprises’ [Li Yizhong: Jinji Kaizhan Naizhipin Jiagong Hangye Zhengdun Guifan] [only available in Chinese], 21 September 2008, available at http://www.chinanews.com/cj/cyzh/ news/2008/09-21/1388576.shtml, last access 13 February 2015. 15 ‘aqsiq Issued A Notice To Further Strengthen The Work Of Supervising And Inspect­ ing The Milk Products’ [Zhijian Zhongju Fachu Tongzhi: Jinyibu Jiaqiang Ruzhipin Jiandu Jianyan Gongzuo] [only available on Chinese], China Standards Review, 2008–10, pp. 4, available at http://www.cnki.com.cn/-Article/CJFDTotal-ZBZD200810004.htm, last accessed 13 February 2015. 16 People’s Republic of China, Ministry of Commerce, Economic and Commercial Counsellor’s Office of the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in the Republic of Lebanon, ‘China Commercial Ministry Spokesperson’s Remarks on Some Countries’ Restrictions on Chinese Export Milk and Dairy Products’, 10 October 2008, available at http://lb2.mofcom.gov.cn/article/headnews/200810/20081005-848706.shtml, last accessed 27 January 2015. 17 Xinhua Net, ‘Many Provinces Immediately Takes Special Action of Milk State Rectification’, 27 September 2008, available at http://www.xinhuanet.com/chinanews/2008-09/27/ content_14516363.-htm, [available only in Chinese] last accessed 9 February 2015. 18 乳制品生产企业落实质量安全主体责任监督检查规定 [Rules on Supervision of Dairy Products Producing Enterprises on Their Implementation of Quality Safety Responsibilities] [Rǔzhìpǐn Shēngchǎn Qǐyè Luòshí Zhìliàng Ānquán Zhǔtǐ Zérèn Jiāndū Jiǎnchá Guīdìng] (promulgated by aqsiq, Sep. 27, 2009), CLI.4.125957, CHINALAWINFO.

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 115

The qsdp Regulation Numerous other central government measures were directed at improving product quality and clarifying the burden of responsibility for food safety. On 9 October 2008, with immediate effect, the State Council, the top of the admin- istrative hierarchy, promulgated a Regulation on the Supervision and Administration of the Quality and Safety of Dairy Products (hereinafter the qsdp Regulation).19 The qsdp Regulation aimed to ensure product quality, strengthen supervision, ensure public health and promote development of the industry.20 It provided that the first responsibility for the quality and safety of dairy products rested with dairy animal raisers, fresh milk purchasers, dairy product production enterprises and sellers.21 Local people’s governments at and above county level were to be responsible for ensuring product quality and safety within their respective areas.22 Unfortunately, the qsdp Regulation fol- lowed the familiar pattern of ‘one supervision link subject to the supervision of one department’23 Different administrative departments were responsible for supervision and administration of different specific tasks: the Ministry of Agriculture for stockbreeding and veterinary departments for raising of ani- mals and production and purchase of fresh milk, aqsiq for production, import and export of dairy products, saic for the sale of dairy products, food and drug departments for catering services relating to dairy products, health depart- ments for comprehensive coordination, investigation of and dealing with major food safety accidents, and ‘other relevant departments’ for ‘other tasks’.24 Responsibility remained fragmented, as before the crisis. Consequently, the

19 乳品质量安全监督管理条例 [Regulation on the Supervision and Administration of the Quality and Safety of Dairy Products] [Rǔpǐn Zhìliàng Ānquán Jiāndū Guǎnlǐ Tiáolì] (adopted at the 28th executive meeting the State Council on 6 October 2008 and promul- gated and came into force by State Council Order No. 536 on 9 October 2008) CLI.2.109190(EN) Chinalawinfo. 20 qsdp Regulation, (adopted at the 28th executive meeting the State Council on 6 October 2008 and promulgated and came into force by State Council Order No. 536 on 9 October 2008) CLI.2.109190-(EN) Chinalawinfo, Article 1. 21 Ibid., Article 3. 22 Ibid., Article 4, paragraph 1. 23 Decision of the State Council about Further Strengthening Food Safety, issued on 9 January 2004, effective date 9 January 2004, (No. 23 [2004] of the State Council), CLI.2.55522(EN), Chinalawinfo, Section 3 ‘Several Significant Measures’. 24 qsdp Regulation, (adopted at the 28th executive meeting the State Council on 6 October 2008 and promulgated and came into force by State Council Order No. 536 on 9 October 2008) CLI.2.109190-(EN) Chinalawinfo, Article 4, paragraph 2.

116 Chapter 3 qsdp Regulation did little to resolve existing problems stemming from admin- istrative fragmentation. The qsdp Regulation also sought to improve respect for standards, existing law and good manufacturing practices. Fresh milk and dairy products were required to conform to national standards;25 international standards were not mentioned. It was forbidden to add any substance during the production, pur- chase, storage, transport or sale of fresh milk, or to add any non-edible chemi- cal substance or any other substance that may be hazardous to humans during production of dairy products.26 Similarly, it was forbidden to purchase fresh milk which did not meet health standards upon testing or which did not meet national standards.27 Relevant industrial associations were required to inten- sify self-discipline and standardize production and business operations.28 According to the qsdp Regulation, the government was to encourage enter- prises to comply with the hazard analysis and critical control point (haccp) system.29 haccp is ‘a logical system designed to identify hazards and/or criti- cal situations and to produce a structured plan to control these situations’.30 It focuses on identifying every stage of the process of production, the food safety hazards at each stage (critical control points) and the development of critical limits, monitoring, corrective actions, verification procedures and documenta- tion and record keeping concerning each stage.31 Larger enterprises may be able to meet this challenge, but even small and medium-size enterprises could not. Dairy product production enterprises were required to test each batch of

25 Ibid., Article 6. 26 Ibid., Article 7. 27 Ibid., , Article 24. 28 Ibid., Article 9. 29 Ibid., Article 30. 30 Ronald H. Schmidt, Hazard Analysis Critical Control Point (haccp): Overview of Principles and Applications (Food Science and Human Nutrition Department, University of Florida, Gainesville, fl, 1996), quoted in Debby Newslow, ‘Hazard Analysis Critical Control Point (haccp)’, in Ronald H. Schmidt and Gary E. Rodrick (eds), Food Safety Handbook (Wiley-Interscience, Hoboken, nj, 2003), pp. 363–379 at 364 (hereafter Schmidt and Rodrick, Handbook). 31 See Debby Newslow, ‘Hazard Analysis Critical Control Point (haccp)’, in Schmidt and Rodrick, Handbook, supra note 30, at 365–371; Michael van Schothorst and Susan E. Jongneel, ‘General Aspects of Microbiological Food Safety: Sources of Contamination, Processes and Health Risks’, in Kees van der Heijden, Maged Younes, Lawrence Fishbein and Sanford Miller (eds), International Food Safety Handbook: Science, International Regulation, and Control (Marcel Dekker, New York and Basel, 1999), pp. 397–408; Richard Lawley, Laurie C. Curtis and Judy Davis, The Food Safety Hazard Guidebook (Royal Society of Chemistry, London, 2nd edition 2012), pp. 473–486.

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 117 purchased fresh milk and record all test results and the name and contact information of each supplier.32 No dairy product could be sold without a qual- ity compliance certificate or label.33 However, even as of 2011 a specialist report noted that ‘80% of milk is collected through spot markets or cooperatives…, but there is no tracing mechanism in place given that no samples are collected from farmers delivering to dairies’.34 Imported products were to be inspected under national standards.35 Exported products were required to meet Chinese domestic standards and standards of the importing country.36 This solution, which was the result of a difficult choice among potential policies, tended to consolidate a system of dual standards, with higher standards required for exports than for products intended solely for the domestic market. The qsdp Regulation also sought to specify sanctions which, in retrospect, might have covered the addition of melamine to dairy products and which might potentially have been effective if standards had existed for melamine, testing equipment could have detected melamine and tests had been actually conducted. Adding to fresh milk or dairy products any non-edible chemical substances or any other substance that may be hazardous to human health,37 or producing or selling products that fail to meet national standards38 were potentially subject to sanctions under the Criminal Law:39 failing to stop pro- duction of or failing to recall defective products when ordered to do so could result in confiscation of gains and equipment, fine or revocation of business

32 qsdp Regulation, (adopted at the 28th executive meeting of the State Council on 6 October 2008 and promulgated and came into force by State Council Order No. 536 on 9 October 2008) CLI.2.109190-(EN) Chinalawinfo, Article 31. 33 Ibid., Article 40. 34 Pei et al., supra Chapter 2 note 294, at 419. See also Li Bai, Cheng-lin Ma, Yin-sheng Yang, Shu-kuan Zhao and Shun-lung Gong, ‘Implementation of haccp system in China: A sur- vey of food enterprises involved’, Food Control, 18, 2007, 1108–1112; Shaosheng Jin, Jiehong Zhou and Juntao Ye, ‘Adoption of haccp system in the Chinese food industry: A com- parative analysis’, Food Control, 19, 2008, pp. 823–828; Eunice Taylor and Kevin Kane, ‘Reducing the burden of haccp on smes’, Food Control, 16, 2005, pp. 833–839. 35 qsdp Regulation, (adopted at the 28th executive meeting the State Council on 6 October 2008 and promulgated and came into force by State Council Order No. 536 on 9 October 2008) CLI.2.109190-(EN) Chinalawinfo, Article 44. 36 Ibid., Article 45. 37 Ibid., Article 54. 38 Ibid., Article 55. 39 Ibid., Articles 54 and 55; Criminal Law of the People’s Republic of China, (adopted by the Second Session of the Fifth National People’s Congress on 1 July 1979 and amended by the Fifth Session of the Eighth National People’s Congress on 14 March 1997), CLI.1.17010(EN), Chinalawinfo, Articles 143 and 144.

118 Chapter 3 license.40 To some extent, these provisions may have seemed to be only an interpretative clarification of law already in force. However, the qsdp Regulation was not formulated expressly as an interpretation of existing norms, even though according to Chinese law,41 the State Council has the

40 qsdp Regulation, (adopted at the 28th executive meeting the State Council on 6 October 2008 and promulgated and came into force by State Council Order No. 536 on 9 October 2008) CLI.2.109190-(EN) Chinalawinfo, Article 56. 41 According to Chinese law, interpretation of legal norms in China is allocated to various authorities. First, the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress (scprc) has the power to interpret the Constitution and to interpret laws: Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, Article 67(1), (4), available at http://www.npc.gov.cn/englishnpc/ Constitution/2007-11/15/content_1372965.htm, last accessed 21 January 2015. Such interpre- tations or additional stipulations may be provided ‘[i]n cases where the limits of articles of laws and decrees need to be further defined or additional stipulations need to be made’: 全国人民代表大会常务委员会关于加强法律解释工作的决议 Quaking Rénmín Daibiǎo Dàhuì Chángwù Wěiyuanhui Guānyu Jiāqiang Fǎlǜ Jiěshi Gōngzuo Dē Juéyì [Resolution of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress Providing an Improved Interpretation of the Law] (adopted at the 19th Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Fifth National People’s Congress on 10 June 1981), reprinted in The Laws of the People’s Republic of China 1979–1982 (compiled by the Legislative Affairs Commission of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China) (Foreign Languages Press, Beijing 1987) [hereinafter SCNPC 1981 Resolution]. Article 1. The scnpc also has power to give an interpretation of decision in instances in which the interpretations given by the Supreme People’s Court and the Supreme People’s Procuratorate ‘are in variance with each other in principle’: scnpc 1981 Resolution, Article 2. Second, the Supreme People’s Court has power ‘to give[…] interpretations on questions concerning specific application of laws and decrees in judicial proceedings’: Organic Law of the People’s Courts of the People’s Republic of China, Article 33, adopted at the Second Session of the Fifth National People’s Congress on July 1, 1979, promulgated by Order No.3 of the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress on July 5, 1979 and effective as of January 1, 1980; amended according to the Decision Concerning the Revision of the Organic Law of the People’s Courts of the People’s Republic of China adopted at the Second Meeting of the Sixth National People’s Congress on September 2, 1983, available at http://www.china.org.cn/english/government/207254.htm, last accessed 21 January 2015. The scope of this interpretation is rephrased in the 1981 scnpc Resolution as being limited to ‘questions involving the specific application of laws and decrees in court trials’: scnpc 1981 Resolution, Article 2. Third, the State Council has the power to provide interpretation of ‘questions involving the specific application of laws and decrees in areas unrelated to judicial and procuratorial work’: scnpc 1981 Resolution, Article 3. Fourth, the Supreme People’s Procuratorate has power to give interpretations on ‘questions involving the specific application of laws and decrees in the procuratorial work of the procurator- ates’: scnpc 1981 Resolution, Article 2. Fifth, local people’s congresses are entitled to pro- vide interpretations or further stipulations in ‘cases where the limits of locally enacted

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 119 power to provide interpretation of ‘questions involving the specific application of laws and decrees in areas unrelated to judicial and procuratorial work’.42 Nevertheless, the State Council enactment of the qsdp Regulation must have been designed as a strong reminder, in the sense of a rappel à l’ordre, of possi- ble sanctions for failure to obey the law.

The ppfm Measures The Ministry of Agriculture followed on 4 November 2008 by adopting the Administrative Measures for the Production and Purchase of Fresh Milk (here- inafter ppfm Measures).43 The ppfm Measures thus specified in more detail certain matters already covered by the State Council qsdp Regulation.

rules and regulations need to be further defined or additional stipulations need to be made’: scnpc 1981 Resolution, Article 4. Sixth, ‘the competent departments under the people’s governments of the provinces, regions and municipalities directly under the Central Government’ are empowered to provide interpretations on ‘questions involving the specific application of local rules and regulations’: scnpc 1981 Resolution, Article 4. For further discussion, see Albert Hung-yee Chen, An Introduction to the Legal System of the People’s Republic of China (Butterworths Asia, Singapore, 1992, 4th impression 1994), pp. 95–102; Stanley Lubman, Bird in a Cage: Legal Reform in China After Mao (Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1999), 145–147, 282–287; and Jianfu Chen, ‘Unanswered Questions and Unresolved Issues: Comments on the Law on Law-Making’, in Otto et al., supra Chapter 2 note 306, pp. 235–256, who notes (at 248–251)that scnpc 1981 Resolution deals only with rules promulgated by legislative authorities and not with administrative regulations or other government rules (249), the State Council and its composite bodies have ‘exclusive control over administrative regulations and rules, not only making but also interpreting them’ (249), the Supreme Court is the most active interpreter (249–250) , under the Several Provisions on Judicial Interpretation which the Supreme Court issued in 1997 ‘judicial interpretations are to be made by the Supreme People’s Court only’ (250), such interpretations are to have the effect of law (250) and the Supreme People’s Court is not entitled to interpret ‘administrative regulations, government rules, or local rules and regulations’ (251). Professor Chen’s analysis is reprinted in his book Chinese Law: Context and Transformation (Martinus Nijhoff, Dordrecht, 2008), pp. 198–202. For an instructive case study, see John C. Nagle, ‘The Missing Chinese Environmental Law Statutory Interpretation Cases’, Paper 552, Scholarly Works, ndl Scholarship, Notre Dame Law School, 1996, available at http://scholarship.law.nd.edu/law_faculty_scholarship/552, last accessed 21 January 2015 [published in New York University Environmental Law Journal, 5, 1996, pp. 517–555]. 42 SCNPC 1981 Resolution, Article 3. 43 Administrative Measures for the Production and Purchase of Fresh Milk (adopted at the 8th Standing Meeting of the Ministry of Agriculture on 4 November 2008, and promul- gated by Order No. 15 of the Ministry of Agriculture and came into effect on 7 November 2008), CLI.4.110498(EN), Chinalawinfo.

120 Chapter 3

However the Measures applied only to agricultural products, for which the Agricultural Ministry alone was responsible. Dairy animal raisers, fresh milk purchasers and fresh milk transporters were to bear the first responsibilityfor quality and safety of the dairy products which they produce, purchase, trans- port or sell.44 Fresh milk was required to meet national standards,45 and it was forbidden to add any substance to fresh milk during production, storage, trans- portation or safe.46 Stockbreeding and veterinary departments at or above county level were responsible for supervision and administration concerning the raising of dairy animals and production and purchase of fresh milk.47 They were required to make random quality inspections.48 They also had powers to make on-site inspections of farms, milk purchase stations and milk transport vehicles, to consult and copy relevant records and documents, to seal up or detain fresh milk that failed to meet standards ‘as proved by evidence’, to seal up any place ‘suspected of engaging in illegal production and operation of fresh milk’, and ‘other powers vested by laws and administrative regulations’.49 In principle, therefore, they had broad powers of control over milk purchasing stations. The Measures also provided that entities and individuals had a ‘right to tip off any illegal act’ regarding production and operation of fresh milk to stockbreeding and veterinary departments,50 which on receiving such information were required immediately to investigate and ‘give punishment accordingly’, as well as replying to the party which furnished the information if the party left its real name with the authority.51 This provision did not however sufficiently guaran- tee the confidentiality and safety of the ‘whistleblower’. On 5 June 2009 the Ministry of Agriculture issued a Circular on implementa- tion of the Food Safety Law (discussed later), urging all administrative authori- ties involved in food safety regulation to cooperate, strengthen supervision and implement the law correctly.52 The Rules on Supervision of Dairy Products

44 ppfm Measures, (adopted at the 8th Standing Meeting of the Ministry of Agriculture on 4 November 2008, and promulgated by Order No. 15 of the Ministry of Agriculture and came into effect on 7 November 2008), CLI.4.110498(EN), Chinalawinfo, Article 4. 45 Ibid., Article 6, paragraph 1. 46 Ibid., Article 6, paragraph 2. 47 Ibid., Article 5. 48 Ibid., Article 32. 49 Ibid., Article 33. 50 Ibid., Article 37, paragraph 1. 51 Ibid., Article 37, paragraph 2. 52 People’s Republic of China, Ministry of Health, Circular on the Relevant Issues on Implementation of the Food Safety Law, unofficial translation available at United States

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Producing Enterprises on their Implementation of Quality Safety Responsibilities (Gui Zhi Jian Shi Jian No. 437 of 2009) sought to strengthen supervision so that enterprises would implement laws, regulations and stan- dards regarding food safety.53

Restructuring the Dairy Sector

Dairy Farmers Hand-in-hand with ensuring the quality of dairy products went the restructur- ing of the dairy sector. Building on policies pursued since 2006,54 and reflect- ing the August 2007 State Council White Paper on Food Safety,55 the government’s plans for economic restructuring focused on regulating and consolidating the different parts of the dairy sector. Food production and pro- cessing in China were (and are) characterized by great diversity in size, resources and capability. At the level of agricultural production, this was mainly the result of the breakup of large collective farms. As of 2006, China had more than 200 million agricultural holdings, some as small as 0.07 hectares.56 In turn, the food processing sector as of 2008 comprised a total of

Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agricultural Service, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain), China – People’s Republic of, moh Circular on Food Safety Law, gain Report Number CH9078, 28 September 2009, http://gain.fas.usda.gov/Recent%20 GAIN%20Publications/MOH%20Circular%20on%20Food%20Safety%20Law_Beijing _China%20-%20Peoples%20Republic%20of_9-28-2009.pdf, last accessed 10 December 2014. 53 See also World Trade Organization, Trade Policy Review Body, 31 May and 2 June 2010, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting, Addendum. Chairperson: H.E. Mr Bozkurt Aran (Turkey). WT/TPR/M/230/Add.1, 22 February 2011. World Trade Organization, Geneva, Question by Brazil p. 15 Question 24. This report summarises mea- sures to establish and improve testing systems, improve quality safety standards and adopt risk monitoring and testing. 54 See http://www.hkexnews.hk/listedco/listconews/sehk/2010/1126/01117/EWPDAIRY -2010110911-.pdf, p. 70, last accessed 20 April 2012. 55 State Council, White Paper on the Quality and Safety of Food in China, available at http:// www.-china.org.cn/english/news/221274.htm, last accessed 8 December 2012 (hereafter State Council, 2008 White Paper). 56 According to Chinese Government statistics in 2009: Sarah K. Lowder, Jakob Skaet and Saumya Singh, ‘What do we really know about the number and distribution of farms and family farms in the world?’ Background paper for The State of Food and Agriculture 2014, esa Working Paper No. 14–02, Agricultural Development Economics Division, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, Rome, April 2014, p. 2, available at http:// www.fao.org/docrep/019/i3729e/i3729e.pdf, last accessed 21 January 2015.

122 Chapter 3

448,000 enter­prises. They included 26,000 large companies, which comprised only 5.80% of total enter­prises but accounted for 72% of market share, 69,000 medium-sized enterprises with more than 10 employees which accounted for 15.40% of total enterprises and 18.70% of the market, and 353,000 small busi- ness or workshops with fewer than 10 employees which made up 78.8% of total enterprises but had a market share of only 9.30%. The last group accounted for the largest share of food safety incidents,57 though as the melamine crisis suggests these were not always the most serious or most publicized inci- dents.58 Restructuring was already underway before 2008, but the melamine scandal provided an occasion for more targeted, more detailed policies, which were enacted into law. The State Council qsdp Regulation of 9 October 2008 sought to provide a more secure normative framework for the organization of the dairy sector. It laid down specific requirements for setting up a dairy farm,59 for setting up a fresh milk purchasing station60 or for engaging in the production of dairy products.61 Dairy product producers were required to inspect dairy products batch by batch before delivery.62 In November 2008 State Council issued the Circular of the General Office of the State Council Regarding the Transmittal of the Outlines of the Restructuring and Revitalization Plan for the Dairy Industry issued by ndrc and Other Ministries.63 The Outlines called for

(ii) comprehensive inspections and rectification of problems at each stage along the chain of the dairy industry…; (ii) improving and complementing relevant laws and regulations, perfecting product quality

57 State Council, 2008 White Paper, supra note 434;; Li Bai,Chenglin Ma, Shunlong Gong and Yinsheng Yang, ‘Food safety assurance systems in China’, Food Control, 18, 2007, 480–484 at 483. For similar statistics about firm size and market share, see Information Office of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China, ‘China’s Food Quality and Safety’ (full text), 30 September 2007, available at http://ae.china-embassy.org/eng/zt/abc/t368309 .htm, last accessed 21 January 2015. 58 I am grateful to Dr Gudrun Wacker for this point. 59 qsdp Regulation, (adopted at the 28th executive meeting the State Council on 6 October 2008 and promulgated and came into force by State Council Order No. 536 on 9 October 2008) CLI.2.109190-(EN) Chinalawinfo, Article 12. 60 Ibid., Article 20. 61 Ibid., Article 28. 62 Ibid., Art. 34, paragraph 1. 63 See ‘Regulatory Overview’, available at http://iis.aastocks.com/20140715/001958974-13. PDF, last accessed 8 December 2014.

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standards for dairy products, promoting the technology standardization for the production of fresh milk products, strengthening regulation of milk collection stations, promoting the implementation of the Good Manufacturing Practice for dairy products manufacturers: (iii) encourag- ing large scale breeding and farming, integration of production and sale of raw milk, optimizing the location of processors of dairy products, pro- moting the standardization and improving quality control of the dairy farming industry.64

This State Council Circular stated and summarized the main governmental priorities. Its basic assumption was that reducing the number of producers and increasing their size would facilitate governmental quality control, ensure application of food safety standards and lead to higher quality dairy products. Companies in the dairy sector reacted publicly to these developments. On 22 October 2008 Mengniu Laboratory Analysis Center was reported to have conducted thorough inspections on raw milk.65 According to an interview of the Vice-President of Inner Mongolia Yili Industrial Group Ltd. (‘Yili’), the company was making efforts to establish a system which both was capable of dealing with emergencies and also enhanced long-term administration guar- anteeing the safety of milk sources.66 The following day, according to news reports, Bright Dairy reportedly rejected decentralized milk supplies and con- ducted an id administration of 310,000 cows.67 Major dairy trade associations supported central government policy for restructuring the dairy sector. The Dairy Association of China, composed mainly of dairy farmers, repeated in May 2011 its support for government pol- icy. It considered that the main reasons for the melamine crisis lay in short- comings due to the structure of the dairy sector, not in a lack of standards, weak government enforcement of law or defective corporate governance and lack of corporate social responsibility. In this view, I speculate that it undoubt- edly was joined by the China Dairy Industry Association, whose 580 members

64 http://www.hkexnews.hk/listedco/listconews/sehk/2010/1126/01117/EWPDAIRY-20101109 -11.pdf, p. 71, accessed 11 April 2012. 65 Tencent, ‘Nearly 100 Chinese and Foreign Journalists Visited Mengniu and Experienced the Whole Process of Milk Production’, 22 October 2008, available at http://news.qq .com/a/20081022/002837.h-tm [available only in Chinese] last accessed 11 February 2015. 66 News report on internet, no longer available. 67 News reports on several internet sources, which are no longer available.

124 Chapter 3 included all large and medium-sized dairy product companies.68 The two major trade associations may have differed with regard to the timetable, scope and targets of the reform. In the immediate aftermath of the crisis, however, both blamed market structure, namely that there were very large number of small-scale farms which supplied Sanlu, as contrasted for example with the Sanjian Group which obtained its milk from large-scale plants and had few quality problems.69 Fostering economies of scale would in their view promote higher standards and more effective enforcement. But would it? All of these reforms were based on a conception of risk man- agement which focused on managing risk by removing low-quality end prod- ucts from the market. They represented an ex post control of the quality of products, that is, the exercise of quality control with regard to products already placed on the market.70 This type of food safety regulation can be contrasted with the ‘quality assurance’ approach used in China’s main trading partners, such as the United States or the European Union (eu). The quality assurance approach assumes that risk is ‘multi-factorial’ and present at every stage of food production and distribution, and that it should therefore be managed by a method, such as hazard analysis critical control point (haacp), which exam- ines the entire process of production and processing ex ante, before the prod- uct is put on the market. This would consistent with the objective of a more concentrated dairy industry, which was based on the assumption that larger enterprises would be able to install quality assurance systems and enforce them on their suppliers.71 However, the Sanlu debacle suggests that restructur- ing of the dairy sector was unlikely to be sufficient by itself, given certain other characteristics of the sector in addition to its fragmented industrial structure, such as ignorance of or neglect of basic rules and loss of public confidence in its products.72

68 Food and Beverage Online, ‘China Dairy Industry Association’, available at http:// www.21food.co-m/showroom/195518/aboutus/china-dairy-industry-association.html, last accessed 27 January 2015. 69 These points are presented in more detail in Fu Weigang, ‘Safety in numbers is key to improving milk sector’, Global Times, Thursday 3 May 2012, available at http://business .globaltimes.cn/com-ment/2011-05/651716.htm, accessed 3 May 2012. The author is a researcher at the Shanghai Institute of Finance and Law. 70 Much of this paragraph is based on Claire Trevett, ‘Responsibly’, supra Chapter 2 note 277. 71 See also National Development and Reform Commission and Ministry of Industry and Information Technology, 12th Five-Year Plan for the Food Industry, available at http:// hk.lexiscn.com/latest_mes-sage.php?id=61009, last accessed 3 May 2012. 72 For an overview of the development of the Chinese dairy industry, see Dinghuan Hu, ‘China: Dairy product quality as the new driver’, p. 19, fao Corporate Document

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 125

Milk Collection Stations The size and fragmentation of the agricultural sector created public health risks and difficulties for governmental regulation. These problems were accen- tuated by the milk collection stations, which appeared to be the most problem- atic link in the dairy value chain. The Ministry of Agriculture ppfm Measures of 11 November 200873 sought to consolidate milk purchasing [collection] sta- tions. Provincial-level stockbreeding and veterinary departments were to work out a plan for stations ‘according to the principle of bringing convenience to dairy animal raisers and enhancing scale raising so as to scientifically and rea- sonably arrange the layout of fresh milk purchase stations’.74 The same depart- ments were to determine the quantity and scale of the stations. Opening of stations was subject to a formal procedure involving application to the county- level stockbreeding and veterinary department: the application required numerous documents, including a statement regarding health administration and quality safety guarantee.75 An official decision on the application was to be made within 20 days and based partly on an on-site inspection; the author- ity was required to give reasons for refusals.76 The permit was valid for two years, renewable by another original application.77 A station was required to test purchased fresh milk ‘regularly’ and ‘according to the national standards for the quality safety of dairy products’. Test fees were to be borne by the sta- tion itself, which was not allowed to collect fees from users or impute such fees to them ‘in any disguised form’.78 Fresh milk that did not meet national standards could not be sold.79 Milk purchasing stations were required to

Repository, available at http://-www.fao.org/docrep/011/i0588e/I0588E04.htm, accessed 20 March 2012. On reports from the China Consumers’ Association, see Zhou Wenting, ‘Food safety complaints more common’, China Daily, Tuesday, 1 November 2011, p. 4. On loss of public confidence among more than 70% of the population, see Wang Hongyi, ‘Most people uneasy about what they eat’, China Daily, Thursday, 31 May 2012, p. 7; see also Li Woke, ‘Food safety on the menu’, China Daily, Monday, 5 November 2012, p. 14. 73 Administrative Measures for the Production and Purchase of Fresh Milk (adopted at the 8th Standing Meeting of the Ministry of Agriculture on 4 November 2008, and promul- gated by Order No. 15 of the Ministry of Agriculture and came into effect on 7 November 2008), CLI.4.110498(EN), Chinalawinfo. 74 Ibid., Article 17, paragraph 1. 75 Ibid., Article 18. 76 Ibid., Article 19. 77 Ibid., Article 20. 78 Ibid., Article 22. 79 Ibid., Article 16.

126 Chapter 3 ensure that the fresh milk they purchased met national quality and safety standards.80 Between November 2008 and April 2009, all 20,393 milk collection stations in the country were inspected, 3908 were closed down and the remaining sta- tions were subject to rotating inspections.81 Reportedly 1.7 million enforcers were enlisted to deal with the crisis, 5729 tonnes of products were recalled from retailers and the government received 242,000 consumer complaints.82 The National Development and Reform Commission (ndrc) issued rules pro- hibiting increases in milk prices.83

Processors and Manufacturers While the agricultural sector was the responsibility of the Ministry of Agriculture, other ministries adopted specific measures which were addressed to different groups in the dairy production chain, namely processors, dairy product manufacturers and infant formula manufacturers. In June 2009 the ndrc and the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology issued the 2009 Amendment of Dairy Product Industry Policies. It replaced the early Entry Qualifications for Dairy Products Processing Industry, promulgated on 18 March 2008 and published on 21 March 2008,84 which the melamine scandal had demonstrated to be completely ineffective. The Amendment tightened conditions for entry into the dairy product processing and manufacturing industry. Enterprises were required to have a certain scale and capacity, to be able to ensure product quality, and, for dairy product processing and manufac- turing, to have a stable and controllable base of raw milk supply. Formula milk powder production plants, new processing projects and rebuilt project were required to have a specific proportion of their raw milk processing capacity

80 Ibid., Article 24. 81 Xiu and Klein, ‘Factors’, supra Chapter 2 note 155, at 468. 82 English Edition Staff, ‘Timeline for China’s Tainted Milk Scandal’, 23 September 2008, available at http://www.eeo.com.cn/ens/feature/2008/09/23/114549.html, last accessed 1 April 2012. 83 Economic Observer, ‘Milk Price May Be Raised, ndrc Monitor Urgently’ [in Chinese], 19 September 2008, available at http://www.eeo.com.cn/2008/0919/114138.shtml, last accessed 11 February 2015. 84 Available at http://www.gov.cn/gongbao/content/2010/content_1519506.htm [available only in Chinese], last accessed 11 February 2015. See also http://hk.lexiscn.com/latest _message.php?id=33075, accessed 11 February 2015.

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 127 supplied by stable and controllable supply bases. The overall objective was to stabilize and consolidate the industry.85 By 2009, as a result of the milk contamination scandal, the Chinese Ministry of Industry and Information Technology reportedly planned to impose pro- duction controls on melamine and circulated draft production permit rules for comment. Its purpose was reportedly to reduce the number of melamine pro- ducers ‘by strengthening minimum production levels and strengthening con- trols on ingredients and waste’.86

Sanlu Bankruptcy Restructuring of the dairy sector was not due only to central government poli- cies targeted directly at the dairy sector. It also resulted from that fact that all major dairy companies, except Bright Dairy and Sanyuan, were directly impli- cated in the melamine scandal. Both Mengniu and Yili recalled tainted prod- ucts and apologized to the public. Both lost their status as a ‘Chinese national brand’. The products of both companies were de-listed by supermarkets in Hong Kong. In the case of Mengniu, the two largest shareholders reportedly sold a large number of shares as early as 5 August 2008. Mengniu had entered into a joint venture in 2006 with Arla Foods, the largest dairy product producer in Scandinavia, but on 17 September 2009 Arla issued a statement to the effect that tainted products had been recalled and production of milk powder at Mengniu Arla’s factory was suspended. Trading in Mengniu shares was sus- pended on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange, and company shares were reported to have dropped by 60% in value on 23 September 2008.87 Previously vibrant export markets, such as Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Taiwan, Gabon, Tanzania, Burundi and Brunei now refused to sell Chinese dairy products.88

85 http://www.hkexnews.hk/listedco/listconews/sehk/2010/1126/01117/EWPDAIRY-20101109 -11.pdf, pp. 73–74, accessed 11 April 2012. 86 Chris Buckley, ‘China plans production controls for deadly melamine’, Reuters, Beijing, Thursday 22 January 2009, 2:04 est, available at http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/ 2009-01/09/content_7383880.htm, accessed 26 March 2012. 87 Parts of this paragraph are based on ‘Mengniu Dairy’ at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Mengniu_Dairy, last accessed 3 March 2014, and ‘Yili Group’ at http://en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Yili_Group, last accessed 3 March 2014. 88 English Edition Staff, ‘Timeline for China’s Tainted Milk Scandal’, 23 September 2008, available at http://www.eeo.com.cn/ens/feature/2008/09/23/114549.html, last accessed 1 April 2012. For a critique of Chinese food safety practices as of 2011, see ‘Made in China: A Decade of Dangerous Food Imports from China’, Food & Water Watch, Washington dc, June 2011. Food & Water Watch is a non-profit ngo in the field of food, water and environ- mental policy.

128 Chapter 3

In New Zealand a major discount retailing group reviewed 143 Chinese-made products and removed 4 products from its shelves.89 As in the us and the eu, Sanlu infant milk powder was not approved for sale in Canada, and border officials were instructed to increase security to guard against illegal imports.90 Other Chinese products, which may have been perfectly safe, suffered ‘collat- eral damage’ from being associated with unsafe dairy products.91 Of all companies, the most hard-hit, not surprisingly, was Sanlu. Its bank- ruptcy was inevitable. On 31 October an audit report and asset appraisal dis- closed that Sanlu was insolvent. On 27 October 2008 Beijing Sanyuan Foods Co. Ltd (‘Sanyuan’) had acknowledged for the first time that they were negotiating with Sanlu about merger and acquisition of Sanlu. Sanyuan was a state-owned company, and since it relied directly on self-sufficient dairy farms for milk it was not involved in the melamine scandal.92 The Sanyuan Board of Directors on 8 December approved a proposal to establish a subsidiary in Shijaizhuang City. On 13 December seven factories owned by Sanlu began to re-open after Sanyuan took custody of the operation, acquiring Sanlu’s assets at public auc- tion with specially tailored criteria. Subsequently one of Sanlu’s creditors filed an application for bankruptcy liquidation93 in the Intermediate People’s Court in Shijiazhuang. On December 23 it was reported that the Intermediate People’s Court declared acceptance of the bankruptcy petition for Sanlu. The following day Sanlu received a civil order of acceptance of the bankruptcy liquidation application from the same Court and the Court designated an administrator. Sanlu then entered into a Letter of Intent for Repayment to more than 20 agencies.

89 ‘The Warehouse pulls Chinese-made products’, The New Zealand Herald, Friday, 26 September 2008, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/fonterras-chinese-milk-scan- dal/news/article.cfm?c_id=1-502761&objectid=10534402, last accessed 3 May 2014. 90 Ben Rogers, ‘Vancouver dodges contaminated Chinese infant milk-powder scandal’, Straight Line, Vancouver’s Online Source, 16 September 2008, available at https://www .google.com.hk/search?q=v-ancouver+dodges+contaminated+chinese+infant+milk-pow der+scandal&oq=vancouver+dodges+-taminated+chinese+infant+milk-powder+scandal &aqs=chrome..69i57.13984j0j7&sourceid=chrome&-es_sm=93&ie=UTF-8, last accessed 5 May 2014. 91 See Hunan Liu, William A. Kerr and Jill E. Hobbs, ‘Product Safety, Collateral Damage and Trade Policy Responses: Restoring Confidence in China’s Exports’, Journal of World Trade, 43, 1, February 2009, 97–104. See also Stephanie Strom, ‘Pork deal renews u.s. fears about safety of food from China’, International Herald Tribute [now International New York Times], Friday, 31 May 2013, p. 16. 92 Fu and Nicoll, ‘Corporate Governance’. Supra Chapter 2 note 131, at 116. 93 See Ibid., at 117. The authors discuss Sanlu company structure, bankruptcy and liquidation and the out of court proceedings.

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On 26 December a liquidation team moved into Sanlu.94 Not all creditors, which included farmers and milk station owners as well as other companies, received compensation, however.95 Nor did victims receive any compensation directly from the company. Sanlu’s joint venture partner, Fonterra, subsequently wrote off its us$114 million investment.96 In addition, Fonterra announced in late October 2009 the ‘retirement’ of the senior executive who had been one of its members on the Sanlu board and its representative on the Sanlu senior executive team; the executive was reported to have received a ‘golden handshake’ of over us$3.2 million (nz$3.7 million), which ‘included superannuation entitlements from… time with the [New Zealand Dairy Board in China], expatriate allowances,

94 For further discussion, see ‘Sanlu in Bankrupt Proceeding: Dairy company Sanlu goes bankrupt, spreading fears among creditors as well as victims of tainted milk’, available at http://english.caijing-.com.cn/2008-12-29/110043225.html, last accessed 31 March 2012; ‘Sanlu asserts ternary [sic] suspense open question “taking over” Sanlu “core” assets’, avail- able at http://www.sourcejuice.com/10-46572/2008/12/30/Sanlu-assets-ternary-suspense -open-question-taking-Sanlu-core/ last accessed 31 March 2012.. 95 ‘Sister Zhai’, a dairy farmer and milk station owner in Shijiazhuang, was an example: see ’Disadvantaged Farmers Aggrieved Dealer Baotuan Compensated 60% Of Sanlu – Melamine – Dairy Farmers’, available at http://business.ezinmark.com/disadvantaged -farmers-aggrieved-dealer-baotuan-compensated-60-of-sanlu-melamine-dairy-farmers -31e868772e4.html, last accessed 30 March 2012. The result was consistent with Fu and Nicoll’s remark that ‘corporate governance in China is primarily a tool of the state and state holding companies to coordinate competing interests among favoured groups (such as state bureaucracies, enterprises and foreign institutional investors) while hold- ing outside shareholder and stakeholder rights in check’: J Fu and Nicoll, ‘Corporate Governance’, supra Chapter 2 note 131, at 117. This state-led model of corporate gover- nance uses law as a coordinating device: see Curtis Milhaupt and Katharina Pistor, Law and Capitalism: What Corporate Crises Reveal about Legal Systems and Economic Development Around the World (University of Press, Chicago, 2008) and Chenxi Shi, Political Determinants of Corporate Governance in China (Routledge, Abingdon, 2012). 96 afp, ‘Ex-head of China milk-powder firm could face death penalty: lawyer’, afp 26 December 2008, available at http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeq M5iq43FrWYNfzSsvUYWiyKncxU-Augw, last accessed 20 September 2013. Earlier the loss was estimated at us$139 million: see ‘Contaminated Chinese milk costs Fonterra $139 mil- lion’, The New Zealand Herald, Wednesday, 24 September 2008, available at http://www .nzherald.co.nz/fonterras-chinese-milk-scandal/news/article.-cfm?c_id=1502761&objectid =10533919, last accessed 3 May 2014. On Fonterra’s strategy, see also Fran O’Sulliver, ‘Chairman should front up’, The New Zealand Herald, Wednesday, 24 September 2008, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/fonterras-chinese-milk-scandal/news/article.cfm?c_id=1 -502761&objectid=10533761, last accessed 3 May 2014.

130 Chapter 3 salary and termination costs’.97 Fonterra as a company also sought to maintain a distance from the subsequent criminal proceedings against Sanlu in main- land China98 and to defend itself in litigation in Hong Kong, as will be seen later.

Unexpected Consequences The melamine crisis had several unexpected but nonetheless direct and fore- seeable consequences for the consolidation of the Chinese dairy products market. The dramatic loss of public trust in domestic dairy products as a result of the melamine crisis opened up the Chinese market in dairy products, espe- cially infant formula, to foreign companies. Before the melamine scandal, the main domestic producers of dairy producers for the low end of the Chinese market comprised producers of powdered milk and liquid milk.99 Producers of powdered milk included Sanlu, the market leader with a market share of 18.26%; Yashili International Holdings Ltd with the second largest market share at 12.58%; Wandashan Dairy Company Ltd; and Qingdao Shengyuan Milk Company Ltd. Liquid milk producers included Yili, third-ranked among domestic dairy producers with a 8.83% market share; China Mengniu Dairy

97 Andrea Fox, ‘Fonterra’s $3.7m eased departure of “fall guy”’, The New Zealand Herald, Saturday, 31 October 2009, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/fonterras-chinese -milk-scandal/news/article.-cfm?c_id=1502761&objectid=10606469, last accessed 4 May 2014. 98 See ‘Fonterra chief takes step back on tainted milk case’, The New Zealand Herald, Sunday, 9 January 2009, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/fonterras-chinese-milk-scandal/ news/article.cf-m?c_id=1502761&objectid=10550518, last accessed 4 May 2014. Subsequently it was reported that Fonterra accepted the Chinese court judgments. Following the New Zealand government position, it did not condone the death penalty, but it ‘respect[ed] their rights to take a very serious attitude to what was an extremely serious scandal’: ‘Fonterra accepts Chinese court’s verdicts’, The New Zealand Herald, Sunday, 25 January 2009, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/fonterras-chinese-milk- scandal/news/article.cfm?c_id=1502761&objectid=10553485, last accessed 4 May 2014. The New Zealand Green Party condemned the use of the death sentence, as did Amnesty International: see ‘Greens condemn milk death sentences, Fonterra silent’, The New Zealand Herald, Friday, 23 January 2009, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/fonter- ras-chinese-milk-scandal/news/article.cfm?c_id=1-502761&objectid=10553250, last accessed 4 May 2014; and ‘Amnesty urges Fonterra to condemn executions’, The New Zealand Herald, Wednesday, 25 November 2009, available at http://www.nzh-erald.co.nz/ fonterras-chinese-milk-scandal/news/article.cfm?c_id=1502761&objectid=−10611509, last accessed 4 May 2014. 99 Statistics are drawn from Consulting Report of China’s Infant Powered Milk Industrial Dynamic and Investment Prospectus in 2009–2012 (2009–2012) 年中国婴幼儿奶粉产业 市场动态及投资前景咨询报告.

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Company Ltd; Bright Dairy; and Sanyuan and others. The high end of the mar- ket was covered mainly by foreign producers, such as Mead Johnson, Wyeth, Dumex and others. The 2008–2009 period saw a rapid increase in dairy imports. Between 2008 and late 2009, the number of cows in the Chinese dairy sector decreased by 37% and milk supply was reduced by 50%, but nevertheless domestic milk prices declined by 24%.100 Despite rising demand, a drop in supply did not lead to higher prices for domestic dairy products. The paradox was only appar- ent: the relevant market for the supply of dairy products to Chinese consumers was now transnational. As summarized by a RaboBank report on the dairy sec- tor, ‘China, by linking hands with the world, now faces a new market era in which local wholesale prices and even raw milk prices are influenced by devel- opments beyond the Middle Kingdom’.101 Government restructuring policies to promote larger farms and vertical integration reduced supply, and with the declining demand for dairy products produced in China, foreign companies rapidly gained market share at the expense of Chinese firms. This was accentu- ated by the global financial crisis and consequent declining world market prices for dairy products.102 Foreign companies rapidly gained market share at the expense of Chinese firms. For example, Asahi Breweries of Japan began in September 2008 to mar- ket a new premium-quality liquid milk product costing almost twice as much as domestically produced equivalents; raw milk came from an Asahi joint ven- ture, Asahi Green Source Farm, in Shandong Province.103 Increased demand for foreign products after the melamine scandal became public led to a 60% increase in the price of foreign dairy products in the third and fourth quarters

100 Bram Prins, Co Daatselaar and Paul Galama, ‘Information about the People’s Republic of China: Results of the Global Dairy Farmers Congress 2009’, May 29th – June 4th 2009, Hangzhou – Hohot – Beijing, at 18, available at www. Globaldairyfarmers.com, last accessed 16 September 2013. Global Dairy Farmers (gdf) is a global platform for leading dairy farmers and the dairy industry. Mr Bram Pins was President of gdf as of 2009. 101 Tim Hunt, Hayley Moynihan and Mark Voorbergen, Global Dairy Outlook, Rabobank International Food & Agribusiness Research and Advisory, November 2010, p. 16, available at www.rabobank.com/far, last accessed 12 August 2013. 102 Ibid., p. 14, , who point out (at p. 15) that ‘in late 2008 and 2009 Chinese milk production fell far more than suggested by official figures’ . 103 Zhou Yan, ‘Overseas firms eye dairy industry’, China Daily, Wednesday, 24 September 2008, p. 14. For a detailed report of fdi and joint ventures in dairy sector as of mid-2012, see Lucy Hornby and Jane Lanhee Lee, ‘China lures global dairy producers’, International Herald Tribune [now International New York Times], Tuesday, 19 June 2012, p. 22.

132 Chapter 3 of 2008104 and, correlatively, surplus stocks of domestic dairy products amount- ing to 300,000 tons worth 5 billion rmb as of November 2008.105 In January- February 2009, imports of foreign dairy products increased by 101.4% compared to the previous quarter,106 whereas in the same period exports of Chinese dairy products declined by 11.9% compared with the previous quarter.107 As of 2010–2011, however, sales of domestic dairy products began to recover, and even though prices of foreign dairy products declined sharply in the sec- ond half of 2011, domestic producers competed with foreign producers in the middle section of the market.108 Nevertheless, by 2012, a specialist news service reported that five foreign companies (Mead Johnson, Dumex, Wyeth, Nestle and Abbott) accounted for 60% of the market for infant formula, with four domestic producers (Yili, Beingmate, Shengyuan and Yashili) accounting for the remaining 40%.109 It also stated that ‘[t]he Chinese market is a hotbed for imported baby formula because indigenous consumers have lost faith in the integrity of their domestic producers and the safety of their produce since the notorious melamine scandal’. It also pointed out that demand for imported formula was growing rapidly, with about 17 million babies born each year, the 0–3-year-old population comprising nearly 50 million children and, as of 2012, imported formula representing a value of more than us $981 million.110

104 Consulting Report of China’s Infant Powered Milk Industrial Dynamic and Investment Prospectus in 2009–2012 (2009–2012 年中国婴幼儿奶粉产业市场动态及投资前景咨 询报告). 105 Data from Report of Dairy Association of China. 106 Data from General Administration of Customs. 107 Data from General Administration of Customs. 108 Source: Consulting Report of China’s Infant Powered Milk Industrial Dynamic and Investment Prospectus in 2011–2015 (2011–2015 年中国婴幼儿奶粉产业市场动态及投资前景咨询 报告). 109 CHEMLINKED (China’s Chemical Regulatory News & Database), Baby Formula Regulatory Report, ‘China’s Regulatory Environment for Imported Baby Formula 进口婴 幼儿配方乳粉所面临的中国法规环境概览’, page 1, available at https://chemlinked .com/sites/default/files/preview-doc/sample27_chinas_regulatory_environment_for _imported_baby_formula.pdf, last accessed 10 December 2014. See also TUSIAD China Business Insight, ‘China’s Dairy Industry’, December 2013, available at http://www.tusiad .org/__rsc/shared/file/ChinaBusinessInsight-December2013.pdf, last accessed 22 December 2014. 110 CHEMLINKED (China’s Chemical Regulatory News & Database), Baby Formula Regulatory Report, ‘China’s Regulatory Environment for Imported Baby Formula进口婴 幼儿配方乳粉所面临的中国法规环境概览’, page 1, available at https://chemlinked .com/sites/default/files/preview-doc/sample27_chinas_regulatory_environment_for _imported_baby_formula.pdf, last accessed 10 December 2014.

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By late 2013, Abbott Laboratories (usa), Mead Johnson Nutrition Company (usa), Danone sa (France) and Nestle sa (Switzerland) were also among the main infant milk sellers in the country. All purchased base milk powder from Fonterra for processing.111 In fact, as of September 2013 Fonterra reportedly supplied 90% of milk powder imported into China and was planning to intro- duce its own-brand milk formula,112 despite having been one of six foreign dairy companies in China which were fined a total of us$109 million for anti- competitive behaviour and price fixing.113 In August 2014, the International New York Times reported that Fonterra, seeking a new foothold in the Chinese market, now intended to invest more than us $500 million in another Chinese manufacturer of infant formula. The headline read ‘Food safety underpins China baby-milk deal’, and the report began by recalling the melamine scandal which still spread its shadow over the Chinese dairy sector.114 A related consequence of the melamine crisis was a rapid increase in paral- lel imports, both legal and illegal, of dairy products from Hong Kong and Macau. Such imports resulted from the fact that food safety remained a sub- ject of continuing and increasing public concern.115 The increase in specula- tion and parallel imports led to attempts by neighbouring Hong Kong and Macau governments to limit exports of infant formula to the Chinese main- land. In March 2013 Hong Kong introduced a ban on unlicensed milk powder exports. It was prohibited to export more than 1.8kg of infant formula at one time; sanctions could amount up to hk$500,000 (then us$64,282) and up to two years in prison.116 Just before the ban came into effect, several people were

111 ‘Fonterra milk powder challenged in China’, Shenzhen Daily, Wednesday 18 December 2013, p. 6, 112 Reuters (Wellington), ‘Fonterra pushes plans for own-brand milk in China’, South China Morning Post, Thursday, 26 September 2013, p B2. 113 Amy Qin and Edward Wong, ‘China fines 6 firms over pricing of milk powder’, International Herald Tribute [now International New York Times, Thursday, 8 August 2013, p. 14.]. 114 Neil Gough, ‘Food safety underpines China baby-milk deal’, International New York Times, Thursday, 28 August 2014, p. 15. 115 Wang Hongyi, ‘Food safety tops public concerns’, China Daily, Wednesday, 21 August 2013, p. 4, referring to a report by the Public Opinion Research Laboratory and Crisis Management Center, Shanghai Jiao Tong University; Emily Tsang and Celine Sun, ‘Mums say hk still best for milk buys’, South China Morning Post, Monday, 8 July 2013, p. 1. 116 Import and Export (General)(Amendment) Regulation 2013 (with effect from 1 March 2013) – Quantity of Powdered Formula for Persons Departing from Hong Kong, Available at http://www.customs.gov.hk/en/whats_new/API/, last accessed 18 March 2015. See also Li Yao, ‘hk sets baby formula limits’, China Daily, Monday, 4 March 2013, p. 4.The

134 Chapter 3 arrested for attempting to smuggle infant formula from Hong Kong to Shenzhen, in one case for 60 cans of formula and the other for 38 cans of for- mula, all destined to be sold by ‘parallel traders’ for a high profit in mainland China.117 In December 2013, for the first time a person, a third-time offender, was sent to prison for 5 weeks for attempting to smuggle 3.2kg of formula from Hong Kong to Shenzhen.118

Law, Sanctions and Managed Justice

Party and Government Law, legal institutions and legal processes were central to the Chinese party- state’s reaction to the melamine scandal and also to victims’ search for jus- tice; this was quite apart from the fact that most policies regarding the quality of milk products or structural reforms were encapsulated in legisla- tion or other normative documents. What role did various party-state institutions, including courts, play in meting out sanctions, providing com- pensation for harm or educating the public about food safety? What, when, how and why did the judiciary, in particular, contribute to the government’s response to the crisis? To what extent is the traditional view about the weak- ness of courts compared to other institutions in China, notably the Party and the administration, borne out by the role of judicial institutions in the melamine crisis? To what extent were the roles of courts and other institu- tions shaped by the overall concern for preservation of social stability? This section considers these questions, starting with the role of the Party and then examining the roles of courts and finally government compensation for victims. National and provincial Party and governmental institutions were involved in sanctioning the leaders of Sanlu, local Party officials, and central and local government officials, including a central government minister. The Hebei Province Party Standing Committee met on 16 September. It accepted the deci- sion of the Shizjiazhuang City Party Committee removing Tian Wenhua from her positions as General Manager of Sanlu, Director of the Sanlu Board and

legislation met with mixed reactions on the mainland: see ‘Mixed views on milk powder rules’, Shenzhen Daily, Tuesday, 5 March 2013, p. 4. 117 ‘3 arrested for smuggling baby formula’, Shenzhen Daily, Wednesday, 27 February 2013, p. 1. 118 ‘Woman jailed for smuggling formula’, Shenzhen Daily, Thursday, 26 December 2013, p. 4.

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Party Secretary of Sanlu.119 She was also dismissed from the cpc.120 According to Caijing,121 she was arrested on 17 September. On the same day the Secretary of Shijiazhuang Municipal Party Committee Wu Xianguo and the Mayor of Shijiazhuang City and Deputy Secretary of the City Party Committee, Ji Chuntang, were also forced to resign. Four key local Shijiazhuang officials were removed from their positions: the Vice-Mayor in charge of food and agriculture Zhang Fawang, the head of the animal husbandry and fishery bureau Sun Renhu, the director of the food and drug administration Zhang Hi and the head of the quality supervision bureau Li Zhiguo.122 These senior local offi- cials were dismissed by the Hebei cpc Committee Organisation Department, which had made the appointments through the nomenklatura system.123 The

119 See Xinhua, ‘Shijiazhuang Sanlu Group party secretary, chairman dismissed’, available at http://-money.163.com/08/0916/18/4M00FPE200252G50.html, last accessed 8 May 2014. Such Party sanctions are known as shuang kai and may include warning, severe warning, removal from Party posts, probation with the Party and expulsion from the Party. Removal from Party (leadership) posts may be imposed if the ‘malpractice is serious enough to cease…party duty but not serious enough for a period of probation within the party [or expulsion]’. Expulsion can be imposed in cases of intentional criminal law violation, a court-imposed deprivation of political rights, or negligent or involuntary crime sanc- tioned by a court-imposed prison sentence of more than three years. Tian Wenhua would have qualified for explusion under the last category, but I have not seen any indication that Tian Wenhua was expelled from the Party in addition to being removed from her Party post. On Party procedures, see Gao Shan, ‘Brief introduction of Shuang kai and pic- tures inside Shuang gui facililty’, in Larry Catá Backer, ‘Communist Party and State Discipline in China Part ii: Brief Introdution to Shuang Kai and Pix Inside Shuang gui Facility’, available at http://lcbackerblog.blogspot.fr/2011/09/communist-party-and-state -discipline-in.html, last accessed 08 May 2012. 120 The Constitution of the Communist Party of China states that ‘Party members who have seriously violated the Criminal Law shall be expelled from the Party’ (Article 38, paragraph 2) and that ‘[e]xpulsion is the ultimate Party disciplinary measure’ (Article 39, paragraph 3): Constitution of the Communist Party of China (Foreign Languages Press, Beijing, 2001), pp. 101 and 103, respectively. 121 http://www.caijing.com.cn/2008-09-17/110013484.html, accessed 20 April 2012. 122 English Edition Staff, ‘Timeline for China’s Tainted Milk Scandal’, 23 September 2008, available at http://www.eeo.com.cn/ens/feature/2008/09/23/114549.html, last accessed 1 April 2012. 123 Local agencies, such as food and agriculture, were managed by the local government, instead of being managed either through a ‘vertical’ system in which central government makes the appointments or through a ‘semi-vertical’ arrangement in which provincial government, not central government, appoints the leadership group but provincial gov- ernment does not make other personnel appointments. See Burns et al., ‘Dublin’, supra note 137, at 5–6. See also John P. Burns and Zhou Zhiren, ‘Performance Management in

136 Chapter 3 provincial Party Committee took the decisions to arrest Ms Tian and to dismiss Mr Ji. The Shijiazhuang government on 16 September announced the decision to remove Ms Tian from her position and to investigate the incident. As already noted, Sanlu had reported the incident to the city government on 2 August, but the city government, acting within the context of local profes- sional and cpc relations, did not investigate and in fact tried to keep the inci- dent secret. On 22 September, following a State Council investigation, Li Changjiang, the minister in charge of aqsiq and also its Party chief, was forced to resign. He was reported by Caijing Magazine to have stated that China did not have a national standard for testing for melamine or a system to test for melamine in food products. Curiously, Caijing Magazine subsequently reported that ‘tests for the chemical have been conducted on all food products exported by China’ since the 2007 pet food incident.124 The implicit difference of opinion is only apparent, however, because China did not have standards for melamine in raw milk or adequate testing equipment before the melamine crisis. Nevertheless, the report emphasised another problem with China’s system of food safety regulation at the time: different standards of food safety apparently prevailed in domestic markets and export markets.125 China did not have standards or testing equipment for melamine in dairy products, while China’s export mar- kets may have had both. Subsequently, eight more government officials from aqsiq, the Ministry of Agriculture, the Ministry of Health, the State Administration for Industry and Commerce (saic) and the State Food and Drug Administration (sfda) were dismissed or disciplined, for example by being demoted or having their conduct recorded. They included Wang Bubu, Director General for Law Enforcement and Supervision at aqsiq, and Lu Yangang, Deputy Director-General for Food Circulation Supervision at saic. The basic decisions about such matters were taken or justified under the 2005 Civil Servants Law and the 2007 State Council Regulation on the Punishment

the Government of the People’s Republic of China: Accountability and Control in the Implementation of Public Policy’, oecd Journal on Budgeting, 2, 2012, at 6, available at http://www.oecd.org/china/48169592.pdf, last accessed 13 September 2013. 124 Gong Jing and Liu Jingjing, ‘Spilling the Blame for China’s Milk Crisis’, Caijing Magazine, 10 October 2008, p. 1 available at http://english.caijing.com.cn/2008-10-10/110019183.html, last accessed 15 September 2013. 125 The melamine scandal was reported to have revealed the existence of lower standards for the domestic market and higher standards for export markets: see He Dan, ‘Experts seek end to food double standard’, China Daily, Thursday, 21 April 2011, p. 4.

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 137 of Civil Servants of Administrative Organs.,126 though one may speculate that they were made by the cpc. These Party and government officials were sanctioned by the Party. The most common sanction was dismissal from position, but some were merely demoted or had their conduct recorded. It seems that none were expelled from the Party. None, even government high officials, even if also occupying a Party or busi- ness position, were sanctioned by means of shuanggui (‘double designation’ [designated duration, designated place]127), a form of cpc extra-legal deten- tion usually but not always reserved for high-ranking Party officials.128 None were subject to any judicial proceedings. Otherwise, they were treated accord- ing to law, in the sense that the sanction was justified in terms of specific legis- lation, even though not all relevant legislation was invoked and the government did not permit private litigants to seek compensation through the courts.

126 China View, Window of China, ‘More Chinese officials punished in tainted milk scandal’, ChinaView, www.chinaview.cn, 20 February 2009, available at http://news.xinuanet.com/ english/20-09-03-20/content_11043298.htm, last accessed 19 April 2012. 127 Regulations of cpc on Discipline Regulations, Article 28, Section 3: ‘Any person or insti- tutes [sic] who know the matters of the case shall bear the duty of providing evidence. According to the procedural [sic] of the regulations, the investigation group has the power to adopt the following measures: (3) Requiring the relevant person answering questions and clarifying issues at designated duration and designated place’. This applies to Party members. Non-Party-members may be subject instead to Liang zhi, following the Law of the prc on Administrative Supervision, Article 20, Section 20. See Gao Shan, ‘The introduc- tion of Shuang gui’, in Larry Catá Backer, ‘Communist Part and State Discipline in China: Exploring Shuang gui 双规 and Shuang kai Part I’, available at http://lcbackerblog.blogspot .fr/2011/08/communist-party-and-state-discip0line-in.html, last accessed 8 May 2012. 128 See following sources: Flora Sapio, ‘Shuanggui and Extralegal Detention in China’, China Information, 22, 1, March 2008, 17–37, revised version in Flora Sapio, Sovereign Power and the Law in China (Brill Academic Publishers, Leiden, 2010); Larry Catá Backer, ‘Communist Part and State Discipline in China: Exploring Shuang gui 双规 and Shuang kai Part i’, avail- able at http://lcbackerblog.blogspot.fr/2011/08/communist-party-and-state-discip0line -in.html, last accessed 8 May 2012; Larry Catá Backer, ‘Communist Party and State Discipline in China Part ii: Brief Introduction to Shuang Kai and Pix Inside Shuang gui Facility’, available at http://lcbackerblog.blogspot.fr/2011/09/communist-party-and-state -discipline-in.html, last accessed 08 May 2012; ‘Official Fear: Inside a Shanggui Investigation Facility’, Dui Jui Human Rights Journal, Tuesday, 5 July 2011, including Chu Zhaoxian, ‘Where Corrupt Officials Fear Most: Exploring a Shuanggui Investigation Facility’, avail- able at http://www.duihuahrjournal.org/2011/07/official-fear-inside-shuanggui.html, last accessed 6 May 2012; Jerome A. Cohen, ‘Incommunicado Detention in China’, USAsialawNYU, Jerome A. Cohen’s Blog, 18 April 2012, available at http://www.usasia-law .org/?p=6801, last accessed 5 May 2012.

138 Chapter 3

High-Profile Criminal Cases Ensuing events involved the courts along three different pathways: first, high- profile criminal prosecutions; second, criminal cases against middlemen; and, third, milk producers and civil suits by victims for compensation. The first pathway consisted of high-profile criminal sanctions taken against Ms Tian Wenhua, the chair of the Board of Sanlu, and other senior managers of Sanlu. On 17 September 2008, four leading Sanlu business people were arrested. Two of them, Tian Wenhua and Wang Yuliang, one of her vice-pres- idents (deputy general manager), were arrested and placed in criminal deten- tion. Another two, Hang Zhiqi, another vice-president (deputy general manager), and Wu Juseng, head of Sanlu’s milk division, were arrested and placed under residential surveillance. They were charged under Article 140 of the Criminal Law (cl) and at least Ms Tian was initially also charged under Article 144 cl.129 Article 140 cl provides that any producer or seller who pro- duces or sells fake or substandard products is liable to fine and imprison- ment. If the earnings from sales amount to more than 2 million rmb, the accused may be sentenced to life imprisonment and a fine up to two-thirds the amount of earnings from sales or confiscation of property. Article 144 cl provides that anyone who ‘mixes poisonous or harmful non-food raw materi- als into food produced or sold or knowingly sells food mixed’ with such mate- rials and causes death or ‘any other especially serious circumstance’ is to be punished according to Article 141 cl. In turn, Article 141 cl provides for imprisonment of not less than 10 years, life imprisonment or death penalty, and fine or forfeiture of property in the crime results in death or ‘any other especially serious circumstance’. At the trial, the public prosecutor dropped the Article 144 cl charge at trial, reportedly because it required a higher bur- den of proof.130 In addition to the Criminal Law, which also allows victims of crime to bring a civil action for compensation for personal injury or damage, the Product Quality Law (pql), the 2007 Provisions on the Administration of Food Recall, and the Law on Public Health Emergencies potentially applied to Ms Tian or to

129 Criminal Law of the People’s Republic of China, (adopted by the Second Session of the Fifth National People’s Congress on 1 July 1979 and amended by the Fifth Session of the Eighth National People’s Congress on 14 March 1997), CLI.1.17010(EN), Chinalawinfo, Articles 144. 130 Liu, ‘Profits’, supra note 135, at 387. Liu does not mention this expressly, but it would seem that the higher burden of proof meant proving either that Sanlu (or Ms Tian) actually mixed the product or that Ms Tian knew that Sanlu infant formula contained melamine.

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 139 government officials involved in the melamine scandal.131 None of these laws, however, except for the Criminal Law, was invoked in the case. One may specu- late that there were three reasons for this. First, the government chose to focus public attention on the invocation, effects and symbolism of the criminal law, rather than on more technical civil law remedies which might have been less easily visible and less easily comprehensible to the general public. As Steve Dickinson pointed out regarding the Chinese legal system, ‘Where there is major damage affecting a large number of people, private civil action is considered inadequate. The issue is public and requires a public response. A key element of the public response is that punishment must be imposed’.132 Almost universally, criminal trials and criminal sanctions which are widely communicated to the public often carry a heavy symbolic significance, regardless of whether the pur- pose is to educate, to frighten and deter or to create incentives.133 Second, by using criminal prosecution the government, and more generally the party-state, retained control of the legal process, in contrast to civil actions in which victims and their lawyers would in principle have had the initiative. Third, limitation of legal recourse to the criminal law allowed the government to avoid civil suits against government officials who had failed to meet their legal obligations, for example under the Law on Public Health Emergencies, and instead to sanction such officials according to Party and criminal law procedures. The most important criminal prosecutions concerned Tian Wenhua, Wang Yuliang, Hang Zhiqi, and Wu Jusheng.134 The Xinhua Division of Shijiazhuang Public Security Bureau completed its investigation on 9 December 2008. On

131 For useful summaries of the relevant legislation, see ibid., at 388–396, and Yungsuk Karen Yoo, ‘Tainted Milk: What Kind of Justice for Victims’ Families in China?’, Hastings International and Comparative Law Review, 33, 2010, 555–575, at 557–562 (hereafter Yoo, ‘Tainted Milk’). 132 Steve Dickinson, ‘Foreign Managers Are Not Above the Law’, China Economic Review, col- umn republished in Dan Harris, ‘Sanlu’s Lessons for Foreign Managers in China…. Because Jail Is Probably Not Where You Want to Be’, China Law Blog, http://www.chinalawblog. com/2009/02/san-lus_lessons_for_foreign_man.html, last accessed 19 September 2013 (hereafter Dickinson, ‘Foreign Managers’). 133 The classic studies in English are E.P. Thompson, Whigs and Hunters: The Origin of the Black Act, (London: Allen Lane, 1975; with a new postscript, Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1977) and E.P. Thompson (ed), Albion’s Fatal Tree: Crime and Society in Eighteenth Century England, London: Allen Lane, 1975. 134 The following account, unless otherwise noted, is based on the judgment of the Higher Court of Hebei Province in People’s Procuratorate of Shijiazhuang Municipality v. Shijiazhuang Sanlu Group Co. Ltd. and related persons, appeal rejected on 29 March 2009. I am grateful to Dingmin Liu for this English translation.

140 Chapter 3 the same day, it transferred the case for pre-prosecution examination to Xinhua District People’s Procuratorate, which, still on the same day, transferred the case for further examination to Shijiazhuang People’s Procuratorate, its admin- istrative superior in the procuratorate hierarchy.. Following interrogation of the suspects ‘according to law’, the Shijiazhuang People’s Procuratorate brought an indictment to the Shijiazhuang Intermediate People’s Court. Intermediate people’s courts, in addition to hearing appeals from basic people’s courts, have first-instance jurisdiction over cases with a significant impact.135 On 31 December, the Shijiazhuang Intermediate People’s Court began hearing the cases. One defendant, Mr Wang, who had broken his leg in an unsuccessful attempt to commit suicide by leaping off a building, appeared in court in a wheelchair.136 According to the indictment, Sanlu had received complaints as early as December 2007. Sanlu’s Customer Services Department informed Ms Tian, Mr Wang and other group leaders of these complaints on 17 May 2008. Sanlu formed a technical team headed by Mr Wang to carry out investigations, which showed that Sanlu’s Infant Series Milk Powder contained between 1.6 and 6 times as much non-protein nitrogen compound as ‘like products’ of domestic or overseas origin, leading the team to suspect that it contained melamine. On 24 July Sanlu sent 16 product batches to the Hebei Province Entry-Exit Inspection and Quarantine Bureau, which reported on 1 August that melamine had been found in 15 of the 16 batches. Mr Wang reported the test results to

135 Organic Law of the People’s Courts of the People’s Republic of China (olpc) (Adopted at the Second Session of the Fifth National People’s Congress on 1 July 1979 and 3rd revised as adopted at the 24th meeting of the Standing Committee of the 10th National People’s Congress of the prc on 31 October 2006) (promulgated by the Order No. 59 of the President of the prc and came into effect on 31 October 2006), CLI.1.81825(EN), Chinalawinfo, Article 24; and Civil Procedure Law of the People’s Republic of China, (Adopted at the 4th Session of the Seventh National People’s Congress on 9 April 1991; amended for the first time in accordance with the Decision on Amending the Civil Procedure Law of the prc as adopted at the 30th Session of the Standing Committee of the Tenth National People’s Congress on 28 October 2007; and amended for the second time in accordance with the Decision on Amending the Civil Procedure Law of the prc as adopted at the 28th Session of the Standing Committee of the Eleventh National People’s Congress on 31 August 2012) (Promulgated by the Order No. 59 of the President of the prc and came into effect on 31 August 2012), CLI.1.183386(EN), Chinalawinfo, Article 18. 136 ‘China milk exec faults lack of rules’, .com/asia, available at http://edition.cnn .com/2009/-WORLD/asiapcf/01/01/china.milk/index.html , last accessed 21 September 2013.

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Ms Tian about 5pm (17:00) the same day. She called an enlarged meeting of Sanlu Group leadership. At the meeting Mr Wang explained that melamine had been detected in Sanlu milk powder. The Group leadership decided to lock the products in storage and stop deliveries. Mr Wang was to be responsible for measuring the melamine content in the stored products and to keep samples of raw milk and related materials. Mr Hang was to strengthen management of dairy production, especially in the purchase of raw milk and to recall already marketed Sanlu milk powder in exchange for good products. However, Sanlu did not stop its milk powder production. After further testing, Ms Tian and Mr Wang convened another Group leader- ship meeting. The meeting took two decisions. First, stored products contain- ing less than 10 mg/kg of melamine would continue to be sold, while products with a higher melamine content would remain in storage. Mr Wang was to be in charge of these arrangements. Second, Sanlu would produce formula with up to 20 mg/kg melamine content to exchange for products with higher melamine content and gradually withdraw all products containing melamine from the market. Mr Wang then announced that any product with less than 10 mg/kg melamine content could receive clearance from the company’s mea- suring department to be allowed for sale. Between 2 August and 12 September 2008, Sanlu manufactured 72 batches of infant milk power containing melamine, with a total weight of 904.2432 tonnes. It sold 69 batches, a total weight of 813.737 tonnes, for which it received rmb 47,560,800. On 3 August Mr Hang, with Ms Tian’s permission, informed Mr Wu that Sanlu milk powder contained a non-protein nitrogen compound and asked him to strengthen control of milk sources. However, he also ‘instructed that any raw milk declined by the Third Processing Plant for the extra non-protein nitrogen compound should be transferred to the other processing plants in order to ensure milk source supply’. I speculate that this milk cost less and was destined for the lower, mainly rural end of the market. The raw milk depart- ment of Sanlu met the next day. Following Mr Hang’s instructions, Mr Wu asked that such rejected milk be sent to Xingtang Delivering Center and Xinlemin Town Delivering Centre, a rural district administered by Shijiazhuang municipality and a satellite city of Shijiazhanng, respectively,137 which would then deliver it to other Group firms for production. 29,806 tonnes of raw milk rejected by the Third Processing Plant were transferred to the other two cen- tres, which subsequently delivered a total of 180.89 tonnes of raw milk to Sanlu group firms such as Baoding Sanlu, Second Processing Plant and Sanlu Leshi

137 Wikipedia, ‘Shijiazhuang: administrative divisions’, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Shijiazhuang, last accessed 27 January 2015.

142 Chapter 3

Dairy Company. This milk was mixed with other raw milk to produce different kinds of yoghurt, all containing melamine. Tests showed that between 24 mg/ kg and 199 mg/kg of melamine was present in 12 batches of liquid milk making a total of 269.44062 tonnes of milk. All was sold for a total price of 1,814,022.98 rmb. The hearing of the case, despite its factual and legal complexity, lasted only one day, reportedly under the guidance of the Central Political and Legal Commission (cplc).138 The Shijiazhuang Intermediate People’s Court formed a collegiate bench. On 31 December 2008, it held that the acts of the defen- dants constituted two crimes: manufacturing and selling poisonous food, and manufacturing and selling fake and shoddy goods. However, in its view the evidence was not sufficient to demonstrate that the products which the defen- dants continued to produce and sell had dangerous consequences after the defendants learned that the products contained melamine on 1 August 2008. The Court concluded that the defendants should be convicted of the lesser crime. Ms Tian played the organizing and directing role and had direct princi- pal responsibility for the crime. Mr Wu played only a second role as an accom- plice, since he on Mr Hang’s orders allocated raw milk containing melamine to Sanlu Group firms which produce liquid milk. On 21 January 2009 the Court imposed a fine on Sanlu Group of rmb 49,374,822. It sentenced Ms Tian to life imprisonment and a fine of rmb 24,687,411, Mr Wang to 15 years in prison and a fine of rmb 23,780,400, Mr Hang Zhiqi to 8 years in prison and a fine of rmb 907,011 and Mr Wu to 5 years in prison and a fine of rmb 604,674.139 All defendants appealed to the Hebei Province Higher People’s Court. In its judgment the Higher People’s Court reiterated, more or less verbatim, the main points in the Intermediate People’s Court judgment. On 15 March 2009 it rejected the appeal and confirmed the original judgment. In the view of one commentator, the defendants were held responsible for a crime ‘committed by

138 McGregor, The Party, supra Chapter 2 note 77, pp. 190–191, who uses the term ccp Politics and Law Committee. On the functions of the cplc, see Zheng, Organizational Emperor, supra note 223, p. 113; Carol Lee Hamrin, ‘The Party Leadership System’, in Lieberthal and Lampton, Bureaucracy, supra Chapter 2 note 145, at 112–113, 119, 121–122. The cplc heads the Political and Legal Affairs xitong, on which see Lieberthal, Governing, supra Chapter 2 note 207, pp. 224–227. 139 The case did not seem to involve bribery. The sentences may be compared with the death sentence given to the former head of the China Food and Drug Administration, , for taking bribes of reportedly us$850,000 for issuing marketing licences for sub- standard pharmaceutical products. See ‘China food safety head executed’, bbc News, Asia- Pacific, available at http://news.bbc.co.uk-/2/hi/6286698.stm, last accessed 14 June 2012. For further details, see Liu, ‘Obstacles’, supra Chapter 2, note 122, at 294–298.

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 143 a subsidiary company over which none of the defendants had direct manage- ment control’,140 but this perspective was not mentioned or reflected in the judicial opinions. In addition to serving as scapegoats,141 the defendants exem- plified the ways in which, under Chinese criminal law, leaders can be treated as a direct representative of and as bearing responsibility for their misdeeds of their organizations. I speculate that, in this socially and politically sensitive case, the cplc established beforehand the general character of the sanctions for each defendant, that the courts translated these guidelines into specific sanctions and that the trials were intended to serve mainly scapegoating, sym- bolic, educational and deterrent functions. The singularity and salience of the Sanlu case may help to explain which criminal charges were not brought against other major dairy processing companies, although they too had been involved in the melamine scandal. Neither judgment referred to Fonterra, to local government officials (who were dealt with by the cpc outside court) or to the cpc/government decision prohibiting release of any information during the August Olympic period. The conclusion by the Intermediate People’s Court that there was not sufficient proof that any harm was caused by products after 1 August, when the defen- dants learned of the problem, seems to have avoided any necessity to refer to Fonterra in the judgment, since apparently Fonterra did not know of the melamine problem until that date.142 Nor does it seem that Fonterra was requested to provide documents for the appeal, even though the company stated publicly that it would provide documents if requested to do so, and even though Ms Tian Wenhua was reported to have stated during the original trial that ‘an unnamed Fonterra board member…had given her a document stating the European Union’s permitted level of melamine was a maximum of 20 mg

140 Dickinson, ‘Foreign Managers’, supra note 132. 141 See also Y.R., ‘Pékin tente de mettre un terme au scandale du lait à la melamine’, Les Echos, vendredi 23 et samedi 24 janvier 2009, p. 19. This view was expressed strongly by Tian Wenhua’s lawyer, Mr Liang Zikan: see the interview with Mr Liang in ‘Dairy Scandal Scapegoat Tian Wenhua’s Lawyer Speaks Out’, eChinacities Newletter, 3 March 2009, available at http://www.echinacities.-com/china-media/Dairy-Scandal-Scapegoat-Tian -Wenhuas-Lawyer-Speaks-Out, last accessed 15 August 2014. 142 Whether Fonterra was likely to be prosecuted was however the subject of some uncer- tainty and discussion in New Zealand, including by Trade Minister Phil Goff. See Paula Oliver, ‘Grim future for milk culprits’, The New Zealand Herald, Friday, 19 September 2008, available at http://www.nz-herald.co.nz/fonterras-chinese-milk-scandal/news/article .cfm?c_id=1502761&objectid=10532999, last accessed 3 May 2014.

144 Chapter 3 for every kilogram of milk, and [she] decided not to stop production of the tainted products because she had trusted the documents at that time’.143 Fonterra was not sued directly in either China or New Zealand. However, parents of victims sought to bring a case against Fonterra in the Hong Kong Small Claims Tribunal; it was reported that Fonterra had used a Hong Kong subsidiary to obtain its stake in Sanlu, and the Hong King location of the sub- sidiary provided a basis for jurisdiction.144 The Small Claims Tribunal con- ducted a hearing on 27 May 2010 but rejected the plaintiffs’ claims on the ground that Hong Kong was not ‘an appropriate forum’. The plaintiffs applied for review, and at the review hearing on 6 August 2010 the Tribunal again rejected the claim, on the following grounds. First, ‘“the torts, parties, and related injuries in this case are undoubtedly closely related with the mainland and do not have significant relation to Hong Kong”’. Second, ‘“even if the three trustees appointed by the defendant knew of the situation [that Sanlu was adding melamine to its milk], and it can be believed that the defendant also knew of the situation, there is no evidence that proves the defendant had any responsibility toward the consumers”’. Third, ‘“the defendant is only a share- holder, and it was not involved with the manufacturing and selling of the poi- soned milk products and did not undertake any responsibility toward the consumers of Sanlu products; therefore, it did not have any duty requiring it to

143 Lincoln Tan, ‘Fonterra to tell all in Sanlu appeal’, The New Zealand Herald, Thursday, 3 February 2009, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/fonterras-chinese-milk-scandal/ news/article.cfm?c_id=−1502761&objectid=10554871, last accessed 4 May 2014. 144 ‘Parents take milk claims to Hong Kong’, The New Zealand Herald, Thursday, 6 May 2010, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/fonterras-chinese-milk-scandal/news/article.cfm?c _id=150276-1&objectid=10642994, last accessed 4 May 2014. See also ‘Fonterra doubts basis for Sanlu suit in Hong Kong’, The National Business Review, Wednesday, 5 May 2010, available at http://www.nbr.co-.nz/article/fonterra-doubts-basis-sanlu-suit-hong-kong -122498, last accessed 4 May 2014; Wang Duan, ‘Tainted milk victims take fight to Hong Kong’, Caixin Online, 5 June 2010, available at http://-english.caixin.com/2010-05 -06/100141643.html, last accessed 4 May 2014. The Tribunal adjudicator concluded that Fonterra as a shareholder did not have controlling power in Sanlu and that such compen- sation claims should be pursued in mainland Chinese courts: see ‘Court rejects melamine claim against Fonterra’, Business Day [New Zealand], 27 May 2010, available at http://www .stuff.co.nz/-business/industries/agribusiness/3747817/Court-rejects-melamine-claim -against-Fonterra, last accessed 4 May 2014: Austin Chiu, ‘Tainted milk parents lose claim against hk shareholder of Sanlu’, South China Morning Post, Friday, 28 May 2010, available at http://www.scmp.com/article/715497/tainted-milk-parents-lose-claim-against-hk -shareholder-sanlu, last accessed 4 May 2014.

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 145 protect the interests of the claimants from certain acts”’.145 The plaintiffs had their day in court but, partly as a consequence of this narrow interpretation of Fonterra’s liability under the joint-venture agreement, their claim was rejected. In the Shijiazhuang court cases, the exclusion of acts which took place after 1 August 2008 also skirted around any potential problems which might have been raised by the cpc/government decision to prohibit release of any infor- mation during the August Olympic period. As already noted, the cpc sanc- tioned local government officials and the Minister in charge of aqsiq directly by dismissal from office, instead of using the judicial process. A State Council investigation concluded that the Minister for aqsiq, Li Changjiang, and the Shijiazhuang Party Secretary, Wu Xianguo, were responsible for the melamine scandal.146 Though forced to resign from their then government office, at least some of these officials were subsequently given positions elsewhere in the government.147

145 Peng Jian, ‘An Explanation of the Lawsuit against Fonterra in Hong Kong’, posted in China Rights Forum, 26 January 2011, available at www.hrchina.org/en/content/4958. 146 ‘Li Changjiang’, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Li_Changjiang, last accessed 7 May 2014. 147 For example, in December 2009 Li Changjiang, the former Minister for aqsiq, was appointed ‘vice director of the Office of Sweeping Pornography and Striking Illegal Publications (transliteration of 全國掃黃打非工作小組, which lacks an official transla- tion to English)’: http://en.wiki-pedia.org/wiki/Li_Changjiang, accessed 7 May 2014. See also http://www.shdf.gov.cn/cms/html/308/-index.html, accessed 22 June 2012. Former Shijiazhuang Mayor Ji Chuntang was dismissed from office and also from positions as Deputy Secretary of the Shijiazhuang Municipal Party Committee and Deputy Party Secretary of Shijiazhuang (see his entry on http://www.zoominfo.com/p/ Ji-Chuntang/1307736742, last accessed 7 May 2014). Later he was later appointed Deputy Mayor of the Hebei Province Industry and Information Technology Department. Former Deputy Mayor Zhang Fawang became Deputy Chairman of the Shijiazhuang Chinese People’s Consultative Conference. Former Deputy Mayor Zhao Xinchao returned as Deputy Mayor of the city: see He Huifeng, ‘Disgraced diary scandal officials given top jobs’, South China Morning Post, 15 August 2012, available at http://www.scmp.com/ article/990683/disgraced-dairy-scandal-officials-given-top-jobs, last accessed 21 September 2013. See also Staff reporter, ‘Officials punished in Chinese milk scandal given new jobs’, http://www.wantchinatimes.com/news-subclass-cnt.aspx?id=20230125000007 &cid=−1103, last accessed 1 April 2012. Wu Xianguo, formerly Secretary of Shijiazhuang City Party Committee, was an alternate member of the 17th cpc Central Committee from 2007–2012: see http://www.chinavitae.com/biography/Wu_Xianguo/career, last accessed 20 September 2013. In this respect, China is not of course unique: for example, French or Italian politics provide numerous similar examples.

146 Chapter 3

Criminal Prosecution of Middlemen and Milk Producers A second judicial pathway concerned criminal trials involving numerous mid- dlemen and milk producers, including dairy farmers, farm directors, producers of melamine-laced ‘protein powder’, milk dealers, operators of milk collection stations, operators of dairy plants and milk producers.148 On 10 October 2008, Caijing Magazine reported that ‘Police uncovered a melamine sales network in Hebei…and arrested 12 milk station staff members along with six [sic] illegal sellers of the chemical. A suspect surnamed Su told police he sold 200 bags of melamine powder to milk stations between February 2007 and [July 2008] for 218 yuan per bag’.149 Trials started as early as 26 December 2008 in People’s Courts in nearby counties over which Shijiazhuang City had direct jurisdiction.150 A number of defendants were sentenced by the Shijiazhuang Intermediate People’s Court on 22 January 2009. Among the middlemen, Zhang Yujun, in what was report- edly the largest source of melamine in the country,151 had produced more than 750 tonnes of ‘protein powder’ containing mainly melamine and malt dextrin, and he also sold more than 600 tonnes to dairy companies. He was sentenced to death for endangering public safety. Gao Junjie was given a death sentence suspended for two years pending review. Zhang Yanzhang, a buyer and seller of ‘protein powder’, and Xue Jianchong were sentenced to life imprisonment, and Xiao Yu was sentenced to five years in prison. The workshop of Zhang Yujun and Zhang Yanzhang was located outside Jinan, the capital of Shandong

148 It is difficult to compile a complete account, and such an account is not essential for the present purposes. For a list of 22 people on trial, including Tian Wenhua and her senior management colleagues, as well as alleged facts, criminal charges and verdicts, see Zhu Tao, ‘Death Sentence in Milk Trial’, Caijing Magazine, 22 January 2009, available at http:// english.caijing.com.cn/2009-01-22/110050778.html, last accessed 21 September 2013. So far as one can judge, a relatively complete account of the entire scandal can be found in Wikipedia, ‘2008 Chinese milk scandal’, available at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2008 _Chinese_milk_scandal, last accessed 21 September 2013. 149 Gong Jing and Liu Jingjing, ‘Spilling the Blame for China’s Milk Crisis’, Caijing Magazine, 10 October 2008, p. 1 available at http://english.caijing.com.cn/2008-10-10/110019183.html, last accessed 15 September 2013. 150 For example, the cases of Zhang Heshe, Zhang Taizhen, Yang Jingmin and Gu Guoping, who were charged with production and sale of toxic food, were heard by the People’s Court in Wuji County, Zhao County and Xingtang County, respectively. See http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shijiazhuang; and China daily, ‘Six on trial over Sanlu tainted milk scandal’, 27 December 2008, available at http://www.china-daily.com.cn/bizchina/ 2008-12/27/content_7346428.htm, last accessed 13 February 2015. 151 Zhu Tao, ‘Death Sentence in Milk Trial’, Caijing Magazine, 22 January 2009, available at http://-english.caijing.com.cn/2009-01-22/110050778.html, last accessed 21 September 2013.

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Province. Zhang Yujun and Zhang Yanzhang appealed their sentences, but the appeals were denied. Zhang Yujun and Geng Jinping were executed by shoot- ing on 24 November 2009.152 Among the milk producers, Geng Jinping and Geng Jinzhu were brothers who lived in rural Zhengding county north of Shijiazhuang. They were reported to have had a contract with Sanlu since 2004 and added melamine to their milk after the milk was earlier rejected by Sanlu as being too low in quality. About adding melamine, Geng Jinping was quoted as saying ‘I never asked and never thought about it. I only know it’s bad for health’.153 He was convicted of manufac- turing and selling toxic food for selling more than 900 tonnes of milk containing 434kg of ‘protein powder’. He was sentenced to death and deprived of political rights and his assets were confiscated. Geng Jinzhu was sentenced to eight years in prison and a fine equivalent to us $73,000. They appealed the sentences, but the appeal was denied by the Hebei High People’s Court on 21 March 2009.154

Civil Suits by Victims for Compensation These criminal cases were not however the only way in which courts were involved in the melamine scandal aftermath. Along a third pathway, parents of victims tried, either individually or jointly, to bring actions against Sanlu for compensation, and for this reason lawyers, acting on their behalf either indi- vidually or in groups, sought recourse to the courts. On 25 December 2008, a group of eight volunteer lawyers reportedly published a legal statement to contest Sanlu’s bankruptcy on the grounds that victims would then not be properly compensated.155 Individual lawyers reportedly formed a volunteer

152 Meaghan Good, ‘2009: Zhang Yujun and Geng Jinping, for trainted milk’, guest post on blog ExecutedToday.com, 24 November 2010, available at http://www.executedtoday .com/2010/11/24/20-09-zhang-yujun-and-geng-jinping-for-tained-milk/, last accessed 21 September 2013. 153 Geoff Cumming, ‘Contaminating by toxic trade’, The New Zealand Herald, Saturday, 20 September 2008, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/fonterras-chinese-milk-scandal/ news/article.cfm?c_id=1-502761&objectid=10533158, last accessed 3 May 2014. 154 This paragraph is based on John Vause, ‘Death sentences in China tainted milk case’, cnn. com/asia, available at http://edition.cnn.com/2009/WORLD/asiapcf/01/22/china.tainted .milk/, last accessed 21 September 2013, and on Window of China, ‘Appeal against death sentence and jail term rejected in Sanlu milk scandal’, www.chinaview.com, 26 March 2008, available at http://news.-xinhuanet.com/english/2009-03/26/content_110774740 .htm, last accessed 21 September 2013. 155 ‘Sanlu in Bankruptcy Proceeding: Dairy company Sanlu goes bankrupt, spreading fears among creditors as well as victims of tainted milk’, available at http://english.caijing.com .cn/2008-12-29/110043225.html, last accessed 31 March 2012.

148 Chapter 3 group to help families of victims. A number faced heavy government pressure and quit the group in late September, but others remained, bringing individual cases in Shijiazhuang and, as noted below, 15 lawyers joined 100 cases in a sin- gle ‘joint action’ against Sanlu.156 However, between September and late December 2008, Chinese courts did not hear any claims regarding the scandal; ‘[t]he few claims filed were simply refused to be accepted or heard’.157 In any event, the court order concluding the Sanlu bankruptcy case ‘stated that after priority creditors…had been paid, there would be no assets available for distri- bution among ordinary creditors, including the tainted milk victims’.158 This was not due to a lack of legislation which conferred rights on potential liti- gants. As already noted, certain legal remedies were available at the time under the 1986 General Principles of Civil Law, the Law for the Protection of Consumer Rights and Interests (Consumer Protection Law), the Law on Product Quality Liability (Product Quality Law) and the Civil Procedure Law.159 Instead, it stemmed mainly from party-state policy, which discouraged recourse to civil law remedies as being more risky and more likely to jeopardise social stability. The Shijiazhuang Intermediate People’s Court was reported to be the first court to accept an individual case. A Beijing resident brought the case against Sanlu seeking rmb 30,000 in compensation for harm caused to his one-year old child. Apparently five other similar cases had been brought against Sanlu, including demands for compensation for death of up to rmb 400,000. Their acceptance awaited the payment of court fees, which in the case of the claim for rmb 400,000 would reportedly amount to rmb 8,000.160 In a subsequent case, the Intermediate People’s Court in Foshan City, Guangdong Province, awarded rmb 60,000 (us $8,823) compensation against Yashili Group and a Foshan supermarket, reported to be Haohaoduo, for past and future medical expenses for a three-year old child who had required surgery two years earlier to remove kidney stones caused by melamine. The Intermediate People’s Court

156 Alex Ferguson, ‘Governmental Authority Versus Judicial Independence: The Abuse of Executive Power in China’s Contaminated Powdered Milk Crisis’, at 11–15, available at http://www.marler-blog.com/uploads/file/milkcrisis.pdf, last accessed 23 September 2013. 157 Fu and Nicoll, ‘Corporate Governance’, supra Chapter 2 note 132, at 113 and sources cited in note 40 there. See also John Balzano, ‘China’s Food Safety Law: Administrative Innovation and Institutional Design in Comparative Perspective’, Asian-Pacific Law & Policy Journal 13, 2, 2011–2012, 23–80 at 47–49 (hereafter Balzano, ‘Administration Innovation’). 158 Fu and Nicoll, ‘Corporate Governance’, supra note 132, at 117. 159 For further analysis see ibid., at 113–115; Liu, ‘Profits’, supra Chapter 2 note 135, at 410–414. 160 Zhuang Pinghui, ‘First lawsuit in melamine milk scandal accepted’, South China Morning Post, Thursday 18 July 2012 [sic], available at http://www.scmp.com/article/674609/first -lawsuit-melamine-milk-scandal-accepted, last accessed 21 September 2013.

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 149 also mediated between the child’s mother and the supermarket, which agreed to pay an additional rmb 30,000. The mother had initially claimed rmb 395,868 but a first-instance court had awarded her only rmb 30,000.161 The fact that courts accepted some individual cases did not, however, signal that victims of the melamine scandal could actively pursue their claims for compensation in court. For example, as early as 8 December 2008, 63 victims or their families jointly sued Sanlu in the Hebei Higher People’s Court. They asked for about rmb 75 million in compensation. Such ‘joint lawsuits’ are possible under the Law of Civil Procedure, but ‘professional relations’ between local government, local cpc branches and the courts mean that most often they are not successful.162 The Higher People’s Court rejected the case on the ground that it was still under investigation. Consequently on 16 January 2009 a total of 213 plaintiffs, including those who earlier sought recourse in lower courts, filed a case against 22 dairy companies in the Supreme People’s Court in Beijing.163 Reportedly rejecting a compensation offer of rmb 1.1 billion (us $160 million),164 they sought through the courts the equivalent of us $5.2 million in damages.165 Previously, however, on 24 September 2001 the Supreme People’s Court had

161 Deng Shasha, ‘Parent of China melamine victim receives compensation’, English.news.cn, 1 March 2010, available at http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/china/2010-03/01/c _13192999.htm, last accessed 21 September 2013. 162 Civil Procedure Law of the People’s Republic of China, (Adopted at the 4th Session of the Seventh National People’s Congress on 9 April 1991; amended for the first time in accor- dance with the Decision on Amending the Civil Procedure Law of the prc as adopted at the 30th Session of the Standing Committee of the Tenth National People’s Congress on 28 October 2007; and amended for the second time in accordance with the Decision on Amending the Civil Procedure Law of the prc as adopted at the 28th Session of the Standing Committee of the Eleventh National People’s Congress on 31 August 2012) (Promulgated by the Order No. 59 of the President of the prc and came into effect on 31 August 2012), CLI.1.183386(EN), Chinalawinfo, Articles 54 and 55. For a brief but dated overview, see Traci Daffer, ‘“I am fighting for the right to eat, and I will keep fighting. The truth is on our side”: Class Action Litigation as a Means of Enacting Social Change in China’, University of Missouri at Kansas City Law Review, 75, 2006–2007, 227–243. 163 Zhu Tao, ‘Death Sentence in Milk Trial’, Caijing Magazine, 22 January 2009, available at http://english.caijing.com.cn/2009-01-22/110050778.html, last accessed 21 September 2013. 164 Erin Marie Daly, ‘Chinese Families Sue Dairies Over Melamine: Report’, Law360, a LexisNexis Company, 20 January 2009, available at http://www.law360.com/articles/ 83776/chinese-families-sue-dairies-over-melamine-report, last accessed 21 September 2013. On the offer, see Liz McKenzie, ‘Chinese Dairies to Pay $160M to Tainted-Milk Victims’, Law360, a LexisNexis Company, 30 December 2008, available at http://www .law360.com/articles/81335/chinese-dairies-to-pay-160m-to-tainted-milk-victims?article_ related_content=1, last accessed 4 March 2014. 165 Yoo, ‘Tainted Milk’, supra note 131, at 570.

150 Chapter 3 issued a notice regarding shareholder litigation, and it interpreted the notice to the effect that it would no longer accept such joint actions.166

Administrative Compensation The government established a compensation scheme for melamine victims. The scheme was funded by 22 dairy companies involved in the scandal. A total sum estimated at between 900 million yuan (us $131 million) and 1.1 billion yuan (us $160 million) was allocated to provide compensation to the family of each victim: 200,000 yuan (us $29,000) for children who died; 2000 yuan (us $292) for children who suffered kidney stones: or 30,000 yuan (us $4000) for children who suffered greater illness.167 Note that compensation is reported as being per family, not per victim, though the two would usually if not always coincide due to China’s one-child policy. More than 90% of families accepted the compensation.168 Fonterra, with a 43% stake in Sanlu, contributed ­indirectly

166 Ruyin Hu (Director, Research Centre, ), ‘Class Action Practice in China’ PowerPoint presentation, slide 9, available at http://www.oecd.org/datao- ecd/48/59/2484790.ppt, last accessed 21 September 2013. Professor Wang Fuhua at Shanghai Jiao Tong University KoGuan Law School and Dr Li Jing, then a PhD candidate at the University of Hong Kong, both proposed that class actions (representative litiga- tion) should be permitted. See 2. 王福华,《打开群体诉讼之门——由“三鹿奶粉”事 件看群体诉讼优越性的衡量原则》 Wang Fuhua, Open the Gate of Class Action 1. 李静,《我国食品安全监管的制度 困境——以三鹿奶粉事件为例》, available at http://www.cnki.net/KCMS/detail/ detail.aspx?QueryID=10&CurR-ec=1&recid=&filename=ZGFX200905011&dbname=CJFD 0910&dbcode=CJFQ&pr=&urlid=&yx=&uid=WEEvREcwSlJHSldRa1FiNllNcnZLaWhWW VRKL0MzbllYU0hacTRuV211cC9LdHZKaVFwbmJxczZ5SXNnb2Z3PQ ==&v=MjExMTlPUHlyTmRyRzRIdGpNcW85RVpZUjhlWDFMdXhZUzdEaDFUM3FUcld NMUZyQ1VSTDZmWXVabkZ5dm5WN3Y=, last accessed 8 May 2014. Li Jing, Institutional dilemma in Chinese Food Safety Regulation: the Case of Sanlu Milk Powder Incident, available at http://www.cnki.net/KCMS/detail/detail. aspx?QueryID=6&CurRec=4&recid=&-filename=ZXGL200910011&dbname=CJFD0910 &dbcode=CJFQ&pr=&urlid=&yx=&uid=WEEvREcwSlJHSldRa1FiNllNcnZLaWhWWVRK L0MzbllYU0hacTRuV211cC9LdHZKaVFwbmJxczZ5SXNnb2Z3PQ ==&v=MDAyMzVuVXJ6TFB6WE1Zckc0SHRqTnI0OUVaWVI4ZVgxTHV4WVM3RGgxVD NxVHJXTTFGckNVUkw2Zll1Wm5GeXY=, last accessed 8 May 2014. 167 Fu and Nicoll, ‘Corporate Governance’, supra Chapter 2 note 131 at 118, which states the total figure as being 900 million yuan; Liu, ‘Profits’, supra Chapter 2 note 135 at 408, which states the total figure as being 1.1 billion yuan. The two sources agree concerning the amount each family would receive. 168 Fu and Nicoll, ‘Corporate Governance’,supra Chapter 2 note 131 at 118.

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 151 to the scheme.169 Fonterra Chief Executive Andrew Ferrier apologized offi- cially to the parents of children killed or injured by Sanlu products. To help restore its reputation,, Fonterra also donated us$5 million to a charity called Project of Safety of Mothers and Infants, under the Soong Ching Ling Foundation. Note that the company had an annual turnover of almost us$12 billion (nz$19.5 billion) in total and conducted more than us$400 million/year business in China170 Some parents considered, however, that the compensation was too low. Reportedly an official in the ‘food safety department’,171 but also described as an ‘advertising executive’ and former editor of a newspaper specializing in ‘food and product safety’,172 Zhao Lianhai (赵连海), whose child suffered ill- ness from the tainted milk, tried to establish a website173 to organize parents not to sign. The website was called, in English translation, ‘Home for Kidney Stone Babies’ or ‘Kidney Stone Babies’.. Its creator published documents from hospitals, organized meetings and protests with other parents, and posted on the website a petition signed by ‘several hundred parents’ which criticized the offered compensation as being too low. Just before a press conference intended to publicize the website campaign, however, he was reportedly seized by police in November 2009; he was officially arrested in December 2009, and sentenced on 10 November 2010 to 2½ years in prison for ‘inciting social [dis]order’. Subsequently he was released on medical parole.174

169 Alice Neville, ‘Parents sue Sanlu for milk scandal’, The New Zealand Herald, Sunda, 28 June 2009, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/fonterras-chinese-milk-scandal/news/ article.cfm?c_id=150276-1&objectid=10581102, last accessed 4 May 2014. 170 ‘Fonterra donates to Chinese charity after melamine scandal’, The New Zealand Herald, Friday, 10 October 2008, available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/business/news/article .cfm?c_id=3&objectid=1-0536840, last accessed 4 May 2014. 171 Food Quality and Safety Authority, according to http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ZXhao _Lianhai, last accessed 23 September 2013. 172 According to Balzano, ‘Administrative Innovation’, supra note 157, at 56–57, who quotes Josephine Ma, ‘Dream of Court Turns Sour for Milk Activist’, South China Morning Post, 1 April 2010, p. 2. 173 结石宝宝之家, jieshibaobao.com. 174 This paragraph draws on ‘The true cost of persecuting whistleblowers: Chinese factories still making poisoned food’, Daily Kos, Sunday 28 August 2011, available at http://www .dailykos.com/-story/2011/08/28/1011455/-The-true-cost-of-persecuting-whistleblowers -Chinese-factories-still-makin-g-poisoned-food, last accessed 23 September 2013; and the Wikipedia entry on ‘Zhao Lianhai’, http://-en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ZXhao_Lianhai, last accessed 28 March 2014. See also Anthony Kuhn, ‘Parents Question Chinese Milk Compensation Plan’, nrp 5 January 2009, available at http://www.npr.org-/templates/ story/story.php?storyId=99002599, last accessed 10 September 2013. See also The

152 Chapter 3

The 22 dairy companies also established a fund of rmb 200 million to cover future medical bills due to tainted milk. The fund was to be managed by the China Dairy Association. In addition, the fund provided for access of victims’ families to insurance coverage for related medical bills till victims reached 18 years of age. It was reported that a sum of rmb 902 million was contributed by Sanlu before bankruptcy and had been raised “with the assistance” of the Shijiazhuang government’.175

Managed Justice The Party and central government, not the courts, were clearly the central actors in dealing with the melamine scandal. Central government policy was implemented partly, however, by other institutions, such as local government, a national trade association and individual companies. In the melamine crisis, the result for victims was a form of justice managed by Party and governmental administration.176 Whether access to courts would have made any difference remains to be seen. The leitmotif of the third world of melamine remained the concern for the preservation of social stability.177 Various social actors used Party and state institutions, legislation and administrative measures as resources or instruments in different ways, and for

Associated Press, ‘China: Parents in Milk Case Released’, New York Times, 3 January 2009, at A6, cited in Liu, ‘Profits’, supra Chapter 2 note 135, at 408. On Zhao Lianhai and another whistleblower, Tang Lin, see Gerald Chan, Pak K. Lee and Lai-Hai Chan, China Engages Global Governance: A New World Order in the Making? (Routledge, London, 2012), p. 133 (hereafter Chan et al., Global Governance). 175 Fu and Nicoll, ‘Corporate Governance’.supra Chapter 2 note 131, at 118. 176 One commentator summarized the resolution of the scandal as following ‘a fairly typical Chinese pattern’: ‘San Lu was forced into a governmental-supervised bankruptcy. An industry wide compensation fund was established and managed by the government. Individuals considered responsible were subject to criminal sanctions, pleading guilty in non-public trials featuring rehearsed written confessions. Civil tort lawsuits against San Lu were rejected on the ground that the public criminal and bankruptcy proceedings pre- empted the private litigation process’; Dickinson, ‘Foreign Managers’, supra note 132. . For a critique, see Yoo, ‘Tainted Milk’, supra note 131, at 574, who argues that Dickinson’s view ignores the perspectives and rights of individuals and the importance of liability as a deterrent to companies which otherwise may produce unsafe food. On company liability as a deterrent, see Dan Harris, ‘Melamine in China Baby Milk Powder – Whoops Sorry’, China Law Blog, published by Harris & Moure, plc, available at www.chinalawblog .com/2008/09/melamine_in_chjina_baby_milk_po.html, last accessed 3 April 2014. 177 For other recent studies of the relationship between law and the concern for stability, see Trevaskes et al.,Politics, supra Chapter 2 note 207.

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 153 different purposes.178 The mere fact the cpc, the government and citizens, including victims’ families and others, had recourse to the courts is a signifi- cant indicator of the growing importance in China at this time of people’s ori- entation to the law, of the judiciary, and of the rule of law, in the sense of rule by law or in the sense of a thin version of rule of law.179 In general, however, the pattern of handling disputes in the melamine saga reflects some of the basic features of the treatment of major social conflicts by the Chinese party-state, in particular the reluctance to allow litigation which might go counter to the overriding objective of maintaining social stability. This reluctance, with regard to compensation cases, is from the standpoint of judicial procedure based legally on the Chinese ‘docketing’ [li’an] system. At least at the time of the melamine crisis, Chinese courts had relatively great discretion in deciding whether or not to accept cases. Under the Civil Procedure Law, Article 112 [now, after amendment, Article 123], a court had seven days to decide whether to accept (li’an: docket) the case or not (shouli: decline to accept).180 Andrea Cheuk argues that courts do not accept cases involving political matters or ‘dis- putes that heavily impact society’.181 She traces this practice and its legal basis, Article 112 of the Civil Procedure Law and the Li’an [‘Docketing’] Work Regulations, to a conception of dispute settlement which emphasizes disci- pline and the maintenance of social harmony.182 She argues that ‘[d]ocketing’ serves to limit, if not prevent, litigation as a means of handling social conflict

178 See further Neil J. Diamant, Stanley B. Lubman and Kevin J. O’Brian (eds), Engaging the Law in China: State, Society, and Possibilities for Justice (Stanford University Press, Stanford, ca, 200). 179 On thick and thin conceptions of the rule of law, see Randall Peerenboom, China’s Long March toward Rule of Law (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2002). 180 Civil Procedure Law of the People’s Republic of China, (Adopted at the 4th Session of the Seventh National People’s Congress on 9 April 1991; amended for the first time in accor- dance with the Decision on Amending the Civil Procedure Law of the prc as adopted at the 30th Session of the Standing Committee of the Tenth National People’s Congress on 28 October 2007; and amended for the second time in accordance with the Decision on Amending the Civil Procedure Law of the prc as adopted at the 28th Session of the Standing Committee of the Eleventh National People’s Congress on 31 August 2012) (Promulgated by the Order No. 59 of the President of the prc and came into effect on 31 August 2012), CLI.1.183386(EN), Chinalawinfo, Article 123. See also Andrea Cheuk, ‘Comment: The Li’an (“Docketing”) Process: Barriers to Initiating Lawsuites in China and Possible Reforms’, ucla Pacific Basin Law Journal, 72, 2008–2009, 72–106, at73. 181 Andrea Cheuk, ‘Comment: The Li’an (“Docketing”) Process: Barriers to Initiating Lawsuites in China and Possible Reforms’, ucla Pacific Basin Law Journal, 72, 2008–2009, 72–106, at 80–81. The quotation is from p. 81. 182 See ibid., , at 97–100.

154 Chapter 3 and to maintain at least an appearance of social harmony. Though in principle courts were required to accept cases as long as the complaint met specific con- ditions, she considers that the docketing chambers have considerable discre- tion in deciding whether these conditions have been met. This procedure would appear to be entirely consistent, however, with the supervision and presence of other decision-making institutions which may and frequently do displace the courts in treating social conflicts. The weak role of the judiciary, as ‘adjudication persons’ or ‘legal officials’,183 is consistent with a fragmented administrative organization and a dispersed division of responsibility for dis- pute settlement under the supervision of the party-state, whose overriding objective is the preservation of social stability. In this respect the treatment of the melamine scandal resembles that of the Armillarisin pharmaceutical case studied by Margaret Woo and Cai Yanmin. They found that China had developed a multi-track organization of civil litiga- tion, in which ‘minor and relatively insignificant cases are mediated, commer- cial cases are adjudicated, and mass cases are carefully controlled and shaped by the Chinese state’.184 Professor Woo summarises this strategy in terms of the Chinese emphasis on ‘order over freedom, duties over rights, and group inter- ests over individual ones’, while adding that the nature of order, duties and group interests are defined by the cpc.185 The fact that the party-state focuses increasingly on resolving disputes and maintaining social stability does not therefore mean necessarily an increase in the importance of courts.186 Courts frequently deal with controversial cases by inaction. As the courts are simply

183 The literal translations of the Chinese terms shenpan yuan and faguan, respectively, often mistranslated as ‘judge’, as given by Jerome A. Cohen, ‘Struggling for Justice: China’s Courts and the Challenge of Reform’, World Politics Review, 14 January 2014, available at http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/13495/struggling-for-justice-chinas-courts -and-the-challenge-of-reform, last accessed 4 March 2014. 184 Margaret Y.K. Woo, ‘Bounded Legality: China’s Developmental State and Civil Dispute Resolution’, Maryland Law Journal, 27, 2012, 235–259, at 253 (hereafter Woo, ‘Bounded Legality’). This article draws heavily from Margaret Y.K. Woo and Cai Yanmin, ‘China’s Developmental State and the Challenge of Formal Process’, Supreme Court Law Review, 49, 2010, 361–376, abstract available on ssrn at http://ssrn.-com/abstract=2034598, last accessed 21 September 2013. See also Margaret Woo, ‘Adjudication Supervision and Judicial Independence in the p.r.c.’, American Journal of Comparative Law, 39, 95, 1991, 95–119. 185 Woo, ‘Bounded Legality’, supra note 184 at 253. The original source of the quotation is Shao-Chuan Leng and Hungdah Chiu, Criminal Justice in Post Mao China: Analysis and Documents (State University of New York Press, Buffalo, 1985), 171, 186 Benjamin L. Liebman, ‘China’s Courts: Restricted Reform’, Columbia Journal of Asian Law, 21, 1, Fall 2007, 2–44 at 10.

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‘one of a number of state bureaucracies with the power to resolve disputes, and lack significant oversight powers over other state actors’, they understandably may conclude that they should refuse or not resolve the case and leave deci- sions to ‘other party-state departments’.187 The criminal trials of Tian Wenhua and others tend to confirm these observations. Consequently, contrary to some expectations,188 the Sanlu case did not rep- resent a turning point in the long-term transformation of the Chinese legal system. Instead, it illustrated the limits of the judicial process in dealing with social crisis, in particular regarding food safety. Justifying its policies on the grounds of the protection of social stability, the government actively discour- aged or simply did not permit individual or group litigation for damages.189

Toward a National Food Safety Law

Background The final element in the set of policies to which Party and government gave priority was to enact a national food safety law. China has long had scattered laws and regulations governing food and agricultural products.190 After the founding of the People’s Republic of China on 1 October 1949, the government

187 Ibid., at 3–4, 28, respectively. Liebman (at 37–41) identifies three factors to explain why courts have been allowed, and even encouraged, to become more autonomous: they serve as a safety-valve for complaints and help maintain social stability; they are part of increased institutional competition in the political system; and development from the bottom-up, rather than from the top-down, has led to increased judicial power. He (at 40) points out, however, that ‘courts are not viewed as rival sources of power. Party officials are not worried that courts may become significant checks on official action’. 188 For the argument that the Sanlu case could be such a landmark case, see Yoo, ‘Tainted Milk’, supra note 131, at 557, 571–572. 189 On 8 October 2008, the New York Times reported that, till then, lawyers had been subject to certain ‘psychological pressure’ but there was as yet no ‘overt ban’ on taking such cases: Edward Wong, ‘Milk Scandal Pushes China to Set Limits on Melamine’, available at http:// www.nytimes.com/2008/10/09/-world/asia/09milk.html?_r=2&sq=melamine%20china& st=cse&scp=8&pagewanted=all&, last acessed 28 March 2014. Other sources report that lawyers were told not to pursue melamine cases and threatened with unspecified retalia- tion if they did so: see ‘2008 Chinese Milk Scandal’ available at http://en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/2008_Chinese_milk_scandal, last accessed 28 March 2014. 190 See Bian Yongmin,‘Current Chinese Law on Food Safety: An Overview’, in Mahiou and Snyder, Food Safety, 167–186; Huang, Health, supra Chapter 2 note 260, 118–126; Liu, ‘Obstacles’, supra Chapter 2 note 122, at 281–283. On food security in terms of a sufficient supply and distribution of food, as distinguished from food safety, see Jenifer Huang

156 Chapter 3 through state-owned enterprises exercised control over food safety, and few problems arose except with regard to sanitation. Taking food hygiene as a pri- ority, the Ministry of Health began in January 1958 to implement a regulatory system including food hygiene.191 Eight months later the implementing Regulation on the Administration of Food Hygiene (Trial Implementation) was enacted.192 After the end of the Cultural Revolution and the beginning of ‘reform and opening’, the government adopted on 29 August 1979 the Regu­ lation on Food Hygiene Administration.193 Following the Chinese practice of enacting trial legislation, the Food Hygiene Law (trial) was issued on 19 November 1982 and promulgated on 1 July 1983.194 A trial version of an evalua- tion procedure for food safety was issued on 1 December 1985.195 The first National Hygiene Supervision Conference was held in 1990, followed by the First ‘Green Food’ Working Conference. In 1992 the Chinese Green Food Development Centre was established to help make policy and set organic food standards.196 A food safety toxicology procedure was definitively adopted in

McBeath and Jerry McBeath, Environmental Change and Food Security in China (Springer, Dordrecht, 2010) (hereafter McBeath and McBeath, Environment). 191 Report of the Ministry of Health on the National Hygiene Executive Conference and the Second National Hygiene Conference, passed at the 167th Session Meeting of Government Administration Council of the Central People’s Government. The following historical account is based mainly on research by Lu Yi presented in the seminar on Food Safety Law and Policy that we taught jointly during the 2013–2014 academic year at Peking University School of Transnational Law, Shenzhen Graduate School, China. I am grateful to Lu Yi for permission to use this material here. For a slightly different list, see Jiehong Zhou and Shaosheng Jin, Food Safety Mangement in China: A Perspective from Food Quality Control System (World Scientific, Singapore, and Zhejiang University Press, Hangzhou, 2013), p. 8, Table 1.1 (hereafter Zhou and Jin, Management). See also Linhai Wu and Dian Zhu, Food Safety in China: A Comprehensive Review (crc Press, Taylor & Francis Group, London, 2014), pp. 197–204. 192 食品卫生管理试行条例, and can be found here http://news.xinhuanet.com/ ziliao/2005-02/02/content_2538913.htm. This Regulation was implemented by the State Council in 1965. 193 Regulation on Food Hygiene Administration, promulgated by State Council on August 27, 1979. 194 Food Hygiene Law of the People’s Republic of China, promulgated by Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress on November 19, 1982, effect on July 1, 1983. 195 Evaluation Procedure for Food Safety Toxicology, promulgated by Minstry of Health on December 1, 1985, available at http://www.law-lib.com/law/law_view.asp?id=47028. 196 See its website at http://www.greenfood.org.cn/sites/GREENFOOD/List_3675_3811.html, last accessed 26 February 2015; see also ‘China Green Food Development Center’ available at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/China_Green_Food_Development_Center, last accessed 7 May 2014.

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1994. Following an international conference on hygiene policy planning on 2 October 1995, China’s Food Hygiene Law (as amended) was adopted on 30 October 1995.197 It was accompanied five months later, in March 1996, by a Notice on Further Reforming and Improving the Public Hygiene Surveillance and Legal Enforcement System.198 Until then, however, food safety regulation was not very effective, because of the governmental orientation mainly toward economic development, lax regulation of the food industry and administrative fragmentation and bureaucratic politics.199

The 1995 Food Hygiene Law The 1995 Food Hygiene Law200 was the most comprehensive legislation in the field prior to the melamine crisis.201 Its purpose was to ‘ensur[e] food hygiene and prevent[…] food contamination and harmful substances from causing injury to human health in order to safeguard the health of the people and improve their physical fitness’.202 This mandate would certainly have covered

197 Food Hygiene Law of the People’s Republic of China [Expired], Adopted at the 16th Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Eighth National People’s Congress on October 30, 1995, promulgated by Order No. 59 of the President of the People’s Republic of China on October 30, 1995, and effective as of the date of promulgation, available at http:// en.pkulaw.cn/display.aspx?id=116&lib=law&SearchKeyword=&SearchCKeyword=%ca% b3%c6%b7%ce%c0%c9%fa%b7%a8, last accessed 26 February 2015. 198 Notice on Further Reforming and Improving the Public Hygiene Surveillance and Legal Enforcement System, promulgated by Ministry of Health in March 1996. 199 Huang, Health, supra Chapter 2 note 260, 119–122. 200 Food Hygiene Law of the People’s Republic of China (adopted at the 16th Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Eighth National People’s Congress on October 30, 1995 and promulgated by Order No. 59 of the President of the People’s Republic of China on October 30, 1995, in force as of 30 October 1995). 201 For example, the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Agricultural Product Quality Safety (amended and adopted at the 21st Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Tenth National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China on April 29, 2004, in effect as of November 1, 2006) applied only to ‘the primary products from agriculture, i.e. the plants, animals, microorganisms and their products obtained in the course of agricultural activities’ (Article 1). See also Administrative Measures for the Packaging and Marking of Agricultural Products, (deliberated and adopted at the 25th executive meeting of the Ministry of Agriculture on 30 September 2006, promulgated on 17 October 2006, in effect as of 1 November 2006), Articles 9, 10, 11. 202 Food Hygiene Law of the People’s Republic of China (adopted at the 16th Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Eighth National People’s Congress on October 30, 1995 and promulgated by Order No. 59 of the President of the People’s Republic of China on October 30, 1995, in force as of 30 October 1995), Article 1. ‘Food’ meant ‘any finished prod- uct or raw material intended for people to eat or drink, as well as any product that has

158 Chapter 3 the addition of melamine to infant formula. The health department of the State Council (i.e. the Ministry of Health) was responsible for nationwide supervision and administrative of food hygiene, while ‘relevant departments of the State Council shall – within their relevant scope of duties – be respon- sible for the administrative of food hygiene’.203 In practice, this entailed severe coordination problems: ‘strong vertical communications, overlapping respon- sibilities, and significant regulatory gaps’ at central, provincial and local levels, even after the creation in 2003 of the State Food and Drug Administration (sfda), which was apparently based on the model of the us Food and Drug Administration (fda); this included an fda in Shijiazhuang.204 The Law was concerned mainly with food hygiene, not food safety more broadly defined. Food was required to be nontoxic and harmless, to conform to proper nutritional requirements and ‘have appropriate sensory properties’.205 Food was defined as ‘any finished product or raw material intended for people to eat or drink, as well as any product that has traditionally served as both food and medicine, with the exception of products used solely for medical purposes’.206 The Law applied to ‘all foods and food additives, […] containers, packaging, uten- sils and equipment used for food, detergents and disinfectants [and] to the premises, facilities and environment associated with food production or marketing’.207 The addition of melamine would have been covered by Article 9 which provided that the production and marketing of foods in the following categories shall be prohibited:

… (2) foods that contain or are contaminated by toxic or deleterious sub- stances and can thus be injurious to human health; … (7) foods that affect nutrition or health because they have been adulterated, mixed up or mislabeled; …208

traditionally served as both food and medication, with the exception of products used solely for medical purposes’: Article 54, first indent. Available at http://en.pkulaw.cn/ display.aspx?id=116&lib=law&SearchKeyword=&SearchCKeyword=%ca%b3%c6%b7 %ce%c0%c9%fa%b7%a8, last accessed 20 February 2014. 203 Ibid., Article 3. 204 Burns et al., ‘Dublin’, supra Chapter 2 note 137, at 8–15. 205 Food Hygiene Law, Article 6. 206 Ibid., Article 54, paragraph 1. 207 Ibid., Article 4, paragraph 2. 208 Ibid., Article 9.

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Production, marketing and use of food additives were required to conform to hygiene standards; if they did not, their marketing or use was prohibited.209 However, melamine would not have fit within the Law’s definition of food additive as ‘any synthetic compound or natural substance put into food to improve its quality, color, fragrance or taste, or for the sake of preservation or processing’.210 Foods for infants or preschool children were required to con- form to nutritive and hygienic standards of the Ministry of Health.211 Supervision was the responsibility of the health authorities of local people’s government at county level above,212 except in the case of agencies for food hygiene supervision established by departments in charge of railways or other means of transportation.213 Such responsibility included investigating food poisoning or food contamination accidents and taking appropriate control measures,214 making inspections and undertaking supervision regarding acts in violation of the Hygiene Law215 and determining responsibility of violators and imposing administrative penalties.216 The same authorities had the power to determine administrative penalties.217 Health authorities of local people’s government at county level or above were required to supervise food hygiene within their jurisdictional scope,218 but the legislative provisions concerning supervision were general or con- cerned ex post supervision,219 apart from the fact that Sanlu was exempt from inspections. Health authorities were entitled (but not required) to take provi- sional control measures, including sealing up the food and its raw ingredients, toward a food producer or marketer ‘who is responsible for a food poisoning accident which has already occurred or for which there is evidence of the possi- bility of occurring’ [emphasis added].220 The Law provided sanctions for anyone causing a food poisoning incident or transmission of a disease caused by food-borne bacteria.221 Anyone who

209 Ibid., Article 11. 210 Ibid., Article 54, paragraph 2. 211 Ibid., Article 7. 212 Ibid., Article 32, paragraph 1. 213 Ibid., Article 32, paragraph 2. 214 Ibid., Article 33(5). 215 Ibid., Article 33(6). 216 Ibid., Article 33(7). 217 Ibid., Article 49. 218 Ibid., Article 32, paragraph 1. 219 See ibid., Article 33. 220 Ibid., Article 37(1). 221 Ibid., Article 39.

160 Chapter 3 produced or marketed non-conforming food which resulted in a serious acci- dent of food poisoning or transmission of a serious disease caused by food- borne bacteria, or who put poisonous or harmful inedible raw materials in manufactured or marketed food, was to be investigated for criminal responsi- bility222 and to have their hygiene license revoked.223 Anyone producing or marketing non-conforming foods intended specially for infants or preschool children was to be ordered to stop production or marketing, to withdraw and then destroy products already sold; illegal gains were to be confiscated and a fine of one to five times the amount of such gains was to be imposed.224 Unfortunately, as the melamine crisis demonstrated, the relevant provisions of the Food Hygiene Law were neglected or ignored. In addition, not all of the food safety regulatory authorities made use of the Food Hygiene Law. Yanzhong Huang points out that ‘only the moh [Ministry of Health]…relied on the law in regulating food safety. aqsiq relied on the Product Quality Law, while saic relied on all three laws’,225 the 1993 Product Quality Law,226 the 1994 Consumer Protection Law227 and the 1994 Food Hygiene Law. Even before the dramatic culmination of the melamine crisis, the Chinese government had taken active steps to control the crisis, at least by issuing leg- islation, administrative rules and policy documents.228 For example, Provisions on the Administration of Food Recall were issued in August 2007.229 ‘Recall’

222 Ibid., Article 39, paragraph 2. 223 Ibid., , Article 39, paragraph 3. 224 Ibid., Article 43. 225 Huang, Health, supra Chapter 2 note 260, p. 122. 226 Product Quality Law of the People’s Republic of China, Adopted at the 30th Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Seventh National People’s Congress on February 22, 1993, available at http://en.pkulaw.cn/display.aspx?id=615&lib=law&SearchKeyword=&Search CKeyword=%b2%fa%c6%b7%d6%ca%c1%bf%b7%a8, last accessed on 26 February 2015. 227 Law of the People’s Republic of China on Protection of Consumer Rights and Interests, adopted at the Fourth Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Eighth National People’s Congress on October 31, 1993, and takes effect as of January 1, 1994, available at http:// en.pkulaw.cn/display.aspx?id=6137&lib=law&SearchKeyword=&SearchCKeyword=%cf %fb%b7%d1%d5%df%c8%a8%d2%e6%b1%a3%bb%a4%b7%a8, last accessed 26 February 2015. 228 On measures taken between 2006 and 2008, see http://www.hkexnews.hk/listedco/ listconews/sehk/2010/1126/01117/EWPDAIRY-20101109-11.pdf, p. 70, accessed 11 April 2012. 229 Provisions on the Administration of Food Recall (deliberated and adopted at the execu- tive meeting of the General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine, 24 July 2007, promulgated and effective as of 27 August 2007) (hereinafter Food Recall Provisions 2007).

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 161 was defined as ‘such activities in which a food producer timely eliminates or reduces the food safety hazards in a batch or category of its food that is unsafe due to production cause according to the prescribed procedures and by way of exchange of foods, return of foods, supplementation or modification of con- sumer instructions, etc.’.230 The General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine (aqsiq) was responsible for organizing and coor- dinating a uniform system of food recall nationwide.231 There were three types or levels of recall, according to the seriousness of the food safety hazard.232 Food recall could be implemented as a voluntary recall, with different dead- lines according to the level of recall; or as a compulsory recall ordered by aqsiq; the latter applied if the producer had deliberately concealed hazards or failed to implement a voluntary recall, if the hazard had increased due to the producer’s fault, or if a spot check revealed a hidden safety problem with the food.233 The term ‘voluntary’ referred to the fact that the recall was initiated by the producer after food had been confirmed as being unsafe;234 ‘compulsory’ meant that aqsiq ordered the producer to recall the food.235 Each stream had different legal implications. The recall of food did not exempt a producer from other legal liabilities,236 though a producer which voluntarily recalled its food might be given a lighter or mitigated punishment.237 If a producer did not initi- ate a voluntary recall or comply with a compulsory recall order, it was subject to sanctions of warning, an order to correct the problem within a time limit, and if it failed to do so, to a fine of rmb 30,000;238 other sanctions would apply if the producer had violated other laws or regulations,239 or if it failed to com- ply with a notice to investigate food safety problems, to assist in an investiga- tion or to submit appropriate reports (a precondition to voluntary recall).240 These Provisions were in effect before the Sanlu incident, but they failed com- pletely to achieve their stated objectives.241

230 Ibid., Article 4. 231 Ibid., Article 5. 232 Ibid., Article 18. 233 Ibid., Article 25. 234 Ibid., Article 19. 235 Ibid., Article 25. 236 Ibid., Article 34, paragraph 1. 237 Ibid., Article 34, paragraph 2. 238 Ibid., Article 35. 239 Ibid., , Article 35. 240 Ibid., Article 36. 241 On shortcomings of the Food Hygiene Law, see Hunan Liu, William A. Kerr and Jill E. Hobbs, ‘Product Safety, Collateral Damage and Trade Policy Responses: Restoring

162 Chapter 3

The 2009 Food Safety Law The 2009 Food Safety Law was enacted in the context of a set of policies which were aimed at preserving social stability. The set of policies comprised not only seeking to adopt a national food safety law but also ensuring the quality of dairy products, restructuring the dairy sector and managing an array of institu- tions, possible sanctions and potential compensation. These policies were shaped by the main features of the Chinese party-state: the central role of the cpc, the institutional pattern of fragmented authoritarianism and the tension between professional relations and leadership relations. The several elements of the set of policies and the main features of the party-state conditioned, informed and shaped the 2009 Food Safety Law. A proposal for a national food safety law to replace the outdated 1995 Food Hygiene Law was originally on the agenda of the National People’s Congress in 2003.242 Despite the Fuyang crisis and other food safety incidents, it made little progress. In August 2007 the State Council issued a White Paper on Food Safety.243 It portrayed in some detail the structure and problems of the food- producing sector and laid the basis for eventual legislative reform. The first reading of the proposed food safety law was concluded in late 2007. The melamine crisis then stimulated much greater attention to food safety. Subsequent readings took only five months, with implementing regulations being drafted immediately and entering into effect ‘only a month after the law itself’.244 On 28 February 2009 the Standing Committee of National People’s Congress adopted a new Food Safety Law.245

Confidence in China’s Exports’, Journal of World Trade, 43, 1, February 2009, 97–104, at 108–109. 242 Vivien Bath and Mary Ip, ‘Wealth and Loss in Changing Economic Times: Reforms in Bankruptcy and Consumer Protection Laws’, in John Garrick (ed), Law, Wealth and Power in China: Commercial Law Reforms in Context (Routledge, London and New York, 2011), pp. 230–250, at 244 (hereafter Bath and Ip, ‘Wealth’). 243 State Council, White Paper on the Quality and Safety of Food in China, available at http://www.china.org.cn/english/news/221274.htm, last accessed 15 December 2014. 244 Bath and Ip, ‘Wealth’, supra note 242, at 244, who note (at 244–245) the rapid drop in Chinese dairy exports after the melamine scandal and remark that ‘The main factor behind the acceleration of the enactment of the Food Safety Law may well not have been the 55,000 babies suffering from kidney illness, but the financial impact of the restrictive measures taken against Chinese dairy products in overseas markets’ [original italics omitted]. 245 Food Safety Law of the People’s Republic of China (adopted at the 7th Session of the Standing Committee of the 11th National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China on 28 February 2009, promulgated by Order No. 9 of the President of the People’s Republic of China on 28 February 2009 and effective as of 1 June 2009) (hereafter Food

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 163

The 2009 Food Safety Law reflected widespread concerns about the food safety, which reached a dramatic new low point with the melamine scandal.246 It consisted of 104 articles grouped into ten sections: General Provisions, Monitoring and Assessment of Food Safety Risks, Food Safety Standards, Food Production and Business Operation, Food Inspection, Import and Export of Food, Handling of Food Safety Accidents, Supervision and Administration, Legal Liabilities, and Supplementary Provisions. It abrogated and replaced the 1995 Food Hygiene Law (Article 104). The Chinese government did not notify the Food Safety Law to the wto Committee on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (sps Committee),247 as would usually be the case under wto law. It sought to justify its action by claiming that

The Food Safety Law is based on the previous Food Hygiene Law and there is no technical requirement that will have a major impact on inter- national trade, therefore, China had not submitted a notification before the Law was passed. However, after the Food Safety Law entered into force, China timely submitted notifications on the 178 relevant food safety rules and standards based on the Law and provided time for com- ments by the members.248

China’s main trading partners did not find this explanation very convincing.249 In any event, regardless of this legal dispute about interpretation of wto

Safety Law). An unofficial English translation is available at United States Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agricultural Service, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain) Report, Food Safety Law of the People’s Republic of China 2009, gain Report CH9019, http://apps.fas.usda.gov/gainfiles/200903/146327461.pdf, last accessed 10 December 2014. Among numerous commentaries in English, see Liu, ‘Obstacles’, supra note 313, at 283–290; Bian Yongmin, ‘An Overview of Chinese Law on Food Safety’, Frontiers of Law in China, 7, 1, March 2012, pp. 91–112. 246 For a very brief account of these discussions, see Benjamin van Rooij, ‘Regulation by esca- lation: unrest, lawmaking and law enforcement in China’, in Trevaskes et al., Politics, supra Chapter 2 note 207, at 86–88. 247 World Trade Organization, Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China: Report by the Secretariat, Revision, WT/TPR/S/230/Rev.1, 5 July 2010, at 35–36, ¶ 43, WT/TPR/S/230/ Rev.1 (July 5, 2010). See also World Trade Organization, Committee on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures, Summary of the Meeting of 28–29 October 2009,, G/SPS/R/56, 28 January 2010, paragraph 179. 248 World Trade Organization, Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting, Addendum, WT/TPR/M/230/Add.1, 22 February 2011, at 87 (Questions 61–62). 249 Ibid., at 87 (follow up to Question 61) [eu], pp. 215–216 (Question 22(a); Answer (a–c)) [us].

164 Chapter 3 obligations, the Food Safety Law clearly differed considerably from its prede- cessor. The Food Hygiene Law concentrated on microbial food risks, and it did not contain any specific provisions on import and export of food. In contrast, the Food Safety Law was oriented more broadly toward all types of food safety risks, all segments of the food chain except for quality and safety management of edible agricultural products,250 production and business operations, and imports and exports; numerous provisions concerned directly the import and export of food.251 The Food Safety Law, despite its overall objectives, replicated to great extent the previous pattern of normative and institutional fragmentation. One exam- ple concerns edible agricultural products. From the normative standpoint, the new Food Safety Law governs the formulation of quality and safety standards for edible agricultural products, but the Law on the Quality and Safety of Agricultural Products governs administrative and procedural matters regard- ing the quality and safety management of edible primary products from agriculture.252 The likely overlap and potential confusion had, however, insti- tutional sources and implications: the Ministry of Health was mainly respon- sible for the Food Safety Law, while the Law on the Quality and Safety of Agricultural Products lay within the remit of the Ministry of Agriculture. Another example concerns the institutional innovations of the Food Safety Law. The Food Safety Law innovated by establishing a Food Safety Committee,

250 According to the Food Safety Law 2009 Article 5, such concerns were governed by the Law on the Quality and Safety of Agricultural Products. Available at http://en.pkulaw.cn/ display.aspx?id=7344&lib=law&SearchKeyword=&SearchCKeyword=%ca%b3%c6%b7 %b0%b2%c8%ab%b7%a8, last accessed 26 February 2015. 251 Food Safety Law, Chapter vi Import and Export of Food, Articles 62–69. 252 Ibid., Article 2, paragraph 2. I have two different English translations of the Law at my disposal. One, available on the authoritative Peking University source China Law Info, reads: ‘The quality and safety management of edible primary products sourced from agri- culture (hereinafter referred to as “edible agricultural products”) shall be governed by the provisions of the Law on the Quality and Safety of Agricultural Products. However, the formulation of quality and safety standards for edible agricultural products and the release of safety information about edible agricultural products shall be governed by the relevant provisions of this Law’. The other version, available as gain Report – CH9019 from the usda Foreign Agricultural Service, reads ‘The quality and safety management of primary agricultural products for consumption (hereinafter referred to as “Edible Agricultural Products”) shall abide by the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Quality and Safety of Agricultural Products. However, this Law must be observed when developing quantity and safety standards and releasing food safety information on edible agricultural products’. In the following text discussion I use the latter source.

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 165 whose responsibilities were to be determined by the State Council.253 The Ministry of Health was to be responsible for inter alia comprehensive coordi- nation of food safety matters, risk assessment, formulation of food safety stan- dards, and the organization of investigation and handling of major food safety accidents.254 However, the regulation of food production, distribution and catering services was allocated to the departments of quality supervision, industry and commerce administration, and food and drug administration, respectively.255 The risks of lack of overlapping mandates, lack of coordination and regulatory inertia were patent. A similar fragmentation of responsibility was consolidated at and above county level.256 For the most part, the Food Safety Law remained captive of its institutional context. With a view toward guaranteeing food quality and also restructuring the dairy sector (and others), the 2009 Food Law provides for the implementation by the State of a licensing system for food production and trading, with a license being required to engage in food production, food distribution or cater- ing services.257 In 2002 the government had introduced a requirement for pro- duction licenses, but local governments were not willing to promote food safety at the expense of employment and the scheme collapsed.258 aqsiq car- ried out a national survey of 448,153 food processors in 2007 and found that ‘less than 15 per cent of food plants were licensed’; almost 50% had improper licenses and more than 30% had no license at all.259 The Food Safety Law appeared to settle the normative question, but it was not at all clear that local implementing authorities would respect the nationally defined order of priorities. A particular problem was the large number of small producers, workshops, distributers and retailers. More than 200 million agricultural holdings260 supplied not only their own or local needs but also more than 170,000 food

253 Ibid., Article 4, paragraph 1. 254 Ibid., Article 4, paragraph 2. 255 Ibid., Article 4, paragraph 3. 256 See ibid., Articles 5, 6. As of 2010, the Food Safety Commission of Guangdong Province was described as being composed of ‘representatives of eighteen departments’: Chan et al., Global Governance, supra note 174, p. 240, note 39. 257 Food Safety Law 2009, Article 29, paragraph 1. 258 Chan et al., Global Governance, supra note 174, p. 130. 259 Ibid., p. 130. 260 According to Chinese Government statistics in 2009: Sarah K. Lowder, Jakob Skaet and Saumya Singh, ‘What do we really know about the number and distribution of farms and family farms in the world?’ Background paper for The State of Food and Agriculture 2014, esa Working Paper No. 14–02, Agricultural Development Economics Division, Food and

166 Chapter 3 processing firms; 72% of the processing firms had fewer than 10 employees.261 A survey by the sfda about the same time showed that of a total of 450,000 food enterprises, 29% had no production standards, 60% did not conduct quality checks and were not capable of conducting self-inspections, and almost 50% did not have production licenses or sanitation certificates.262 According to other sources, enterprises with fewer than 10 employees or less than two acres of farm land constitute 78.7% of food processing industry. Though accounting for only 9.3% of the market, they are involved in most food safety incidents.263 The treatment of small workshops illustrates clearly the ways in which the other elements in the set of central government policies affected food safety regulation. From a theoretical perspective, reassuring the public, ensuring the quality of food products and unifying food safety regulation might seem to be powerful arguments in favour of greater consolidation of producing and pro- cessing enterprises in the dairy sector. However, the sheer number of small workshops made achievement of this objective impossible in the short term. Gradual consolidation was the only real alternative. In addition, social justice and the imperative of social stability required giving small farmers and small workshops time to adjust. Regional differences were also important, as will been seen in the discussion of standards in the next chapter. Finally, the basic institu- tional patterns of fragmented authoritarianism and leadership/professional relations features militated in favour of negotiated compromise, in the hope that basic food safety standards could be ensured within a foreseeable time. With regard to small workshops, the 2009 Food Safety Law represented precisely such a compromise: a flexible framework for gradual transition. Confronted by the challenge of small workshops, the government adopted a combination of several policies. First, small workshops are gradually to be brought within the ambit of food safety standards. Article 29 of the Food Safety Law provides that ‘To engage in food production or business operation, a small food production or processing workshop or a food vendor shall meet the food safety requirements of this Law, namely adapting to its production or business scale and conditions, so as to ensure that the food which it produces or oper- ates is hygienic, nontoxic and innocuous’.264 Second, people’s governments at

Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, Rome, April 2014, p. 2, available at http:// www.fao.org/docrep/019/i3729e/i3729e.pdf, last accessed 21 January 2015. 261 Liu, ‘Obstacles’, supra Chapter 2 note 122, at 298, which cites further sources. 262 Ibid., at 298, which cites further sources. 263 Chan et al., Global Governance, supra note 174, p. 129. 264 Food Safety Law, Article 29, second paragraph.

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 167 county-level or above are required to ‘encourage small workshops to improve their production conditions and encourage food vendors to trade in fixed loca- tions, such as centralized markets and shops’.265 Third, administrative depart- ments are to review all applications for licenses carefully and carry out inspections if necessary.266 Fourth, producers and traders are required to establish a food safety management system, increase training in food safety and carry out inspections.267 Fifth, the State encourages producers and traders to adopt good manufacturing practices (gmp) and to implement Hazard Analysis and Critical Control Point (haacp)268 and to seek such certification, in other words to adopt international good food safety practices based partly on pre-market controls; this objective is addressed mainly to larger producers and processors. Finally, local governments at all levels are required to encour- age increased scale of production (mass production) and chain business operation and distribution of food.269 In other words, they are to promote con- solidation. A basic assumption is that restructuring of the sector toward mass production and respect for food safety standards go together: integrated large- scale enterprises are most likely to meet higher food safety standards. By embracing these provisions, the Food Safety Law aims to achieve a workable degree of consistency between two potentially contradictory policies: restruc- turing the dairy sector and ensuring food safety, on the one hand, and preserv- ing social stability and respecting social justice, on the other hand. It embodies a negotiated compromise, which I speculate involved the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Commerce on one side and the Ministry of Agriculture on the other side. The Food Safety Law established a national surveillance system for monitor- ing food safety risks.270 At the centre is the national Ministry of Health, which was responsible for formulating and enforcing a national surveillance plan.271 Its executive departments at every level of government are to be responsible for formulating and enforcing similar plans for their respective jurisdictions, consistently with the national plan but taking account of regional specificity.272 Executive departments of agriculture, quality supervision, industry and

265 Ibid., Article 30. 266 Ibid., Article 31. 267 Ibid., Article 32. 268 Ibid., , Article 33, paragraph 1. 269 Ibid., Article 56. This sentence is based on the two slightly different translations provided by usda and China Law Info. 270 Ibid., Article 11, paragraph 1. 271 Ibid., Article 11, paragraph 2. 272 Ibid., Article 11, paragraph 2.

168 Chapter 3 commerce, and food and drug administration are required to report any infor- mation about food safety risks to the Ministry of Health.273 The national Ministry of Health is also responsible for organizing food safety risk assess- ments; this constituted a newly established national assessment mechanism for food safety.274 The Law also established a new framework of food safety standards. Food producers and traders are required to comply with food safety standards, as well as with additional specified requirements.275 It is prohibited to produce or trade inter alia ‘[f]ood made with non-food raw material or added with chemi- cals other than food additives or other substances possibly hazardous to human health, or food produced from recycled food as raw materials’.276 Food regulatory departments are prohibited from granting exemptions on food inspection.277 Thus the Food Safety Law aimed to contribute to ensuring the quality of food products. The Law also establishes a system of record keeping, which might provide a framework for a limited system of traceability, though the word is not used in the 2009 Food Law. Different rules apply to food producers, on the one hand, and to food traders, on the other hand. Food producers are required to check the license of all suppliers and the compliance certificate of all purchased raw materials and additives, and they are forbidden to purchase non-complying products.278 They must establish and maintain for two years a verification record for all incoming raw materials and an inspection record for all outgoing products; the record must include information such as name, specification, quantity, supplier name and contact information, and purchase or sale date and, for outgoing products, production date, batch number and inspection cer- tificate number.279 Food trading enterprises are required to maintain similar records.280 When storing food in bulk, traders are obliged to indicate at the storage facility various information, including the name and contact informa- tion of the producer.281 All pre-packaged food must be labeled, and the label must include inter alia the name, specification, net content and date of pro- duction; name, address and contact details of the producer; production license

273 Ibid., Article 12. 274 Ibid., Article 13. 275 Ibid., Article 27. 276 Ibid., Article 28, paragraph 1. 277 Ibid., Article 60, paragraph 1. 278 Ibid., Article 36. 279 Ibid., Articles 36, 37. 280 Ibid., Article 39. 281 Ibid., Article 41.

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 169 number; and any other information required by applicable laws, regulations and food safety standards (Article 42).282 As will be seen later, failure to fulfill these recordkeeping and labeling obligations is subject to sanction.283 It is worth noting that, while recordkeeping is also required under related laws, for example regarding gmo food and organic food, China began to estab- lish a traceability system for certain products in 2002,284 even though it appears that the words ‘traceability’ and ‘traceable’ were previously used only in administrative measures on alcohol circulation and on imported and exported meat products.285 In a major change, however, the ndrc and the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology announced the 12th Food Industry Development Plan, with a food tracking system to be elaborated in principle before 2013, based on the use of internet technology to record and track indi- vidual items and food producers online.286 This traceability system is in the process of construction. There is a licensing system for the production of food additives.287 Additives can be used only if technically required and proved to be safe and reliance by risk assessment.288 Food producers are to use additives only in accordance with food safety standards and ‘must not use any chemical substances other

282 Ibid., Article 42. 283 See especially ibid., Article 87. 284 On the development of a traceability system in China, see Zhou and Jin, Mangement, supra note 570, p. 21. 285 Measures for the Administration of Alcohol Circulation (2006) [Article 14: suo yuan 溯源: ‘traceability’], and the Measures for the Supervision and Administration of the Inspection and Quarantine of Imported and Exported Meat Products (2011) [Article 21: zhui su, 追溯: ‘traceable’]. Note that under the 2007 Administrative Provisions on Food Labeling, a food label needed to indicate only the place of production of the food at the level of the prefec- ture only (Article 7) and, in the case of manufactured food, to state the name and address of the manufacturer (Article 8): Administration Provisions on Food Labeling, (deliber- ated and adopted at the executive meeting of the General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine on 24 July 2007, promulgated by Order No. 102 of the General Administration of Quality Inspection, Supervision and Quarantine on 1 September 2008, effective 1 September 2008). 286 ‘Development and Reform Commission, Ministry of Industry issued the 12th Five-Year Development Plan of the food industry’, posted by admin on 25 April 2012, available at http://www.chinafinancial.info/development-and-reform-commission-ministry-of -industry-issued-the-12th-five-year-development-plan-of-the-food-industry/, accessed 3 May 2012; Zhou Wenting, ‘Quality of some preserved fruit questioned’, China Daily, Friday, 27 April 2012, p. 5. This system is now in the planning stages. 287 Food Safety Law 2009, Article 43. 288 Ibid., Article 45.

170 Chapter 3 than food additives or other substances with possible hazards to human health during food production’.289 Labelling is required for all additives.290 A revised food recall system is established.291 If a producer or trader does not recall prod- ucts as required, the executive departments of quality supervision, industry and commerce, and food and drug administration at county level or above may order it to do so or to stop trading.292 This provision indicates once again the fragmentation of administrative authority, potential gaps in accountability and the need for cooperation. The Food Safety Law has a direct impact on imports and exports. Imported food, food additives and food-related products are required to comply with China’s national food safety standards.293 If there is no national standard, the importer must submit an application and relevant safety assessment materials to the Ministry of Health, which must not only decide on the application but also seek to develop a national standard.294 In the case of a food safety incident which occurs outside and which may affect China, the national exit-entry inspection and quarantine department must issue a risk alert or take control measures and notify the national ministries/departments of health, agricul- ture, industry and commerce, and food and drug administration, which ‘shall take corresponding actions immediately after receiving the notification’.295 Exported food is to be supervised and randomly inspected.296 To cope with food crises, the new Law gives responsibility to the State Council to organize the formulation of emergency plans for national food crises.297 Governments at lower levels are responsible for formulating such plans for their jurisdictions.298 The organization in which a crisis occurred is required to take immediate action to prevent the incident from spreading and also to report to the local health department.299 In case of a major incident, the county level health department is required to report to the local People’s Government and the health department of the higher People’s Government.

289 Ibid., Article 46. 290 Ibid., Article 47. 291 Ibid., Article 53. 292 Ibid., Article 53, paragraph 4. 293 Ibid., Article 62. 294 Ibid., Article 63. 295 Ibid., Article 64. 296 Ibid., Article 68, paragraph 1. 297 Ibid., Article 70, paragraph 1. 298 Ibid., Article 70, paragraph 2. 299 Ibid., Article 71, paragraph 1.

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 171

The latter two organs should report to higher authorities.300 The lines of com- munication are clear, but the precise legal obligations are not well-defined, even though the Law provides that no organization or individual ‘shall conceal, lie, delay, or intentionally destroy the evidence of any food safety accident’.301 It also provides for cooperation between the health department and other departments at county level or above in dealing with food safety accidents.302 If a food safety accident involves more than two provinces, autonomous regions or municipalities, the national Ministry of Health is responsible for organizing the investigation regarding responsibility for the accident.303 Such investigation is to cover not only the liability of the organization where the incident occurred but also ‘any negligence or misconduct by regulatory agencies on supervision and certification as well as staff at certification institutions’.304 Supervision and administration relies on cooperation between different administrative departments.305 Persons suspected of violating criminal law are to handed over to the public security authorities ‘according to law’.306 A unified national food safety information release system is to be established under the Ministry of Health.307 The 2009 Food Safety Law also provides for legal liability. For food producers or traders who engage in unauthorized food production or trading activities, the potential sanctions are confiscation of the illegal benefits and materials used, a fine of rmb 2,000 – rmb 50,000 if the total value of the illegally pro- duced or traded food or food additive is less than rmb 10,000 or between 5 and 10 times the total value if the total value exceeds rmb 10,000.308 In certain cir- cumstances, the business licence of the producer or trader may also be revoked.309 These circumstances include inter alia

(1) Producing food with non-food raw material or adding chemicals other than food additives or other substances possibly hazardous to human health to food, or producing food with recovered food as raw materials;

300 Ibid., Article 71. 301 Ibid., Article 71, paragraph 4. 302 Ibid., Articles 72–74. 303 Ibid., Article 73, paragraph 2. 304 Ibid., Article 75. 305 See ibid., Article 77. 306 Ibid., Article 81. 307 Ibid., Article 82. 308 Ibid., Article 84. 309 Ibid., Article 85.

172 Chapter 3

(2) Producing or trading food which exceed [sic] food safety standard limits in content of…other substances with possible hazardous [effects] to human health.310

Lesser sanctions, though also including potential revocation of business license, apply to failure to test purchased food materials, produced food, food additives and food related products311 or failure to establish and observe the required system of record keeping.312 Confiscation, fine and business license revocation (as specified in Article 85) also apply to producers or traders who import foods not meeting national Chinese food safety standards.313 who import foods for which there is no national standard without a safety assess- ment.314 or who export foods in breach of the Food Law.315 The lesser sanctions specified in Article 87 apply to importers which do not establish and maintain the required records system.316 For food safety incidents in marketplaces, the Law provides that consolidated trading market operators, stall leasers and trade fair organizers who fail to fulfill their obligations317 shall be jointly liable.318 Government officials and others who fail to perform the required duties when serious food safety incidents occur are to be punished by having a special demerit recorded against them, by demotion, or by removal from office.319 The head of an administrative department (health, agriculture, quality supervi- sion, industry and commerce, food and drug, or other) which fails to do its duty, abuses its authority, or engages in self-seeking conduct, when this causes serious consequences, is to acknowledge the blame and resign.320 In addition to administrative and criminal sanctions, there are broad provi- sions regarding compensation for damage. Article 96, para 1, provides that ‘Anyone in violation of this Law causing personal or property damage or other damage shall be liable for compensation’.321 In addition, a consumer of illegally

310 Ibid., Article 85(1), (2). The quotation is from the usda translation. 311 Ibid., Article 87(1). 312 Ibid., Article 87(2). 313 Ibid., Article 89, paragraph 1 (1). 314 Ibid., Article 89, paragraph 1(2). 315 Ibid., Article 89, paragraph 1(3). 316 Ibid., Article 89, paragraph 2. 317 See ibid., Article 52, paragraph 1. 318 Ibid., Article 52, paragraph 2. 319 Ibid., Article 95, paragraph 1. 320 Ibid., Article 95, paragraph 2. 321 Ibid., Article 96, paragraph 1. The quotation is from the usda translation.

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 173 produced or traded food can demand a penalty from the producer or seller of 10 times the amount paid.322 If both civil compensation and penalty payment or fines are imposed, the civil compensation is to be executed first.323 If a crime is committed, the violator is subject to criminal prosecution.324 The effective- ness of these provisions depends on access to courts and a functioning system of compensation. In the melamine crisis, a government compensation scheme replaced access to courts, but this is unlikely to be effective in the long-term and an adequate food safety insurance scheme is required.

The 2009 State Council Implementing Regulation The State Council promulgated an Implementing Regulation on 20 July 2009.325 Consisting of 62 articles, the Implementing Regulation amplifies and develops the basic provisions of the Food Safety Law. It consists of sections on General Provisions, Food Safety Risk Monitoring and Assessment, Food Safety Standards, Food Production or Marketing, Food Test, Food Import and Export, Handling of Food Safety Accidents, Supervision and Administration, Legal Liability, and Supplementary Provisions. Here I focus on selected issues con- cerning institutions and standards. At national level the Ministry of Public Health is the lead actor, for example in providing a scientific basis for formulating or revising national standards326 or identifying new potential food safety hazards.327 In general, coordination of food safety supervision and management is allocated to the people’s govern- ments at or above county level.328 Public health departments are responsible for notifying enterprise standards to other administrative departments at the

322 Ibid., Article 96, paragraph 2. 323 Ibid., Article 97. 324 Ibid., Article 98. 325 Regulation on the Implementation of the Food Safety Law of the People’s Republic of China (Decree of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China, No. 557, adopted at the 73rd State Council executive meeting on July 8, 2009, promulgated on 20 July 2009, effective as of 20 July 2009) (hereinafter Food Safety Law Implementing Regulation 2009). An unofficial English translation is available at United States Department of Agriculture, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain) Report, China – People’s Republic of, Final Food Safety Law Implementation Measures, gain Report No. CH9066, 14 August 2009, available at http://gain.fas.usda.gov/Recent%20GAIN%20Publications/Final%20 Food%20Safety%20Law%20Implementation%20Measures_Beijing_China%20-%20 Peoples%20Republic%20of_8-14-2009.pdf, last accessed 10 December 2014. 326 Ibid., Article 12(2). 327 Ibid. Article 12(3). 328 See ibid. Article 2.

174 Chapter 3 same level of government.329 They are also responsible, at different levels of government including national level, for tracking evaluation of the implemen- tation of national standards and local standards and of organizing their revi- sion together with other administrative departments at the same level (agriculture administration, quality supervision, industrial and commercial enterprise management, food and drug supervision and administration, com- merce, industry and information).330 While aiming to achieve a better balance between central and local governments, these provisions confirm the stronger leading role of the Ministry of Public Health, yet they tend to reproduce the importance of complex professional relations at lower levels of government. In other matters also, the Implementing Regulation follows the basic pat- tern of divided or fragmented responsibility set out in the Food Safety Law. For example, the Ministry of Agriculture is responsible for risk monitoring and risk assessment for edible agricultural products.331 The state food safety risk moni- toring plan is to be formulated by the Ministry of Public Health together with other departments, namely those in charge of supervision and control over product quality, industrial and commercial administration, food and drug supervision and administration, and commercial, industrial and information departments.332 Similar provisions apply to the formulation of national stan- dards333 or to the organization of the national food safety standards evaluation committee.334 No provision mentions international standards; this seems to be left to the Standardization Law and its implementing Regulation and Measures. In the Implementing Regulations, there are no specific provisions concern- ing small producers or small traders. Regarding food recalls, however, if food is recalled from the market, food producers are to prevent them from re-entering the market, unless the recall is due to defective labeling or marking, in which case the product may be placed on the market again once the defect is cured.335 Special provisions apply to food import and export. The state entry and exit inspection and quarantine bureau is to revoke registration and publicise such revocation of registered export enterprises which offer fake materials or cause major food safety accidents.336 Imported food additives must contain Chinese

329 Ibid., Article 18. 330 Ibid., Article 19, paragraph 1. 331 Ibid., Article 63. 332 Ibid., Article 5. 333 See ibid., Article 15. 334 Ibid., Article 17. 335 Ibid., Article 33. 336 Ibid., Article 39.

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 175 labels and specifications referring to relevant Chinese laws and administrative regulations as well as national food safety standards.337 The handling of food safety accidents is to be based on the principle of ‘seeking truth from facts’, respect for science, determining the nature and the cause of the accident accurately and in good time, affirming liability for the accident, and putting forward measures to correct the situation.338 Regarding supervision and administration, the Ministry of Health is responsible for pub- licizing the directory of chemicals not for food use which have been added to food and may be added to food as well as other substances harmful to human health.339 All administrative departments are to publicise the email addresses or telephone numbers for receiving consultations, complaints and reports according to Article 80 of the Food Law, to reply to them, to verify and handle received consultations, complaints and reports, and to record and keep them.340 The imposition of penalties is specified for inter alia food production enter- prises which fail to set up and implement the required management system,341 fail to formulate required production process controls,342 or fail to keep rele- vant records regarding safety management in food production.343 The Implementing Regulation, as the Food Safety Law, is best understood as part of the set of central government policies, though the former gives little attention to small workshops.

Conclusion

The melamine crisis produced law. It created a great loss of public confidence in food safety, and a profound sense of urgency on the part of the Chinese central government, and ultimately it led to a new system of food safety regula- tion. In this respect, the adoption of the 2009 Food Safety Law paralleled the adoption of United States food regulation after the publication of Upton Sinclair’s 1906 book The Jungle344 and the enactment of the eu’s Food Safety

337 Ibid., Article 40. 338 Ibid., Article 44. 339 Ibid., Article 49. 340 Ibid., , Article 53. 341 Ibid., Article 57(1), as required in Article 26 of the Implementing Regulation. 342 Ibid., Article 57(2), as required in Article 27 of the Implementing Regulation. 343 Ibid., Article 57(3), as required in Article 28 of the Implementing Regulation. 344 Upton Sinclair, The Jungle (Doubleday, Jabber and Company, New York, 1906).

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Law in 2002 as a result of the ‘mad cow’ (Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy, bse) crisis.345 In China, both the 2009 Food Safety Law and the Implementing Regulation were the result of decisive action at the highest levels of the party- state. Both legal instruments were also bolstered by greater attention by public authorities at all levels and by changing attitudes and expectations about food safety and about government. ‘In the long term, melamine contamination will probably be remembered mostly for bringing about a comprehensive reform of the Chinese food safety regime’.346 From the normative standpoint, the 2009 Food Safety Law was more com- prehensive and more coherent than its predecessor, the 1995 Food Hygiene Law. Compared to the 1995 Food Hygiene Law, China’s first general food safety law represented a change of regulatory paradigm. By orienting legal and administrative norms decisively toward to the achievement and protection of food safety, it had the potential to be more effective, with regard to this objec- tive, than previous arrangements. It is important to emphasise the word ‘potential’, because the emerging legal framework, though a great improve- ment, was conditioned and influenced by the other elements of the set of gov- ernment policies of which it was a part and by the main features of the Chinese party-state in which it was embedded. It retained certain features of the past, and inevitably it could not escape from its institutional, economic, political and social contexts. These institutional features shaped decisively the way in which the melamine crisis produced law, the law it produced and the way it was applied. Nevertheless, the 2009 Food Safety Law strengthened consider- ably the role of administrative regulatory authorities, though not necessarily that of the courts.347 The State Council created the first Food Safety Commission in 2010, follow- ing reports of more melamine-contaminated products in Shanghai, Laoning, Shandong and Shaanxi Provinces. The Director was then Vice-Premier (now Premier) Li Keqiang; Vice-Premiers Hui Liangyu and Wang Qishan were Vice- Directors. The other members were the Minister of Health, the Minister of Agriculture, the Minister of Industry and Information and the Directors of

345 Regulation (ec) No. 178/2002 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 28 January 2002. laying down the general principles and requirements of food law, establishing the European Food Safety Authority and laying down procedures in matters of food safety, Official Journal of the European Communities, 1 February 2002, L31/1; available at http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=OJ:L:2002:031:0001:0024:EN:PDF, last accessed 15 December 2014 (hereafter EU General Food Law). 346 Pei et al.,‘Implications’, supra Chapter 2 note 294, at 412. 347 See Balzano, ‘Administrative Innovation’, supra note 157, at 60–80.

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 177 aqsiq, saic, sfda and the State Grain Bureau.348 However, effective coordi- nation of regulatory agencies remained a problem.349 In addition to producing law and institutional reform, the melamine crisis had other profound consequences and lasting implications for the dairy sector in China, the Chinese government and Chinese society as a whole. It provoked – indeed necessitated – an increasing interest within China in drawing on for- eign experience and practice, particularly in the context of the gradual impact of Chinese accession to the wto, which altered the international legal context in which national food safety regulation took place. It was part of the process of generating new legal and administrative norms. It served as a powerful stimulant for the transnationalisation of the Chinese regulatory regime for food safety, including legislation, administrative regulations and standards. As a result of the loss of public confidence in food safety regulation, the melamine crisis also contributed to the opening up of the Chinese market for dairy prod- ucts. An increase of dairy imports, including parallel imports, and an increase in foreign investment augmented the market share of foreign and foreign- invested producers and processors, which in turn tended to reinforce the government-led restructuring of the dairy sector. As part of the process of transnationalisation, relations between Chinese food safety regulators and international organisations and networks were strengthened by the melamine crisis. For example, the World Health Organization reported that:

infosan has been working directly with the Ministry of Health (MoH), China, in collaboration with the who Country Office in China. Through the infosan Emergency surveillance system, who had learned of the contamination of infant formula with melamine and requested further information about the event on 11 September 2008. MoH confirmed on 12 September 2008 that incriminated products from the Sanlu Company had not been exported and provided who with a description of the development of the event. Through further interaction between infosan and MoH the issue of potential other use of the contaminated milk pow- der as well as parallel (illegal) distribution of contaminated milk powder was raised. An infosan Emergency Alert was subsequently distributed to the entire network on 16 September 2008 alerting infosan members

348 Chan et al, , Global Governance, supra note 174, p. 133. 349 Xinhua News Agency, ‘Heavyweight commission highlights China’s determination to ensure food safety’, Beijing, 6 May 2012, available at http://am774.rbc.cn/netfm/english _service/news/201002/t20100211_576998.html, last accessed 5 September 2012.

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of the event and of the possibility of contaminated products finding their way to other markets.350

These closer ties between the Chinese government and international organisa- tions in the field of public health and food safety built on previous experience with the wto following Chinese accession in 2001 and with the who after the sars crisis. Trade policy reviews of China’s trade policy under the wto Trade Policy Review Mechanism paid increasingly detailed attention to food safety regulation in China.351 In 2008, the un published a thorough study and recom- mendations regarding food safety regulation in China352 In addition, both the United States and the European Union began to build further on existing forms of cooperation with China with regard to food safety.353 These developing transnational legal relations shaped Chinese food safety law in two different ways. First, ‘external’ factors increasingly influenced the actors, assumptions

350 See: http://www.who.int/foodsafety/fs_management/infosan_events/en/index4.html and http://www.health.gov.bt/newsletters/infosan.pdf ((last visited: 04/06/2012). Also available on http://fr.slideshare.net/ringer21/last-reviewedupdated, last accessed 26 April 2015. 351 See Chapter 8 of the book. 352 United Nations in China, ‘Advancing Food Safety in China’, Occasional Paper, Office of the United Nations Resident Coordinator in China, March 2008, available at http://bepast .org/docs/china%20health/food%20safety/China%20and%20Food%20Safety_2008 _UN.pdf, last accessed 21 January 2015. 353 See for example, as the basis for US-China cooperation, the 2007 Agreement between the Department of Health and Human Services of the United States of America and the General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine of the People’s Republic of China on the Safety of Food and Feed, available at http://www.fda .gov/InternationalPrograms/Agreements/MemorandaofUnderstanding/ucm107557.htm, last accessed 9 December 2012; see also Steve Suppan, u.s. – China Agreement on Food Safety: Terms and Enforcement Capacity (Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy, Minneapolis mn, May 2008), available at http://www.iatp.org/documents/us-china -agreement-on-food-safety-terms-and-enforcement-capacity, last accessed 21 January 2015. For eu-China cooperation, the 2006 Memorandum of Understanding on Administrative Co-operation Arrangements between the European Commission’s Directorate General for Health and Consumer Protection (dg-sanco) and The General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine of the People’s Republic of China (aqsiq), available http://ec.europa.eu/consumers/archive/cons_safe/ prod_safe/memorandum_china.pdf, last accessed 9 December 2014. See also Linden J. Ellis and Jennifer L. Turner, Sowing the Seeds: Opportunities for u.s. – China Cooperation on Food Safety (Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, dc, September 2008), available at http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/CEF_food _safety_text.pdf, last accessed 23 January 2015.

Emergence Of Modern Chinese Food Safety Law 179 and orientation of domestic Chinese law. Second, ‘purportedly “domestic” decisions were conditioned, shaped or even actually made elsewhere as trans- national legal regimes penetrated national legal fields’.354 Consolidated by the melamine crisis, these transnational links were institutional manifestations of the globalization of Chinese law, notably in the domain of food safety. The melamine crisis stimulated the emergence of modern Chinese food safety law. Unfortunately the melamine crisis also contributed significantly to a loss of public trust, both in China and elsewhere, in government and industry with regard to the safety of dairy products (and other food) produced in China. There still remains (as of January 2015, the time of writing), a major crisis of consumer confidence in Chinese food safety law. Despite the enactment of the 2009 Food Safety Law and other legal and institutional reforms, numerous institutional, economic, social and legal problems continue to plague food safety regulation in China. Legislation, institutional and other reforms con- cerning food safety are still underway today.

354 Snyder, Legal Pluralism, supra Chapter 2 note 7, at 13.

Chapter 4 Transnationalisation of Chinese Dairy Standards

Introduction

The melamine crisis revealed major gaps in Chinese food safety standards, specifically milk and dairy product standards. The Chinese State Council pledged in July 2012 to resolve China’s food safety problems within three years. Its plan included better regulation, improved supervision, particularly of produc- tion, institutional improvements and more effective sanctions. A key element in the plan was the enactment and application of improved food safety standards.1 The role of standards in China’s search for food safety is the subject of this chapter. This chapter explores the impact of the melamine crisis on the develop- ment of Chinese food safety standards, focusing on the dairy sector. Building on preceding chapters, it traces the development of the legal and regulatory framework governing Chinese standards. It shows how the melamine crisis stimulated a rapid but nonetheless partial transnationalisation of Chinese dairy standards. The process of transnationalisation also contributed to a vig- orous debate about the relationship between domestic and international stan- dards, known as alignment, which is noted here and explored in more detail later in the book. The chapter emphasizes the types of domestic standards, relations between these different types, the changing relationship between domestic standards and international standards,2 and the participation of private actors in making public (governmental) standards.3 It underscores the extent to which food safety standards, as any standards, are a double-edged sword: on the one hand, they are intended to ensure product quality and safety; on the other hand, they serve as barriers to entry into the market. The post-crisis debate about dairy standards was also imbricated in what some readers might consider to be a

1 Jin Zhu, ‘Food safety becomes national priority’, China Daily, Thursday, 5 July 2012, p. 3. See also Editorial, ‘Food safety timetable’, China Daily, Thursday, 5 July 2012, p. 8. 2 For further discussion, see the later chapter on the review of Chinese food safety law in the framework of the wto Trade Policy Review Mechanism (tprm). 3 Private standards lie outside the scope of this chapter. For an overview, see Harm Schepel, The Constitution of Private Governance: Product Standards in the Regulation of Integrating Markets (Hart Publishing, Oxford, 2005) (hereafter Schepel, Private Governance).

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi 10.1163/9789004306929_005

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 181 contradiction between two levels of central government policy; a more con- crete level, referring to the more specific, more short-term objectives of reas- suring the public, ensuring product quality and restructuring the dairy sector, and a more abstract meta-level, referring to the continuing, overriding objec- tive of the Chinese party-state of preserving social stability. The first main section sketches the wto agreements which provide an inter- national legal framework for Chinese standards today. The next section consid- ers the set of Chinese legal and administrative norms within which standards in China have been developed since 1988. A third section analyses the impact of the 2009 Food Safety Law on standards. The next two sections are concerned with the transnationalisation of China’s dairy standards, first by looking at aspects of politics of making standards and then by examining the standards themselves. A brief conclusion summarises the argument.

The Normative Framework for Standards before Melamine

wto sps and tbt Agreements We can situate the reform of Chinese dairy standards in a broader legal frame- work by referring briefly to two wto agreements, the Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (sps Agreement) and the Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (tbt Agreement). These agreements are significant for pres- ent purposes for four reasons. First, they provide the de facto international normative framework for national standards-making. Second, they lay down requirements and procedures for wto Members to notify their standards to other wto Members. Third, they supply the internationally recognized termi- nology for referring to standards. Fourth, they constitute an indispensable parameter for the continuing debate about alignment. Chapters 6 and 7 analyse these Agreements as they are used in wto dispute settlement. The sps Agreement applies to food safety measures, as defined in Annex A of the Agreement:

Sanitary or phytosanitary measure – Any measure applied: (a) to protect animal or plant life of health within the territory of the Member from risks arising from the entry, establishment or spread of pests, diseases, disease-carrying organisms or disease-causing organisms; (b) to protect human or animal life or health within the territory of the Member from risks arising from additives, contaminants, or disease-causing organisms in foods, beverages or feedstuffs:

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(c) to protect human life or health within the territory of the Member from risks arising from diseases carried by animals, plants or prod- ucts thereof, or from the entry, establishment or spread of pests; (d) to prevent or limit other damage within the territory of the Member from the entry, establishment or spread of pests.4 sps measures embrace a very wide variety of normative instruments related to food safety.5 In contrast, the tbt Agreement covers two types of norms6 which may lie outside the scope of the sps Agreement7 but which nevertheless may be con- cerned with food safety. The first type of norm consists of technical regula- tions, defined as follows:

Document which lays down product characteristics, or their related pro- cesses and production methods, including the applicable administra- tive provisions, with which compliance is mandatory. It may also include or deal exclusively with terminology, symbols, packaging, marking or

4 World Trade Organization Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (hereafter sps Agreement), Article 1 and Annex A, paragraph 1. The sps Agreement is published in World Trade Organization, The Results of the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations: The Legal Texts (gatt Secretariat, Geneva, 1994, reprinted by the wto in 1995), pp. 69–84, and subsequently reprinted in World Trade Organization, The Legal Texts: The Results of the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, since 1999), pp. 59–72. 5 Ibid., Annex A, paragraph 1. 6 World Trade Organization Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (hereafter tbt Agreement), Article 1. The tbt Agreement is published in World Trade Organization, The Results of the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations: The Legal Texts (gatt Secretariat, Geneva, 1994, reprinted by the wto in 1995), pp. 138–162, and subsequently reprinted in World Trade Organization, The Legal Texts: The Results of the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, since 1999), pp. 121–142. 7 Ibid., Article 1.5, provides that the tbt Agreement does not apply to sanitary and phytosani- tary measures as defined in Annex A of the sps Agreement. See also European Communities – Measures Concerning Meat and Meat Products (Hormones), Panel Report, WT/DS26/R/ USA, WT/DS48/R/CAN, paragraph 8.29 (hereafter ec – Hormones, Panel Report): European Communities – Measures Affecting the Approval and Marketing of Biotech Products, Panel Report, WT/DS291, 292, 293/R, adopted 21 November 2006, paragraphs 7.2524, 7.2528, 7.3412–7.3413, 8.38, 8.42–8.46, 8.53, 8.57–8.62; United States – Measures Affecting the Production and Sale of Clove Cigarettes, Panel Report, WT/DS406/R, paragraph 7.14.

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 183

labelling requirements as they apply to a product, process or production method.8

The second type of norm refers to standards, defined as follows:

Document approved by a recognized body, that provides, for common and repeated use, rules, guidelines or characteristics for products or related processes and production methods, with which compliance is not mandatory. It may also include or deal exclusively with terminology, sym- bols, packaging, marking or labelling requirements as they apply to a product, process or production method.9

In the terminology of the tbt Agreement, legally binding measures are called technical regulations, while non-legally-binding measures are called stan- dards. This terminology differs from ordinary English language usage, accord- ing to which both types of norms are called standards. It also differs from Chinese language terms and Chinese legal terminology, of course, and from their translation into English. For convenience and clarity, the following dis- cussion uses ordinary English terminology and ordinary English translation of Chinese terminology so far as possible. In other words, it uses ‘standard’ as a generic term, not a legal term in the sense of the tbt Agreement. However, it indicates clearly whether or not a standard is legally binding (i.e. a technical regulation in tbt terms) or not legally binding (i.e. a standard in tbt terms). Both the sps and the tbt Agreements, albeit in different ways, aim to seek a balance between respect for national determination of economic and social policies and greater international legal and economic integration. While emphasizing respect for national policies within certain limits,10 their respec- tive Preambles reiterate their orientation toward international harmoniza- tion11 and refer to the ‘important contribution’ which international standards can make to the development of a multilateral normative framework designed to minimize the effects of sps measures on trade12 or the ‘important contribu- tion that international standards and conformity assessment systems can

8 tbt Agreement, supra note 764, Annex 1 (1). 9 Ibid., Annex 1(2). 10 sps Agreement, supra note 762, 1st and 7th recitals; tbt Agreement, supra note 764, Preamble, 6th and 7th recitals. 11 sps Agreement, supra note 762, 6th recital; tbt Agreement, supra note 763, 3rd and 4th recitals. 12 sps Agreement, supra note 762, Preamble, 4th and 5th recitals.

184 Chapter 4 make…to improving the efficiency of production and facilitating the conduct of international trade’13…. The sps Agreement states that wto Members ‘shall base their sanitary or phytosanitary measures on international standards, guidelines or recommen- dations, where they exist, except as otherwise provided for in this [sps] Agreement, and in particular in paragraph 3’.14 Article 3.3 sps provides that Members may introduce or maintain measures resulting in a higher level of protection than would be produced by international standards, either if there is a scientific justification or on the basis of a risk assessment.15 The tbt Agreement provides that wto Members shall use existing international stan- dards, or international standards whose completion is imminent, or parts of them, ‘as a basis for their technical regulations except where such international standards or relevant parts would be an ineffective or inappropriate means for the fulfilment of the legitimate objectives pursued, for instance because of fundamental climatic or geographical factors or fundamental technological problems’.16 Measures which are adopted by wto Members and which qualify as sps standards are usually, if not always, legally binding. The same is not true of tbt measures. With regard to the adoption of non-legally-binding measures (stan- dards in tbt terminology), wto Members are obliged to ensure that their cen- tral government standardizing bodies accept and apply the tbt Code of Good Practice.17 They are also required ‘to take such reasonable measures as may be available to them’ to ensure that their own local government standardizing bodies, non-governmental standardizing bodies within their territory and any regional standardizing bodies of which they are members accept and comply with the Code.18 Standardizing bodies which have accepted the Code are required to use existing international standards, where they exist or where

13 tbt Agreement, supra note 764, 3rd recital. 14 sps Agreement, supra note 762, Article 3.1. ec – Measures Concerning Meat and Meat Products (Hormones), Appellate Body Report, WT/DS26, 48/AB/R, adopted 13 February 1998 (hereafter ec – Hormones, ab Report). The sources of international standards under the sps Agreement or the tbt Agreement are discussed in Chapter 6. 15 sps Agreement, supra note 762, Article 3.3. On risk assessment, see Article 5 sps. 16 tbt Agreement, supra note 764, Article 2.4. Legitimate objectives include but are not lim- ited to ‘national security requirements; the prevention of deceptive practices; protection of human health or safety, animal or plant life or health, or the environment’: Ibid., Article 2.2. 17 Ibid., Article 4.1. The Code of Good Practice for the Preparation, Adoption and Application of Standards is to be found in tbt Agreement, Annex 3. 18 Ibid., Article 4.1.

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 185 their completion is imminent, or the relevant parts of them, as a basis for the standards they develop, except where the international standards ‘would be ineffective or inappropriate, for instance, because of an insufficient level of protection or fundamental climatic or geographical factors or fundamental technological problems’.19 The Annex 3(F) exception for standards echoes the Article 2.4 tbt exception for technical regulations. Both the sps Agreement and the tbt Agreement contain notification requirements which are legally binding on wto Members. These requirements are intended to ensure that Members’ norms are transparent and available to other wto Members. The sps Agreement requires wto Members to notify changes in their measures and provide information about them.20 If a domes- tic measure ‘may have a significant effect on trade’, and either if there is no international standard, guideline or recommendation or if a domestic stan- dard is ‘not substantially the same’ as an international standard, guideline or recommendation, the wto Member is required to publish the measure at an early stage, notify other wto Members of product coverage, objectives and rationale and provide upon request copies of the measure and, ‘whenever possible’ identify parts deviating in substance from international standards, guidelines or recommendations. They are required to allow other Members reasonable time to make comments, discuss the comments and take the com- ments and results of discussion into account in preparing the measure.21 In case of urgent problems or threats to public health, a Member has less onerous obligations, but nevertheless must notify, provide copies on request and allow time for comments to be made and taken into account.22 Notifications are made to the wto Secretariat and must be in English, French or Spanish,23 the official languages of the wto. Under the tbt Agreement, a Member which is preparing, adopting or apply- ing a legally binding measure is required to explain the rationale for the mea- sure on request.24 If the proposed legally binding measure is not in accordance with a relevant international standard, or if a relevant international standard does not exist, and if the measure ‘may have a significant effect on trade’, the Member is required to publish the measure at an early stage, notify other Members of products covered, objectives and rationale, provide copies on

19 Ibid., Annex 3 (F). 20 sps Agreement, supra note 762, Article 7, Annex B. 21 Ibid., Annex B(5). 22 Ibid., Annex B(6). 23 Ibid., Annex B(7). 24 tbt Agreement, supra note 764, Article 2.5.

186 Chapter 4 request and allow a reasonable time for comments to be made, discussed on request and taken into account.25 Similar requirements apply but some steps may be omitted in cases of urgent problems of safety, health, environmental protection or national security.26 Except in these urgent circumstances, a Member is required to allow a reasonable time for other Members to adapt to the new measures.27 For measures which are not legally binding, wto Members are required to ensure that their central government standardizing bodies accept and comply with the wto Code of Conduct for the Preparation, Adoption and Application of Standards.28 For standards made by local govern- ment, non-governmental bodies or regional organisations of which the wto Member is a member, the wto Member is required only ‘to take such reason- able measures to ensure’ that the standards-making body accepts and com- plies with the Code.29 Similar requirements apply concerning conformity assessment bodies.30 The tbt Code of Good Practice requires standardizing bodies which have accepted the Code to provide information about their work, including a work programme and contact details, to allow at least 60 days for comments on draft standards, to take such comments into account, including by explaining any deviation from international standards, and to publish the standard promptly.31 As with the sps Agreement,32 under the tbt Agreement each wto Member is required to establish an enquiry point to answer ques- tions from and provide documents to other Members.33

Historical Background of Standards in China The normative framework in China for food safety standards was established long before establishment of the wto, before Chinese accession and before the melamine crisis.34 Mu Rongping and Wu Zhuoliang date the history of

25 Ibid., Article 2.9. 26 Ibid., Article 2.10. 27 Ibid., Article 2.12. 28 Ibid., Article 4.1. Ibid., Annex 3, contains the Code. 29 Ibid., Article 4.1. 30 Ibid., Articles 5–9. 31 Ibid., Annex 3, Code of Good Practice for the Preparation, Adoption and Application of Standards. 32 sps Agreement, supra note 4, Annex B(3). 33 tbt Agreement, supra note 6, Article 10. 34 This paragraph and the next are based largely on Mu Rongping and Wu Zhuoliang, ‘The Rise of Standards in National Technology Policy in China’, available at http://www .strategicstandards.com/files/China.pdf, last accessed 18 December 2014 (hereafter Mu and Wu, ‘Rise’).

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Chinese standards to the Qin dynasty (221–206 bc), and they trace more mod- ern developments to the establishment of the Committee on Industry Standards in December 1931. The first Standard Law was adopted in September 1946, and the Committee on Industry Standards and the National Metrology Bureau were merged to form the Central Standard Bureau in March 1947. Based on the model of Soviet Union central planning, the Standard Bureau of the State Commission of Science and Technology was established in 1957. Basic administrative regulations were adopted by the State Council in 1962, in the form of the Administration Statute of Technical Standards for Product of Industry, Agriculture, and for Project Reconstruction. This Statute delineated three types of standards: national, ministry and enterprise standards.35 Many standards were neglected or destroyed during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976).36 Starting with ‘reform and opening’ in the late 1970s, the State Council estab- lished a new normative framework for standards.37 The key measures were the 31 July 1979 Administration Statute for National Standardization,38 the 1982 Administration Statute for Adopting International Standards (probation)39

35 The State Council: the Administration Statute of Technical Standards for Product of Industry, Agriculture, and for Project Reconstruction (gongnongye chanpin he gongcheng jianshe jishubiaozhun guanlibanfa), Nov. 1962, article 14, cited in Mu and Wu, ‘Rise’, supra note 792, p. 3. 36 Mu and Wu, ‘Rise’, supra note 34, pp. 2–3. 37 On the standardization system in general, see Chaoyi Zhao and John M. Graham, ‘The prc’s Evolving Standards System: Institutions and Strategy’, Asia Policy, Number 2, July 2006, pp. 63–87; Richard P. Suttmeier, Xiangkui Yao and Alex Zixiang Tan, ‘Standards of Power? Technology, Institutions and Politics in the Development of China’s National Standards Strategy’, The National Bureau of Asian Research, 2006; Scott Kennedy, Richard P. Suttmeier and Jun Su, ‘Standards, Stakeholders and Innovation: China’s Evolving Role in the Global Knowledge Economy’, The National Bureau of Asian Research, Washington d.c., nbr Special Report No. 15, September 2008 (hereafter Kennedy et al., ‘Stakeholders’); Pinghui Xiao, ‘China’s Food Standardization System, Its Reform and Remaining Challenges’, European Journal of Risk Regulation, 4, 2012, 507–520, at 509–511 (hereafter Xiao, ‘Standardization’). 38 Administration Statute for National Standardization, promulgated by State Council on July 31, 1979, available at http://www.law-lib.com/lawhtm/1949-1979/43978.htm, accessed 2 March 2015. 39 Administration Statute for Adopting International Standards (probation), promulgated by State Economic and Trade Commission (now Ministry of Commerce), State Scientific and Technological Commission (now Ministry of Science and Technology) and Standardization Administration on 17 March 1982, available at http://www.ytgsj.gov.cn/ n8951/n8971/n9031/n13146/415570.html, accessed 2 March 2015.

188 Chapter 4 and Administration Statute for Adopting International Standards in 1984.40 Together they established a new three-fold hierarchy of standards, consisting of national, trade (industrial) and enterprise standards.41 The substitution of ‘trade(industrial)’ for ‘ministry’ in the terminology referring to standards reflected the reform of the planned economy and the creation of enterprises from the previous system in which enterprises were embedded in and directly controlled by government ministries.42

The 1988 Standardization Law In 1988, China adopted its current Standardization Law, which came into force on 1 April 1989.43 Its aims included the improvement of product quality and ‘suiting standardization to the needs in socialist modernization and in the development of economic relations with foreign countries’.44 It reflected certain main features of the organization of the Chinese party-state and its administrative organization. The adoption, types, administration and review of standards revealed a pattern of great fragmentation. The Standardization Law provided for the administration of stan- dards. Article 5 envisaged an intricate, potentially overlapping division of responsibility:

The department of standardization administration under the State Council shall be in charge of the unified administration of standards throughout the country. Competent administrative authorities under the State Council shall, in line with their respective functions, be in charge of standardization in their respective departments and trades. The depart- ments of standardization administration of provinces, autonomous regions and municipalities directly under the Central Government shall be in charge of the unified administration of standardization within their respective administrative areas. Competent administrative authorities

40 Administration Statute for Adopting International Standards, promulgated by Standardization Administration on 27 March 1984, available at http://www.110.com/fagui/ law_144347.html, assessed 2 March 2015. 41 Mu and Wu, ‘Rise’, supra note 34, pp. 3–4. 42 On the reforms, see Cheng Yuan, East–West Trade: Changing Patterns in Chinese Foreign Trade Law and Institutions (Oceana Publications, New York, 1991). 43 Standardization Law of the People’s Republic of China ‘(adopted at the Fifth Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Seventh National People’s Congress on December 29, 1988, promulgated by Order No. 11 of the President of the People’s Republic of China on December 29, 1988, and effective as of April 1, 1989)’. 44 Ibid., Article 1.

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under the governments of provinces, autonomous regions and munici- palities directly under the Central Government shall, in line with their respective functions, be in charge of standardization in their respective departments and trades within their respective administrative areas. The standardization administrative departments and the competent admin- istrative authorities of cities and counties shall, in line with their respec- tive functions as assigned by the governments of provinces, autonomous regions and municipalities directly under the Central Government, be in charge of standardization within their respective administrative areas.45

The fragmented division of labour combined with weak coordinating powers was replicated at every level of the administrative hierarchy. The Standardization Law introduced a new standards hierarchy by permit- ting four potential types of standards. Article 6 of the Law provided for national standards, or in their absence for trade standards, or in their absence for local standards, or in their absence for enterprise standards. Each was to be formu- lated by a different authority:46 central government, various ministries, provin- cial governments or enterprises, respectively. In case of conflict, higher-level standards took priority over lower-level standards, except that an enterprise standard could take precedence if it set a higher level of product quality than another, hierarchically superior standard. Standards of each level were (and are) coded: ‘gb’ for national standards, industry-specific codes for professional, trade or sectoral standards, ‘db’ for local government standards and ‘O’ for enterprise standards.47 The code ‘gb/Z’ was used for National Standardization Guiding Technical Documents concerning rapidly developing technologies.48

45 Ibid., Article 5. 46 Ibid., Article 6. 47 The English version of all Chinese standards may be found on the website of Code of China, a professional Chinese code translation, at http://www.codeofchina.com/, last accessed 28 January 2015. Standards are classified by Chinese classification, professional classification and ics (International Classification of Standards) classification. On the ics classification scheme, see International Organization for Standardization (iso), International Classification for Standards (International Organization for Standardization, Geneva, 6th edition 2005), available at http://www.iso.org/iso/international_classifica- tion_for_standards.pdf, last accessed 28 January 2015. On vocabulary, see Code of China, GB/T 20000.1-2002 Guide for standardization – Part 1: Standardization and related activities – General vocabulary (English), available at http://www.codeofchina.com/gb/ comprehensive/20348.html, last accessed 27 January 2015. 48 Standards Portal, ‘prc Standards System: Standards Used in China’, www.StandardsPortal. org, available at http://www.standardsportal.org/usa_en/prc_standards_system/standards

190 Chapter 4

In Chinese terms, standards may be either compulsory, that is, legally bind- ing, or recommended/voluntary, that is, not legally binding, except for food safety standards, which are always compulsory. However, Chinese terminology and practice do not conform to wto terminology, with its distinction between technical regulations, which are legally binding, on the one hand, and stan- dards, which are not legally binding,49 on the other hand. In Chinese, the word 标准 biāozhǔn designates both legally binding and non-legally-binding mea- sures adopted by standards-setting bodies. It is composed of two characters. The first character, 标 biāo, has been defined as ‘mark’, ‘standard’, ‘prize’;50 or as ‘target; to quote a price; to bid (commercially)’; sign;51 or as ‘mark’, ‘signal’.52 The second character 准 zhǔn, can be defined as ‘allow’;53 or as ‘water level; standard; to deem to meet a standard; to permit, allow; to cause to meet a stan- dard; to regulate; to be up to a standard; be accurate’54 or as ‘permit, standard, norm, criterion’.55 The word 标准 biāozhǔn denotes all standards, regardless of their normative force.56 Within this single term, standards could be differentiated according to their normative force. However, the distinction between legally binding and non- legally-binding norms did not run consistently through all types of standards. For example, according to Article 7 of the Law, national standards and trade standards could be either compulsory or voluntary. Measures which are not legally binding were coded with the prefix ‘T’, such that, for example, the prefix

_used_china.aspx, last accessed 18 December 2014; Xiao, ‘Standardization’, supra note 795, at 509–511. 49 In practice, the discrepancy does not seem to cause any real problems concerning Chinese compliance with wto law, since Chinese mandatory standards are treated in wto termi- nology as technical regulations: Xiao, ‘Standardization’, supra note 37, at p. 509, note 17. 50 Collins Chinese Dictionary (HarperCollins Publishers, Glasgow, 3rd edition 2011), p. 25 (hereafter Collins Dictionary). 51 William McNaughton, Reading and Writing Chinese, Simplified Character Edition (Tuttle Publishing, Rutland, vt, 3rd revised edition 2005), p. 210, character 1049 (hereafter McNaughton, Reading). 52 The Chinese-English Dictionary (The Commercial Press, Hong Kong, 1949), p. 40 (hereafter Pinyin Dictionary). 53 Collins Dictionary, supra note 50, p. 499. 54 McNaughton, Reading, supra note 51, p. 145. 55 Pinyin Dictionary, supra – note 52, pp. 925–926. 56 The term 国标 [Guóbiāo] is an abbreviation of 国家标准 [Guójiā biāozhǔn], used for national standards, especially technical standards. See Baidu Baike, available at http:// baike.baidu.com/link?url=Gh3RvoQmdjoLYFAOYnQl2WFQbPI-8X6bjKTkcodFGSzS GJ8p4OouWOCmoL52PGck1QcuPT7JVhB1Sn_L9BC_hlzMHpgli3AMxzGAzDunbvOjF0h2b MWFhI8QhRytM0uDXSlhM9hzsto48vIVPbqPGK, last accessed 7 March 7, 2015.

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‘GB/T’ designated a non-legally-binding national standard.57 Nevertheless, standards for safeguarding human health were to be compulsory standards; this included any standards on food safety, regardless of their position in the standards hierarchy. The Law provided that ‘The local standards formulated by standardization administrative departments of provinces, autonomous regions and municipalities directly under the Central Government for the safety and sanitary requirements of industrial products shall be compulsory standards within their respective administrative areas’.58 The normative force of a standard thus could be correlated with the author of the standard, or the subject matter, or its administrative reach. Each standard was given a code, and the code indicated whether the standard was legally binding or not. There did not seem to be a central review of the implementation or efficacy of stan- dards. Instead, the departments that formulated the standards were required to make ‘timely reviews’ of standards and determine whether they should remain in place, be revised or be annulled.59 Standards were to be formulated to help promote foreign cooperation and trade.60 Not surprisingly, the State was to encourage ‘the active adoption’ of international standards.61 However, the Standardization Law did not convey any further ideas about relations between domestic standards and interna- tional standards. Sanctions for failure to comply with standards were not clearly defined. Compulsory standards were to be complied with; production, sale or import of non-complying products was prohibited. The State was to encourage compli- ance with voluntary standards ‘on a voluntary basis’.62 Non-compliance with compulsory standards was to be ‘dealt with according to law by the competent administrative authorities as prescribed by the laws and administrative rules and regulations’.63 Absent such prescriptions, non-compliance was to be dealt with by confiscation of the products and concurrent fine by the administrative authorities for industry and commerce.64 If there were serious consequences constituting a crime, non-compliance could be dealt with under the Criminal Law.65 The Standardization Law also prescribed penalties for administrative

57 Xiao, ‘Standardization’, supra note 37, at 510. 58 Standardization Law, Article 7. 59 Ibid., Article 13. 60 Ibid., Article 11. 61 Ibid., Article 4. 62 Ibid., Article 14. 63 Ibid., Article 20. 64 Ibid., Article 20. 65 Ibid., Article 20.

192 Chapter 4 personnel who violated the law, neglected their duties or engaged in malprac- tice for personal gain; such penalties consisted of disciplinary sanctions or, where a crime was committed, of a finding of criminal responsibility and of sanctions under the Criminal Law.66

The 1990 Standardization Law Implementing Regulations Implementing Regulations for the Standardization Law were adopted on 6 April 1990.67 They followed essentially the same pattern as the Standardization Law but provided greater detail regarding administrative division of labour, relation between domestic and international standards, and sanctions for non- compliance. Standardisation work was to be included in national plans for economic and social development at different levels of government.68 The State was to encourage adoption of ‘international standards and advanced standards abroad’ and play an active role in the development of international standards.69 In other words, this provision mandated the Chinese authorities to look either to international standards or to the standards of wealthier, more technologically advanced countries, in particular the United States and west- ern Europe. At the time there was an earlier version of tbt Agreement, which had been adopted in 1979 [in force 1980] at the Tokyo Round of multilateral trade negotiations, but the sps Agreement was adopted only when the wto was established in 1994. In any event, the People’s Republic of China did not then belong to the gatt, since Taiwan withdrew China’s original membership after the foundation of the People’s Republic.70 The People’s Republic of China became a wto Member only on 11 December 2001. The competent administrative body under the State Council was to exercise unified leadership over standardization work throughout the county. In terms of the Standardization Law, this provision referred to aqsiq. In particular, it was to be responsible, among other things, for organizing the implementation of standards and conducting supervision and inspection on implementation

66 Ibid., Article 24. 67 Regulations for the Implementation of the Standardization Law of the People’s Republic of China (promulgated by Decree No. 53 of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China on April 6, 1990 and effective as of the date of promulgation), available on the website of the Shandong Bureau of Quality and Technical Supervision, http://www.12365 .sd.cn/eweb/laws1-4/law1_2.html, accessed 13 April 2012 (hereafter Standardization Law Implementing Regulations). 68 Ibid., Article 3. 69 Ibid., Article 4. 70 See Yang Guohua and Cheng Jin, ‘The Process of China’s Accession to the wto’, Journal of International Economic Law, 4, 2, 2001, pp. 297–328.

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 193 of standards.71 However, relevant competent departments under the State Council were responsible for standardization work in their own respective fields,72 again following the Standardization Law. This division of labour, both vertical (tiao tiao) between overall supervision and responsibility for specific sectoral or sub-sectoral standards, and horizontal (kuai kuai) between differ- ent administrative departments, was replicated at the level of provinces, autonomous regions and municipalities directly under the State Council.73 To summarise, today the standardization system in China is administered by aqsiq and led mainly by the Standardization Administration of the People’s Republic of China. sac is in charge of national standards but there are many other bodies which also issue standards.74 Food safety standards are the responsibility of the Ministry of Health. The Implementing Regulations also provided in detail for the hierarchy of different types of standards. It specified national standards,75 in particular for technical requirements for guaranteeing human health;76 trade standards in the absence of national standards;77 local standards in the absence of national standards or trade standards;78 and enterprise standards in the absence of national standards, trade standards or local standards.79 The formulation of standards at each level was characterized by a fragmentation of authority. The distinction between legally binding and non-legally-binding standards ran rather unevenly through this hierarchy of standards, consistently with the Standardization Law. National standards and trade standards could be either compulsory or recommendatory, except that food hygiene standards80 and ‘safety and hygiene standards for products and the production, storage

71 Standardization Law Implementing Regulations, supra note 67, Articles 6(5), (6). 72 Ibid., Article 7. 73 Ibid., Articles 8, 9. 74 ‘Main Bodies of the Chinese Standardization System’, available at http://quality -partnerships.cn/standards-2/main-bodies-of-the-chinese-standardization- system/?lang=fr, last accessed 28 January 2015; American National Standards Institute (ansi), Standards Portal, ‘prc Standards System: Key Organizations’, available at http:// www.standardsportal.org/usa_en/prc_standards_system/key_organizations.aspx, last accessed 28 January 2015. 75 Standardization Law Implementing Regulation, supra note 67, Articles 11, 12. 76 Ibid., Article 11(2). 77 Ibid., Articles 13, 14. 78 Ibid., Articles 14, 15. 79 Ibid., Article 17. 80 Ibid., Article 18(1).

194 Chapter 4 and transportation and utilization for products’81 were to be compulsory. Though the Food Hygiene Law was not enacted until 1995, scattered measures dealt with aspects of food hygiene.82 Technical requirements for export prod- ucts, somewhat surprisingly, were to be agreed by the contracting parties, except that export products sold in China were required to meet the require- ments of relevant Chinese compulsory standards.83 Again, it is worth recalling that, since China was not at that time bound by the gatt, its trade relations were essentially governed by bilateral agreements.84 The provisions of the application of compulsory standards to imported products were essentially a version of the national treatment principle, though phased as an assertion of the application of domestic law to imported products sold in China. Responsibility for implementation and supervision followed the same pattern as in the Standardization Law.85 The Implementing Regulations also provided for legal liability. Anyone vio- lating relevant compulsory standards regarding production was to be ordered to correct their mistakes within a time limit set by the relevant, ie competent, administrative department.86 This apparently applied to the production of food products, but it did not apply to other segments of the food chain. Nor did it apply to agricultural products for which the Ministry of Agriculture was responsible, at least after 2 July 1993 when the Agriculture Law entered into force.87 Enterprises producing products which did not meet compulsory stan- dards were to be ordered to stop production; their products were to be confis- cated, destroyed under supervision or subjected to necessary technical treatment; and a fine of between 20% and 50% of the total value of the goods was to be imposed on the enterprise and a fine of 5,000 rmb or less88 was to be

81 Ibid., Article 18(2). 82 Administration Statute for New Resources Food Hygiene, promulgated by Ministry of Health on 28 July 1990, available at http://www.foodmate.net/law/shipin/1633.html, accessed 2 March 2, 2015. 83 Standardization Law Implementing Regulations, supra note 67, Article 25. 84 On the example of trade between China and Europe, see Hu Yuanxing, Legal and Policy Issues of the Trade and Economic Relations between China and the eec: A Comparative Study (Kluwer Law and Taxation Publishers, Deventer and Boston, 1991). 85 Standardization Law Implementing Regulations, supra note 67, Articles 28, 29. 86 Ibid., Article 32(5). 87 Agriculture Law of the People’s Republic of China (Adopted at the Second Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Eighth National People’s Congress on July 2, 1993, promul- gated by Order No. 6 of the President of the People’s Republic of China on July 2, 1993, and effective as of July 2, 1993), Article 34. 88 In 1990 this may have been a substantial penalty, but today it is derisory.

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 195 imposed on the person responsible.89 Sellers of goods not meeting compulsory standards were subject to the same sanctions, and in addition were required to stop sales and recover goods already sold.90 If an enterprise caused serious consequences or committed crimes by producing, marketing or importing products not complying with compulsory standards, the persons directly responsible were to be investigated for criminal liabilities ‘by the judicial organs according to law’.91 These provisions referred therefore only to legal sanctions, not including extra-legal sanctions. In addition, and significantly, Article 38 of the Implementing Regulations provided that these penalties did not exempt a litigant from being liable for damages. It stated that

Those who have suffered damages have the right to claim compensation from the persons held responsible. Damages liabilities and disputes over the amount of compensation may be dealt with by the relevant adminis- trative authorities and the litigants may also directly file a suit with a people’s court. (Article 38)

Although the injured party is deemed to have ‘the right to claim compensa- tion’, these provisions contain the word ‘may’, not the word ‘shall’, with regard to intervention by administrative authorities and also with regard to recourse to courts. It may be going too far to emphasise the fact that the provision, at least in English translation, refers to a ‘right to claim’ rather than to a ‘right to obtain’ compensation.

The 2001 Measures for the Administration of Adoption of International Standards On the basis of the 1984 Administrative Statute for Adopting International Standards, the State Council promulgated the same year a Report on Accelerating to Adopt the International Standards, which had been presented by the State Economic and Trade Commission.92 Its impact, as summarized by Mu Rongping and Wu Zhuoliang, was that ‘China insists on the doubly adopting

89 Standardization Law Implementing Regulation, supra note 67, Article 33, paragraph 1. 90 Ibid., Article 33, paragraph 2. 91 Ibid., Article 34. 92 Report on Accelerating to Adopt the International Standards, promulgated by General Office of the State Council on 25 February 1987, available at http://www.law-lib.com/ lawhtm/1987/4148.htm, accessed 2 March 2015. See Rongping and Wu, ‘Rise’, supra note 34, p. 4.

196 Chapter 4 policy, namely carefully studied and actively adopted foreign advanced stan- dards so as to improve domestic technology capability’.93 On 13 December 1992 the State Bureau of Technology Supervision adopted the first Measures for the Administration of the Adoption of International Standards and Advanced Foreign Standards.94 The Measures supplied a first framework for learning from international standards. They provided for inter alia research on and collection of international materials by various government units, adoption of international standards for key products and consultation by standardization departments for enterprises which used international standards.95 The 1992 Measures were abrogated in 2001, when after 15 years of negotiation, China acceded to wto membership. As part of the wto accession procedure, China and the United States had signed a bilateral agreement on 19 November 1999. It provided that China would respect its wto commitments regarding non-tariff barriers, such as standards, as from the beginning of accession.96 China and the European Union on 19 May 2000 concluded a similar bilateral agreement, which stated that China would comply with its sps obligations as of the date of accession.97 With these bilateral agreements in mind, and with wto accession and the imminent application of the sps and the tbt Agreements in view, the State Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine (aqsiq) adopted on 12 April 2001 the Measures for the Administration of Adoption of International Standards.,98 which replaced the 1992 Measures. The 2001 Measures referred not only to the Standardization Law and its Implementing Regulations but also to ‘the relevant provisions of the World Trade Organization and the International Standardization Organization and in light of the actual situation of China’.99 They were intended to set the parameters of Chinese

93 Ibid., p. 4. 94 Measures for the Administration of Adoption of International Standards and Advanced Foreign Standards promulgated by the former State Bureau of Technology Supervision on Dec. 13, 1992. 95 I am grateful to Lu Yi for summarizing these Measures. 96 China-us Agreement on China’s wto Accession, available at http://www.chinability .com/WTO.htm, last accessed 17 December 2014. 97 The Sino-eu Agreement on China’s Accession to the wto: Results of the Bilateral Negotiations, available at http://trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2003/April/tradoc _111851.pdf, last accessed on 17 December 2014; also available in Snyder, Basic Documents, supra Chapter 2 note 123, pp. 1061–1064. 98 Measures for the Administration of Adoption of International Standards, promulgated 12 April 2001, effect as of 12 April 2001 (hereafter Measures on International Standards). 99 Ibid., Article 1.

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 197 policies toward international standards, in particular regarding alignment, the relationship between domestic standards and international standards. The Measures had specific objectives: to define more clearly relations between Chinese standards and international standards, to spell out precisely what ‘adoption’ of international standards meant, and to provide the legal means of achieving this objective. aqsiq was given sole power to interpret the Measures.100 The Measures were significant in signaling a major change in Chinese government’s view of standards; the 1992 Measures indicated that the government was ‘enthusiastic to learn from international standards (starting from translation, publication, laboratory tests etc) while the 2001 Measures were more focuse[d] on a reasonable codifying [of] national standards by learning from international ones’.101 They remain very important, both in nor- mative terms and as symbols of China’s ‘joining the international track’. For this reason I quote extensively from the text. Article 2 of the Measures defined ‘adoption of international standards’ to mean

transforming, identically or after modification, the international stan- dards into the standards of China (including national standards, indus- trial standards, local standards and enterprise standards)…after analysis, research, testing and verification, examining and approving, and promul- gating the standards according to the procedures of examination and approval, and promulgation of the standards of China. (Article 2)

This represented a relatively free, broad interpretation of ‘adoption‘, which enabled international standards to be translated with a great deal of discretion into the Chinese legal system, legal culture, institutional arrangements, and normative categories and terminology, giving them ‘Chinese characteristics’ while maintaining a link with the transnational normative repertoire of stan- dards for food safety and other matters. International standards’ were defined to mean ‘the standards formulated by the International Standardization Organization (iso), the International Electrotechnical Commission (iec) and the International Telecommunications Union (itu) and the standards formu- lated by other international organizations that are confirmed and promulgated by the iso’.102 It may be surprising that this definition does not refer specifi- cally to other international standards bodies mentioned in the sps and tbt

100 Ibid., Article 22. 101 I am grateful to Lu Yi for this comparison. 102 Measures on International Standards, supra note 98, Article 3.

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Agreements, notably the Codex Alimentarius Commission in Rome, particu- larly because the Chinese government, including aqsiq, was well-aware of its wto commitments according to these Agreements. However, I speculate that at the time the Chinese government was concerned mainly with industrial standards, consistently with the priority given to science and industry in its domestic reforms.103 In addition, it is likely that aqsiq and the Chinese Standardization Administration (sac), not the Ministry of Agriculture or the Ministry of Health, were the dominant institutions in discussions about stan- dardization, and they were concerned mainly with industrial standards. China had long enjoyed membership of the itu, iso and iec. It joined the itu on 1 September 1920.104 China was a founding member of iso in 1947, and indeed a Council member from 1947 to 1949; it has been a member since 1947 till the present, except for the period when it was suspended (1951–1953) and the period when it withdrew (1953 to 1978), resuming membership in 1978.105 The sac represented China in the itu, the iso and the iec, and it orga- nized the Chinese national committees for the itu and iso.106 These transna- tional links informed the development of Chinese industrial standards. In contrast, China joined the main food safety standards organization, the Codex Alimentarius Commission, only in 1984.107 China’s first Food Hygiene Law was enacted only in 1994, and the first Food Safety Law only in 2009. Codex stan- dards were relatively unknown and politically uncontroversial before the ec – Hormones case in 1998.108 Nevertheless, whether or not Codex standards are regarded as being confirmed and promulgated by iso, the Measures themselves invite us to interpret them broadly and with a teleological method. From this standpoint, it would appear that the Measures would apply to food safety standards and other related standards, such as labelling requirements, which under wto law are governed by the sps Agreement and the tbt Agreement, ­respectively. A brief analysis of the Measures is therefore essential if we are to

103 On China’s participation in iso, iec and itu as of 2008, see Scott Kennedy et al., ‘Stakeholders’, supra note 37, at 26–32. 104 International Telecommunications Union, ‘itu Global Directory’, available at http://www.itu.int/online/mm/scripts/mm.list?_search=ITUstates&_languageid=1, last accessed 17 December 2014. 105 International Standardization Organization, ‘Historical record of iso membership since its creation (1947)’, available at http://www.iso.org/iso/iso_membership_1947_to_2013.pdf, last accessed 17 December 2014. 106 Wikipedia, ‘Standardization Administration of China’, available at http://en.wikipedia .org/wiki/Standardization_Administration_of_China, last accessed 17 December 2014. 107 Codex Alimentarius, ‘List of Codex members’, available at http://www.codexalimentarius .org/members-observers/members/, last accessed 17 December 2014. 108 ec – Hormones, Panel Report, supra note 7 ec – Hormones, ab Report, supra note 14.

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 199 understand the position of the Chinese government toward international standards. The Measures set down principles for the adoption of international stan- dards. First, the adoption of international standards must ‘comply with the relevant laws [and] regulations of China, abide by the international customs, be advanced in technology, be economical and national, safe and reliable’.109 Second, the formulation (including revision) of Chinese standards was to be based on the corresponding international standards, including those in the course of preparation or adoption, ‘unless these international standards are void or inapplicable to China because of the reasons such as the basic climate, geographic factors or basic technological problems, etc.’.110 Third, international standards were to be adopted in identical form, though they could be adopted in modified form if the differences were justified by the reasons given in Article 5 and so long as the differences were minimal, reasonable and necessary.111 Fourth, the adoption of international standards should go hand-in-hand with the introduction of new technology, development of new products or the improvement of existing products.112 Fifth, enterprises were permitted to adopt foreign standards for their products if no international standard existed or if international standards were ‘inapplicable’.113 According to the Measures, there were three different possible types of rela- tions between Chinese standards and international standards, according to the extent to which China adopted international standards. The first type of relation was called ‘identical adoption’. This referred to Chinese standards ‘being the same as the international standards in technical contents and text structure, or being the same as the international standards in technical con- tents, while there existing [sic] only a few editing modifications’.114 The second type was ‘modified adoption’. The Measures described this as follows:

there are technical differences with the international standards, and those differences and the reasons thereof are clearly indicated, and editing modifications are allowed. Modified adoption shall not include the circumstances that only a few or unimportant terms of the international

109 Measures on International Standards, supra note 98, Article 4. 110 Ibid., Article 5. These exceptions echo the justifications provided in Article 2.4 of the tbt Agreement for the adoption of national legislation (technical regulations) which are not based on international standards. 111 Ibid., Article 6. 112 Ibid., Article 8. 113 Ibid., Article 11. 114 Ibid., Article 12, paragraph 20.

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standards are reserved. Where the text structure of the standards of China shall be corresponding to that of the international standards in modifica- tion adoption, it is allowed to change the text structure only if the change will not affect the comparison with the contents and text structure of the international standards.115

Standards of identical adoption were to be coded idt, while standards of mod- ified adoption were to be coded mod; these coding methods were to comply with Part 2 of the Guidance of Standardization Work, Rules on Adoption of International Standards (GB/T200000.2).116 In addition to these two main types of adoption, relations between Chinese standards and international standards could include a third category, described as ‘not equivalent, which doesn’t fall into the adoption of interna- tional standards, but only shows that there is corresponding relation between the standard of China and the corresponding [international] standard’,117 for example that the two dealt with the same subject matter but without any bor- rowing of contents or text structure. ‘Not equivalent’ meant ‘being different with the corresponding international standard in the technical contents and text structure, but the differences between them are not clearly indicated’, and it could also include ‘the circumstance the [sic] only a few or unimportant terms of international standards are reserved [i.e. preserved] in the standards of China’.118 A specific code was given to each type of standard: idt for stan- dards of equivalent adoption,119 mod for standards of modified adoption120 and neq for Chinese standards which were not equivalent to international standards.121

The 2002 Notice on International Standards In 2002 eight administrative organizations concerned with standardization adopted a Notice on Issuing ‘Some Opinions on Promoting the Adoption of International Standards’.122 The organizations were Ministry of Finance, the

115 Ibid., Article 12, paragraph 3. 116 Ibid., Article 13. 117 Ibid., Article 17, paragraph 1. 118 Ibid., Article 17, paragraph 2. 119 Ibid., Article 13, paragraph 1. 120 Ibid., Article 13, paragraph 1. 121 Ibid., Article 17, paragraph 3. 122 Notice on Issuing ‘Some Opinions on Promoting the Adoption of International Standards’, issued 23 July 2002, effective as of 23 July 2002 (hereafter Notice on International Standards).

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 201

Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation (moftec, including the former Ministry of Foreign Economic Relations and Trade (mofert); now Ministry of Commerce, moc), the Ministry of Science and Technology, the National Standardization Technical Committee, the State Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine (aqsiq), the National Development and Reform Commission (including the former State Develop­ ment Planning Commission and the former State Economic and Trade Commission). The Opinions were addressed to all relevant bureaus, commis- sions and departments within these organizations of all provinces, autono- mous regions, municipalities directly under the Central Government and cities directly under state planning, and all relevant departments under the State Council. Their purpose was to promote the simultaneous development of technical and technological progress and the adoption of standards, notably international standards, as part of China’s reform and opening up and rela- tions with international practices. Governments at all levels were advised to combine the adoption of standards with relevant technical and economic poli- cies and planning.123 Enterprises were to combine the adoption of standards with technical innovations and introduction of new technology.124 Both public institutions and enterprises, whether public or private, were actively to adopt international standards and overseas advanced standards.125 The State was to encourage such policies and also, in particular, for public institutions and enterprises ‘to finally form their own technical standards with independent intellectual property through the study, and then try to form international standards’.126 All administrative departments for standardiza- tion at all levels were to encourage the adoption of international standards and also to recommend the best Chinese standards as ‘the draft of international standards, and try to make them promulgated as international standards’.127 The Notice therefore set forth the basic policies which continue to character- ize Chinese standards-making institutions. These policies are, first, adopting international standards or advanced overseas standards as part of the develop- ment of new technology; second, developing Chinese standards in which the Chinese government, soes or other organizations owned the intellectual prop- erty rights; and, third, participating actively in international standards bodies

123 Ibid., paragraph I. 124 Ibid., paragraph ii. 125 Ibid., paragraph iii. 126 Ibid., paragraph iii. 127 Ibid., paragraph vii.

202 Chapter 4 with the eventual aim of proposing the leading Chinese standards for adoption as international standards.

Regulatory Reforms after Melamine

Food Safety Standards on the Eve of 2009 In general, the normative framework for food standards before 2009 differed little from that for other kinds of standards.128 The four levels of standards, comprising national, professional, local and enterprise standards, were applied to food. National standards were supervised by the Standardisation Adminis­ tration of China (sac), which assigned responsibility for professional stan- dards to relevant ministries. Food standards could be mandatory or voluntary. These three features – a multiplicity of standards-making authorities, different levels of standards and differences in normative force – combined to produce a complex standardization system. Table 4.1 shows the codes, content and responsible administrative bodies for different types of standards before 2009. It is not surprising that fragmentation of administrative responsibility and duplication of standards were major problems. In contrast to certain scientific and technological standards, food safety standards were very weakly aligned with international standards.129

The 2009 Food Safety Law and Standards Stimulated by the melamine crisis, the 2009 Food Safety Law was intended to provide a new, more far-reaching legislative framework for food safety stan- dards. In 2005 the sac had promulgated a Plan for Developing Food Standards, which it prepared in conjunction with various concerned minis- tries and industrial associations.130 Unfortunately the Plan was concerned mainly with technical matters regarding standards, not with underlying

128 Xiao, ‘Standardization’, supra note 37, at 511. The following paragraphs are based mainly on this article. 129 See Chapter 8 of the book. 130 Sina News,《全国食品标准 2004–2005 年发展计划》已印发宣告 [Plan for Developing Food Standards 2004–2005 Has Been Printed and Announced] [available only in Chinese], 8 December 2004, available at http://news.sina.com.cn/o/2004-12-08/09144465913s.shtml, last accessed 9 March 9, 2015: Plan for Developing Food Standards 2004–2005, prepared by the National Development and Reform Commission, the MoA, the Ministry of Commerce, the MoH, aqsiq, the State Food and Drug Administration, China National Light Industry Council and China General Chamber of Commerce, and promulgated in 2005.

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 203

Table 4.1 Codes, content and formulating bodies for food standards before 2009

Codes Content Competent formulating bodies

National standards for food gb Compulsory National Standards sac GB/T Recommendatory National Standards sac GB/Z National Standardisation Guiding sac Technical Documents Professional standards for food (non-exhaustive) ny Compulsory General Agricultural MoA Standards NY/T Recommendatory General Agricultural MoA Standards hi Compulsory Environmental Protection mep Standards HI/T Recommendatory mep sc Compulsory Aquatic Product Standards MoA SC/Y Recommendatory Aquatic Product MoA Standards wm Compulsory Foreign Trade Standards MoA WM/T Recommendatory Foreign Trade Standards MoA ws Compulsory Hygiene Standards MoH WS/T Recommendatory Hygiene Standards MoH Local standards for food db Compulsory Local Standards Relevant Provincial- Level Departments DB/T Recommendatory Local Standards Relevant Provincial- Level Departments Enterprise standards for food

O Compulsory Enterprise Standards for Food Food Companies

Source: Pinghui Xiao, ‘China’s Food Standardization System, Its Reform and Remaining Challenges’, European Journal of Risk Regulation, 4, 2012, 507–520, at 508: Table 2: Categorization and Codification of Chinese Food Standardization

204 Chapter 4 institutional or normative issues concerning the standardization system as a whole.131 The 2009 Food Safety Law in principle addressed these systemic issues. According to the 2009 Food Safety Law, food safety standards were stated to ‘be intended to safeguard the public health, to be scientific, reasonable, safe and reliable’.132 Echoing Article 7 of the Standardization Law, the Food Safety Law reiterated that food safety standards were mandatory; it also stated that, except for food safety standards, no other mandatory standards for food can be developed.133 In other words, food safety standards in China, regardless of the institutional author, are to be legally binding. According to the Food Safety Law, ‘food safety standards’ included:

(1) The limits of pathogenic microorganisms, pesticide residues, veterinary drug residues, heavy metals, contaminants, and other substances hazardous to human health in food and food-related products (2) Varieties, scope of application, and dose of food additives; (3) Requirements for nutritional ingredients in staple and sup- plementary food dedicated to babies and other specific populations; (4) Requirements for labeling, identification and instructions rel- evant to food safety and nutrition; (5) Hygienic requirements for food production and trading processes; (6) Quality requirements related to food safety; (7) Methods and procedures for food testing; and (8) Other particulars necessary for developing food safety standards.134

The Law thus specified the possible substantive scope of standards,135 including the limits of contaminants and other hazardous substances,136 the

131 Xiao, ‘Standardization’, supra note 37, at 514. 132 2009 Food Safety Law, supra Chapter 3 note 5, Article 18. 133 Ibid., Article 19. 134 Ibid., Article 20. 135 Ibid., Article 20. 136 Ibid., Article 20(1).

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 205 varieties, scope of application and dose of food additives137 and certain food quality requirements.138 The 2009 Food Safety Law sought also to clarify administrative responsibili- ties regarding standards. The Ministry of Health is responsible for developing and publicizing national food safety standards; aqsiq is responsible for pro- viding the national standard number.139 Specific standards made by other authorities for pesticide residues, veterinary drug residues and testing proce- dures for slaughtering livestock and poultry which involved a national food safety standard were required to be consistent with the national food safety standard;140 this concerns in particular the Ministry of Agriculture. The Ministry of Health is also given the task ‘to consolidate the mandatory stan- dards among existing quality and safety standards for edible agricultural prod- ucts, food hygiene standards, food quality standards, and relevant industry standards related to food and issue unified national food safety standards’.141 Before such national standards are issued, producers and traders are to use existing standards.142 National standards are to be reviewed by the national food safety standard committee.143 The National Food Safety Standards Review Commission was established in late 2009.144 The Food Safety Law provides for the development of national standards, and, if there are none, for the use of local or enterprise standards. It thus sim- plifies the four-fold typology of standards permitted in the Standardization Law (national, industrial, local, enterprise) to a three-fold typology with regard to food safety (national, local, enterprise). In principle, professional standards are eliminated. In practice, however, numerous professional standards con- tinue to apply, in particular concerning food quality.145

137 Ibid., Article 20(2). 138 Ibid., Article 20(6). 139 Ibid., Article 21, paragraph 1. 140 Ibid., Article 21, paragraph 4. 141 Ibid., Article 22, paragraph 1. 142 Ibid., Article 22, paragraph 2. 143 Ibid., Article 23, paragraph 1. 144 Notice on Establishment of National Food Safety Standards Review Commission, promul- gated by Ministry of Health on 19 January 2010, available at http://www.moh.gov.cn/mohbgt/ s9976/201001/45687.shtml, accessed 2 March 2, 2015. See also Regulations for National Food Safety Standards Review Commission, promulgated by Ministry of Health on 9 February 2010, available at http://www.foodmate.net/law/shipin/164234.html, accessed 2 March 2015. 145 Xiao, ‘Standardization’, supra note 37, at 514–515. For a list of professional standards in all fields, see Code of China, Standards, Professional Classification, available at http://www .codeofchina.com/professional/default.html, last accessed 28 January 2015.

206 Chapter 4

The formation of national food safety standards

shall base [sic] on the results of food safety risk assessments and take full account of the results of quality and safety risk assessments for edible agricultural products, shall reference to the relevant international stan- dards and the results of international food safety risk assessments, and shall solicit extensively the opinions from food producers, traders and consumers.146

Note that this does not require that national standards be based on interna- tional standards. The orientation toward international standards is phrased in very diplomatic terms, resembling the eu 2002 Food Law which, in language borrowed from the tbt Agreement, provides that:

Where international standards exist or their completion is imminent, they shall be taken into consideration in the development or adaptation of food law, except where such standards or relevant parts would be an ineffective or inappropriate means for the fulfilment of the legitimate objectives of food law or where there is a scientific justification, or where they would result in a different level of protection from the one deter- mined as appropriate in the Community.147

The 2009 Food Safety Law does require, however, that national standards should be based on a risk assessment, as required by the wto sps Agreement as a justification for a country’s standards which are not based on international standards. If there is no national standard, a local standard may be developed by the executive departments of people’s governments at provincial, autonomous region and municipal levels; this is to be done with reference to the formula- tion of national standards, and local standards are to be reported for the record to the national Ministry of Health.148 If neither a national nor a local standard exists, a food enterprise may develop an enterprise standard. According to the Law, the State encourages food enterprises to develop enterprise stan- dards which are more stringent than national or local standards. An enterprise

146 2009 Food Safety Law, supra Chapter 3 note 5, Article 23, paragraph 2 [emphasis added: fs]. 147 eu General Food Law, supra Chapter 3 note 345. 148 2009 Food Safety Law, supra Chapter 3 note 5, Article 24.

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 207 standard applies only to the enterprise, but it must be reported for the record to the provincial health department.149 The Law seems to provide that local and enterprise standards, once adopted, are mandatory within their scope of application.150 Though this point is not entirely clear, enterprise standards have, with regard to the specific adopting enterprise, the same legal force as legislation. It would therefore seem to follow logically that a governmental authority, another enterprise, a group or an indi- vidual complainant could enforce the standard against the adopting enter- prise. Nevertheless, the point remains far from clear, in theory as well as in actual practice. Food producers and traders are required to comply with food safety standards, as well as with additional specified requirements.151 Imported food, food additives and food-related products are required to comply with China’s national food safety standards.152 If there is no national standard, the importer must submit an application and relevant safety assess- ment materials to the Ministry of Health, which must not only decide on the application but also seek to develop a national standard.153 The Food Safety Law provides for legal liability with regard to the enforce- ment of compliance with standards in particular.154 The business licence of the producer or trader may be revoked in certain circumstances.155 These circumstances include inter alia ‘Producing or trading food which exceed [sic] food safety standard limits in content of…other substances with possible haz- ardous [effects] to human health’.156 Confiscation, fine and business license revocation (as specified in Article 85) also apply to producers or traders who import foods not meeting national Chinese food safety standards,157 who

149 Ibid., Article 25. 150 Ibid., Article 19, provides that ‘Food safety standards are mandatory’. The Article is at the beginning of Chapter 3 on Food Safety Standards and logically this general provision would appear to apply to the remainder of the entire Chapter. In addition, Article 19 refers to ‘food safety standards’ in general and does not distinguish between standards adopted by different authors (national, local or enterprise). 151 Ibid., Article 27. 152 Ibid., Article 62. 153 Ibid., Article 63. 154 For further discussion of legal liability with regard to food safety, see the chapter on the emergence of modern Chinese food safety law. 155 2009 Food Safety Law, supra Chapter 3 note 5, Article 85. 156 Ibid., Article 85(2). The quotation is from the usda translation. 157 Ibid., Article 89, paragraph 1(1).

208 Chapter 4 import foods for which there is no national standard without a safety assessment,158 or who export foods in breach of the Food Law.159

The 2009 Food Safety Law Implementing Regulation On 20 July 2009, the State Council promulgated an Implementing Regulation for the Food Safety Law.160 It amplifies and develops the basic provisions of the Food Safety Law. No provision mentions international standards; this seems to be left to the Standardization Law and its implementing Regulation and Measures. Here I focus on selected issues concerning institutions and standards. At national level the Ministry of Public Health is the lead actor, for example in providing a scientific basis for formulating or revising national standards161 or identifying new potential food safety hazards.162 In general, coordination of food safety supervision and management is allocated to the people’s govern- ments at or above county level.163 Public health departments are responsible for notifying enterprise standards to other administrative departments at the same level of government.164 They are also responsible, at different levels of government including national level, for tracking evaluation of the implemen- tation of national standards and local standards and of organizing their revi- sion together with other administrative departments at the same level (agriculture administration, quality supervision, industrial and commercial enterprise management, food and drug supervision and administration, com- merce, industry and information).165 Though increasing the power of the Ministry of Health, the Implementing Regulation follows the basic pattern of divided or fragmented horizontal responsibility set out in the 2009 Food Safety Law. The state food safety risk monitoring plan is to be formulated by the Ministry of Public Health together with other departments, namely those in charge of supervision and control over product quality, industrial and commercial administration, food and drug

158 Ibid., Article 89, paragraph 1(2). 159 Ibid., Article 89, paragraph 1(3). 160 Regulation on the Implementation of the Food Safety Law of the People’s Republic of China (Decree of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China, No. 557, adopted at the 73rd State Council executive meeting on July 8, 2009, promulgated on 20 July 2009, effective as of 20 July 2009) (hereafter 2009 Food Safety Law Implementing Regulation). 161 Ibid., Article 12(2). 162 Ibid., Article 12(3). 163 Ibid., Article 2. 164 Ibid., Article 18. 165 Ibid, Article 19, paragraph 1.

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 209 supervision and administration, and commercial, industrial and information departments.166 Similar provisions apply to the formulation of national stan- dards167 or to the organization of the national food safety standards evaluation committee.168 The Ministry of Agriculture is responsible for risk monitoring and risk assessment for edible agricultural products.169 There are no specific provisions concerning small producers or small trad- ers.170 Imported food additives must contain Chinese labels and specifications referring to relevant Chinese laws and administrative regulations as well as national food safety standards.171

The 2010 Administrative Measures for National Food Safety Standards In early 2010 the Ministry of Health adopted Administrative Measures for National Food Safety Standards.172 Based on the new Food Safety Law, the Measures provided a detailed legal framework for regulating the formulation and revision of national food safety standards.173 Standards were to aim to pro- tect public health and were to be based on risk assessment.174 The Ministry of Health was responsible for the formation and revision of food safety standards, on the basis of drafts and advisory opinions provided by a Review Committee for National Food Safety Standards set up by the Ministry and consisting of professional sub-committees and a Secretariat.175 The Ministry of Health was to formulate planning for standards and their implementation together with the Agriculture Ministry, aqsiq, industry and commerce administra- tive department, state food and drug administrative department, commerce

166 Ibid., Article 5. 167 Ibid., Article 15. 168 Ibid., Article 17. On the Committee, see Chenhao Jia and David Jukes, ‘The National Food Safety Control System of China: A Systematic Review’, Food Control, 32, 2013, pp. 236–245 at 239. 169 2009 Food Safety Law Implementing Regulation, supra note 160, Article 63. 170 See the chapter on the emergence of modern Chinese food safety law. 171 2009 Food Safety Law Implementing Regulation, supra note 160, Article 40. 172 Administrative Measures for National Food Safety Standards (adopted at the executive meeting of the Ministry of Health on 20 September 2010, promulgated on 20 October 2010, effective as of 1 December 2010) (hereafter 2010 Measures for National Food Safety Standards). 173 Ibid., Article 1. 174 Ibid., Article 2. 175 Ibid., Article 3.

210 Chapter 4 department, industry and information technology department, and other departments under the State Council.176 The Measures set out the steps in formulation and revision of standards.177 For drafting standards, the Ministry of Health was to select the best entity with appropriate technical capacity on the basis of a tendering procedure,178 fol- lowed by a project entrustment agreement.179 However, the Law set down the basic guidelines for drafting standards. These guidelines were as follows:

The drafting of national food safety standards shall be based on the results of the food safety risk assessment and risk assessment results of the quality and safety of edible agricultural products, give full consider- ation to China’s social and economic development and needs of [sic] actualities, and consult relevant international standards and results of the international food safety risk assessment.180

Drafts of national food safety standards were required to be submitted to the wto ‘in accordance with relevant procedures’.181 The wto sps Agreement requires wto Members to notify other Members of national standards which are not substantially the same as international standards and which may have a significant effect on trade.182 Notifications to the wto Secretariat must be in English, French or Spanish,183 but the Chinese Government is entitled to pro- vide particulars or copies of drafts requested by other wto Members, or to publish the text, in Chinese.184 Only the Ministry of Health, among Chinese organizations, has the power to interpret national food safety standards; these interpretations are to take the form of Ministry of Health documents and they have the same effect as national food safety standards.185 The formulation and the revision of local standards are to be done by procedures analogous to those applying to national standards.186

176 Ibid., Article 6. 177 Ibid., Articles 4, 6–37. 178 Ibid., Article 14. 179 Ibid., Article 16. 180 Ibid., Article 17. 181 Ibid., Article 31. 182 sps Agreement, supra note 4, Article 5 and Annex B. 183 Ibid., Article 5 and Annex B. 184 Ibid., Article 11(a) and Annex B. 185 2010 Measures for National Food Safety Standards, supra note 172, Article 34. 186 Ibid., Article 41.

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 211

Politics of Dairy Standards

Two Dilemmas The setting of standards may appear so far to be simply the legal expression of scientific opinion. From this perspective, standards-setting might seem to be devoid of politics. Frequently, however, this is very far from being the case.187 Standards are double-edged: they protect public health and safety, and they determine market entry. Hence they have a direct impact on trade, investment and profit. Consequently, standards-setting almost inevitably involves politics. One frequently controversial aspect of this process is the very decision to embark on setting a new standard or revising an old one. Another often contested aspect refers to the fact that, standards-setting today requires the analysis of risk, comprising risk assessment, risk management and risk communication.188 Some elements of risk analysis, such as risk assessment, are less political, but others, such as risk management and risk communication, often involve the allocation of values and the distribution of power. This section considers some aspects of the politics of making Chinese dairy standards. From the legal standpoint, it focuses on protein level, bacteria count, detection of melamine and content or maximum level (ml) of melamine in dairy products. In terms of social forces, it emphasizes the role of major dairy producers, trade associa- tions and the International Dairy Federation (idf). If we distinguish between detection and content of different substances in milk, we might say detection is (more) scientific, while content is (more) politics. Industry has always played a vital role in setting food safety standards.189 Compared to government, industry usually has more resources and knowl- edge. In addition, standards are targeted at industry, and participation of industry in standards-making is likely to facilitate implementation of the stan- dards. Reflexive regulation, in which government and industry together make

187 See for example John Braithwaite and Peter Drahos, Global Business Regulation (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2000) (hereafter Braithwaite and Drahos, Regulation); Schepel, Private Governance, supra note 3; Walter Mattli and Tim Bűthe, ‘Setting International Standards: Technological Rationality or Primacy of Power?’ World Politics, 56, 1, October 2003, pp. 1–42. 188 The literature on risk analysis is immense. A recent overview of risk analysis for food safety may be found in Margaret E. Coleman and Harry M. Marks, ‘Risk Analysis Frameworks for Chemical and Microbial Hazards’, in Ronald H. Schmidt and Gary E. Rodrick (eds), Food Safety Handbook (Wiley-Interscience, Hoboken, nj, 2003), pp. 19–46. 189 See Braithwaite and Drahos, Regulation, supra note 187.

212 Chapter 4 standards, is usual today.190 The making of dairy standards in China after the melamine crisis is no exception to this general rule. The relationship between government and industry in making food safety standards raises, however, two potential dilemmas: the dilemma of market access, and the dilemma of regulatory capture. The first dilemma can be for- mulated as increased food safety versus higher barriers to market entry. On the one hand, standards should be intended to improve the quality and safety of the product. On the other hand, standards inevitably permit some products to be legally sold and exclude others from access to the market. This is the dilemma of market access. The second dilemma may be phrased as regulation in the public interest versus business capture of the regulator. On the one hand, the implementation of standards rests largely with industry, and imple- mentation may be facilitated if the targets of regulation cooperate with gov- ernment in shaping the rules. On the other hand, if the regulatory process is captured by industry, there is a substantial risk that the concern for public interest, which represented in principle by the government, may be neglected or given less weight. The public interest could be represented by government and consumers, but if government lacks capacity and if consumers are not organized or are absent, it is unlikely that the public interest will be repre- sented adequately. This is the dilemma of regulatory capture. The conjunction of the two dilemmas can be especially problematic when government lacks capacity, consumers are absent and the firms that dominate the market are those which make the rules. In the Chinese context, these dilemmas are perhaps more acute than elsewhere, because of the legacy of the planned economy and the implicit assumption that public interest can be rep- resented best by central government.

Small Workshops, Standards and Factions Consolidation of the dairy sector was a very important part of central govern- ment policy. As Pei et al point out, ‘[t]he guiding logic of regulatory control in China has been that of supporting concentration within the dairy sector under the assumption that major enterprises would install high-quality assurance systems stretching back to their supplies, hence also the producers…’191 The same logic was followed by the leading municipal governments. Beijing, for example, encouraged dairy companies to move into Daxing District south of

190 For a theoretical overview, see Gunther Teubner, ‘After Legal Instrumentalism? Strategic Models of Post-Regulatory Law’, in Colin Scott (ed), Regulation (Ashgate Publishing Company and Dartmouth Publishing Company, Aldershot, England, 2003), pp. 49–74. 191 Pei et al., supra Chapter 2 note 294, at 417.

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 213 the city and into Huairou District in the northern suburbs, ‘where such corpo- rations will be densely situated, and to undergo structural changes through merger and acquisition, and to adopt modern and centralized processing and management systems’.192 Such companies would be subject to strict licensing rules and standards. In fact, Sanyuan, a Beijing company which took over Sanlu’s assets, adopted dairy standards set by the European Union.193 From this standpoint, the large number of small workshops was a particular problem. The 2009 Food Safety Law provided that:

Small food workshops and food vendors that engage in food production and trading activities shall comply with the food safety requirements of the Law suitable for their production or trading scale and conditions [so as to] ensure that the food being produced or traded are clean, nontoxic and harmless. The relevant authorities shall strengthen the supervision and management over these individuals. Detailed management mea- sures shall be developed in accordance with the Law by the standing committees of the People’s Congress at the provincial, autonomous region, and municipal levels.194

Small workshops were gradually to be brought within the ambit of food safety standards. However, if they could not eventually meet the new Ministry of Health standards for milk and milk products, they were destined to disappear.195

192 北京市人民政府办公厅关于印发北京市食品安全行动计划 (2011–2015 年) 及重点 工作任务分解方案的通知 (京政办发)【2011】43, summarized in Tang Yun, ‘Local Standards for Food Safety’, Research report for the Research Project on Food Safety Law (Director: Professor Francis Snyder), Peking University School of Transnational Law, Peking University Shenzhen Graduate School, 2012 (copy on file with the author: fs) (hereafter Tang Yun, ‘Local Standards’). I am grateful to Tang Yun for the summary of this article. 193 Tang Yun, ‘Local Standards for Food Safety’, supra note 192. 194 2009 Food Safety Law, supra Chapter 3 note 5, Article 29, paragraph 2. The text quoted here is from the translation provided by usda Foreign Agricultural Service. The translation provided by China Law Info states, in relevant part, that ‘To engage in food production or business operation, a small food production or processing workshop or a food vendor shall meet the food safety requirement of this Law, namely adapting to its production or business operation scale and content, so as to ensure that the food which it (he) produces or operates is hygienic, non-toxic and innocuous’. 195 In June 2014 WantChina Times (Taiwan) reported that the Chinese Ministry of Industry and Information announced a proposal to consolidate and reorganize baby formula pro- ducers. The proposal was to create 10 large dairy conglomerates accounting for 65% of the domestic market by 2015, and to form three to five very large conglomerates (revenue:

214 Chapter 4

Standards for milk and dairy products necessarily affected market entry, and for small producers, market entry meant survival. The setting of dairy standards after the melamine crisis was therefore highly political. It involved individual companies, trade associations, the world’s lead- ing exporter of dairy products and the major international dairy association. China’s three largest dairy producers and the main dairy trade associations were reported to have been instrumental in determining the new standards. According to Zeng Shouying, Deputy Director of the Dairy Industry Committee of the Dairy Association of China, Yili, Mengniu and Bright Dairy took charge of revising the standards for pasteurized milk, raw milk and yoghurt, respec- tively.196 China Daily, the leading cpc newspaper, reported that the three com- panies had amended government proposals to increase the permitted limit for bacteria in raw milk, though the companies tried to justify or even deny this. Critics accused the companies of ‘milking’ the new standards for their own benefit.197 According to China Daily,

Yili Industrial Group admitted the standards drafting along with other dairy companies. But it also claimed that the draft was just for discussion before being submitted to the authoritative departments and experts group for further comments…. Mengniu Dairy said they just proposed a suggestion and do not have the final decision. Another major dairy Bright Dairy has not responded.198

rmb 5 bn each), with the top ten firms having more than 80% market share by 2018. The enterprises would include large foreign firms, such as Nestle: Staff Reporter, ‘Nestle makes China Dairy Associations “national team” list’, Business/Policy, WantChina Times (Taiwan), 19 June 2014, available at http://www.wantchinatimes.com/news-subclass-cnt.aspx?id =20140619000004&cid=1201, last accessed 22 December 2014. On the broader context of this policy, see Oliver Balch, The Guardian, ‘China’s growing hunger for dairy raises fears over sustainable production’, The Guardian (London), Friday 30 May 2014, available at http://www.theguardian.com/sustainable-business/china-dairy-cows-sustainable-farming -production-asia, last accessed 22 December 2014. 196 Hu Yue, ‘Questioning the Standard: Dairy quality standards trigger further controversy’, Beijing Review, 12 December 2011, available at http://www.bjreview.com/Cover_Stories _Series_2012/2011-12/12/content_442486.htm, last accessed 23 December 2014. 197 The preceding sentences are based on Zhou Chenyan, ‘Dairies deny milking new safety standards’, China Daily, 29 November 2011 available at http://chinadaily.com.cn, accessed 3 May 2012. 198 Ibid.,

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 215

These disparate reports in cpc newspapers converge in indicating that major dairy companies played a decisive role in shaping government policy and stan- dards regarding consolidation of the diary sector. The large dairy companies were divided into two factions. In turn, each fac- tion was supported by a different trade association.199 The trade associations in turn were led by different ministries and ministry-level organisations, which in turn belonged to different xitong.200 The factional cleavage regarding dairy standards thus appeared to run from dairy product enterprises, which also rep- resented their supplier-producers, to trade associations, to ministries and ministry-level organisations, to xitong.201 I speculate that, in fact, the trade associations were neither independent of the state nor captured by the state but instead were embedded in state agencies.202 Mengniu and Yili, both based in Mongolia, led the so-called ‘Base-Type Dairy’ faction. They purchased raw milk mainly from small producers. The Base-Type Dairy Faction was supported by the Dairy Association of China, which was led by the Ministry of Agriculture.203 I speculate that their main

199 On trade associations in China at this time, see Yuwen Li, ‘A Critical Examination of the Legal Environment for Social Organisations in China’, in Yuwen Li (ed), Freedom of Association in China and Europe: Comparative Perspectives in Law and Practice (Martinus Nifhoff, Leiden, 2005), pp. 38–43. 200 I deduce this from Lieberthal, Governing, supra Chapter 2 note 207, pp. 227–229; Huang, Health, supra Chapter 2 note 260, p. 18; Zheng, Organizational Emperor, supra Chapter 2 note 211, pp. 109–110; and Victor C. Shih, Factions and Finance in China (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2008), pp. 47–58. 201 Note that Lucien Pye, writing in 1968, cautioned (at 218–222) that factions are rarely con- nected with bureaucratic interests. The first edition of the book was published in 1968, but the author (see p viii) did not revise this section in the new edition. See Lucien W. Pye, The Spirit of Chinese Politics (Harvard University Press, Cambridge, ma, first published 1968, new edition 1992). 202 Here I apply to the dairy sector the argument made by Kenneth W. Foster, ‘Embedded within State Agencies: Business Associations in Yantai’, The China Journal, 47, January 2002, pp. 41–65. 203 The preceding account is based on Chong Qi, ‘Analysis of Current Chinese Food Safety Situations and the Underlying Reasons Involved by Taking Milk Products as an Illustration’, Research paper written in the framework of the jd course on wto Law and China and the Food Safety Research Project (Director: Professor Francis Snyder), Peking University School of Transnational Law, Peking University Shenzhen Graduate School, Shenzhen, December 2012, and on Xinhua News Agency ‘乳业“国标”倒退并非第一次 利益之争 从未停止’ [Moving national standards of milk products backwards is not the first time, the battle for profits has never been stopped], Yangcheng Evening News, 7 July 2011,

216 Chapter 4 concerns, as with agricultural ministries everywhere,204 included protection of agricultural producers. This point of view informed their perspective on the reform of dairy standards. Consequently this faction preferred gradual reform and flexible standards, so that smaller producers could have a chance to mar- ket their products and thus ensure their survival. Bright Dairy & Food (‘Guangming’) led the so-called ‘City Dairy’ faction. It was based in Shanghai and had access to land and other resources for large- scale production. The City Dairy Faction was supported by the China Dairy Industry Association (cdia).205 The cdia was established on 6 June 1995, with the approval of the former Ministry of Light Industry.206 It is not easy to trace subsequent administrative shifts and reforms, but it seems that subsequently, after 1993 when the Ministry of Light Industry was divided into general asso- ciations comprising different trade associations according to product,207 the cdia was led first by the China National Light Industrial Products Department, then China Council for Light Industry, then the Bureau of Light Industry cre- ated in 1998,208 then the Chinese National Light Industrial Products Department and now the China Light Industry Council.209 It fell within the ambit originally of the State Economic and Trade Commission, which subsequently became the Ministry of Foreign Economic Relations and Trade (mofert) and later was renamed the Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation (moftec) and most recently the Ministry of Commerce (mofcom). All these organisations were and oriented to foreign markets as well as the domestic market. cdia was under the guidance of the National Development and

available at http://news.xinhuanet.com/food/201107/07/c_121635703_2.htm, last accessed 22 February 2015. These documents are on file with the author. 204 For the eu example, see Francis G. Snyder, Law of the Common Agricultural Policy (Sweet & Maxwell, London, 1985), passim. (hereafter Snyder, cap Law). 205 Ironically, Ms Tian Wenhua had previously been Deputy Chairman of the cdia: See Wikipedia, ‘Sanlu Group’, available at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sanlu_Group, last accessed 23 December 2014. 206 Food and Beverage Online, ‘China Dairy Industry Association’, Company Info, available at http://www.21food.com/showroom/195518/aboutus/china-dairy-industry-association .html, last accessed 27 January 2015. 207 Scott Kennedy, The Business of Lobbying in China (Harvard University Press, Cambridge, ma, 2005), p. 34. 208 Moore, World Market, supra Chapter 2 note 365, p. 146. 209 See China National Light Industry Council, ‘代管协学会’ [Associations/societies/ institutions being Governed], available at http://cnlic.clii.com.cn/footers/footer-dgxxh .html, last accessed 22 February 2015.

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 217

Reform Commission (ndrc).210 I speculate that the administrative supporters of the cdia shared the cdia perspective that consolidation was the best way to obtain higher dairy standards and promote product quality. In this case, the cleavage between factions was reinforced by a regional cleavage between north-central China on one hand and east coastal regions of China on the other. The ‘Base-Type Dairy’ faction embraced north-central enterprises such as Mengniu and Yili, both based in Inner Mongolia. The ‘City Dairy’ faction encompassed coastal enterprises, notably Bright Dairy based in Shanghai, and was supported by the Guangzhou Dairy Association. It has been argued that regional inequality was both a cause and an effect of the polariza- tion between the two factions. According to this argument, the respective political positions of these two factional lobbies reflected in part the differ- ences in per capita income of their particular regions.211

International Dairy Federation (idf) in China The melamine crisis contributed to greater opening of the Chinese dairy mar- ket to foreign producers and processors; an earlier chapter discussed the re- distribution of market shares.212 On the transnational stage, the leading actor in the dairy sector was the International Dairy Federation (idf). Founded in 1903,213 the idf had been involved in making international standards for dairy products long before the Codex Alimentarius Commission was established. As early as 1939, it made proposals for international conventions on dairy prod- ucts, including methods of analysis of milk powder. These conventions were not adopted because of the outbreak of World War ii, but nevertheless they underpinned future international cooperation efforts.214 Within the Codex Alimentarius, idf was the proposer of the establishment of the current Codex Committee on government experts on the Code of Principles concerning Milk and Milk Products. Today it participates actively in the preparation of Codex

210 Food and Beverage Online, ‘China Dairy Industry Association’, Company Info, available at http://www.21food.com/showroom/195518/aboutus/china-dairy-industry-association .html, last accessed 27 January 2015. 211 A. Sneha, ‘Food Safety Standards & the Dairy Industry in China: Impact of Regional Divide and Income Inequalities’, Indian Institute of Technology Madras, China Studies Centre, iitm csc Special Report No. 1, June 2011, available at http://www.csc.iitm.ac.in/ ?q=node/68, last accessed 23 December 2014. 212 See Chapter 3 of the book. 213 http://www.fil-idf.org/Public/TextFlowPage.php?ID=23084, accessed 4 April 2012. 214 Mariëlle D. Masson-Matthee, The Codex Alimentarius Commission and Its Standards (t.m.c. Asser Press, The Hague, 2007), p. 14 (hereafter Masson-Matthee, Codex).

218 Chapter 4 standards.215 Mr Richard Doyle, Executive Director of Dairy Farmers of Canada (dfc), chaired the Commmittee from 2008 to 2012,216 when he was succeeded by Dr Richard Hill, Director of Research at Fonterra; Dr Hill had been involved in idf matters for more than twenty years.217 In the aftermath of the melamine crisis, the idf was active in three related domains. First, both on its own and through its national committee in China, it helped to shape the drafting and preparation of Chinese domestic standards. Second, it was instrumental in drafting and promoting international standards on testing and maximum levels for melamine, examined in the next section of the chapter. Third, it sponsored the development of private soft law norms intended to promote the policy of consolidation and to ensure the safety of dairy products. idf works through national committees, which in principle are composed of representatives of interest groups from every segment of the dairy chain.218 The national committees play a leading role in the preparation of domestic dairy standards. The leading Chinese producers of dairy products were mem- bers of the China Dairy Industry Association and of the Chinese National Committee of idf (see Table 4.2). The idf National Committee thus included the main Chinese dairy industry association, the China Dairy Industry Association, as well as the leading com- panies in the industrially oriented part of the dairy sector. The largest domestic firms had joint ventures with foreign companies, or were listed on foreign stock markets or hadother transnational links.219 Together with foreign producers which gained an increasing market share after the melamine crisis, they served as a transmission belt for knowledge about Chinese regulatory policy, law and practice to other idf members and for the introduction of idf standards and

215 Ibid., p. 16. 216 Th. Kűtzemeier, ‘idf’s Roadmap: Environment, sustainability and nutrition’, [Interview with idf President Richard Doyle], European Dairy Magazine, n.d. [2008], available at http://www.mcongressconsult.com/uploads/media/IDF_Interview.pdf, last accessed 22 December 2014. 217 Fonterra, News and Media, Media Releases, ‘Fonterra Director of Research Elected President of idf’, available at http://www.fonterra.com/au/en/Hub+Sites/News+and +Media/Media+Releases/Fonterra+Director+of+Research+Elected+President+Of+IDF, last accessed 22 December 2014. 218 International Dairy Federation, ‘About Us’, available at http://www.fil-idf.org/Public/ TextFlowPage.php?ID=23084, last accessed 29 January 2015. 219 tusiad China Business Insight, ‘China’s Dairy Industry’, December 2013, http://www .tusiad.org/__rsc/shared/file/ChinaBusinessInsight-December2013.pdf, last accessed 22 December 2014.

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 219

Table 4.2 Members of the Chinese idf National Committee

China Dairy Industry Association Tetra Pak China (Kun Shan) http://www.cdia.org.cn/ http://www.tetrapak.com/cn/Pages/ default.aspx Inner Mongolia Mengniu Dairy (Group) Jinan Jiabao Dairy Co.,Ltd C., Ltd. http://www.mengniu.com.cn/ Inner Mongolia Yili Industrial Group Co., Heilongjiang Wan Da Shan Dairy Co., Ltd. Ltd. http://www.yili.com/en/about_yili/ http://www.wondersun.com.cn/ background.shtml Bright Dairy Co. Ltd. Heilongjiang Dairy Group http://en.brightdairy.com/home.php http://www.longdan.com.cn/index.asp# San Lu Group Co., Ltd. Dalian Century Int’l Trading Ltd. (cit) (No website) http://www.century-intl.com/en_web/ htm/index.htm National Engineering Technology vv Food Beverage Co., Ltd Research Center for Dairy Industry http://www.vvgroup.com/ (Website not available) Sichuan New Hope Group Co., Ltd. Guangdong Yashili Group Co., Ltd. http://www.newhopedairy.cn/ http://www.yashili.com/en/index1.aspx Shanxi Gucheng Dairy Co., Ltd Modern Farming (Group) Co., Ltd. http://www.china-gucheng.com/ http://www.xiandaimuye.com/ Beijing San Yuan Food Co., Ltd. Heilongjiang Fei He Dairy llc. http://www.sanyuan.com.cn/# http://ady.feihe.com/index.html Xi’an Yinqiao Biotechnic llc. Beijing Shuanwa llc. http://www.yinqiaogroup.com/ Sheng Yuan Nutrition Food Ltd Company http://www.shengyuan.com/

Source: idf National Committee Member List (China)220

220

220 http://www.cncidf.org.cn/company6_4.asp, accessed 6 April 2012, translated from Chinese by Zhang Kaixiang.

220 Chapter 4 practices into the Chinese regulatory system.221 I speculate that, in the discus- sions concerning standards, idf tended to support the City-Dairy faction. idf and its national committee in China were in favour of consolidation of the dairy sector. They considered that market structure was a main reason for the melamine crisis: the view was that too many small-scale farms and milk collecting stations supplied milk to Sanlu and other large producers.222 Fostering economies of scale in agriculture and milk collection would consequently help to promote both higher standards and more effective enforcement. With these objectives in mind, idf was instrumental in the development of private soft law norms intended to ensure the safety of dairy products in the future. It promoted guidelines on the integrity of suppliers’ milk and principles of integrated supply chain management (icm). The guidelines were addressed to milk suppliers and intended directly to combat the adulteration of milk. The icm principles were addressed to all units in the dairy product food chain. They were based on the ideas of effective communi- cation, mutual adaptation among all parts of the chain, cost-effective hazard con- trol through the use of risk analysis based on Hazard Analysis Critical Control Point (haacp), Good Hygienic Practice (ghp) and Performance Objectives, and improved due diligence and preparation for contingencies.223 It referred expressly to international standards already developed by Codex224 and iso.225

221 For the argument that private standards or public-private partnerships should play an impor- tant role in the Chinese food safety regime, see Chong Qi, ‘Study on the Role of Transnational Private Regulation System in Filling Theoretical Gaps within China’s Official Food Safety System’, Student Thesis (supervised by Professor Francis Snyder), Peking University School of Transnational Law, Peking University Shenzhen Graduate School, March 2013. 222 These points are presented in more detail in Fu Weigang, ‘Safety in numbers is key to improving milk sector’, Global Times, Thursday 3 May 2012, available at http://business .globaltimes.cn/comment/2011-05/651716.htm, accessed 3 May 2012. The author is a researcher at the Shanghai Institute of Finance and Law. 223 ‘Integrated Supply Chain Management’, Bulletin of the International Dairy Federation, 449/2011, available at http://latu30.latu.org.uy/pls/portal/latu_portal.cargo_docum [email protected]&df_nom_campo _blob=objeto&df_nom_campo_nom_documento=tipo_objeto&df_rowid _registro=AAAM0UAAEAAAq9AAAg, accessed 27 April 2012. 224 Codex Principles and Guidelines for the Conduct of Microbiological Risk Assessment (mrm): see ‘Integrated Supply Chain Management’, Bulletin of the International Dairy Federation, 449/2011, available at http://latu30.latu.org.uy/pls/portal/latu_portal.cargo [email protected]&df_nom_campo _blob=objeto&df_nom_campo_nom_documento=tipo_objeto&df_rowid_registro=AAA M0UAAEAAAq9AAAg, p. 3, accessed 27 April 2012. 225 iso 22 000 – Food Safety Management Systems – Requirements for organizations throughout the food chain: see ‘Integrated Supply Chain Management’, Bulletin of the

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 221

Though not necessarily requiring that the dairy product chain be consoli- dated or vertically integrated, the icm principles promoted by idf conferred the most responsibility for food safety on dairy product manufacturers. Accordingly the icm principles clearly attributed the most power in the value chain on dairy product manufacturers.226 The role of government was to ‘sup- port cooperation between organizations through activities that encourage participation by companies and sectors’, recognizing haacp based on agree- ments between enterprises and targeting inspections on enterprises which had not undergone third party audits.227 The role of idf was to support the implementation of icm principles, notably by promoting the concept vis-à-vis international private sector organizations.228 The icm principles supported, encouraged and coincided with the gradual restructuring, consolidation and transnationalisation of the dairy industry in China.

International Dairy Federation, 449/2011, available at http://latu30.latu.org.uy/pls/portal/ latu_portal.cargo_docum.Get?df_nom_tabla=bib_objetos_materiales@base.latu.org .uy&df_nom_campo_blob=objeto&df_nom_campo_nom_documento=tipo_objeto&df _rowid_registro=AAAM0UAAEAAAq9AAAg, p. 3, accessed 27 April 2012. 226 For example, the document states that ‘In practical terms, this means that the manufac- turer of the rte food (or ready-for-domestic-use food) must take the lead in addressing food safety management along the food chain. The manufacturer is the only element in the food chain having access to sufficient information about the food/destiny combination to assess food safety impact and to take appropriate action accordingly’. See ‘Integrated Supply Chain Management’, Bulletin of the International Dairy Federation, 449/2011, available at http://latu30.latu.org.uy/pls/portal/latu_portal.cargo_docum.Get?df_nom_tabla=bib_objetos [email protected]&df_nom_campo_blob=objeto&df_nom_campo_nom _documento=tipo_objeto&df_rowid_registro=AAAM0UAAEAAAq9AAAg, p. 4, accessed 27 April 2012. 227 ‘Integrated Supply Chain Management’, Bulletin of the International Dairy Federation, 449/2011, available at http://latu30.latu.org.uy/pls/portal/latu_portal.cargo_docum.Get?df_nom [email protected]&df_nom_campo_blob=objeto&df_nom _campo_nom_documento=tipo_objeto&df_rowid_registro=AAAM0UAAEAAAq9AAAg, pp. 7–8, accessed 27 April 2012. 228 That is, ‘feed industry, veterinary drugs industry, pesticides industry, suppliers of equip- ment (farm, manufacture), suppliers of ingredients (foods, additives, starter cultures)’. See ‘Integrated Supply Chain Management’, Bulletin of the International Dairy Federation, 449/2011, available at http://latu30.latu.org.uy/pls/portal/latu_portal.cargo_docum.Get?df [email protected]&df_nom_campo_blob=objeto&df _nom_campo_nom_documento=tipo_objeto&df_rowid_registro=AAAM0UAAEAAAq9AAAg, p. 8, accessed 27 April 2012.

222 Chapter 4

New Standards for Dairy Products

Precursors The Standardization Law and various administrative measures opened the door of Chinese standards more widely to the use of international standards. Except in certain scientific and industrial domains, however, it seems that prior to the melamine crisis Chinese standards were oriented toward interna- tional standards only to a very limited extent. With regard to food safety, most Chinese laws and administrative measures did not refer at all systematically to international or foreign standards.229 In the recent past there had been two exceptions: the short-lived ‘China Famous Brands’ project, and the rules on exports adopted by certain export-oriented provinces. The ‘China Famous Brands’ project was intended to promote high-quality Chinese products at home and abroad. In Guangdong Province, for example, it was based on the Measures for the Administration of Famous-Brand (Agricultural) Products of Guangdong Province.230 The Measures applied to agricultural products ‘of which the quality reaches or approximates to the advanced level of the same kind of domestic or international products’.231 Products ‘that have obtained the international standard authentication certifi- cate and have adopted the international standards’ were given priority in being recommended for designation as agricultural famous brands of Guangdong Province.232 The designation was intended as a form of recognition233 and quality mark,234 and the intellectual property of designated products was to be strongly protected.235 However, the criteria for designation included export performance,236 and selected products were entitled to priority in the alloca- tion of export credits, foreign investment and export inspection and testing237 and certain financial benefits.238 For these reasons, among others, the United States and Mexico on 19 December 2008 challenged the China’s Famous Brands

229 See Chapter 8 of the book. 230 Measures for the Administration of Famous-Brand (Agricultural) Products of Guangdong Province, promulgated 17 March 2003, effective as of 17 March 2003, now expired (hereaf- ter Guangdong Famous Brand Measures). 231 Ibid., Article 2. 232 Ibid., Article 9(1). 233 Ibid., Articles 20, 21. 234 Ibid., Article 26. 235 See ibid., Articles 23, 26. 236 See ibid., Article 12. 237 See ibid., Article 21, paragraph 2. 238 Ibid., Article 30.

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 223 initiatives239 on the grounds that they infringed Article iii:4 of gatt 1994, Articles 3, 9 and 10 of the Agreement on Agriculture, Article 3 of the scm Agreement and various provisions of China’s Protocol of Accession to the wto.240 Australia, Canada, Colombia, Ecuador, the European Union, Guatemala, New Zealand and Turkey joined the consultations.241 The disputes were settled by mutually satisfactory agreements in the form of memoranda of understanding.242 As a result, China removed the China’s Famous Brands measures. The second example concerns the 2006 Shandong Province Provisions on the Supervision over and Administration of the Quality Safety of Export Agricultural Products.243 Adopted for the purpose of ensuring quality and safety of export agricultural products and of promoting exports, these Provisions sought inter alia ‘to strictly implement the compulsory technical criteria of the State, vigorously promote the internationally prevailing “good agricultural operating rules, select pesticides, veterinary drugs, feed additives and other agricultural chemical inputs according to the quality safety criteria of the importing country .…”’.244 The department of entry-exit inspection and quarantine was to establish a list of agricultural product export bases’‘according to the internationally prevailing “good agricultural operating

239 The challenge included the Guangdong Measures: see World Trade Organisation, China – Grants, Loans and Other Incentives, Request for Consultations by the United States, WT/ DS387/1, G/L/879, G/SCM/D81/1, G/AG/GEN/79, 7 January 2009. 240 See China – Grants, Loans and Other Incentives, Request for Consultations by the United States, WT/DS387, 19 December 2008; China – Grants, Loans and Other Incentives, Request for Consultations by Mexico, WT/DS388, 19 December 2008, both available at www.wto .org. 241 See China – Grants, Loans and Other Incentives, DS387, DS388, Current status, available at www.wto.org, accessed 20 April 2012. 242 The mous were not made public. However, see eg Office of the United States Trade Representative, ‘u.s. Relations with the People’s Republic of China (2009)’, ‘United States Wins End to China’s “Famous Brand” Subsidies after Challenge at wto: Agreement Levels Playing Field for American Workers in Every Manufacturing Sector’, United States Consulate, Hong Kong and Macau, u.s. Policy & Issues, u.s. and China 2009, available at http://hongkong.usconsulate.gov/uscn_t_ustr_2009121810.html, accessed 2 February 2010. 243 Provisions on the Supervision over and Administration of the Quality Safety of Export Agricultural Products, adopted on 14 August 2006 at the 73rd executive meeting of the People’s Government of Shandong Province by Order No. 189, promulgated on 18 October 2006, with effect as of 1 December 2006 (hereafter Shandong Quality Agricultural Export Provisions). 244 Ibid., Article 2.

224 Chapter 4 rules” to [sic] home and abroad’.245 A quality traceability system and a quality traceability liability system were to be established to make it possible to trace any quality problems to the relevant links of production and business opera- tion.246 The departments of quality and technical supervision, entry-exit inspection and quarantine, and foreign trade and economic cooperation were responsible for notifying other departments of any changes in the qual- ity standards or technical criteria of importing countries.247 Consistently with China’s wto obligations, these Provisions did not give any preference to domestic products over foreign products with regard to export performance or domestic use. It seems that the law, regulations, measures and the notice regarding stan- dards, which were examined earlier in the chapter, played little if any role dur- ing the melamine scandal prior to the intervention of central government, except in two ways. First, they served as elements in a normative framework that largely remained on paper and were not applied in practice. Second, they tended to reinforce administrative fragmentation by assigning norm-making authority to a multiplicity of institutions. The melamine crisis led to adminis- trative reform and to more attention to international standards as a basis for legally binding standards (technical regulations) in Chinese food safety regulation.

Adoption of New Dairy Standards In dealing with the melamine crisis, the State Council referred directly to the importance of standards. Its decision taken at the 17 September 2008 executive meeting aimed inter alia at ‘confiscating and destroying all sub-standard prod- ucts, …strictly supervising the production of dairy companies with on-site inspections, [and]…revising regulations on the supervision and management of the industry’.248 The decision was followed up by the State Council itself, by ministries and by ministry-level organisations, each acting within the scope of its regulatory jurisdiction. In order to enforce respect for standards, the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology issued a notice that it would launch an immediate

245 Ibid., Article 3, paragraph 2. 246 Ibid., Article 6. 247 Ibid., Article 7, paragraph 2. 248 Xinhua, ‘China’s cabinet orders inspections, reform of dairy industry’, www.chinaview.cn, 17 September 2008, 20:19:43, available at http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2008-09/17/ content_10059617.htm, accessed 30 March 2012.

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 225 inspection of production, sales and usage of melamine nationwide.249 The fol- lowing day it issued a notice that it would inspect and rectify dairy processing enterprises.250 The General Administration of Quality Supervision (aqsiq), which revoked the Measures on Exemption of Inspection to Food Products,251 cancelled all exemptions, invalidated exemption labels, promised to amend quality standards for non-food additives in dairy products and to ‘adjust its baby formula standards to allow tests of poisonous substances such as melamine, and promised to issue melamine standards later in the year’. It had already cancelled the exemption of Sanlu and the ‘Famous Brand’ titles of its baby milk powder and revoked Sanlu’s certificates including its registration of sanitary qualification of food for export.252 The Food Safety Law, then in draft form, proposed to prohibit exemption from inspections for food products.253

249 工业和信息化部关于立即开展对三聚氰胺生产、销售和使用情况进行检查的 通知(工信明电 [2008]2号)[Notice of the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology on Immediately Inspecting the Production, Sales and Usage of Melamine (Gong Xin Ming Dian [2008] No. 2)]; (promulgated by telegram on 18 September 2008); the general content and news are available in Chinese on the website of the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology at http://www.miit.gov.cn/n11293472/n11293877/ n11301970/n11552553/11554190.html, last accessed 9 March 9, 2015. 250 工业和信息化部关于开展奶制品加工企业检查和整顿工作的通知(工信明电 [2008]3号)[Notice of the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology on Inspecting and Rectifying Dairy Processing Enterprises (Gong Xin Ming Dian [2008] No. 3)], (promul- gated by telegram on 19 September 2008); the general content and news are available in Chinese on the website of the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology, at http:// www.miit.gov.cn/n11293472/n11293877/n11301970/n11552568/11554949.html, last accessed 23 February 2015. 251 国家质量监督检验检疫总局关于废止《产品免于质量监督检查管理办法》的 决定 (总局令第109号)[Decision of the General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine on Repealing the Measures for the Administration of the Exemption of Products from Quality Supervision and Inspection] (Zong Ju Ling No. 109) (promulgated and came into effect on 18 September 2008), CLI.4.108639 Chinalawinfo. 252 This paragraph is based largely on Xinhua, ‘Quality watchdog cancels inspection exemp- tions for food producers’, www.chinaview.cn, 18 September 2008 04:44:07, available at http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2008-09/18/content_10070801.htm, last accessed 30 March 2012. The first quotation is from p. 1 and the second quotation is from p. 2. 253 Food Safety Law of the People’s Republic of China (Draft), Article 83, and this document is available in Chinese on the website of the National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China, at http://www.npc.gov.cn/npc/xinwen/lfgz/flca/2014-06/30/ content_1869695.htm, last accessed 23 February 2015. This provision has been re-numbered as Article 60 in the final effective version of Food Safety Law (Order No. 9 of the President of the prc) (Adopted at the 7th Session of the Standing Committee of the 11th National

226 Chapter 4

On 9 October, with effect from the same day, the State Council issued the Regulation on the Supervision and Administration of the Quality and Safety of Dairy Products (the qsdp Regulation).254 Fresh milk and dairy products were required to conform to national standards.255 International standards were not mentioned. It was forbidden to purchase fresh milk that did not meet health standards upon testing or which did not meet national standards.256 Exported products were required to meet Chinese domestic standards and standards of the importing country.257 Adding to fresh milk or dairy products any non- edible chemical substances or any other substance that may be hazardous to human health,258 producing or selling products that fail to meet national stan- dards259 and failing to stop production or recall defective products260 were potentially subject to sanctions under the Criminal Law. The qsdp Regulation aimed to provide a general normative framework for achieving central government’s objectives of ensuring product quality and restoring public confidence. This was followed by the enactment on 11 November 2008 by the Ministry of Agriculture of the more detailed Administrative Measures for the Production and Purchase of Fresh Milk (ppfm Measures).261 Fresh milk was required to meet national standards.262 It was forbidden to add any substance to fresh milk during production, storage, transportation or safe.263 Fresh milk that did not meet national standards could not be sold.264 Milk purchasing stations were required to ensure that the fresh milk they purchased meet national

People’s Congress of the prc on 28 February 2009)(Promulgated and came into force on 1 June 2009), CLI.1.113981(en), Chinalawinfo. 254 Regulation on the Supervision and Administration of the Quality and Safety of Dairy Products (Order No. 536 of the State Council of the prc) (Adopted at the 28th executive meeting the State Council on 6 October 2008) (Promulgated and came into force on 9 October 2008), CLI.2.109190(en), Chinalawinfo (hereafter qsdp Regulation). 255 Ibid., Article 6. 256 Ibid., Article 24. 257 Ibid., Article 45. 258 Ibid., Article 54. 259 Ibid., Article 55. 260 Ibid., Article 56. 261 Administrative Measures for the Production and Purchase of Fresh Milk (promulgated by Order No. 15 of the Ministry of Agriculture, 11 November 2008, effective as of 11 November 2008) (hereafter pprm Measures). 262 Ibid., Article 5, paragraph 1. 263 Ibid., Article 5, paragraph 2. 264 Ibid., Article 16.

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 227 quality and safety standards.265 The ppfm Measures targeted agricultural products, which were with the Agricultural Ministry’s jurisdiction. They were designed to ensure that farmers, intermediaries and milk collection stations respected national dairy standards. There followed a raft of new dairy standards. In 2009 the Ministry of Health adopted national food safety standards on good manufacturing practices for dairy products,266 infant formulas267 and follow-up formulas.268 Then, on 26 March 2010 the Ministry of Health promulgated three more important new national standards. First, it adopted a new National Safety Standard for Milk Powder, to enter into effect on 1 December 2010.269 The new national standard

265 Ibid., Article 24. 266 National Food Safety Standard for Good Manufacturing Practices for Dairy Products, unofficial translation available at United States Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agricultural Service, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain), China – People’s Republic of, National Dairy Standard – gmp for Dairy, gain Report number CH9107, 16 December 2009, available at http://gain.fas.usda.gov/Recent%20GAIN%20Publications/ National%20Dairy%20Standard%20-%20GMP%20for%20Dairy_Beijing_China%20 -%20Peoples%20Republic%20of_12-16-2009.pdf, last accessed 10 December 2014. 267 National Food Safety Standard for Infant Formulas, unofficial translation available at United States Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agricultural Service, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain), China – People’s Republic of, National Dairy Standard – Infant Formulas, gain Report Number CH9103, 1 December 2009; available at http://gain .fas.usda.gov/Recent%20GAIN%20Publications/National%20Dairy%20Standard%20 -%20Infant%20Formulas_Beijing_China%20-%20Peoples%20Republic%20of_12-1-2009 .pdf, last accessed 10 December 2014. 268 National Food Safety Standard for Follow-up Formulas, unofficial translation available at United States Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agricultural Service, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain), China – People’s Republic of, National Dairy Standard – Follow-up Formulas, gain Report Number CH9104, 2 December 2009, available at http:// gain.fas.usda.gov/Recent%20GAIN%20Publications/National%20Dairy%20 Standard%20-%20Follow-up%20Formulas_Beijing_China%20-%20Peoples%20 Republic%20of_12-2-2009.pdf, last accessed 10 December 2014. 269 食品安全国家标准, 乳粉, National Food Safety Standard, Milk Powder, gb 19644–2010, available at http://61.49.18.65/publicfiles/business/cmsresources/zwgkzt/cmsrsdocument/ doc8466.pdf [available only in Chinese], accessed 24 April 2012. See also National Food Safety Standard for Milk Powder, unofficial translation available at United States Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agricultural Service, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain), China – People’s Republic of, National Dairy Standard – Milk Powder, gain Report Number CH9097, 1 December 2009, http://gain.fas.usda.gov/Recent%20GAIN%20 Publications/National%20Dairy%20Standard%20-%20Milk%20Powder_Beijing_ China%20-%20Peoples%20Republic%20of_12-1-2009.pdf, last accessed 10 December 2014.

228 Chapter 4 cross-referred to Codex Stan 207–1999 Codex Standard for Milk Powders and Cream Powder.270 Second, also on 26 March with effect as of 1 December, the Ministry of Health adopted a new National Food Safety Standard on Good Manufacturing Practice for Powdered Formulae for Infants and Young Children.271 This national standard also referred to a Codex standard, CAC/RCP 66–2008 Code of Hygiene Practice for Powdered Formulae for Infants and Young Children.272 Third, the Ministry of Health adopted a new national food safety standard for raw milk.273 It actually lowered the protein standard from 2.955% to 2.8% (2.8 grams per 100 grams of raw milk) and increased the bacte- ria count to no more than 200 per milliliter of milk. Compared to the previous standard, however, the new standard added three more indices of quality, con- cerning limitations of pollutants, mycotoxin and residual pesticide.274

270 Codex Alimentarius, Milk and Milk Products (World Health Organisation, Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations, Rome, 2nd edition 2011), p. 1, available at http://www.fao.org/docrep/015/i2085e/i2085e00.pdf, last accessed 28 February 2015. 271 食品安全国家标准, 粉状婴幼儿配方食品良好生产规范, National Food Safety Standard, Good Manufacturing Practice for Powdered Formulae for Infants and Young Children, gb 23790–2010, available at http://61.49.18.65/publicfiles/business/cmsresources/ zwgkzt/cmsrsdocument/doc8484.pdf [available only in Chinese], accessed 24 April 2012. See also National Food Safety Standard for Good Manufacturing Practice for Powdered Milk Formula for Infants and Young Children, unofficial translation available at United States Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agricultural Service, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain), China – People’s Republic of, National Dairy Standard – Good Manufacturing Practices for Powder, gain Report Number CH9108, 2 December 2009, http://gain.fas.usda.gov/Recent%20GAIN%20Publications/National%20Dairy%20 Standard%20-%20Good%20Manufacturing%20Practices%20for%20Powder_Beijing _China%20-%20Peoples%20Republic%20of_12-2-2009.pdf, last accessed 10 December 2014. 272 Code of Hygienic Practice for Powered Formulae for Infants and Young Children, CAC/ RCP 66-2008, available at www.codexalimentarius.org/input/download/standards/11026/ CXP_066e.pdf, accessed 2 March 2015. 273 食品安全国家标准 生乳 National Food Safety Standard Raw Milk, gb 19301–2010, avail- able at http://down.foodmate.net/standard/sort/3/21745.html [available only in Chinese], last accessed 23 February 2015. Following the Measures on International Standards and Part of the Guidance of Standardization Work, Rules on Adoption of International Standards, The number of the standard, GB19301–2010, indicated that this was a compul- sory national standard formulated by the Standardization Administration Commission (sac). 274 http://www.hkexnews.hk/listedco/listconews/sehk/2010/1126/01117/EWPDAIRY -20101109-11.pdf, p. 75, accessed 11 April 2012.

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The Chinese government notified all these new dairy standards to the wto on 20 November 2009.275 Subsequently, the wto Trade Policy Review Body reported that, on 27 April 2010, the Ministry of Health ‘issued 66 new national standards on the safety of dairy products, which included 15 new standards for dairy products, 2 production rules and 49 standards for inspec- tion methods’.276 Not only did China respect scrupulously its legal obliga- tions under the tbt Agreement. This also marked the first time that Chinese standards in the dairy sector referred expressly to international standards. China began to join the ‘international track’277 in matters of food safety as part of the process of reinforcing national food safety regulation for dairy products.

Protein, Bacteria and Compromise The adoption of the standard for raw milk proved highly controversial. It pro- voked public concern about the role of leading enterprises in the making of domestic standards.278 The President of the Guangzhou Dairy Association, Wang Dingmian, criticized the four-fold increase in the maximum limit for bacteria in raw milk and the lowering of the protein content requirement from 2.95g to 2.8 g per ml as ‘represent[ing] a retreat to standards that haven’t been used in 25 years and that the standards are the weakest in the world’.279 He ascribed the new standards to pressure from diary producers seeking to cut costs. He was joined by Wei Ronglu, Executive Vice-President of the Dairy

275 United States Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agricultural Service, 2009 Regulation Reports, available at http://www.usdachina.org/info_details1.asp?id=2261, last accessed 10 December 2014. 276 World Trade Organization, Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting, Addendum, WT/TPR/M/230/Add.1 (Feb. 22, 2011), at 15–16. 277 On this slogan, see Wang, ‘Linking Up’, supra Chapter 2 note 6. 278 For example, see Zhu Hongjun, ‘How Milk Standards Triggered Uproar in China’, Chinadialogue, 31 August 2012, available at https://www.chinadialogue.net/article/ 5141-How-milk-standards-triggered-uproar-in-China, last accessed 28 January 2015. 279 Xinhua News Agency, ‘China’s health ministry defends controversial milk standard’, Beijing, 1 December 2010, http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/china/2011-12/01/c _131281788.htm, accessed 3 May 2012. See also 专家称中国奶业标准全球最低 被个别 企业绑架 [Experts Claimed National Standards of Milk Products in China is the world’s lowest one due to certain enterprises’ kidnapping], Radio Network China (Beijing), 18 June 2011, available at http://news.163.com/11/0618/21/76S3ASOG00014JB5.html, last accessed 23 December 2014. I am grateful to Chong Qi for translating relevant parts of this document.

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Association of Western China, and Guo Benheng, President of Bright Dairy.280 In reply, Nadamude, Secretary-General of the Dairy Association of Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region expressed strong support for small farmers. He was quoted as saying that, ‘if foreign standards are applied in China, “70% of the country’s milk producers would be forced to slaughter their livestock”’.281 Each side thus defended their own interests and those of their suppliers. Each side was also supported by its ministerial or other national govern- mental sponsors, even though the contest between different central govern- ment bureaucracies was less publicly visible. I speculate that a negotiated compromise at the highest level between the competing factions was the basis for the resulting dairy standards, as well as of the treatment of small work- shops. A Ministry of Health official in charge of food safety, Zhang Xudong, stated that the drafting panel of the standards consisted of 70 members from government, academic life and the dairy industry. In his view, dairy producers should participate, since they are intimately involved in the production. In any event, he stated that ‘the initial and final drafts were all put forward by the entire panel after thorough discussion’.282 Another view, aired by international dairy specialist Lior Yaron in a United States dairy industry conference,283 was that:

280 A. Sneha, ‘Food Safety Standards & the Dairy Industry in China: Impact of Regional Divide and Income Inequalities’, Indian Institute of Technology Madras, China Studies Centre, iitm csc Special Report No. 1, June 2011, available at http://www.csc.iitm.ac.in/?q =node/68, last accessed 23 December 2014; Hu Yue, ‘Questioning the Standard: Dairy qual- ity standards trigger further controversy’, Beijing Review, 12 December 2011, available at http://www.bjreview.com/Cover_Stories_Series_2012/2011-12/12/content_442486 .htm,last accessed 23 December 2014 (hereafter Hu Yue, ‘Questioning’). 281 Johnny Lin and Staff Reporter, ‘Leaders of China’s dairy industry lock horns over quality’, WantChinaTimes, Economy, 28 June 2011, available at http://www.wantchinatimes.com/ news-subclass-cnt.aspx?id=20110628000013&cid=1502, last accessed 23 December 2014. See also Hu Yue, ‘Questioning’, supra note 280. 282 Xinhua News Agency, ‘China’s health ministry defends controversial milk standard’, Beijing, 1 December 2010, http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/china/2011-12/01/ c_131281788.htm, accessed 3 May 2012. Dr Zhang was then Deputy Director, Bureau of Health Supervision, Ministry of Health: Codex Alimentarius Commission, Food and Agriculture Organization and World Health Organization, Joint fao/who Food Standards Programme, Thirty-five Session, Geneva, Switzerland, 30 June–5 July 2008: Report of the 29th Session of the Codex Committee on Nutrition and Foods for Special Dietary Uses, Bad Neuenahr-Arhweiler, Germany, 12–16 November 2007, p. 25, available at ftp://ftp.fao .org/codex/Reports/Alinorm08/al31_26e.pdf., last accessed 29 January 2015. 283 Mr Lior Yaron presented a paper on ‘Milk Quality in China’, at the 2014 National Mastitis Council meeting in Fort Worth: National Mastitis Council, 53rd Annual Meeting,January

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 231

The counter-intuitive downward adjustment in the minimum standards was intended to protect small scale dairy farmers whose milk may other- wise have been rejected by processors for quality reasons, and to reduce the incentive or need to adulterate raw milk to meet requirements (espe- cially for protein content).284

This was perhaps the most realistic explanation of the new standards, coming as it did from a widely acknowledged dairy consultant with long experience in the Chinese dairy sector and to whom the Mayor of Being awarded the Great Wall Friendship Award in recognition of his innovative work in dairy sector reforms in China.285 It was reportedly confirmed by the government.286 The

26–28, 2014, Fort Worth, Texas, Program and Schedule of Events, available at http:// nmconline.org/annualmeet/2014/progAM2014.htm, last accessed 22 December 2014. As of 2014, Mr Yaron was then Director, Global Customer Project Support, DeLaval International, Sweden, a major dairy and farming machinery producer and now part of the DeLaval Tetrapack group: On Lior Yaron, see Lior Yaron, ‘Milk Quality in China’, DeLaval Milkproduction.com, 31 January 2014, available at http://www.milkproduction .com/Library/Editorial-articles/Milk-quality-in-China-/, last accessed 22 December 2014 and DeLaval Milkproduction.com, ‘Yaron, Lior’, available at http://www.milkproduction .com/Library/Authors/Yaron-Lior/, last accessed 22 December 2014. On DeLaval International, see its website at http://www.delaval.com/, last accessed 22 December 2014 and ‘DeLaval’, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/DeLaval, last accessed 22 December 2014. 284 Lior Yaron, ‘Milk Quality in China’, DeLaval Milkproduction.com, 31 January 2014, available at http://www.milkproduction.com/Library/Editorial-articles/Milk-quality-in-China-/, last accessed 22 December 2014. The article was part of the proceedings of the nmc 2014 Annual Meeting in Fort Worth, Texas. More than 420 dairy health specialists, milk produc- ers and industry partners participated in the meeting, which took place from in Fort Worth from 26–28 January 2014, see ‘Milk quality experts gather for 53rd National Mastitis Council Annual Meeting’, Hoard’s Dairyman, 14 February 2014, available at http://www .hoards.com/IB_National_Mastitis_Council_Annual_Meeting, last accessed 22 December 2014. On the nme, see its website at http://www.nmconline.org/default.asp, last accessed 22 December 2014. Mastitis is a serious and costly infection in dairy cattle: see Ayuba Caleb Kudi, M.P. Bray, Aziwo. T.Niba and Demo. J.U.Kalla, ‘Mastitis Causing Pathogens within the Dairy Cattle Environment’, International Journal of Biology, 1, 1, January 2009, pp. 3–13, available at http://www.ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/ijb/article/viewFile/ 640/615, last accessed 22 December 2014. 285 For further details, see Leora Eren Frucht, ‘’s man in China ushers in a dairy revolu- tion’, Israel 21C, 26 June 2005, available at http://www.israel21c.org/people/israels-man-in -china-ushers-in-a-dairy-revolution/, last accessed 22 December 2014. 286 Tianshannet, ‘Dairy firms accused of setting low standard’, 29 November 2011, available at http://english.ts.cn/news/content/2011-11/29/content_6376383.htm, last accessed 23 December 2014.

232 Chapter 4 compromise regarding standards was part of a package that also included limi- tations of pollutants, mycotoxin and residual pesticide.287 Each faction won in the compromise. The Base-Type Dairy faction was able to protect its own inter- ests and those of its mainly small-farmer suppliers. The City Faction also pro- tected its own interests, in particular its peri-urban members, its orientation toward foreign markets and gradual calibration of Chinese standards on inter- national standards.288 As a leading newspaper, Southern Weekend, pointed out, ‘the most important thing is for the authorities and the evaluating bodies to have the capability and the data to make decisions and balance different inter- ests’.289 Further research would be required to ascertain to what extent the compromise took direct account of consumer interests.

Melamine Standards and Transnational Relations The melamine crisis revealed a particularly unfortunate gap in the available range of standards, both Chinese and international. Prior to the crisis, there were no standards on melamine, either in China or at the international level. However, after the earlier incident concerning melamine-contaminated pet food in the United States, the us Food and Drug Administration (fda) devel- oped methods for detecting melamine in animal tissue, pet food, gluten and soya. These ‘in-house’ methods were not evaluated by outside scientists. With the benefit of hindsight, they were potentially available to be adapted for use concerning dairy products,290 but apparently they were unknown, neglected

287 http://www.hkexnews.hk/listedco/listconews/sehk/2010/1126/01117/EWPDAIRY-20101109 -11.pdf, p. 75, accessed 11 April 2012. 288 Further research is needed on the application of competition law to standards-setting in China. This lies outside the scope of this chapter. For a brief introduction, see Guo He, ‘Fair Competition Issues in the Process of Standard Setting in China’, in Sherrie Bolin (ed), The Standards Edge: The Golden Mean (Sheridan Books for Bolin Communications, Ann Arbor, mi, 2007), pp. 29–34, available at http://www.thebolingroup.com/Standards _Edge_Golden_Mean_TOCandSummaries.pdf, last accessed 23 December 2014. 289 Zhu Hongjun, ‘How Milk Standards Triggered Uproar in China’, Chinadialogue, 31 August 2012, available at https://www.chinadialogue.net/article/5141-How-milk-standards -triggered-uproar-in-China, last accessed 28 January 2015. 290 United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, Food Standards Agency, ‘Analytical methods for the detection and quantification of melamine in food and feed’, available at https://www.food.gov.uk/sites/default/files/multimedia/pdfs/enforcement/ enfe08064u2test.pdf, last accessed 28 January 2015. For an account by participating scien- tists, see Jonathan J Litzau, Gregory E. Mercer and Kevin J. Mulligan, ‘GC-MS Screen for the Presence of Melamine, Ammeline, Ammelide, and Cyanuric Acid’, u.s. Food and Drug Administration, Laboratory Information Bulletin, lib No. 4423: Melamine and Related Compounds, 24, October 2008, available at http://www.fda.gov/Food/

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 233 or ignored in many other countries. The Chinese Standardization Administration (sac), however, later referred to these methods in developing its own standard for the detection of melamine.291 Following the melamine crisis, sac set up a working group to draw up a standard for detection of melamine.292 The group comprised experts from the Chinese Center for Disease Control and Prevention, the Chinese Academy of Inspection and Quarantine, (caiq), China Food Quality and Drug Supervision and Testing Center (cfqs) and the Shanghai Institute of Supervision and Testing on Product Quality (sqi). As a basis for drawing up the standard, it used Chinese standards such as those on The Determination of Non-Protein- Nitrogen Content in Milk and Dairy Products and The Determination of Melamine in Products of Plant Origin, and it also referred to the methods of melamine detection developed by the United States fda and its Forensic Chemistry Centre (fcc). As a result of its work, the sac and aqsiq issued on 7 October a Notice of a national standard for the Determination of Melamine in Raw Milk and Dairy Products (GB/T 22388–2008). On 15 October 2008 aqsiq published a National Standard Testing Method of Melamine in Raw Milk and Dairy Products. It was given later in the form of an Announcement on the Approval and Publication of GB/T 22388-2008 National Standard: Testing Method of Melamine in Raw Milk and Dairy Products.293 The Announcement stated as follows:

Announcement on the Approval and Publication of GB/T 22388-2008 National Standard Testing Method of Melamine in Raw Milk and Dairy Products Announcement on the Approval and Publication of National Standards of p.r.c. November 13, 2008 (N. 126) The GB/T 22388-2008 National Standard for Testing Method of Melamine in Raw Milk and Diary Products…, approved by the General

FoodScienceResearch/LaboratoryMethods/ucm071759.htm, last accessed 28 January 2015. 291 FlexNews, ‘Chinese Government Issue Official Note on Legal Melamine Levels’, FlexNews, Beijing, 17 October 2008, available http://www.flex-news-food.com/console/PageViewer .aspx?page=19834, last accessed 27 January 2015. 292 This account is drawn from FlexNews, ‘Chinese Government Issue Official Note on Legal Melamine Levels’, FlexNews, Beijing, 17 October 2008, available http://www.flex-news -food.com/console/PageViewer.aspx?page=19834, last accessed 27 January 2015. 293 http://www.aqsiq.gov.cn/ztlm/nf/rdgz/200810/t20081008_92553.htm date accessed: 2012/4/28.

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Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine of the p.r.c., the standardization administration of the p.r.c., on 7 October 2008, is now published and will enter into force on the date of promulgation. 1. This standard applies to the quantitative measurement of mela- mine in raw milk, dairy products and other products containing milk. 2. There are three technical standards to detect melamine volume, including 1. High Performance Liquid Chromatography (hplc), 2. Gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (GC-MS), 3. Liquid Chromatography-Tandem Mass Spectrometry (LC-MS/MS). The respective thresholds for quantitative measurement are 2 mg/kg, 0.05 mg/kg and 0.01 mg/kg. While testing, the choice of correspond- ing testing method should be based on the tested objects and its threshold limit. 3. Consult the Standardization Administration of the p.r.c. if there are any questions or suggestions during the implementation of this standard.294

Also on the same day, aqsiq and the National Standards Commission jointly issued the Rapid Determination of Melamine in Raw Milk High Performance Liquid Chromatography Method (GT/T 22400-2008).295

294 Ministry of Health, Ministry of Industry and Information Technology, Ministry of Agriculture, Trade Mark Office of the State Administration for Industry and Commerce, General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine of the People’s Republic of China, ‘Announcement (2012)’, http://www.aqsiq.gov.cn/ztlm/nf/ rdgz/200810/t20081008_92553.htm date accessed: 2012/4/28. 295 aqsiq and the National Standards Commission, Rapid Determination of Melamine in Raw Milk High Performance Liquid Chromatography Method *GB/T 22400–2008 (in Chinese). This method was one of those used by us fda. On the method, see Sheryl Tittlemier, ‘Background Paper on Methods for the Analysis of Melamine and Related Compounds in Foods and Animal Feeds’, prepared for the who Expert Meeting on Toxicological and Health Aspects of Melamine and Cyanuric Acid, in collaboration with fao, supported by Health Canada, Health Canada, Ottawa, Canada, 1–4 December 2008, available at http://www.who.int/foodsafety/fs_management/Melamine_1.pdf, last accessed 29 January 2015, published as s.a. Tittlemier, ‘Methods for the Analysis of Melamine and Related Compounds in Foods: A Review’, Food Additives and Contaminants: Part A, 27, 2, 2010, pp. 129–145; Yuan Liu, Ewen E.D. Todd, Qiang Zhang, Jiang-rong Shi and Xian-jin Liu, ‘Recent developments in the detection of melamine’, Journal of Zhejiang University Science B (Biomedicine and Biotechnology), 13, 7, July 2012, pp. 525–532, which notes that lc methods are the most powerful methods but are relatively expensive and

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On the same day, 15 October 2008, the Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology, the Ministry of Agriculture, saic and aqsiq jointly published a standard regarding the volume of melamine in dairy products and food products, including infant formula.296 In unusually explicit observations about the context in which the standard was adopted, the Ministry of Health announcement stated:

Melamine is not a food ingredient, nor a food additive, and adding it arti- ficially to food is prohibited. Those who add melamine into man-made food shall be held liable. Melamine, used as a chemical raw material, can be added into the production of plastics, paints, adhesives and food pack- ing materials. According to research, melamine can penetrate, at a low level, into food via the environment and food packing materials. To ensure people’s health and the quality of milk and dairy products, tempo- rary thresholds for the content of melamine in the milk and dairy prod- ucts are set up as below: In infant formula, the threshold for melamine is 1 mg/kg; products containing a higher amount are prohibited from being sold. In liquid milk, raw milk included, milk power and other formulas, the threshold for melamine is 2.5 mg/kg; products containing a higher amount are prohibited from being sold. In food containing more than 15% milk, the threshold for melamine is 2.5 mg/kg; products containing a higher amount are prohibited from being sold. This regulation shall enter into force the date of promulgation.297

time-consuming; Wikipedia, ‘High-Performance Liquid Chromatography’, available at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/High-performance_liquid_chromatography, last accessed 28 January 2015. 296 National Standard on the Instant Detection of Melamine: see General Administration of Quality Inspection, Supervision and Quarantine (gaqsiq), ‘National Standard on Instant Detection of Melamine Issued’, http://english.aqsiq.gov.cn/NewsRelease/NewsUpdates/ 200810/t20081017_93992.htm, cited in Library of Congress, Law Library of Congress, ‘China: Dairy Product Quality and Safety Regulations’, available at http://www.loc.gov/ lawweb/serviet/lloc_news?disp3_I20540762_text, last accessed 19 December 2014. See also Edward Wong, ‘Milk Scandal Pushes China to Set Limits on Melamine’, The New York Times, 8 October 2008, available at www.nytimes.com/2008/10/09/world/asia/09milk .html?_r=2&sq+melamine%20china&st=cse&scp=8%pagewanted+all&, last accessed 28 March 2013. The latter source sets the date of promulgation as 8 October 2009. 297 Ministry of Health, Ministry of Industry and Information Technology, Ministry of Agriculture, Trade Mark Office of the State Administration for Industry and Commerce,

236 Chapter 4

Note that the standards were in the form of temporary measures; the use of provisional, temporary or trial norms is a common Chinese practice.298 Following the Chinese lead, the World Health Organisation (who) in December 2008 recommended a maximum daily intake (mdi) for infants of 0.2 mg/kg of body weight/day.299 Chinese national standards for detecting melamine and for melamine in dairy products were adopted as a direct result of the crisis. They preceded the adoption of international standards. At the time, only a few countries in the world had standards for melamine in food products, and apparently none had standards for melamine in dairy products. In Hong Kong and New Zealand the standard was 2.5 parts per million for food products, and the United States Food and Drug Administration (usfda) had suggested guidelines of 2.5 ppm. After the scandal, various countries adopted interim standards, for example Canada set a standard of 0.5 ppm for infant formula and 2.5 ppm for other food products containing milk and milk-derived products. The International Dairy Federation (idf) played a central role in the devel- opment of international standards related to the detection and volume melamine. After the melamine crisis became public, it began work with the International Standardisation Organisation (iso) to develop an international standard for the determination of melamine and cyanuric acid in milk, milk products and infant formula. idf and iso jointly produced and published the standard in 2010.300 In March 2010 the standard was approved by the Codex Committee on Methods of Analysis and Sampling (ccmas). ccmas recom- mended the standard to the Codex Alimentarius Commission (cac) for adop- tion. On 5–9 July 2010, cac at its 33rd session conference adopted an ml for melamine of 1 mg/kg for powdered infant formula and an ml for melamine of

General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine of the People’s Republic of China, ‘Announcement (November 25, 2008)’, http://www.gov.cn/ zwgk/2008-10/08/content_1114950.htm date accessed: 2012/4/28. I am grateful to Zhang Kaixiang, 28 April 2012, for the translation from Chinese to English. The document is also available in Chinese on the website of the Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China, at http://www.gov.cn/zwgk/2008-10/08/content_1114950.htm, last accessed 28 January 2015. 298 See also Stanley Lubman, Bird in a Cage: Legal Reform in China After Mao (Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1999), p. 147; Benjamin van Rooij, Regulating Land and Pollution in China: Lawmaking, Compliance, and Enforcement; Theory and Cases (Leiden University Press, Leiden, 2006), pp. 44–49, 98–104. 299 Xiu and Klein, ‘Factors’, supra Chapter 2 note 155, at 468 and sources cited there. 300 (ISO/TS 15495/IDF/RM 230:2010), available at http://www.iso.org/iso/catalogue_detail ?csnumber=55437, accessed 26 April 2012.

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 237

2.5 mg/kg for food other than infant formula.301 The standard, iso/ts 15495 | idf/rm 230:2010, was described as ‘[t]he first global limits on permitted melamine levels in food’.302 The establishment of the standard took only five steps instead of the usual eight steps.303 Subsequently, the Codex Alimentarius Commission began discussions to adopt the process of adopting an ml for liq- uid infant formula.304 Adopted in July 2012, the standard provided for an ml for melamine of 0.15 mg/kg in liquid infant formula.305

301 Codex Alimentarius Commission, Codex General Standard for Contaminants and Toxins in Food and Feed, Codex Standard 193–1955, p. 47, available at http://www.codexalimen- tarius.net/input/download/standards/17/CXS_193e.pdf., last accessed 28 January 2015. See also World Health Organization, ‘International Experts Limit Melamine Levels in Food’, News Release, 6 July 2010, available at http://www.who.int/mediacentre/news/ releases/2010/melamine_food_20100706/en/, last accessed 28 July 2015; Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, ‘International Experts Limit Melamine Levels in Food’, Codex Alimentarious Commission Meeting in Geneva, 6 July 2010, available at http://www.fao.org/news/story/en/item/43719/icode/, last accessed 28 January 2015.http://www.codexalimentarius.net/download/report/734/al33_13e.pdf, p. 11, accessed 22 April 2012. See also Joint fao/who Food Standards Programme, Codex Committee on Contaminants in Foods (cccf), Fourth Session, Izmir, Turkey, 26–30 April 2010, available at http://www.ift.org/public-policy-and-regulations/~/media/Public%20 Policy/International%20Advocacy/CCCF%202010%20IFT%20CSE%20report.pdf, last accessed 28 January 2015. 302 Rory Harrington, ‘Codex sets limits for melamine and aflatox in food’, Food Production Daily, available at http://www.foodproductiondaily.com/Quality-Safety/Codex-sets -limits-for-melamine-and-aflatoxin-in-food, accessed 27 April 2012. 303 http://www.google.com.hk/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=codex+committee+on+contamination+in +food+cccf++powdered+melamine&source=web&cd=1&ved=0CDAQFjAA&url=http%3 A%2F%2Fwww.ift.org%2Fpublic-policy-and-regulations%2F~%2Fmedia%2FPublic%25 20Policy%2FInternational%2520Advocacy%2FCCCF%25202010%2520IFT%2520CSE%2 520report.pdf&ei=Mu2TT9WcMoTAiQfuop2VBA&usg=AFQjCNH9PraNNQweuJ3oGKyU WrXLn2HL5A page 1, accessed 22 April 2012; . http://www.google.com.hk/url?sa=t&rct =j&q=codex+committee+on+contamination+in+food+cccf++powdered+melamine&sou rce=web&cd=1&ved=0CDAQFjAA&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.ift.org%2Fpublic-policy- and-regulations%2F~%2Fmedia%2FPublic%2520Policy%2FInternational%2520Advoca cy%2FCCCF%25202010%2520IFT%2520CSE%2520report.pdf&ei=Mu2TT9WcMoTAiQfu op2VBA&usg=AFQjCNH9PraNNQweuJ3oGKyUWrXLn2HL5A page 1, accessed 22 April 2012; Procedures for the Elaboration of the Codex Standards and Related Texts, Part 1. http://www.fao.org/DOCREP/005/Y2200E/y2200e04.htm, accessed 22 April 2012. 304 See ftp://ftp.fao.org/codex/meetings/cccf/cccf6/cf06_07e.pdf, accessed 22 April 2012. 305 Mark Ashley, ‘Codex regulation “bolts the door” on infant milk melamine contamination’, Food Quality News.Com, 5 July 2012, available at http://www.foodqualitynews.com/ Regulation-and-safety/Codex-regulation-bolts-the-door-on-infant-milk-melamine -contamination, last accessed 28 January 2015.

238 Chapter 4

The Chinese government in 2008 had already adopted a standard for melamine for infant powdered formula and other milk products. However, fol- lowing the adoption of the Codex standard in 2010, it updated its melamine volume standard for these products on 21 March 2012 to coincide with the Codex standard.306 This confirmed its previous level of 1 mg/kg for infant pow- dered formula and extended the level of 2.5 mg/kg from other milk products to all food other than infant formula. The legal text referred expressly to the Codex standard:

Melamine is not a food ingredient, nor a food additive, and adding it arti- ficially to food is prohibited. Those who add melamine into man-made food shall be held liable. Melamine, used as a chemical raw material, can be added into the production of plastics, paints, adhesives and food pack- ing materials. According to research, melamine can penetrate, at a low level, into food via the environment and food packing materials. To ensure people’s health and the quality of milk and dairy products, accord- ing to Food Safety Law and its Implementing Regulation, on the basis of the implementation situation of the Announcement on the Temporary Threshold for Melamine in Milk and Dairy Products (Nov. 25, 2008), the thresholds for the content of melamine in food in China are set up as below: The threshold for melamine is 1 mg/kg in infant formula and 2.5 mg/kg in other food. Products containing a higher amount are prohibited from being sold. This regulation shall enter into force as of the date of promulgation. The Announcement on the Temporary Threshold for Melamine in Milk and Dairy Products (Nov. 25, 2008) shall be abrogated therefrom.307

This aligned the Chinese standard with the Codex standard and converted the updated version of the earlier temporary threshold into a permanent stan- dard. Note that the measure referred expressly to the 2009 Food Law and its

306 http://www.moh.gov.cn/publicfiles/business/htmlfiles/mohwsjdj/s7891/201104/51355 .htm date accessed: 2012/4/28. 307 Ministry of Health, Ministry of Industry and Information Technology, Ministry of Agriculture, Trade Mark Office of the State Administration of Industry and Commerce, General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine of the People’s Republic of China, ‘Announcement (2011)’, http://www.moh.gov.cn/publicfiles/ business/htmlfiles/mohwsjdj/s7891/201104/51355.htm date accessed: 2012/4/28 (emphasis added: fs). I am grateful to Zhang Kaixiang for the translation from Chinese to English.

Transnationalisation Of Chinese Dairy Standards 239

Implementing Regulation as well as to the practical experience of the applica- tion of the 2008 Temporary Threshold. Later, as of July 2012, the Ministry of Health commented that Chinese standards and un standards were ‘about the same’.308

Conclusion

The legal framework for food safety standards in China was established long before the melamine crisis, but the crisis provided a decisive stimulus to legal reform of specific standards for raw milk. It led directly to the 2009 Food Safety Law and to revision of numerous standards for dairy products. Prior to the cri- sis, there were no standards directly concerning melamine in infant formula; other possibly relevant standards were not enforced. Adequate testing proce- dures did not seem to exist, or if they existed, they were not used. The 2009 Food Safety Law brought crucial institutional and normative changes, in par- ticular in the form of increased centralization of responsibility and greater supervision of the application of rules. Science met politics on four controversial questions about standards for raw milk: protein level, bacteria count, determination of melamine content and maximum level for melamine. The adoption of legally binding national stan- dards for raw milk and melamine formed part of the transnationalisation of Chinese dairy standards. This process involved the mobilisation of factions running from individual companies to trade associations to governmental organisations to specific ministries in different xitong and even an interna- tional trade association. Both the composition and resources of both sides stemmed from both domestic and international scientific, economic and polit- ical sources.309 In this instance, the compromise between opposing factions served to manage changes in rules regarding the safety of dairy products, while preserving market access for small as well as large producers, at least in the short run. Are standards by themselves sufficient? The World Health Organization’s Food Safety Scientist was quoted in mid-September 2008 as saying that, once the Chinese government began taking measures, milk products on the shelf

308 Zhuang Pinghui, ‘Melamine limit in line with un, says ministry’, South China Morning Post, Tuesday, 10 July 2012, p A5 [Briefs]. 309 This view is derived partly from Scott Kennedy, ‘The Political Economy of Standards Coalitions: Explaining China’s Involvement in High-Tech Standards Wars’, Asia Policy, 2, July 2006, pp. 41–62 at 47.

240 Chapter 4 were ‘probably safe’. ‘So you can be sure that what is on the shelf is by-in-large coming from a safe source’.310 Subsequent Chinese media reports suggested, however, that the scientist spoke too soon. To give only a few examples, in 2010 three men were arrested in Shaanxi Province for shipping melamine-tainted milk powder to Guangxi Province in south China. In addition, Shanghai Panda Dairy, which produced dairy products for the domestic Chinese market as well as for export to Africa and southeast Asia, was closed for producing milk with a high level of melamine content. Its general manager, deputy general man- ager, and corporate representative were all arrested. Apparently the company had been blacklisted in 2008 but was ‘allowed to resume production after promises to strengthen its safety procedures’.311 In December 2011, it was reported that a four-year old boy died and his mother fell into a coma after drinking Minute Maid strawberry-flavoured milk containing toxic pesticide.312 In 2012, it was reported that some products containing melamine which had been recalled earlier had been put back on the market. It was also reported that some products which should have been destroyed were hoarded and later repackaged and resold. Also in 2012, Bright Dairy & Food (Guangming) and Mongolia Yili Industrial recalled contaminated dairy products.313 Clearly, stan- dards by themselves are not enough: awareness, education, training, law enforcement and sanctions are also required. Nevertheless, the melamine cri- sis contributed to the partial transnationalisation of Chinese dairy standards.

310 Voice of America, ‘China’s Melamine Milk Crisis Creates Crisis of Confidence’, http:// www.voanews.com/content/a-13-2008-09-26-voa45/403825.html, last visited 13 September 2013. 311 David Barboza, ‘China closes dairy after melamine found’, International Herald Tribune (The Global Edition of the New York Times), Saturday-Sunday, 2–3 January 2010, at 13. 312 David Cohen, ‘Return of China’s Milk Issue’, The Diplomat, 3 December 2011, http:// thediplomat.com/2011/12/return-of-chinas-milk-issue/, last accessed 9 December 2014. 313 Reuters in Beijing, ‘Hundreds of cartons of alkaline-tainted milk recalled’, South China Morning Post, Friday, 29 June 2012, p A9.

chapter 5 Transnational Sites of Food Safety Regulation

Introduction

The preceding chapters examined several basic elements of the transnationali- sation of Chinese food safety law: its origins in the melamine crisis, the emer- gence of the 2009 Food Safety Law and the reform of standards, especially in the dairy sector. This chapter shifts the focus away from China, moving afar the better to see closer. It concentrates in some detail on the principal multilateral sites of food safety regulation. Here we are concerned only with the develop- ment of recent food safety regulation; it is important to bear in mind that for many centuries China has been involved in international affairs, with varia- tions of form and extent at different time periods. Even the earlier chapters referred, directly or indirectly, frequently or occasionally, to relations between China and other sites of governance. In virtually all instances, these other sites of governance were international or regional in scope, though some references were to specific other countries only. Such references were inevitable, because in this book we are concerned with the making of transnational food safety law in China, and the process of transnationalisation almost necessarily involves increasing relations between sites of governance. At the outset it is useful to clarify two concepts. First, ‘sites of governance’. A site of governance is a forum for decision-making with authority to settle disputes.1 It may be public, or private, or mixed. Hence sites include but are not limited to international organisations or States; they may also be private international organisations or dispersed and disaggregated fields of spheres of authority, which are not necessarily linked to a specific territory. Hence they can include specific types of transnational relations, such as transnational companies or transnational non-governmental organisations (ngos). They represent spheres of authority which are ‘distinguished by the presence of actors who can evoke compliance when exercising authority as they engage in the activities that delineate the sphere’.2 Each site has two dimensions: a structural dimension and a relational dimension. The structural dimension

1 For more detailed discussion, see Snyder, Legal Pluralism, supra Chapter 2 note 7. 2 James N. Rosenau, ‘Toward an Ontology for Global Governance’, in Approaches to Global Governance Theory (eds. Martin Hewson and Timothy J. Sinclair) (Albany, State University of New York Press, 1999), pp. 287–301 at 295.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi 10.1163/9789004306929_006

242 chapter 5 refers to the organisation of the site itself. It consists of three elements: institu- tions, norms and modes of resolving disputes. The relational dimension refers to relations between a particular site and other sites of governance. It indicates the ways in which a specific site is linked to other sites; this might potentially include mere contact, cooperation, coordination or domination. The structure of sites conditions relations between sites, and conversely relations between sites condition the structure of a site. In the world today, multiple sites of gov- ernance provide the institutional, normative and procedural framework for interaction in matters of food security and food safety. A second concept that deserves clarification is ‘multilateral’. By multilateral sites of governance, I mean sites of governance in which three or more parties participate, including public or private, international, transnational or regional organisations. The making of transnational law virtually always involves increasing relations between sites of governance. In the case of food safety regulation in China, increased relations between China and multilateral sites of governance have played an especially important role; bilateral relations between China and its main trading partners lie outside the scope of this book, except for occasional references.3 This chapter considers briefly the major international institutions con- cerned with food safety regulation.4 These institutions include the Food and Agricultural Organisation (fao), the World Health Organisation (who), infosan (International Food Safety Authorities Network), the World Trade

3 On us-China relations concerning food safety, see u.s. Food and Drug Administration, fda’s Activities Related to China, Statement of Steven M. Solomon, d.v.m., m.p.h, Associate Director for Global Operations and Policy, Office of Regulatory Operations and Policy, Food and Drug Administration, Department of Health and Human Services, Before the Congressional – Executive Commission on China, 22 May 2013, available at http://www.fda .gov/newsevents/testimony/ucm353577.htm, last accessed 17 February 2014. The current basic legislation is the fda Food Safety Modernization Act. 21 usc 2201, Public Law 111–353, 111th Congress, January 4, 2011 124 stat. 3885, 21 usc 2201.002. On eu-China relations concern- ing food safety, see Snyder, Basic Documents, supra Chapter 2 note 123, pp. 794–796, 810–818, 830–833, 945–959. The current basic legislation comprises the eu General Food Law, supra note 724; and Regulation (ec) No 882/2004of the European Parliament and of the Council of 29 April 2004 on official controls performed to ensure the verification of compliance with feed and food law, animal health and animal welfare rules, Official Journal of the European Union, 30 April 2004, L165/1. 4 For further discussion, see Mahiou and Snyder, Food Safety, supra Chapter 2 note 17, Ching-Fu Lin, ‘Global Food Safety: Exploring Key Elements for an International Regulatory Strategy’, Virginia Journal of International Law, 51, 3, 2011, 637–696 (hereafter Lin, ‘Exploring’).

Transnational Sites Of Food Safety Regulation 243

Organisation (wto) and leading organisations which set food safety standards. The discussion here emphasises the history, structure, functions, and norma- tive roles of each institution, its relations with other international, inter-­ governmental or other organisations and its relations if any with China before and after the melamine crisis. The chapter argues that the melamine crisis was a watershed in China’s links with international food safety institutions. It resulted in a dramatic increase in relations between China and other sites involved in food safety regulation, and these relations in turn have supported and reinforced the transnationalisation of Chinese food safety regime. The chapter thus lays a foundation for the subsequent discussion of the use of international standards in wto dispute settlement, the role of the wto in the globalization of national food safety standards and relations between the wto and China with regard to food safety. With this later analysis of relations between the wto and China, we return full circle to the process of the transna- tionalisation of Chinese food safety law.

Food and Agriculture Organisation (fao)

The Food and Agriculture Organisation (fao) is a United Nations agency established in 1945 and based in Rome, Italy.5 It has 145 member states, the European Union is a ‘member organisation’ and the Faroe Islands and Tokelau are associate members.6 Its remit concerns essentially food security, namely whether people have enough food to eat.7 Food safety was implicit in early fao thinking but later was abandoned in favour of an economic model based on

5 See the fao website at www.fao.org, last visited 2 January 2015. Among many studies of the Rome-based agencies, see Ross B. Talbot, The Four World Food Agencies in Rome (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1990); Ross B. Talbot, Historical Dictionary of the International Food Agencies: fao, wfp, wfc, ifad (Metuchen, n.j. and London: The Scarecrow Press, Inc., 1994). See also Francis Snyder (ed), International Food Security and Global Legal Pluralism / Sécurité alimentaire internationale et pluralisme juridique mondial (Brussels: Bruylant, 2004). 6 Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations, ‘Countries’, available at http:// www.fao.org/countryprofiles/en/, last visited 2 January 2015; Wikipedia, ‘Food and Agriculture Organisation’, available at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Food_and_Agriculture_Organisation, last accessed 2 January 2015. 7 The remainder of this paragraph is drawn largely from Francis Snyder, ‘Toward an International Law for Adequate Food’, in Mahiou and Snyder Food Safety, supra Chapter 2 note 7 pp. 80–163 at 121–122 (hereafter Snyder, ‘Adequate Food’).

244 chapter 5 supply and demand.8 Nevertheless, the 1996 World Food Summit Plan of Action definition of food security referred expressly to ‘safe…food’. Commitment Two of the Plan of Action stated that ‘[w]e will implement poli- cies aimed at…improving physical and economic access by all, at all times, to sufficient, nutritionally adequate and safe food and its effective utilization’. Its objectives included ensuring that ‘food supplies are safe’. This was to be achieved partly by applying ‘measures, in conformity with the Agreement on the Application of Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures and other relevant international agreements, that ensure the quality and safety of food supply, particularly by strengthening normative and control activities in the areas of human, animal and plant health and safety…’.9 The World Food Summit Five Years Later emphasised ‘the need for nutritionally adequate and safe food’. It reaffirmed

the important role of Codex Alimentarius, the International Plant Protection Convention (ippc) and the Office International des Epizooties (oie, now International Organisation for Animal Health) to provide effective, science-based, internationally-accepted standards of food safety, plant and animal health, as well as to facilitate international food and agricultural trade in their role as the wto Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (sps)-recognised standard-setting bodies.10

It pledged to continue to strengthen the capacity of developing countries to manage food safety and plant and animal health.11 An fao report in 2001 on ethical issues in food and agriculture explicitly noted that ‘[a]chieving food

8 See eg Alex F. McCalla and Cesar L. Revoredo, Prospects for Global Food Security: A Critical Appraisal of Past Projects and Predictions (Food, Agricultural, and the Environment Discussion Paper 35, International Food Policy Research Institute, Washington, d.c., 2001), p. 14. 9 World Food Summit Plan of Action, World Food Summit, Rome, Italy, 13–17 November 1996, http://www.fao.org/docrep/003/w3613e/w3613e00.htm. 10 On this relationship, see Terence P. Stewart and David S. Johanson, ‘The sps Agreement of the World Trade Organisation and International Organisations: The Roles of the Codex Alimentarius Commission, the International Plant Protection Convention, and the International Office of Epizootics’, Syracuse Journal of International Law and Commerce, 26, 1998, pp. 27–53. 11 Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations, Report of the World Food Summit: Five Years Later, Part One: Appendix: Declaration of the World Food Summit: Five Years Later, Rome, 10–13 June 2002 (Rome: fao, 2002), paragraphs 14, 16, 17, available at http://www.fao.org/DOCREP/MEETING/005/Y7106E/Y7106E.htm#TopOfPage.

Transnational Sites Of Food Safety Regulation 245 security requires…food safety’.12 In the current division of labour among inter- national institutions, however, the main focus of the fao remains food security.

World Health Organisation (who)

Structure The World Health Organisation (who) is a United Nations organisation based in Geneva, Switzerland. According to the who website, the who ‘is the directing and coordinating authority for health within the United Nations system’.13 Its responsibilities include ‘providing leadership on global health matters, shaping the health research agenda, setting norms and standards, articulating evidence-based policy options, providing technical support to countries and monitoring and assessing health trends. In the 21st century, health is a shared responsibility, involving equitable access to essential care and collective defence against transnational threats’.14 The who Constitution was adopted by the World Health Conference which was held in New York from 19 June to 22 July 1946. It was signed on 22 July 1946 by representatives of 61 States and came into force on 7 April 1948.15 Now the wto staff includes more than 7000 people from more than 150 countries. They are dispersed among the Geneva headquarters, six regional offices and 150 wto offices situated in the territories of different members.16 Today the who includes 194 Member Countries.17 Membership in the who is open only to States.18 un Members which accept the who constitution auto- matically become members of the who.19 The main who organ, the World Health Assembly (wha), may, acting by simple majority vote, admit other countries which apply for membership.20 Territories or groups of territories

12 fao, Ethical Issues in Food and Agriculture (Food and Agricultural Organisation of the United Nations, Rome, 2001), isbn 9251045593, http://www.fao.org/DOCREP/003/ X9601E/X9601E00.HTM. 13 http://www.who.int/about/en/ (last visited: 04/06/2012). 14 http://www.who.int/about/en/ (last visited: 04/06/2012). 15 who Constitution,14 unts 185, available at http://apps.who.int/gb/bd/PDF/bd47/EN/ constitution-en.pdf, last accessed 4 March 2012 (hereafter who Constitution). 16 http://www.who.int/about/structure/en/ (last accessed October 2, 2014). 17 http://www.who.int/governance/en/index.html, last accessed 4 March 2012. 18 who Constitution, supra note 15, Article 3. 19 Ibid., Article 8. 20 Ibid., Article 8.

246 chapter 5 which are not responsible for their international relations may be admitted as Associate Members.21 Members are grouped into six regions, each with a regional office.22 There is no provision for membership by regional organisa- tions, such as the European Union. The work of the who is carried out by the World Health Assembly (wha), an Executive Board, and a Secretariat.23 The who Executive Board consists of 34 persons designated by as many Members. Members entitled to designate a person to serve on the Board are elected by the wha, taking into account ‘an equitable geographical distribution’, provided that ‘of such Members, not less than three shall be elected from each of the regional organisations established pursuant to Article 44’24 of the who Constitution, which concerns regional arrangements. The institutional structure of the who also includes a Secretariat, comprising the Director-General and other technical and admin- istrative staff, and committees established on the initiative of the wha or following a proposal of the Director-General ‘to serve any purpose within the competence of the Organisation’.25

Relations The objective of the who is ‘the attainment by all peoples of the highest pos- sible level of health’.26 For this purpose, its functions include establishing and maintaining effective collaboration with the un, specialized agencies and other organisations and groups, proposing conventions, agreements and regu- lations and making recommendations about international health matters, and developing, establishing and promoting international standards regarding food and other products.27 Under Article 19 of the who Constitution, the wha has authority to adopt conventions or agreements regarding any matter within who competence, including food. Such conventions or agreements are adopted by a two-thirds vote of the wha and come into force for each Member when accepted by that Member according to its own constitutional processes.28 Members undertake

21 Ibid., Article 8. Application for membership must be made by the Member or other authority responsible for the territory’s international relations: see. http://www.who.int/ countries/en/, last accessed 2 January 2015. 22 http://www.who.int/about/regions/en/ (last accessed October 2, 2014). 23 who Constitution, supra note 15, Article 9. 24 Ibid., Article 24. 25 Ibid., Article 38. 26 Ibid., Article 1. 27 Ibid., Article 2 (b), (h) and (u), respectively. 28 Ibid., Article 19.

Transnational Sites Of Food Safety Regulation 247 to take action concerning any convention or agreement within 18 months after adoption of the convention or agreement by the wha.29 The wha may also adopt regulations concerning ‘standards with respect to the safety, purity and potency of biological, pharmaceutical and similar products moving in interna- tional commerce’:30 though food is not expressly mentioned in this context, it may be assumed, by analogy with Article 2(u) of the who Constitution, that the wha may also adopt such regulations concerning food. Regulations come into force for all Members once their adoption is notified by the wha, except that Members may ‘opt-out’ of the regulations by notifying the Director-General of rejection or reservation.31 The wha also has authority to make recommenda- tions to Members regarding any matter within the who competence.32 The who has relations with other international institutions and other organisations.33 The wha may invite organisations with similar responsibilities to appoint representatives to participate, on a non-voting basis, in its meetings, committees or conferences under its authority, on conditions prescribed by the wha; for national organisations, such invitations may be made only with the consent of the Government concerned.34 It has cooperation agreements with the World Organisation for Animal Health (oie)35 and the fao.36

29 Ibid., Article 20. 30 Ibid., Article 21(d). 31 Ibid., Article 22. 32 Ibid., Article 23. 33 Such arrangements are expressly included in its functions: see ibid., Article 2(b). 34 Ibid., Article 18(h). 35 Agreement between the World Health Organisation (who) and the Office International des Epizooties (oie) adopted by the who and the oie on 16 December 2004, available at http://www.oie.int/en/about-us/key-texts/cooperation-agreements/agreement-with -the-world-health-organisation-who/, last accessed 2 January 2015. 36 World Health Organisation, Basic Documents, forty-seventh edition including amendments adopted up to 31 May 2009 (World Health Organisation, 2009 [out of print]), pp. 54–57, con- tents available at http://apps.who.int/gb/bd/PDF/bd47/EN/cover-and-contents-en.pdf, last accessed 2 January 2015; full text available at https://books.google.fr/books?id=EYFLlGH3wv AC&pg=&lpg=PR3&dq=agreement+between+world+health+organisation+and+food+and +agriculture+organisation&source=bl&ots=ibdFrZDUZZ&sig=xs_lvvWdWPC-ms3wX2oO wZiNV3M&hl=fr&sa=X&ei=TommVPi4GMTTaMTmgJgP&ved=0CGoQ6AEwCA#v=onepa ge&q=agreement%20between%20world%20health%20organisation%20and%20food %20and%20agriculture%20organisation&f=false, last accessed 2 January 2015. On early implementation, see United Nations, World Health Organisation, Executive Board, Second Session, Implementation of the Agreement with the Food and Agriculture Organisation, Report of the Director-General, EB2/64, 25 October 1049, available at http://apps.who.int/ iris/bitstream/10665/112963/1/EB2_64_eng.pdf?ua=1, last visited 5 January 20115.

248 chapter 5

The who-oie Agreement provides for cooperation in matters of common interest such as information about foodborne disease outbreaks, organisation of meetings and promotion and coordination of research on food safety; exchange of resolutions and recommendations; non-voting participation in meetings; and sharing of experts, joint organisation of meetings and joint training.37 Broadly similar provisions are found in the who-fao Agreement, which also provides in particular for joint committees.38 Examples include the Joint fao/who Expert Committee on Food Additives (jecfa); the Joint fao/who Meeting on Pesticide Residues (jmpr); and the Joint fao/who Expert Meetings on Microbiological Risk Assessment (jemra). Chapter 16 of the who Constitution deals with relations with other organ- isations. The who is a specialized agency of the un.39 By approval of two-thirds of the Members of the wha, it may establish relations and forms of coopera- tion with any other inter-governmental organisations.40 It may also make arrangements for consultation and cooperation with non-governmental inter- national organisations or with national, governmental or non-governmental organisations: arrangements with the last three types depend on consent of the Government concerned.41 In addition, by two-third votes of the wha, it ‘may take over from any other international organisation or agency whose purpose and activities lie within the field of competence of the Organisation such functions, resources and obligations as may be conferred upon the Organisation by international agreement or by mutually acceptable arrange- ments entered into between the competent authorities of the respective organisations’.42 The World Health Organisation (who) Constitution of 194843 requires the who to assist governments in strengthening health services relating to food safety, promote improved nutrition, sanitation and other aspects of environmental hygiene, develop international standards for food and assist

37 Agreement between the World Health Organisation (who) and the Office International des Epizooties (oie) adopted by the who and the oie on 16 December 2004, available at http://www.oie.int/en/about-us/key-texts/cooperation-agreements/agreement-with -the-world-health-organisation-who/, last accessed 2 January 2015. 38 Agreement between the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations and the World Health Organisation, in World Health Organisation, Basic Documents, Forty- seventh Edition, available at http://apps.who.int/gb/bd/, last accessed 5 January 2015. 39 who Constitution, supra note 15, Article 69 ; un Charter, Article 57. 40 Ibid., Article 70. 41 Ibid., Article 71. 42 Ibid., Article 72. 43 This paragraph is drawn from Snyder, ‘Adequate Food’, supra note 7, pp. 96–97.

Transnational Sites Of Food Safety Regulation 249 in developing an informed public opinion on matters of food safety.44 The who has taken numerous initiatives in the field of food and health. For exam- ple, in 1981 it adopted an International Code of Marketing of Breast-milk Substitutes, intended to encourage breastfeeding and to regulate, on a volun- tary basis, the marketing, information and labelling of breast-milk substitutes; products within the scope of the Code should meet the standards established by the Codex Alimentarius Commission and the Codex Code of Hygienic Practice for Infants and Children.45 In 1984, building on the earlier International Standards on Drinking Water, the who adopted its Guidelines for Drinking- Water Quality, now in its fourth edition;46 these non-legally-binding measures are intended to serve as the basis for the elaboration of national norms. In 1995 the who established the Global Database on National Nutrition Policies and Programmes.47 Its first task was to monitor and evaluate progress in imple- menting the World Declaration and Plan of Action for Nutrition,48 but it now also monitors countries’ progress in implementing national nutrition plans and related programmes. In 1997 the who, in collaboration with the wto, published a report to help governments to improve national food safety pro- grammes and comply with the sps Agreement.49 In 1999, it produced infection control guidelines for bse.50

44 who Constitution, supra note 15. See also Kelley Lee, Historical Dictionary of who (London: The Scarecrow Press, 1998). 45 who-unicef, International Code of Marketing of Breast-milk Substitutes, Article 10.2, Geneva: World Health Organisation, 1981), available at http://www.who.int/nut/documents/ code_english.PDF, visited 10 November 2003. See also Sami Shubber, The International Code of Marketing of Breast-Milk Substitutes: An International Measure to Protect and Promote Breast-Feeding (The Hague, London, Boston: Kluwer Law International, 1998). 46 World Health Organisation, Guidelines for Drinking Water Quality, fourth edition, avail- able at http://www.who.int/water_sanitation_health/publications/2011/dwq_guidelines/ en/, last accessed 2 January 2015. 47 who, Global Database on National Nutrition Policies and Programme, available at http://www.who.int/nut/db_pol.htm, visited 10 November 2003. 48 International Conference on Nutrition, World Declaration and Plan of Action for Nutrition, Rome, December 1992, available at http://www.who.int/nut/documents/icn _declaration.pdf, visited 10 November 2003. 49 World Health Organisation, ‘Food Safety and Globalization of Trade in Food: A Challenge to the Public Health Sector’ (WHO/FSF/FOS/97.8.Rev.1) (Geneva: World Health Organisation, Programme of Food Safety and Food Aid, Food Safety Unit, 1997), available at, visited 10 November 2003. 50 World Health Organisation, ‘who Infection Control Guidelines for Transmissible Spongiform Encephalopathies. Report of a who Consultation’, Geneva, Switzerland,

250 chapter 5

In May 2000,51 the 53rd wha called on the who Director-General to give greater emphasis to food safety, in conjunction with other organisations such as the fao and Codex, and ‘to work towards integrating food safety as one of who’s essential public health functions, with the goal of developing sustainable, inte- grated food safety systems for the reduction of health risk along the entire food chain, from the primary producer to the consumer’.52 Consequently, in 2002, the who drew up a Global Food Safety Strategy to reduce the health and social bur- den of foodbourne disease. This included strengthening surveillance systems of foodbourne diseases, improving risk assessments, developing methods for assessing the safety of the products of new technologies, enhancing the scientific and public health role of who in Codex, enhancing risk communication and advocacy, improving international and national cooperation and strengthening capacity building in developing countries.53 Since 2002, the who has been active in developing policies to combat obesity.54 Together with the fao, the who recently organized an electronic forum to improve the decision process of Codex Alimentarius. Items for discussion included basic principles underlying the provision of scientific advice, transparency, and process and content, such as working procedures based on best practices to produce scientific advice, accessing best data and ensuring effective management, and enhancing the role of developing countries in the development of scientific advice, enhancing communication, promote discussion about how best to provide scientific advice to Codex Alimentarius and how the processes involved might be improved.55 More recently, the wha in May 2010 approved a new resolution on ‘Advancing food safety initiatives’, which was used to update the Global

23–26 March 1999 (WHO/CDS/CSR/APH/2000/3), available at http://www.who.int/csr/ resources/publications/bse/WHO_CDS_CSR_APH_2000_3/en/, visited 10 November 2003. 51 This paragraph is drawn from Snyder, ‘Adequate Food’, supra note 7, pp. 97–98. 52 World Health Organisation, ‘Food Safety’, who Fifty-Third World Health Assembly, Eighth Plenary Meeting, 20 May 2000, Agenda item 12.3, WHA53.15, available at http://www.who .int/gb/EB_WHA/PDF/WHA53/ResWHA53/15.pdf, visited 10 November 2003. 53 See World Health Organisation, who Global Strategy for Food Safety: Safer Food for Better Health (Geneva: World Health Organisation, 2002), available at http://www.who .int/foodsafety/publications/general/global_strategy/en/, visited 10 November 2003. 54 See World Health Organisation, ‘Diet, Nutrition and the Prevention of Diseases’, Report of a Joint fao/who Expert Consultation, (Geneva, 28 January – 1 February 2002), who Technical Report Series No. 916 (Geneva: World Health Organisation, 2003, available at http://www.who.int/nut/documents/trs_916.pdf, visited 10 November 2003. 55 See World Health Organisation, Consultative Process on Scientific Advice, fao/who Electronic Forum on the provision of scientific advice to Codex Alimentarius, 1 October – 14 November 2003, available at http://www.who.int/foodsafety/codex/consult/en/print .html, visited 10 November 2003.

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Strategy for Food Safety.56 In addition, the who Department of Food Safety and Zoonoses (fos) cooperates with who regional and country offices to help members to develop food safety policies and implement risk-based foodborne disease surveillance, prevention and control programs.57 It promotes science- based food safety measures, collaboration among who members and the development of risk-based and integrated national food safety regimes.58 The specific areas of work of fos comprise foodborne diseases; food hygiene; food technologies; microbiological risks; chemical risks; international food stan- dards (Codex Alimentarius); international food safety authorities network (infosan); antimicrobial resistance; and zoonoses and the environment; and nutrition and food security.59 In addition to fos, the who has three more food-safety programs. They are Foodborne Disease Surveillance,60 Foodborne trematode infections,61 and Global Foodborne Infections Network (gfn).62 For the future, the who Strategic Plan for Food Safety of 201463 is intended to provide ‘a coherent framework for taking action on priority issues in the area of food safety and foodborne zoonoses for the period 2013–2022,and forms the basis of the who Twelfth General Programme of Work (2014–2019) for the pro- gram area food safety in Category 5 [preparedness, surveillance and response in emergencies]’.64 The Plan covers “food safety in all ramifications, encompassing

56 World Health Organisation, Food Safety Programme, who Global Strategy for Food Safety (who, 2002), available at http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/42559/1/9241545747 .pdf?ua=1, last accessed 2 January 2015. On implementation as of 2009, see World Health Organisation, International Food Safety Authorities Network (infosan), Implementation of the wto Global Strategy for Food Safety, 6 May 2009, available at http://www.who.int/ foodsafety/fs_management/No_03_strategy_may09_en.pdf, last accessed 2 January 2015. 57 http://www.who.int/foodsafety/about/FOS-brochure.pdf?ua=1 (last visited October 2, 2014). 58 http://www.who.int/foodsafety/about/FOS-brochure.pdf?ua=1, last accessed 2 October 2014. 59 World Health Organisation, Food Safety, Areas of Work, available at http://www.who.int/ foodsafety/areas_work/en/ , last accessed 2 January 2015. 60 World Health Organisation, Food Safety, ‘Foodborne Diseases’, available at http://www .who.int/foodborne_disease/en/ (last accessed 2 October 2014). 61 World Health Organisation, ‘Foodborne Trematode Infections’, available at http://www .who.int/foodborne_trematode_infections/en/ (last accessed 2October 2014). 62 World Health Organisation, Global Foodborne Diseases Network, ‘About the Global Foodborne Diseases Network’, available at http://www.who.int/gfn/supported/en/ (last accessed 2 October 2014). 63 World Health Organisation, Advancing food safety initiatives: strategic plan for food safety including foodborne zoonoses 2013–2022 (who, 2014),available at http://www .who.int/foodsafety/publications/strategic-plan/en/, last accessed 2 January 2015. 64 World Health Organisation, Advancing food safety initiatives: strategic plan for food safety including foodborne zoonoses 2013–2022 (who, 2014),available at http://www .who.int/foodsafety/publications/strategic-plan/en/, last accessed 2 January 2015. On the

252 chapter 5 the farm-to-table approach and including foodborne diseases of zoonotic ori- gin”, and comprising “aspects or diseases of non-communicable and communi- cable origin, including foodborne zoonoses”.65 In 2010 the who began regional consultation on food-based dietary guidelines for Asian countries.66 It also organized, in 2011, a regional consultation on safe street foods;67 the regional consultation did not include China but its results are directly relevant to Chinese debates about small workshops. In sum, the who has broad powers to cooperate with other international, national, governmental and non-­ governmental organisations and has undertaken a wide variety of non-legally- binding forms of cooperation. Its preference for non-legally binding measures stems, in my view, more from its realistic assessment that ‘voluntary compli- ance’ is more effective than ‘legal compulsion’ than from the dominance of public health governance by medical experts rather than by lawyers.68

International Food Safety Authorities Network (infosan)

Structure Another joint initiative of who and fao is the International Food Safety Authorities Network (infosan).69 Following World Health Assembly

programmatic categories of work, see World Health Organisation, Sixty-Sixth World Health Assembly, Provisional agenda item 12.2, Draft Twelfth General Programme of Work, A66/6, 19 April 2013, p. 33, available at http://apps.who.int/gb/ebwha/pdf_files/ WHA66/A66_6-en.pdf?ua=1, last accessed 2 January 2015. 65 World Health Organisation, ‘Advancing Food Safety Initiaties: Strategic Plan for Food Safety including Foodborn Zoonoses, 2013–2022’, available at http://www.who.int/­ foodsafety/publications/strategic-plan/en/, last accessed 2 October 2014. 66 World Health Organisation, Regional Office for South-East Asia, Regional Consultation on Food-Based Dietary Guidelines for countries in the Asia Region (World Health Organisation, 2011), available at http://www.searo.who.int/entity/foodsafety/documents/ sea_nut_180/en/, last accessed 2 January 2015. The Consultation included Bangladesh, Bhutan, Cambodia, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, India, Indonesia, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Maldives, Malaysia, Myanmar, Nepal, Philippines, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Timor-Leste and Viet Nam. It did not include China. 67 World Health Organisation, Regional Office for South-East Asia, Food and Agriculture Organisation for Asia and the Pacific and Institute of Nutrition, Mahidol University, Thailand, Regional Consultation on Safe Street Foods, Bangkok, Thailand, 20–23 June 2011 (World Health Organisation, 2012), available at http://www.fao.org/3/a-an037e.pdf, last accessed 2 January 2015. 68 On this debate, see Lin, ‘Exploring’, supra note 4, at 682. 69 World Health Organisation, International Food Safety Network (infosan), http://www .who.int/foodsafety/areas_work/infosan/en/, last accessed 6 January 2015. See also the

Transnational Sites Of Food Safety Regulation 253 resolutions in 2000 and 2002, the Codex Alimentarius Commission asked who in 2004 to establish an international network for exchange of infor- mation concerning food safety problems with international implications, namely those which are serious and involve international trade.70 infosan was created in 2004. Its objectives are to promote rapid exchange of infor- mation about food safety events and issues of international importance, to encourage partnership and collaboration between Member States and to help strengthen food safety risk management capacity.71 The Secretariat of infosan is in who; the who Department of Food Safety, Zoonoses and Foodbourne Diseases is responsible for management of infosan.72 infosan comprises the national food safety authorities of 181 Member States. Each Member State designates an infosan emergency Contact Point. The Contact Point is responsible for coordinating activities with other relevant national agencies in case of food safety incidents, informing infosan about ‘incidents and emergencies of international significance’, requesting help from other Members through the infosan Secretariat in the event of incidents or emergencies, answering questions from the Secretariat and acting on food-safety alerts communicated through infosan.73 China’s infosan Contact Point is located in the Ministry of Health.74 In addition, each Member State also designates one or more Focal

infosan Users Manual [French version] Réseau international des autorités de sécurité alimentaire des aliments (infosan) – Guide de l’utilisateur (Octobre 2006), available at http://www.who.int/foodsafety/publications/fs_management/INFOSAN_User_Guide _Final_fr.pdf?ua=1, last accessed 6 January 2015. 70 infosan Users Manual [French version] Rèseau international des autorités de sécurité alimentaire des aliments (infosan) – Guide de l’utilisateur (Octobre 2006), available at http://www.who.int/foodsafety/publications/fs_management/INFOSAN_User_Guide _Final_fr.pdf?ua=1, last accessed 6 January 2015 ; extract from English version of User Manual, Table 3, at http://www.ecdc.europa.eu/en/healthtopics/food_and_waterborne_ disease/toolkit/Documents/Infosan_Technical-Guidance-Document.pdf , last accessed 6 January 2015; Jenny Bishop and Carmen Savelli, ‘infosan: International Food Safety Network’ (World Health Organisation), p. 3, available at http://foodsafetyasiapacific.net/ ONGOING/OngoingWS/2WS/presentation/6-2.pdf, last accessed 6 January 2015. 71 World Health Organisation, The International Food Safety Authorities Network, available at http://www.who.int/foodsafety/fs_management/infosan_brochure_en.pdf?ua=1, last accessed 5 January 2015. 72 Chan et al., Global Governance, supra Chapter 3 note 174, p. 134. 73 World Health Organisation, The International Food Safety Authorities Network, available at http://www.who.int/foodsafety/fs_management/infosan_brochure_en.pdf?ua=1, last accessed 5 January 2015. 74 Chan et al., Global Governance, supra Chapter 3 note 174, p. 134.

254 chapter 5

Points,75 which may be concerned with different aspects of food safety, such as agriculture, health, veterinary services, fisheries, trade or standards.76 The Focal Points are responsible for receiving and disseminating the Information Notes and Messages published by infosan, providing com- ments to infosan if necessary and communicating with other infosan Members with regard to their specific field of activity.77

Relations infosan is an international network. By definition it comprises relations between the Secretariat and Members and between Members themselves. Its activities focus on developing and enhancing relations among Members through the infosan Secretariat.78 For example, the infosan Information Notes summarising food safety issues are published in the six who official languages, which are Arabic, Chinese, English, French, Russian and Spanish.79 infosan also provides Guidance on response to and management of food safety emergencies.80

75 World Health Organisation, The International Food Safety Authorities Network, available at http://www.who.int/foodsafety/fs_management/infosan_brochure_en.pdf?ua=1, last accessed 5 January 2015. 76 See the diagram in Jenny Bishop and Carmen Savelli, ‘infosan: International Food Safety Network’ (World Health Organisation), p. 6, available at http://foodsafetyasiapacific.net/ ONGOING/OngoingWS/2WS/presentation/6-2.pdf, last accessed 6 January 2015. 77 World Health Organisation, The International Food Safety Authorities Network, available at http://www.who.int/foodsafety/fs_management/infosan_brochure_en.pdf?ua=1, last visited 23 January 2015. 78 A detailed presentation of recent activities may be found in International Food Safety Author­ ities Network (infosan), infosan Activity Report 2011–2012 (World Health Organisation, Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations, 2013), available at http://apps.who .int/iris/bitstream/10665/85360/1/9789241505505_eng.pdf?ua=1, last accessed 6 January 2015. 79 World Health Organisation, Multilingualism and the who, available at http://www.who .int/about/multilingualism/en/, last accessed 6 January 2015, which states that this policy of multilingualism was established by a World Health Assembly resolution in 1978 and that, following a 1988 resolution, all Governing body documents are available online in these official languages. 80 The International Food Safety Authorities Network, ‘What is INFOSAN?’ available at http:// www.who.int/foodsafety/fs_management/infosan_brochure_en.pdf, last accessed 65 January 2015. For an example, see ‘Table 3 Information Patterns Used to Classify infosan Emergencies’, available at http://www.ecdc.europa.eu/en/healthtopics/food_and_waterborne_disease/toolkit/ Documents/Infosan_Technical-Guidance-Document.pdf, last accessed 6 January 2015.

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Other infosan activities seek to develop specific types of collaborative partnerships.81 infosan works together with the wto Global Foodbourne Infections Network (gfn) to provide training on how to report food safety events internationally.82 In China, there are forty gfn Members, including the Ministry of Health, national and provincial centres for disease control and pre- vention, epidemic prevention stations, specialized universities and research institutes, a hospital, a bio-pharmaceutical company and the Institute for Food Safety and Nutrition of the Centre for Disease Control (cdc) in Beijing and the Institute for Food Safety Control and Inspection of the Ministry of Health, also in Beijing.83 It cooperates with the who Alert and Response Operations pro- gramme to monitor international food safety incidents.84 infosan also works within the framework of the 2005 International Health Regulations (ihr)85 to help identify, assess and manage food safety incidents with international impli- cations. The 2005 ihr provide a framework for prevention and management of international public health risks which is legally binding for all Members of the who. With regard to international health emergencies, infosan acts in part- nership with the Global Outbreak and Response Network (goarn).86 It also

81 This paragraph is based mainly on Jenny Bishop and Carmen Savelli, ‘infosan: International Food Safety Network’ (World Health Organisation), p. 6, available at http:// foodsafetyasiapacific.net/ONGOING/OngoingWS/2WS/presentation/6-2.pdf, last accessed 6 January 2015; and Gyanendra Gongal [Scientist (vph), Disease Surveillance and Epidemiology, who Regional Office for South East Asia, New Delhi], ‘International Food Safety Authorities Network (infosan)’, fao rap and Quality Council of India (qci), Technical Training on Risk Analysis for saarc Countries, Delhi, India, 17–21 June 2013, http://www.fao.org/fileadmin/templates/rap/files/meetings/2013/130617_6.3.pdf, last accessed 6 January 2015. 82 On the gfn, see World Health Organisation, Global Foodbourne Infections Network (gfn), available at http://www.who.int/gfn/en/, last accessed 6 January 2015. On the gfn database, see World Health Organisation, gfn Country Databank, available at http://thor .dfvf.dk/portal/page?_pageid=53,1&_dad=portal&_schema=PORTAL, last accessed 6 January 2015. 83 World Health Organisation, Overview of gfn Members, available at http://thor.dfvf.dk/ pls/portal/GSS.ALL_GSS_MEMBERS_TEST_REP.show, last accessed 6 January 2015. 84 World Health Organisation, Global Alert and Response (gar), available at http://www .who.int/csr/en/, last accessed 6 January 2015. 85 World Health Organisation, International Health Regulations (2005), Second Edition (who, Geneva, 2008), available at http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2008/9789241580410 _eng.pdf?ua=1, last accessed 6 January 2015. 86 World Health Organisation, Global Outbreak and Response Network, http://www.who .int/csr/outbreaknetwork/en/, last accessed 6 January 2015. For guiding principles, see

256 chapter 5 cooperates with the Global Early Warning System for Major Animal Diseases (glews).87 The International Health Regulations provide that any wto Member is required to notify infosan, ‘within 24 hours of assessment of public health information, of all events which may constitute a public health emergency of international concern [pheic] within its territory’.88 In the case of the melamine crisis, however, infosan learned of the incident through its emergency surveil- lance system. On 11 September 2008 it requested further information. Though the timing is subject to contradictory reports, it appears that the Chinese Ministry of Health confirmed the incident only on 11 September and then on 12 September gave who a description of the incident and confirmed that Sanlu products had not been exported.89 Further discussions between infosan and the Chinese Government raised the issues of other potential uses of the con- taminated milk powder and the possibility of parallel, illegal trade into other markets.90 On 16 September infosan distributed to its entire network an Emergency Alert about the incident and its potential trade implications.91 Subsequently, infosan, working closely with the Ministry of Health, sent twelve alerts to all Members and additional alerts to four specific countries.92 On 21 September the Ministry of Health reported that about 40,000 children

World Health Organisation, Global Alert and Response (gar), Guiding Principles for International Outbreak Alert and Reponse, available at http://www.who.int/csr/ outbreaknetwork/guidingprinciples/en/, last accessed 6 January 2015. 87 Global Early Warning System (glews), available at http://www.glews.net/, last accessed 6 January 2015. 88 World Health Organisation, International Health Regulations (2005), Second Edition, Article 6(1), (who, Geneva, 2008), available at http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2008/ 9789241580410_eng.pdf?ua=1, last accessed 6 January 2015. Lin notes that the requirement to notify and the potentially flexible interpretation of pheic prevent infosan from being as effective as it might otherwise be: Lin, ‘Exploring’, supra note 4, at 680–681. 89 Chan et al., Global Governance, supra Chapter 3 note 174 p. 116; World Health Organisation, ‘Transcript of who Podcast – 9 October 2008, who update on the situation of melamine in baby food in China’, available at http://www.who.int/mediacentre/multimedia/ podcasts/2008/transcript_49/en/, last accessed 6 January 2015. 90 See baha, ‘Belize Agricultural Health Authority and Ministry of Health Advise Consumers that Milk and Milk Products Originating from China May Be Contaminated with Melamine’, Belmopan, Belize, 24 September 2008, available at http://www.baha.bz/press _releases/2008/Melamine_Milk_China_Public_Advisory%20%28Sep%2025%2008%29 .pdf, last accessed 6 January 2015 (hereafter baha, ‘Advise’). 91 Chan et al., Global Governance, supra Chapter 3 note 174 p. 136. 92 World Health Organisation, Alert, Response and Capacity-Building under the International Health Regulations (ihr), ‘What’s new in risk and disease control?’ ihr

Transnational Sites Of Food Safety Regulation 257 had sought medical treatment.93 According to the then Director of the who Food Safety Department, a basic problem in Chinese food safety regulation at the time was administrative fragmentation and hence the existence of many regulatory authorities. As he put it in an interview, ‘the outcome of the analysis was a suggestion that is now being discussed at the highest level in China in their People’s Congress and a new food law, based on this and other things, will then hopefully be implemented from November/December.94 The result was the 2009 Food Safety Law.

World Trade Organisation (wto)

Structure The World Trade Organisation (wto) plays a leading role in international and transnational food safety regulation today.95 The three most important wto agreements regarding food safety are the gatt, Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (sps Agreement) and the Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (tbt Agreement). The following paragraphs briefly intro- duce the gatt, the sps Agreement and the tbt Agreement and then focus mainly on the sps Agreement. Relations between the wto and international standards bodies, relations between wto Members in the context of wto disputes about food safety and the role of the wto Trade Policy Review Mechanism (tprm) in monitoring food safety regulation in China are con- sidered in subsequent chapters. gatt 199496 contains several provisions of special relevance to food safety regulation. Non-discrimination is a basic principle of gatt. It is expressed in

News, 5, 15 December 2008, available at http://www.who.int/ihr/ihrnews/ihrnewsissue5/ en/index2.html, last accessed 6 January 2015. 93 baha, ‘Advise’, supra note 1161. 94 World Health Organisation, ‘Transcript of who Podcast – 9 October 2008, who update on the situation of melamine in baby food in China’, [Interview by Veronica Riemer with Dr Jorgen Schlundt, then Director of the who Food Safety Department, recently returned from Beijing to Geneva], available at http://www.who.int/mediacentre/multimedia/­ podcasts/2008/transcript_49/en/, last accessed 6 January 2015. 95 This section is drawn mainly from Snyder ‘Adequate Food’, supra note 7, pp. 80–163. 96 gatt 1994 includes gatt 1947 as well as other agreements. See General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (gatt 1994) in World Trade Organisation, The Results of the Uruguay Round Multilateral Trade Negotiations: The Legal Texts (Geneva: gatt Secretariat, 1995), pp. 17–32. Consequently, the articles referred to here have the same numbers in gatt 1994 and gatt 1947 (hereafter gatt 1947).

258 chapter 5 two gatt legal obligations: the most favoured nation principle (mfn), and the national treatment principle (nt). According to the mfn principle, a wto Member is legally required to accord to all its trading partners the treatment that it accords to its most-favoured trading partner concerning customs duties and charges, domestic measures regarding sale, purchase and other activities for products, and domestic quantitative measures.97 According to the nt prin- ciple, a wto Member is legally required to grant to any other wto Member the same treatment that it accords to its own like products with regard to internal taxation and regulation.98 gatt also encompasses a system of periodic tariff negotiations, resulting in the binding of tariffs at agreed levels. wto Members are obliged to respect these agreed levels, which are recorded in their Schedule of concessions.99 With certain exceptions, quantitative restrictions by means of quotas, import or export licenses or other measures, are prohibited.100 The exceptions include temporary export prohibitions or restrictions applied to prevent or relieve critical shortages of foodstuffs,101 ‘import and export prohi- bitions necessary to the application of standards or regulations for the classifi- cation, grading or marketing of commodities in international trade’102 and certain import restrictions on agricultural or fisheries products.103 Subject to specified conditions, Members may derogate from their wto obligations on various grounds, including the protection ‘of human, animal or plant life or health’104 or the formation of customs unions or free trade areas.105 The gatt applies only to trade in goods; it does not cover trade in services or protection of intellectual property rights. With regard to services, the General Agreement on Trade in Services (gats) provides that, under certain conditions, Members may derogate from their gats obligations in order to protect ‘human, animal or plant life or health’.106 With regard to intellectual property, the wto Agreement on Trade-Related Measures of Intellectual Property (trips Agreement) requires Members to provide interested parties with legal measure to prevent infringements of geographical indications

97 Ibid., Article i. 98 Ibid., Article iii. 99 Ibid., Article ii. 100 Ibid., Article xi. 101 Ibid., Article xi:2(a). 102 Ibid., Article xi:2(b). 103 Ibid., Article xi:2(c). 104 Ibid., Article xx(b). 105 Ibid., Article xxiv. 106 gats, Article xiv (b).

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(gis).107 gis are defined as ‘indications which identify a good as originating in the territory of a Member, or a region or locality in that territory, where a given quality, reputation or other characteristic of the good is essentially attributable to its geographical origin’.108 Wines and spirits benefit from additional protection.109 The sps Agreement applies to sanitary and phytosanitary measures which may affect international trade.110 Under the sps Agreement, such measures which conform to international standards, guidelines or recommendations are deemed to be consistent with the sps Agreement and gatt 1994.111 Members have a right to take sanitary and phytosanitary measures necessary for the pro- tection of human, animal or plant life or health, provided that the measures are not inconsistent with the Agreement.112 They are expected to base their national standards on international standards, where such exist, but they may set higher standards subject to specified conditions. Members are expected, within the limits of their resources, to promote the development and periodic review of standards in relevant international organisations, specifically the Codex Alimentarius Commission, the International Office of Epizootics (ioe) and regional organisations within the framework of the International Plant Protection Convention.113 The tbt Agreement applies to technical regulations, standards (for exam- ple, for packaging, marking and labelling) and conformity assessment proce- dures, including those for agricultural products,114 but not to sanitary and phytosanitary measures as defined in the sps Agreement.115 Under the tbt Agreement, a technical regulation which is prepared, adopted or applied for an objective recognised by the Agreement as legitimate, and which is in accor- dance with relevant international standards, is rebuttably presumed not to

107 trips, Article 22(2). 108 Ibid., Article 22(1). 109 Ibid., Article 23. 110 sps Agreement, supra Chapter 4 note 4, Article 1, Annex A sps.Article 1.4 provides that nothing in the sps Agreement shall affect the right of Members under the tbt Agreement with respect to measures not within the scope of the sps Agreement. Much of the remain- der of this section is drawn from Snyder, ‘Adequate Food’, supra note 7, pp. 123–129. 111 sps Agreement, supra note 762, Article 3.2. 112 Ibid., Article 2.1. 113 Ibid., Article 3.4. 114 tbt Agreement, supra Chapter 4 note 6, Article 1.2, Article 1.3 and Annex 1Terms and their Definitions for the Purpose of this Agreement, 1:Technical regulation, 2: Standard, 3: Conformity assessment procedures. 115 Ibid., Article 1.5.

260 chapter 5 create an unnecessary obstacle to international trade.116 Non-legally binding measures, known as standards in tbt terminology, are subject, or may be sub- ject, to the Code of Good Conduct.117 wto Members are expected to play a full part, within the limits of their resources, in the preparation of standards by international standards organisations.118 Now we turn to consider the sps Agreement in more detail. The sps Agreement is designed to establish a multilateral framework of rules and disci- plines for the development, adoption and enforcement of sanitary and phytos- anitary measures in order to minimise their negative effects on trade.119 It applies to all sanitary and phytosanitary measures which may, directly or indi- rectly, affect international trade.120 The expression ‘sanitary and phytosanitary measures’ includes any measure applied

(a) to protect animal or plant life or health within the territory of the Member from risks arising from the entry, establishment or spread of pests, dis- eases, disease-carrying organisms or disease-causing organisms; (b) to protect human or animal life or health within the territory of the Member from risks arising from additives, contaminants, toxins or disease- causing organisms in foods, beverages or feedstuffs; (c) to protect human life or health within the territory of the Member from risks arising from diseases carried by animals, plants or products there- fore, or from the entry, establishment or spread of pests; or (d) to prevent or limit other damage within the territory of the Member from the entry, establishment or spread of pests.121

The sps Agreement provides for general principles, basic rights and obliga- tions, harmonisation and equivalence of measures, assessment of risk and determination of the appropriate level of protection and other matters concerning sps measures. Under the sps Agreement, Members have a right to take sanitary and phyto- sanitary measures necessary for the protection of human, animal or plant life or health, provided that the measures are not inconsistent with the Agreement.122

116 Ibid., Article 2.5. 117 Ibid., Annex 3. 118 Ibid., Article 2.6. 119 sps Agreement, supra Chapter 4 note 4, Preamble 4th recital. 120 Ibid., Article 1.1. 121 Ibid., Annex A: Definitions (1). 122 Ibid., Article 2.1.

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They must ensure that any measure is applied only to the extent necessary to protect human, animal or plant life or health, is based on scientific principles and is not maintained without sufficient scientific evidence, except in specified cases.123 Such measures must not arbitrarily or unjustifiably discriminate against Members or constitute a disguised restriction on international trade.124 Measures conforming to the Agreement are deemed to be consistent with gatt 1994, especially Article xx(b),125 which entitles wto Members to adopt or enforce any measures necessary to protect human, animal or plant life or health so long as the measures are not applied in a manner which would constitute a means of arbitrary or unjustifiable discrimination between countries where the same conditions prevail or a disguised restriction on international trade.126 The sps Agreement requires wto Members to base their sanitary and phyto- sanitary measures on international standards, guidelines or recommendations, where they exist.127 Members may introduce or maintain measures resulting in a higher level of protection in two circumstances: if there is a scientific justifica- tion, or as a consequence of the level of protection a Member determines to be appropriate following an appropriate risk assessment and according to the prin- ciples of non-discrimination and proportionality.128 ‘Risk assessment’ means an evaluation of the likelihood of entry, establishment or spread of a pest or disease within the Member’s territory and the associated potential biological and eco- nomic consequences, or the evaluation of the potential for adverse effects on human and animal health arising from the presence of additives, contaminants, toxins or disease-causing organisms in food, beverages or feedstuffs.129 Two other provisions of the sps Agreement are crucial aspects of contempo- rary international food safety regulation; both are subject to continuing discus- sion and debate. The first concerns the notion of equivalence. wto Members are required to accept sps measures of other Members as equivalent, even if these measures differ from their own or from those used by other Members regarding the same product, subject to one condition. The exporting Member must dem- onstrate to the importing Member that its measures achieve the importing Member’s appropriate level of sanitary or phytosanitary protection.130

123 Ibid., Article 2.2. The specific cases are set down in ibid., Article 5.7, discussed later. 124 Ibid., Article 2.3. 125 Ibid., Article 2.4. 126 gatt 1947, supra note 96, Article xx(b). 127 sps Agreement, supra Chapter 4 note 4, Article 3.1. 128 Ibid., Article 3.3 and Article 5. 129 Ibid., Annex A: Definitions, (4). 130 Ibid., Article 4.1.

262 chapter 5

The second provision concerns the precautionary principle. Article 5.7 sps provides that ‘In cases where relevant scientific evidence is insufficient, a Member may provisionally adopt sanitary or phytosanitary measures on the basis of the available pertinent information, including that from the relevant international organisations as well as from sanitary or phytosanitary measures applied by other Members. In such circumstances, Members shall seek to obtain the additional information necessary for a more objective assessment of risk and review the sanitary or phytosanitary measure accordingly within a reasonable period of time’.131 While the sps Agreement does not affirm the precautionary principle expressly, it thus permits wto Members to adopt pro- visional preventative measures subject to certain conditions, albeit only as temporary measures. These obligations apply to all wto Members. Developing countries benefit, in principle, from special and differential treatment (sdt), such as longer time-frames for compliance and time-limited exceptions, in whole or in part, from sps obligations, taking into account financial, trade and development needs.132 In practice, however, the meaning of sdt is not yet clearly spelled out. In any case, regardless of the potential impact of sdt on the regulation of food for domestic consumption, developing countries so far are obliged in effect to comply with international standards, or the standards of importing countries, if they wish to export their food and agricultural products. It should be noted that China is not classified as a developing country within the wto system.

Relations The wto has many types of relations of cooperation and collaboration, not only with its Members but also with numerous international organisations. It has agreements with oie, unctad, fao and Codex and informal Working Arrangements with who, ilo and oecd. It also has, or envisages, relations with ngos and private standards bodies, among others. I have dealt with wto relations with other sites of governance elsewhere,133 so they are not discussed in detail here. In addition, the standards of international standards-setting

131 Ibid., Article 5.7. 132 Ibid., Article 10. Least-developed countries were entitled to delay application of the sps Agreement for five years following its entry into force, while other developing countries could delay application for two years where application was prevented by lack of technical expertise, technical infrastructure or resources: Ibid., Article 14. 133 Snyder, Legal Pluralism, supra Chapter 2 note 7, Chapter 10: ‘Social Solidarity Ethics and the wto: Toward Closer Relations between Sites of Governance’, pp. 381–423.

Transnational Sites Of Food Safety Regulation 263 bodies are often referred to in wto dispute settlement; this is considered in a later chapter. Here I focus mainly on other aspects of case law as a source of relations between sites of governance. un General Assembly Resolution 39/248 on consumer protection advised governments to ‘take into account the need of all consumers for food secu- rity and…support and, as far as possible, adopt standards from the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations and the World Health Organisation Codex Alimentarius’.134 But the most decisive factor in encour- aging the adoption and spread of international food safety standards has been the establishment of the wto, in particular the interpretation of wto agreements by the wto Appellate Body. Case law interpreting the sps Agreement and the tbt Agreement has immeasurably strengthened the role of international food standards, in particular those emanating from the Codex.135 In doing so, it has reinforced links between the wto and other sites of governance as well as between international standards-setting bodies and wto Members, including China.136 Five main points emerge from this case law. All are concerned with the rela- tionship between national standards and international standards, otherwise known as alignment. First, alignment is not an immediately applicable legal obligation but rather a longer term objective. Both the sps Agreement and the tbt Agreement are oriented toward the harmonization of national standards by the adoption of international standards. In the well-known ec – Hormones case137 the wto Appellate Body consolidated the position of Codex standards

134 United Nations General Assembly, Resolution 39/348, ‘Consumer protection’ (A/RES/39.248, 16 April 1985), available at http://www.un.org/documents/ga/res/39/a39r248.htm. 135 On the relationship between the sps and tbt Agreements, see Gabrielle Marceau and Joel P. Trachtman, ‘The Technical Barriers to Trade Agreement, the Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures Agreement, and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade: A Map of the World Trade Organisation Law of Domestic Regulation of Goods’, Journal of World Trade, 36, 5, 2002, pp. 811–881. For the practical administration implementation of the distinction in apec countries, see Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, 2002 apec Handbook on Notification Authorities and National Entry Points under the Technical Barriers to Trade and Sanitary and Phytosanitary Agreements of the World Trade Organisation (APEC SCSC CT1 27/2001) (Pre-endorsed draft, February 2002), visited 1 November 2003. 136 On the application of sps to citrus fruits, see João Magalhães, ‘Sanitary and phytosanitary issues and the sps Agreement’, China/fao Citrus Symposium, Beijing, 14–17 May 2001, available at http://www.fao.org/docrep/003/x6732e/x6732e13.htm, last accessed 28 October 2012. 137 ec – Hormones, ab Report, supra Chapter 4 note 14.

264 chapter 5 as international benchmarks for national regulation of food safety. However, it considered that ‘based on’, for the purpose of Article 3.1 sps, meant ‘the har- monisation of sps measures of Members on the basis of international stan- dards [which] is projected in the Agreement, as a goal, yet to be realised in the future’.138 It rejected the Panel’s view that ‘based on’ meant ‘conforming to’ or ‘resulting in the same level of protection’.139 According to the Appellate Body, harmonization of standards was a future goal, not a present obligation. Referring to the fact that most wto Members were sovereign states, it stated that: ‘We cannot lightly assume that sovereign states intended to impose upon themselves the more onerous, rather than the less burdensome, obligation by mandating conformity or compliance with such standards, guidelines and rec- ommendations’.140 It referred to the interpretative principle of in dubio mitius, widely recognised in public international law as a ‘supplementary means of interpretation’.141 In other words, wto Members are not required to align their standards on international standards, at least in the short term. Second, wto Members have a right to set their own food safety standards, subject to certain conditions. Under the sps Agreement, wto Members have a right to set their own food safety standards, if those standards are based on a scientific justification or if the Member has carried out out a risk assessment.142 Similarly, under the tbt Agreement where technical regulations are required and relevant international standards exist, Members must use them as a basis for their technical regulations, except when the international standards would be ineffective or inappropriate means for fulfilling the legitimate objectives143 including protection of public health or the environment.144 Third, the precautionary principle is a possible justification for Members’ choice of their own level of food safety protection. In ec – Hormones the wto

138 Ibid., paragraph 166. 139 ec – Hormones, Panel Report, supra Chapter 4 note 4, paragraphs 8.75–8.77. 140 ec – Hormones, ab Report, supra Chapter 4 note 14, paragraph 165 (italics in original). 141 Ibid., paragraph 165. Footnote 154 cites Oppenheim’s International Law for the following definition of in dubio mitius: ‘The principle of in dubio mitius applies in interpreting trea- ties, in deference to the sovereignty of states. If the meaning of a term is ambiguous, that meaning is to be preferred which is less onerous to the party assuming an obligation, or which interferes less with the territorial and personal supremacy of a party, or involves less general restrictions upon the parties’. 142 Ibid., paragraph 175. 143 tbt Agreement, supra Chapter 4 note 6, Article 2.4. 144 Ibid., Article 2.2, according to which ‘legitimate objectives’ include national security requirements, the prevention of deceptive practices, protection of human health or safety, animal or plant life or health, or the environment.

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Appellate Body did not take a position on the status of the precautionary principle in international food law.145 However, it did provide a framework within which the precautionary principle, or a similar principle, could, in sub- stance, justify preventative measures. The Appellate Body stated that ‘there is no need to assume that Article 5.7 [sps] exhausts the relevance of a precau- tionary principle’.146 wto Members have ‘a right…to establish their own appropriate level of sanitary protection, which level may be higher (i.e., more cautious) than that implied in existing international standards, guidelines and recommendations’.147 The Appellate Body also recognised that ‘responsible, representative governments commonly act from perspectives of prudence and precaution where risks of irreversible, e.g. life-terminating, damage to human health are concerned’.148 Fourth, in determining their own level of protection, Members could take into account not only quantitative factors but also qualitative factors, such as consumer tastes and habits. In ec-Asbestos149 Canada contested a French ban on the manufacture, sale and imports of certain asbestos products, including chrysotile-cement products. Though the case concerned the tbt Agreement, it is instructive in matters of food safety, because it expanded the list of factors which can be taken into account in determining the level of health protection that is ‘necessary’ under Article xx(b) gatt. In interpreting the term ‘like products’ in Article iii:4 gatt, the Appellate Body stated that four criteria could be used to determine ‘likeness’: the product’s properties, nature and quality; the product’s end-uses; consumer tastes, perceptions, habits and behaviour; and the product’s tariff classification.150 Evidence concerning health risks could be taken into account in determining ‘likeness’ and could be examined under the criteria concerning physical properties and consumer

145 ec – Hormones, ab Report, supra Chapter 4 note 14, paragraph 123. See also T. O’Riordan, J. Cameron and A. Jordan (eds), Reinterpreting the Precautionary Principle (London: Cameron and May 2001); Gabrielle Marceau, ‘Le principe de precaution et les règles de l’Organisation internationale du commerce’, in Charles Leben and Joe Verhoeven (eds), Le principe de précaution et le droit international (Paris: Editions Panthéon-Assas, 2001), pp. 131–149; Karine Foucher, Principe de précaution et risque sanitaire: Recherche sur l’encadrement juridique de l’incertitude scientifique (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2002). 146 ec – Hormones, ab Report, supra Chapter 4 note 14, paragraph 124. 147 Ibid., paragraph 124. 148 Ibid., paragraph 124. 149 European Communities – Measures Affecting Asbestos and Asbestos-Containing Products, Complaint by Canada, Report of the Appellate Body (WT/DS135/AB/R), adopted by the Dispute Settlement Body 5 April 2001 (hereafter ec – Asbestos ab Report). 150 Ibid., paragraph 101.

266 chapter 5 tastes and habits.151 In determining its level of protection, a Member thus could take qualitative as well as quantitative factors could be taken into account.152 The Appellate Body concluded that, in justifying a measure under Article xx(b) gatt, a Member could rely, in good faith, on scientific sources which ‘may represent a divergent, but qualified and respected, opinion’, and was not obliged to follow the majority scientific opinion.153 Slightly later, in Korea – Beef,154 the Appellate Body concluded that the process of determining whether a measure is necessary ‘involves in every case a process of weighing and balancing a series of factors which prominently include the contribution made by the compliance measure to the enforcement of the law or regulation at issue, the importance of the common interests or values protected by that law or regulation, and the accompanying impact of the law or regulation on imports or exports’.155 This conclusion potentially enlarges the scope for national standards to diverge from international standards. Fifth, in setting international standards, consensus is desirable but not essential, at least under the tbt Agreement.156 ec-Sardines157 concerned a conflict between ec marketing standards for sardines158 and Codex standards for preserved sardines and sardine-type products.159 It originated when the eu rejected exports from Peru on the ground that they did not conform to ec standards. On appeal, the ec argued that the Codex standard [‘Stan 94’] did not amount to a ‘relevant international standard’ within the meaning of Article 2.4 tbt because it was not adopted by consensus as required by the tbt Agreement.160 The Appellate Body rejected the ec argument. It concluded that:

151 Ibid., paragraphs 144, 115. 152 Ibid., paragraph 167. 153 Ibid., paragraphs 177–178. 154 Korea- Measures Affecting Imports of Fresh, Chilled or Frozen Beef, WT/DS161, 169/AB/R, adopted 10 January 2001. 155 Ibid., paragraph 163. This case concerned Article xx(d) gatt but the interpretation holds for Article xx(b) gatt. 156 The remainder of this paragraph is drawn from Snyder, ‘Adequate Food’, supra note 7, pp. 131–132. 157 European Communities – Trade Description of Sardines, Report of the Appellate Body, ab- 2002-3, WT/DS231/AB/R, 26 September 2002 (hereafter ec–Sardines). 158 Council Regulation (eec) 2136/89of 21 June 1989 laying down common marketing stan- dards for preserved sardines, OJ EC 22.7.89 L212/79. 159 Codex Stan 94–1981, Rev.1-1995. 160 See tbt Agreement, supra Chapter 4 note 6, Annex 1: Terms and their definition for the purpose of this Agreement, 2: Standard, Explanatory note, which provides inter alia that ‘Standards

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the definition of a ‘standard’ in Annex 1.2 to the tbt Agreement does not require approval by consensus for standards adopted by a ‘recognised body’ of the international standardisation community. We emphasise, however, that this conclusion is relevant only for the purposes of the tbt Agreement. It is not intended to affect, in any way, the internal require- ments that international standard-setting bodies may establish for themselves for the adoption of standards within their respective opera- tions. In other words, the fact that we find that the tbt Agreement does not require approval by consensus for standards adopted by the international standardisation community should not be interpreted to mean that we believe an international standardisation body should not require consensus for the adoption of its standards.161

The Appellate Body thus resolved an ambiguity in the text of Annex 1.2 of the tbt Agreement in favour of Peru. Together with ec-Hormones, the case gave Codex standards a political salience which they previously lacked. After this case, Codex standard setting procedures involved higher stakes, because of the possibility that decisions would no longer always been made by consensus. wto case law thus contributed to the politicization of the Codex, whose stan- dards were increasingly seen to involve choices of values and the use of power.

Other Bodies

Introduction Numerous other international, transnational and regional organisations are involved in food safety regulation. The wto sps Agreement refers to the Codex Alimentarius Commission (cac) for food safety standards, the International Office of Epizootics (oie, now World Organisation for Animal Health) for ani- mal health and zoonoses and the Secretariat of the International Plant Protection Convention (ippc) for plant health.162 The tbt Agreement refers to the International Organisation for Standardization (iso) and the International Electrotechnical Commission; the latter is omitted here because it is not concerned with food safety.163 This section discusses these international

defined by the international standardisation community are based on consensus. This Agreement also covers documents that are not based on consensus’. 161 ec-Sardines, supra note 157, paragraph 227. 162 sps Agreement, supra Chapter 4 note 4, Annex A(2)(a), (b), (c). 163 tbt Agreement, supra Chapter 4 note 6, Annex 1.

268 chapter 5 standards-setting bodies, devoting most attention to Codex Alimentarius because of its central importance in setting international food safety standards.

Codex Alimentarius Commission (cac) Structure The Codex Alimentarius Commission (Codex, or cac) is the most well-known inter-governmental body engaged in setting food safety standards.164 It was established jointly by the fao and the who resolutions in 1961 and 1963, respectively, and it had its first session in 1963. Its initial mission was ‘to implement the Joint fao/who Food Standards Programme’.165 Today it includes 187 Member Countries and one Member Organisation (eu) and 225 Observers, of which 52 are inter-governmental organisations (igos), 157 are non-governmental organisations (ngos) and 16 are United Nations bodies.166 China has been a member of Codex since 1984.167 The igos include the wto; ngo Observers include the International Dairy Federation (idf); and the un bodies include organisations concerned with food security, such as the World Food Programme.168 The stated purposes of Codex are to protect the health of consumers and ensure fair practice in food trade, to promote the coordination of all food stan- dards work undertaken by international governmental and non-governmental organisations (ngos) and to determine priorities, initiate and guide the prepara- tion of draft standards through and with the aid of all appropriate organisations,

164 Much of the following paragraphs are updated from Snyder, ‘Adequate Food’, supra note 7, pp. 129–130. For a detailed study of Codex, see Mariëlle D. Masson-Matthee, Codex, supra note 214. The Codex Alimentarius Commission takes its name from the Codex Alimentarius Austriacus, a collection of standards and product descriptions for foods drawn up in the Austro-Hungarian Empire from 1897 to 1911: see the Codex Alimentarius website http://www.codexalimentarius.net/. The term ‘Codex’ refers to both the organisa- tion and to the standards produced by it. 165 http://www.codexalimentarius.org/about-codex/codex-timeline/en/, last accessed 6 February 2015. 166 Codex Alimentarius, Codex Members and Observers, available at http://www.codexali- mentarius.org/members-observers/en/, last accessed 4 January 2015. 167 Codex Alimentarius, List of Codex Members, available at http://www.codexalimentarius .org/members-observers/members/en/?no_cache=1, last accessed 4 January 2015. 168 Codex Alimentarius, Code Observers, available at http://www.codexalimentarius.org/ members-observers/observers/en/?filterby=UN, last accessed 4 January 2015.

Transnational Sites Of Food Safety Regulation 269 finalise these standards, amend standards as necessary, and publish final recom- mended international standards.169 Codex has been described, however, as ‘a regime for harmonizing standards set by importing countries’, with reciprocal adjustment as its basic mechanism.170 The most well-known international stan- dards for food safety, to which the wto sps Agreement refers, are the Codex standards, guidelines and recommendations relating to food additives, veteri- nary drug and pesticide residues, contaminants, methods of analysis and sam- pling, and codes and guidelines of hygienic practice.171 The main institutions of Codex are the Commission, which reports to the fao and the who;172 an Executive Committee, the composition of which is based on geographical representation and which serves as the executive organ of the Commission between sessions;173 and various subsidiary bodies, includ- ing standards-setting committees.174 The Codex Alimentarius Commission consists of national delegations, is also attended by observers and meets every two years. The Codex works through General Subject Committees (‘horizontal’ committees’), Commodity Committees (‘vertical’ committees’), Regional Coordinating Committees, and Working Groups.175 With a few exceptions, all committees are hosted by a particular country, which is mainly responsible for the committee’s administrative and maintenance costs and for chairing the committee.176 The chairs of specific committees are usually an indication of the degree of interest which a country has in a particular sector or subject matter. Following the melamine scandal, China became very active in Codex and now chairs the

169 Statutes of the Codex Alimentarius Commission, Article 1Codex Alimentarius Commission, Procedural Manual, Joint fao/who Food Standards Programme (fao and wto, 12th edition 2001), available at http://www.fao.org/DOCREP/005/Y2200E/y2200c02 .htm#bm02 (hereafter Codex Statutes). 170 Braithwaite and Drahos, Regulation, supra note 187, p. 417. 171 sps Agreement, supra Chapter 4 note 4, Annex A, Definitions, 3: International standards, guidelines and recommendations. 172 Codex Statutes, supra note 169, Article 5. 173 Ibid., Article 6. 174 Ibid., Article 7. 175 Codex Alimentarius, List of Active Codex Committees, http://www.codexalimentarius. org/committees-and-task-forces/en/,last accessed 4 January 2015. 176 See Codex Alimentarius Commission, Procedural Manual, 22nd edition (World Health Organisation, Food and Agricultural Organisation of the United Nations, Rome, 2014), available at ftp://ftp.fao.org/codex/Publications/ProcManuals/Manual_22e.pdf, last accessed 5 January 2015 (hereafter Codex Procedural Manual).

270 chapter 5

Codex Committee on Food Additives177 and the Codex Committee on Pesticide Residues.178 Currently, the nine ‘horizontal’ committees (and chairs) deal with General Principles (France) Food Labelling (Canada), Methods of Analysis and Sampling (Hungary), Food Hygiene (United States), Pesticide Residues (China), Contaminants (Netherlands), Additives (China), Import/Export Inspection and Certification Systems (Australia), Nutrition and Foods for Special Dietary Uses (Germany) and Residues of Veterinary Drugs in Food (United States). There are currently seven ‘horizontal’ committees (and chairs): Milk and Milk Products (New Zealand), Fats and Oils (Malaysia), Fish and Fishery Products (Norway), Fresh Fruits and Vegetables (Mexico), Sugars (Colombia), Processed Fruits and Vegetables (United States) and Spices and Culinary Herbs (India). Regional coordinating committees are concerned with regional food standards issues, including the role of developing countries. Such committees exist for North America and Southwest Pacific, Europe, Africa, Asia, and Latin America and the Caribbean. Limited-life working groups, such as those established for four years in 1999, have dealt with biotechnology, animal feeds and fruit juices. The basic procedures for making standards are set down in the Codex Procedural Manual.179 A schematic outline is as follows:

A standard starts life when a national government, or a committee of the Codex Commission, proposes that a standard be developed on a particu- lar issue or food product. If the Codex Commission (or its Executive Committee) decides that a standard should be developed, then the Codex Commission Secretariat writes a proposed draft standard and circulates it to Member Governments for consideration. Comments are reviewed by the relevant Codex committee, which may present the text as a draft standard to the Codex Commission when it is ready. If the Codex Commission adopts the draft standard, it is sent to governments a num- ber of times in a step procedure, which results in the final draft becoming a Codex standard. The number of steps varies from between five and eight and the system is designed to build as broad a consensus as possible.

177 Codex Alimentarius, List of Active Codex Committees, Codex Committee on Food Additives (ccfa), available at http://www.codexalimentarius.org/committees-and-task -forces/en/?provide=committeeDetail&idList=9, last accessed 4 January 2015. 178 Codex Alimentarius, List of Active Codex Committees, Codex Committee on Pesticide Residues (ccpr), available at http://www.codexalimentarius.org/committees-and-task -forces/en/?provide=committeeDetail&idList=4, last accessed 4 January 2015. 179 Codex Procedural Manual, supra note 176, Section ii Elaboration of Codex Standards and Related Texts pp. 25–87.

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This can take a number of years to complete. In between, the relevant committee supported by the Secretariat amends and adapts the details as required. Sometimes, certain steps may be repeated. Once adopted by the Codex Commission, a standard is added to the Codex Alimentarius – the world’s ‘food code’.180

The example of melamine standards illustrates another version of this process: the complex interaction between Codex, national governments and private enterprise. Immediately after the melamine crisis became public, China on 7 October 2009 adopted its own standards first. They allowed a maximum level of melamine of 1 mg/kg for infant powdered formula and 2.5 mg/kg for other milk products.181 Similarly, with regard to testing, the Standardisation Administration of China (sac) on 7 October 2008 published a National Testing Method for Melamine in Raw Milk and Dairy Products.182 During the same period the International Dairy Federation and the International Organisation for Standardisation (iso) in 2010 published guidelines for the quantitative deter- mination of melamine and cyanuric acid in milk products and infant formula. In March 2011 these guidelines were endorsed by the Codex Committee on Methods of Analysis and Sampling.183 Adopted by the Codex Commission in July 2011, they were the first international standards on determination of melamine in milk products and infant formula. They were adopted by Codex in July 2011184 as ‘the first global limits on permitted melamine level’ in the form of standards on maximum levels for melamine in food (powdered infant

180 European Food Information Council (eufic), ‘What Is Codex Alimentarius?’ Food Today, 07/2004, available at http://www.eufic.org/article/en/artid/codex-alimentarius/, last accessed 5 January 2015. 181 http://www.gov.cn/zwgk/2008-10/08/content_1114950.htm date accessed: 2012/4/28. 182 http://www.aqsiq.gov.cn/ztlm/nf/rdgz/200810/t20081008_92553.htm date accessed: 2012/4/28. 183 Standards New Zealand, ‘Detecting melamine in milk, Codex endorses joint iso idf guidelines’, 7 April 2011, available at http://www.standards.co.nz/news/media-releases/ 2011/apr/detecting-melamine-in-milk-codex-endorses-joint-iso-idf-guidelines/, last accessed 5 January 2015. 184 http://www.codexalimentarius.net/download/report/734/al33_13e.pdf; and http://www .google.com.hk/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=codex+committee+on+contamination+in+food+cccf+ +powdered+melamine&source=web&cd=1&ved=0CDAQFjAA&url=http%3A%2F%2F www.ift.org%2Fpublic-policy-and-regulations%2F~%2Fmedia%2FPublic%2520Policy% 2FInternational%2520Advocacy%2FCCCF%25202010%2520IFT%2520CSE%2520report .pdf&ei=Mu2TT9WcMoTAiQfuop2VBA&usg=AFQjCNH9PraNNQweuJ3oGKyUWrXLn2H L5A, last accessed 20 April 2012.

272 chapter 5 formula and foods other than infant formula) and on determination of melamine and cyanuric acid in milk, milk products and infant formula.185 Subsequently, China revised its own national standards. Based on the new Codex standard, China established its national standard at the same level as the new Codex standard: the maximum level for melamine in infant formula remained at 1mg/kg, but the 2.5 mg/kg was extended to apply to food in general.186 Subsequently, in 2012 the fao website reported that ‘[t]wo years ago, the Codex Commission adopted a maximum melamine level of 1 mg/kg for powdered infant formula and of 2.5 mg/kg for other foods and animal feed. The Commission has now set a maximum limit of 0.15 mg/kg for melamine in liquid infant milk’.187 Codex commodity standards or general standards may be accepted fully, with specified deviations or by a declaration of free distribution.188 ‘Full accep- tance’ means that the country will ensure that a product to which the standard applies will be permitted to be distributed freely, within its territorial jurisdic- tion, provided that it complies with all the relevant requirements of the stan- dard. ‘Acceptance with specified deviations’ means that the country accepts the standard, with exception of specified deviations, so that a product comply- ing with the standard as qualified by the deviations will be permitted to be distributed freely within the country’s territorial jurisdiction; reasons must be given for the deviations. ‘Free distribution’ means that the country under- takes that products conforming to a Codex commodity or general standard may be distributed freely within its territorial jurisdiction insofar as matters covered by the Codex standard are concerned. A country which considers that it cannot accept the standard in any of these ways is expected to indicate

185 (ts) Milk, milk products and infant formulae – Guidelines for the quantitative determi- nation of melamine and cyanuric acid by LC-MS/MS, ISO/TS 15495 |IDF/RM 230:2010. 186 http://www.moh.gov.cn/publicfiles/business/htmlfiles/mohwsjdj/s7891/201104/51355 .htm date accessed: 2012/4/28. 187 codex General Standard for Contaminants and Toxins in Food and Feed (codex STAN 193–1995), as amended, p. 47available at http://www.codexalimentarius.org/standards/ list-of-standards/en/?provide=standards&orderField=fullReference&sort=asc&num1=C ODEX, last accessed 5 January 2015 (italics in original); http://www.fao.org/fileadmin/ user_upload/livestockgov/documents/1_CXS_193e.pdf, last accessed 5 January 2015. See also http://www.fao.org/news/story/en/item/150771/icode/, last accessed 2 October 2014; World Health Organisation, ‘un strengthens regulations on melamine, seafood, melons, dried figs, labelling’, available at http://www.who.int/mediacentre/news/releases/2012/ codex_20120704/en/, last accessed 5 January 2015. 188 On the acceptance procedure, see fao Corporate Document Depository, Guidelines for the Acceptance Procedure for Codex Standards, available at http://www.fao.org/docrep/ 005/y2200e/y2200e06.htm, last accessed 5 January 2015.

Transnational Sites Of Food Safety Regulation 273 whether conforming products may be distributed freely within its territorial jurisdiction and in what ways its present or proposed requirements differ from the standard and, if possible, the reasons for these differences.

Relations Codex has numerous types of relations with international organisations, ngos and governments. Such relations are inherent in its tasks of making interna- tional food standards and seeking to harmonise national food standards. The wto sps Agreement reinforces these relations, and the 1998 wto ec-Hormones decision189 strengthened dramatically the authority of Codex. The role of Codex and other international standards in wto case law is examined in a later chapter. In addition, relations with governments and private organisations are inte- gral to the committee structure. Inter-governmental organisations and govern- ments cooperate in initial stages of drafting standards and participate in exchange of information and in meetings.190 ngos with Observer status are entitled to enjoy non-voting participation in meetings, including being enti- tled to circulate views and, when invited by the chairperson, to speak; to receive documentation; and to circulate statements.191 Governmental delegations may include members from the private sector, including consumer organisations and industry. Private sector organisations can also attend meetings as observers as part of a Codex-approved International Non-Governmental Organisation (ingo), in which capacity they may make comments at meetings at the discretion of the chairperson;192 the role of Fonterra and the idf in making dairy standards was previously noted. The biggest funder of the Codex at its outset was the u.s. food industry, and companies, especially transnational companies, continue to play a very significant role. In their recent study of global business regulation, Braithewaite

189 ec – Hormones, ab Report, supra Chapter 4 note 14. 190 Guidelines on cooperation between the Codex Alimentarius Commission and interna- tional intergovernmental organisations in the elaboration of standards and related texts, in Codex Procedural Manual, supra note 176, pp. 198–200. These guidelines should be read in conjunction with the fao Corporate Document Repository, ‘Procedures for the Elaboration of Codex Standards and Related Texts’, available at http://www.fao.org/ docrep/005/y2200e/y2200e04.htm, last accessed 23 January 2015. 191 Principles concerning the Participation of International Non-Governmental Organisations in the Work of the Codex Alimentarius Commission, in Codex Procedural Manual, pp. 200–204. 192 Principles Concerning the Participation of International Non-Governmental Organi­ sations in the Work of the Codex Alimentarius Commission, http://www.fao.org/ DOCREP/005/Y2200E/y2200e09.htm#bm9, visited 1 November 2003.

274 chapter 5 and Drahos conclude that ‘it is the transnational food manufacturers and agrochemical corporations which dominate regulatory fora and set regulatory agendas, partly through their influence over the most influential state, the us, but more through shaping early drafts on Codex technical committees that set the framework for later debates’.193 Codex standards are based on risk analysis,194 which relies partly on expert bodies organized by fao or who.195 Another example of relations between Codex and other sites of governance is the Codex Trust Fund (fao/who Project and Fund for Enhanced Participation in Codex), which was established in 2003 to help developing countries and transnational economies to partici- pate in Codex.196

World Organisation for Animal Health (oie) The Office International des Epizooties (oie) was created in 1924 and now is known as the World Organisation for Animal Health (still abbreviated as oie). It has 180 members and permanent contacts with many other international and regional organisations.197 Its main objectives are to inform governments of ani- mal diseases and their control, to coordinate relevant studies and to harmonise regulations for trade in animals and animal products. It operates under an International Committee which is composed of delegations from member countries and which adopts resolutions based on the work of specialist commis- sions. The oie Fish Diseases Commission, established in 1960, formally adopted in 1995 the International Aquatic Animal Health Code and the Diagnostic Manual for Aquatic Animal Diseases.198 China joined the oie in 2007.199

193 Braithwaite and Drahos, Regulation, supra Chapter 4 note 187, pp. 401 (funding), 408 (source of quotation). 194 Codex, Procedural Manual supra note 176, pp. 108–171. 195 Codex Alimentarius, Scientific Basis for Codex Work, available at http://www .codexalimentarius.org/scientific-basis-for-codex/en/ , last accessed 2 October 2014. 196 The fao/who Project and Fund for Enhanced Participation in Codex (Codex Trust Fund) was launched in 2003 http://www.who.int/foodsafety/areas_work/food-standard/­ codextrustfund/en/ , last accessed 2 October 2014. 197 See the oie website at http://www.oie.int/en/, last visited 7 January 2015. 198 Australia – Measures Affecting Importation of Salmon, Panel Report, WT/DS18/R adopted as modified 6 November 1998 (hereafter Australia – Salmon, Panel Report) , paragraphs 2.19–2.20; the quotation is from paragraph 220. The distinction between notifiable and other diseases is discussed, with criteria for each category, in paragraphs 2.21–2.23. 199 Chan et al., Global Governance, supra Chapter 3 note 174, p. 134. The oie home page does not give any date: see http://www.oie.int/en/about-us/our-members/member-countries/, last accessed 23 January 2015.

Transnational Sites Of Food Safety Regulation 275

International Plant Protection Convention (ippc) The International Plant Protection Convention (ippc)200 is an international treaty on plant protection, signed by 181 parties, including 180 countries and the eu as a Member Organisation.201 The ippc was first drafted in 1929, was adopted by the fao in 1951 and came into force in 1952. After the Uruguay Round the fao established an ippc Secretariat in 1992; a Committee of Experts on Phytosanitary Measures (cesm) was created in 1993. Amendments adopted in 1997 provided for a Commission on Phytosanitary Measures. One of its most important functions of ippc bodies is setting standards, which usually are proposed by countries or regional organisations and then drafted by ippc Secretariat.202

International Organisation for Standardisation (iso) The International Organisation for Standardisation (iso) is an international non-governmental body which, according to the iso website, is ‘the world’s largest developer of voluntary international standards’.203 Its 165 members are national standards bodies. There is a Central Secretariat in Geneva.204 Among its many international standards, the iso family 22000 family of standards con- cerns food safety management.205 They include overall guidelines for food safety management (iso 22000:2005),206 guidelines for applying iso 22000 (iso/ts 22004:2005),207 traceability in the feed and food chain (iso 22005: 2007),208 specific prerequisites for food manufacturing (iso/ts 22000–1:2009),209

200 See the ippc website at https://www.ippc.int/, last accessed 7 January 2015. 201 International Plant Protection Convention, available at http://www.fao.org/fileadmin/ user_upload/legal/docs/4_004s-e.pdf, last accessed 7 January 2015. 202 Japan – Measures Affecting Agricultural Products, Panel Report, WT/DS76/R, adopted 19 March 1999 (hereafter Japan – Agricultural Products, Panel Report), paragraph 2.29. 203 See the iso website at http://www.iso.org/iso/home/about.htm, last accessed 2 October 2014. 204 See the iso website at http://www.iso.org/iso/home/about.htm, last accessed 2 October 2014. For more information about its structure, see http://www.iso.org/iso/home/about/ about_governance.htm, last accessed 2 October 2014. 205 http://www.iso.org/iso/home/standards/management-standards/iso22000.htm (last visited October 2, 2014). 206 http://www.iso.org/iso/home/store/catalogue_tc/catalogue_detail.htm?csnumber=35466 (last visited October 2, 2014). 207 http://www.iso.org/iso/home/store/catalogue_tc/catalogue_detail.htm?csnumber=39835 (last visited October 2, 2014). 208 http://www.iso.org/iso/home/store/catalogue_tc/catalogue_detail.htm?csnumber=36297 (last visited October 2, 2014). 209 http://www.iso.org/iso/home/store/catalogue_tc/catalogue_detail.htm?csnumber=44001 (last visited October 2, 2014).

276 chapter 5 prerequisites for farming (iso/ts 220002–3:2011)210 and guidelines for audit and certification bodies (iso/ts 22003:2007).211 China has been a member of iso since 1947212 and now is represented in iso by the Standardisation Admini­ stration of China (sac).213

Conclusion

This chapter has surveyed briefly the main international institutions con- cerned with food safety regulation. Side-by-side, there exist numerous other, regional and national sites of governance concerned with food safety. Examples include the North American Free Trade Association (nafta)214 and the apec Food System and apec Food Safety Cooperation Forum.215 On 18 May 2011, the apec Food Safety Cooperation Forum signed a non-legally-binding Memorandum of Understanding (mou) with the World Bank to build capacity for food safety regulation in the Asia-Pacific region.216 Another form of transnational food cooperation is the International Forum on Food Safety, ­organized annually in Beijing since 2010 by the Chinese Institute of Food

210 http://www.iso.org/iso/home/store/catalogue_tc/catalogue_detail.htm?csnumber=57389 (last visited October 2, 2014). 211 http://www.iso.org/iso/home/store/catalogue_tc/catalogue_detail.htm?csnumber=57389 (last visited October 2, 2014). 212 iso, Historical Record of iso Membership since its Creation, available at http://www.iso .org/iso/iso_membership_1947_to_2013.pdf, last accessed 7 January 2015. 213 iso, Members, China (sac), available http://www.iso.org/iso/about/iso_members/iso _member_body.htm?member_id=1635, last accessed 7 January 2015. 214 The North American Free Trade Agreement (nafta) between the United States, Canada and Mexico provides that, without reducing the level of protection, parties shall use rele- vant international standards as a basis for their sanitary and phytosanitary measures: North American Free Trade Agreement between the Government of Canada, the Government of the United Mexican States and the Government of the United States of America, Article 713(1) (Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services, 1992), available at http://www.nafta-sec -alena.org/DefaultSite/legal/index_e.aspx?articleid=78, accessed 30 October 2014. 215 See Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, apec Food System, at http://www.apec.org/ Home/Groups/Other-Groups/apec-Food-System.aspx, last accessed 7 January 2015. 216 Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (apec) and the World Bank, Memorandum of Understanding between International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, International Development Association, apec Food Safety Cooperation Forum for Collaboration on Food Safety Capacity Building in the Asia-Pacific Region, 18 May 2011, available at http://www.apec.org/Home/Groups/Other-Groups/~/media/32F2FE2916614 F9DA1CD26ABC366C0D2.ashx, last accessed 7 January 2015.

Transnational Sites Of Food Safety Regulation 277

Science and Technology (cifst) and the International Union of Food, Science and Technology (IFoFS), and supported by the Office of the Food Safety Commission of the State Council, the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Industry and Information.217 They complement international institutions such as who, Codex, the wto and international standards bodies in the transna- tional of food safety regulation in Chinese and elsewhere. As I have argued elsewhere,218 it is important to improve coordination between the multiple sites of governance concerned with food safety. Each insti- tution is supported by different countries, networks, groups and individuals.219 Other constraints derive from structural aspects, such as norms and institutions, of each site of governance. Organisations may share common objectives, but they often interpret them differently and for this reason fail to maximum their common interests. Further research is needed on mechanisms of coordination among transnational arrangements to ensure optimum food safety regulation.

217 http://www.ifofs.org/ , last accessed 2 October 2014. 218 Snyder, ‘Adequate Food’, supra note 7, pp. 80–163. 219 For the example of this problem among global governance institutions, see Alan V. Deardorff and Robert M. Stern, ‘Introduction and Overview’, in Alan V. Deardorff and Robert M. Stern (eds), Social Dimensions of u.s. Trade Policies (University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, 2001), pp. 12–13.

CHAPTER 6 Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards through wto Consultations

Introduction

Globalization has irrevocably altered the world of food safety. Consumers, eco­ nomists, legal scholars and pundits alike agree that, in today’s world, we are witnessing the creation of a more or less integrated global food economy. This process of economic integration has been accompanied, conditioned and sometimes even shaped by the diffusion of food safety standards emanating from international institutions and/or leading food trading countries.1 As a result of these interconnected economic and legal processes, food safety stan- dards today are worldwide concerns. We all ask: Is my food safe to eat? How do I know? What does ‘safe’ mean? What are food safety standards? How are they made? How are they enforced, if at all? Which local standards are globalized?2 Can and should all countries in the world follow the same standards? If not, what about trade? When we as lawyers try to discern the outlines of this transformation, we usually turn to wto law. There are many wto cases about agricultural or food products,3 but most of them are concerned only indirectly or remotely – if at all – with food safety.4 Most wto cases involving agricultural or food products refer not to food safety, still less to food safety standards, but rather to matters such

1 2 3 4

1 See Paul Roberts, The End of Food: The Coming Crisis in the World Food Industry (Bloomsbury Publishing plc, London, 2009); Mahiou and Snyder, Food Safety, supra Chapter 2 note 17: Albert Alemanno, Trade in Food: Regulatory and Judicial Approaches in the ec and the wto (Cameron May, London 2007) (hereafter Alemanno, Trade). 2 On the globalisation of local practices, see Boaventura de Sousa Santos, Towards a New Legal Common Sense (Butterworths, London, 2nd edition 2002). 3 For a survey up to 2007, see Tim Josling, ‘Agricultural Trade Disputes in the wto’, Elsevier Series on Economics and Globalization, Volume on dsu and Trade Disputes, available at http://iis-db.stanford.edu/pubs/23522/Agricultural_Trade_Disputes_in_the_WTO.pdf, accessed 17 January 2013. 4 See eg Chile – Provisional Safeguard Measure on Certain Milk Products, DS351, which involved Articles I and xix of gatt and articles of the Safeguards Agreement,: summary available at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu?e/cases_e/ds351_e.htm, last accessed 12 September 2012.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi 10.1163/9789004306929_007

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 279 as import or export licensing, anti-dumping duties, safeguards,5 agricultural subsidies or intellectual property rights, which bear little relation to food safety, at least if we regard only the relevant legal documents and do not take into account, for example, what we might learn from a more detailed contex- tual analysis of the implications of the specific case for the economic sectors involved over a longer time period.6 Consequently, in order to understand the impact of the wto on food safety we tend to focus on the main agreements of the wto that deal directly with food safety standards, namely the Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (sps Agreement) and the Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (tbt Agreement). Cases involving these agreements are frequently concerned with food safety in the sense of food safety standards, in particular because they involve relations between the wto and international standardization bodies and their norms regarding food safety.7 However, not all cases involving the sps Agreement or in particular the tbt Agreement deal with food safety standards. It would therefore be a mistake to imagine that these two agree- ments and relevant case law exhaust the field of wto food safety law. This means that, even leaving aside the Trade Policy Review Mechanism (tprm), the work of wto councils and committees and the contribution of technical assistance, some of which I explore elsewhere,8 the sps Agreement and the tbt Agreement are not the only wto agreements which give rise to cases about food safety, including food safety standards. Yet the cases about

5 6 7 8

5 For example, Chile – Definitive Safeguard Measures on Certain Milk Products, DS356, Summary of the dispute to date available at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ ds356_e.htm, last accessed 12 September 2012. 6 For a complex and controversial example, see Canada – Measures Affecting the Importation of Milk and the Exportation of Dairy Products, DS103, Summary of the dispute to date at http:// www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ds103_e.htm, last accessed 11 September 2012, and Canada – Measures Affecting Dairy Exports, DS113, Summary of the dispute to date at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ds113_e.htm, last accessed 11 September 2012. The United States on 8 October 1997 in the first case and New Zealand on 29 December 1997 in the second case requested consultations concerning a Canadian dairy export scheme. They argued that the scheme was incompatible with the gatt and the Agreement on Agriculture, and the us also challenged the scheme on the basis of the Import Licensing Agreement and the scm Agreement. In both cases, following unsuccessful consultations, the case went through a panel, the ab and two Article 21.5 panels, both of which were appealed, before the parties notified the wto on 9 May 2003 (in both cases) of their mutually satisfac- tory solution. 7 See Chapter 6 in this book. 8 On the tprm, see Chapter 8 in this book.

280 CHAPTER 6 food safety which arise under other wto agreements other than or in addition to the sps Agreement or the tbt Agreement and which deal with issues other than international standards have rarely, if ever, been grouped together and analysed in any systematic way from the standpoint of food law. This perspec- tive on food safety regulation is distinct, for example, from studying individual cases in order to understand their contribution to the elaboration of general wto legal rules and legal concepts, such as ‘discrimination’ or ‘necessity’. As a result, despite their legal, political, economic and symbolic significance, these cases remain the ‘invisible case law’ or the ‘hidden jurisprudence’ of the wto from the standpoint of food safety regulation. This chapter and the next chapter discuss wto cases about food safety. Following the stages of the wto dispute settlement system, here I focus on the wto cases about food safety regulation which arise under wto agreements other than or in addition to the sps or the tbt Agreements, are not directly concerned with relations between the wto and international standardization bodies and usually are settled or otherwise dropped during the consultation stage of the wto dispute settlement process. My basic question is: What do these cases – which are not mainly about relations between wto and interna- tional food standards – teach us about conceptions of food safety and about the role of the wto in food safety regulation, in particular in promoting or globalising other food safety standards, especially national food safety stan- dards? The following chapter deals with wto cases involving international food safety standards. As a law professor in China, I am very interested in what these cases can teach us about relations between the wto and China regarding food safety. Since acceding to the wto on 11 December 2001, China has so far been a com- plainant in 12 cases, a respondent in 31 cases, and a third party in 112 cases.9 China was a complainant in one of the cases discussed here. In addition, China was a third party in seven cases, in particular because Chinese government policy has been to participate as a third party in as many cases as possible in order to learn quickly how the wto dispute settlement system worked and to express its viewpoint on specific issues. China’s third party status in these cases is noted in the text. Any lessons which the cases may contain for China, as well as other wto Members, are summarized in the conclusion. The chapter argues, first, that the wto dispute settlement system deals with food safety and food safety standards much more frequently than is some-

9times thought. While the sps Agreement and the tbt Agreement are the most

9 The cut-off date for this chapter is 1 October 2014. See China’s wto Members page, at http:// www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/countries_e/china_e.htm, last accessed 20 October 2014.

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 281 important wto agreements in the field of food safety, they are not by any means the only relevant wto agreements. Second, it argues that these cases constitute the ‘hidden jurisprudence’ of the wto in three different senses; each sense reflects a different meaning of the term ‘jurisprudence’ as currently used in English-language legal scholarship. For one thing, these cases consti- tute building blocks in the construction of wto food safety law. Here, ‘jurispru- dence’ refers to ‘case law’. Borrowed from the original French term jurisprudence, this meaning of ‘jurisprudence’ is now widely accepted in the English language. Moreover, the cases help us to elucidate the philosophy or, to put it more mod- estly, the approach and orientation of the wto with regard to food safety. This sense relies on the English-language term ‘jurisprudence’ to mean ‘legal phi- losophy’, a connotation which previously was the standard meaning of the term and which is still widely used today. Furthermore, the case may poten- tially provide precedents in the sense of best practices which may be useful for potential wto litigants in the future.

The Cases

Classification Which cases should be considered? wto law does not provide a definition or even a specific conception of food safety. In this chapter, for the sake of conve- nience, I adopt the following definition: Food safety law consists of the norms, institutions and legal processes ‘intended to ensure, or having the effect of ensuring, that food is safe to eat’, in the sense that it is not injurious to health nor unfit for human consumption. This definition is based on reasoning a con- trario from the definition of ‘unsafe food’ provided in the 2009 European Union (eu) Food Law.10 Even though not perfect, it is for present purposes both suf- ficiently precise and sufficiently inclusive to serve as a criterion for selecting the cases to be examined. wto cases on food safety can be classified in various ways. First, they may be classified according to the wto agreement(s) involved in the case. Specialists in wto law usually employ this criterion. This is not surprising, because most law- yers are usually trained to take the law as an authoritative starting point, and the purpose of their research often focuses on issues of positive law or legal doc- trine.11 However, if our objective is to understand the impact of the wto on 10 11

10 eu General Food Law, supra Chapter 3 note 345. 11 This approach is the basis for the discussion of relations between the wto dsm and inter- national standards bodies in Chapter 7 of this book.

282 CHAPTER 6 food safety regulation, such a legal criterion is less useful than a socioeconomic criterion, because it assumes, counterfactually, that law rather than socioeco- nomic activity is the structuring principle on which our inquiry is based. A second method of classification is to classify cases according to the type of measure which gives rise to the case. We might distinguish two groups of cases: those which concerns ‘border measures’, and those which concern ‘behind the border measures’. The first group comprises cases concerning measures regard- ing imports and exports, in other words which affect products by virtue of the fact that they cross a border.12 The second group embraces cases concerning internal legislation, administrative regulations or other measures which affect products after they have arrived in the territory of an importing wto Member. A more specific variant of this method is to distinguish between (a) cases con- cerning food safety measures imposed on imports, (b) cases concerning food safety measures imposed on exports, and (c) cases concerning the treatment of imported food on a domestic market. For instance, measures affecting exports have recently become an increasing target in wto cases, for example regarding raw materials,13 and with a growing shortage of food and water in the world it may be foreseen that wto cases concerning measures regarding exports of food will increase in number. However, a review of the case law, presented below, reveals that the distribution of cases among these categories is notably uneven. A more detailed analysis might examine the reasons for this distribution, but such an objective is outside the scope of the present discus- sion. More importantly, this classification is based very much on legal catego- ries and takes little account of socioeconomic circumstances. Taking law as a starting point hinders our understanding of the impact of specific cases on food safety regulation. This chapter adopts a third method of classifying cases. It distinguishes between cases according to the point in the value chain or food chain at which

12 13 14a challenged measure intervenes.14 In other words, what aspect of food safety

12 A pertinent example, though not concerning food, is China – Measures Affecting Imports of Auto Parts, Report of the Appellate Body, 15 December 2008, WTO/DS339/340/342/ AB/R, adopted 12 January 2009. 13 See China – Measures Related to the Exportation of Various Raw Materials, Report of the Appellate Body, 30 January 2012, WT/DS394/AB/R, WT/DS395/AB/R, WT/DS398/AB/R, adopted 12 February 2012: and China – Measures Relating the Exportation of Rare Earths, Tungsten and Molybdenum, Reports of the Appellate Body, WT/DS431/AB/R, WT/DS432/ AB/R, WT/DS433/AB/R, adopted 29 August 2014. 14 On value chains and related concepts, see Snyder, Legal Pluralism, supra Chapter 2 note 7, especially Chapter 3; and Gary Gareffi, John Humphrey and Tim Sturgeon, ‘The Governance of Global Value Chains’, Review of International Political Economy, 12, 1, 2005, 78–104.

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 283 does the measure affect? In adopting this method of classification, the chapter aspires to follow a classification method which is likely to be adopted by gov- ernment officials, business people and interested citizens, as well as food safety lawyers. Their point of departure is their own law and their own legal system, the characteristics and industrial structure of their own domestic and export markets, and the impact of foreign trade and international competition on both of these. These concerns (imports, exports, domestic competition) therefore focus more on social and economic relations, in particular on food safety, than on legal criteria. Such a method of classification sets wto cases more squarely in their domestic economic, political, social and cultural contexts. As a result, it should provide a basis for a more detailed picture of the effects of the wto dispute settlement mechanism on food safety and on food safety standards. Using this approach, the remainder of this part of the chapter first analyses five groups of cases, focusing respectively on (a) pre-importation production and treatment methods, (b) import bans – procedures, (c) import bans – health and quality standards, (d) testing and inspection and (e) shelf-life.15 Then it considers which wto Members were involved and how, the ways in which their disputes were resolved, who won the cases, and the implications for the globalization of food safety rules and practices. The conclusion draws out the main lessons from this detailed analysis. It identifies some serious shortcomings in the current resolution of disputes about food safety and then proposes the creation of a global food safety agency.

Pre-Importation Production and Treatment Methods A first category of cases concerns rules about production and treatment meth- ods used in the exporting country, that is, prior to exportation of the product, and therefore prior to importation of the product on the importing country’s market. Table 6.1 shows the cases in this category. Such rules may determine in effect whether a product can be imported and/ or sold. Usually, they constitute, at least arguably, not only barriers to market

15

15 The following cases on food labelling brought against the European Communities by Canada, Chile and Peru, respectively are omitted because they are not directly concerned with food safety but rather with official names and permitted trade descriptions: European Communities – Trade Descriptions of Scallops (Request by Canada), Report of the Panel, WT/DS7/R, 5 August 1996; European Communities – Trade Descriptions of Scallops (Requests by Peru and Chile), WT/DS12, 14R, 5 August 1996. All were settled by mutually agreed solution after the Panel issued its interim report but before it issued its final report. For further discussion, see Qi Zhang, Consultation within wto Dispute Settlement: A Chinese Perspective (Peter Lang, Bern, 2007), pp. 252–256 (hereafter Zhang, Consultations).

284 CHAPTER 6

Table 6.1 Cases on pre-importation production and treatment methods

Case number Case name Complainant Product Procedural and filing date status

DS20, 8.11.1995 Korea – Bottled Canada Bottled water Mutually agreed Water solution DS72, 24.3.1997 ec – Butter New Zealand Butter Mutually agreed solution DS287, 3.4.2003 Australia ec Meat Mutually agreed – Quarantine solution Regime DS389, 16.1.2009 ec – Poultry us Poultry Panel established but not yet composed entry but also measures seeking to guarantee food quality and food safety, with complainant and respondent characterizing the measures in opposite ways. Water, the ‘noblest of the elements’ according to Pindar,16 is also an eco- nomic sector characterized in recent decades by intense competition. This is especially true of bottled water. During the past two decades, international consumption of bottled water increased dramatically. It is perhaps not surpris- ing therefore that the bottled water industry, comprising bottlers, distributors and suppliers, witnessed rapid consolidation.17 At the time, however, there were no internationally accepted standards on bottled water. Korea – Bottled Water concerned the production and treatment of bottled water by ozonation, a commonly used but nevertheless controversial method of

16 17 treatment.18 18 Canada, which used ozonation as a method of treating bottled

16 Pindar, 476 bce., as quoted on the website of the International Council of Bottled Water Associations (icbwa), http://www.bottledwaterweb.com/suppliersdetail.do?k=404, accessed 18 January 2013. 17 See Peter H. Glieck, ‘The Myth and Reality of Bottled Water’, in Pacific Institute, The World’s Water: The Biennial Report on Freshwater Resources: 2004–2005 (Island Press, 2004) Chapter 2, at 21, available at http://www.pacinst.org/topics/water_and_sustainability/ bottled_water/myth_and_reality.pdf, accessed 18 January 2013. 18 See eg D. Van der Kooji, W.A.M. Hijnen and J.C. Kruithof, ‘The Effects of Ozonation, Biological Filtration and Distribution on the Concentration of Easily Assimilable Organic Carbon (aoc) in Drinking Water’, Ozone: Science & Engineering: The Journal of the International Ozone Association, 11, 3, 1989, 297–311; Laurence Meunier, Silvio Canonica

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 285 water, complained about Korean measures prohibiting disinfection of bottled water by ozonation. Korean law allowed only physical water treatments (pre- cipitation, filtration, aeration, ultraviolet disinfection) It considered ozonation to be a prohibited chemical treatment.19 At the time, and at least for the fol- lowing decade, Korea was a rapidly growing market for bottled water.20 Canada requested formal consultations with Korea under Article 4.3 of the wto Understanding on Rules and Procedures Governing the Settlement of Disputes (dsu), probably after the failure of early informal discussions.21 wto Members are required to provide an opportunity for consultation if another Member requests consultations concerning measures which affect obligations under the wto agreements.22 ‘Members’ duty to consult is absolute’. Requests for consultations must be notified to the wto Dispute Settlement Body (dsb)

19 20 21 22

and Urs von Gunten, ‘Implications of Sequential Use of uv and Ozone for Drinking Water Quality’, Water Research, 40, 9, May 2006, 1864–1876. 19 Korea – Measures Concerning Bottled Water, Request for Consultations by Canada, World Trade Organization Restricted, WT/DS20/1G/L/33, G/SPS/W/35G/TBT/D/4, G/MA/3, G/ AG/w/14, 22 November 1995 (95–3655). 20 Euromonitor International, ‘Passport: Bottled Water in South Korea’, Sample Report, September 2011, available at http://www.euromonitor.com/medialibrary/pdf/samples/ sample_report_soft_drinks_bottled_water.pdf, accessed 18 January 2013. 21 World Trade Organization Understanding on Rules and Procedures Governing the Settlement of Disputes, in World Trade Organization, The Results of the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations: The Legal Texts (gatt Secretariat, Geneva, 1994, reprinted by the wto in 1995), pp. 404–433, and subsequently reprinted in World Trade Organization, The Legal Texts: The Results of the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, since 1999), pp. 354–379 (hereafter dsu). con- sultations, see especially Christiane Schuchhardt, ‘Consultations’, in Patrick F.J. Macrory, Arthur E. Appleton, and Michael G. Plummer (eds), The World Trade Organization: Legal, Economic and Political Analysis, Volume I (Springer Science + Business Media plc, New York, 2005), pp. 1187–1232 (hereafter Schuchhardt, ‘Consultations’). For a thorough study of wto consultations up to 2006, based partly on interviews, see Zhang, Consultation, supra note 15. For a review of the case law on Article 4 consultations up to 30 September 2011, see wto, wto Analytical Index: Guide to wto Law and Practice, 3rd Edition, Volume ii (Cambridge University Press for the World Trade Organization, Cambridge, 2012), pp. 1543–1555. An Analytical Index Supplement Covering New Developments in wto Law and Practice covering developments after 30 September 2011 is available on the wto web- site at http://www.wto.org/english/res_e/booksp_e/analytic_index_e/ai_new_dev_e.pdf, last accessed 16 March 2013. 22 dsu, supra note 21, Article 4.2 dsu. ‘Members’ duty to consult is absolute’, according to the Panel in Brazil – Measures Affecting Desiccated Coconut, Report of the Panel, WT/DS22/R, 17 October 1996, [Appellate Body Report adopted 20 March 1997], paragraph 287.

286 CHAPTER 6 and relevant Councils and Committees.23 During consultations, ‘before resort- ing to any further action under [the dsu], namely requesting a panel’, ‘Members should attempt to obtain satisfactory adjustment of the matter’.24 Consultations are required before a panel can be requested.25 Consultations are ‘confidential, and without prejudice to the rights of any Member in any further proceedings’.26 The Appellate Body has described the purpose of consultations as follows:

Through consultations, parties exchange information, assess the strengths and weaknesses of their respective cases, narrow the scope of the differ- ences between them and, in many cases, reach a mutually agreed settle- ment in accordance with the explicit preference expressed in Article 3.7 of the dsu. Moreover, even when no such agreed settlement is reached, consultations provide the parties an opportunity to define and limit the scope of the dispute between them. Clearly, consultations afford many benefits to complaining and responding parties as well as to third parties and to the dispute settlement system as a whole.27

As Pauwelyn notes, formal dsu consultations are ‘as much a final attempt to settle a dispute as a prelude to the litigation stage’ and also ‘a safety value to let off domestic pressure to take a dispute seriously’.28 Canada argued that the Korean measures were inconsistent with Articles iii and xi gatt, Articles 2 and 5 sps, and Article 2 tbt. In April 1996 the parties reached a mutually agreed solution. They agreed that Korea would amend its measures to allow the importation, sale and distribution of ozone-treated water by 1 January 1997 if possible, and in any event no later than 1 April 1997. Article 3.6 dsu requires Members to notify mutually agreed solutions to the dsb and relevant Councils and Committees.29 As a matter of law, such solutions must be consistent with the wto agreements and not nullify or impair Member’s

23 24 25 26 27 28 29

23 dsu, supra note 1311, Article 4.4. 24 Ibid., Article 4.5. 25 See ibid., Articles 4.7 and 6.2. 26 Ibid., Article 4.6. 27 Mexico – Anti-Dumping Investigation of High Fructose Corn Syrup from the United States, Recourse to Article 21.5 dsu, Report of the Appellate Body, WT/DS132/AB/RW, adopted 21 November 2001, paragraph 54. 28 Joost Pauwelyn, ‘The Limits of Litigation: “Americanization” and Negotiation in the Settle­ ment of wto Disputes’, Ohio State Journal on Dispute Settlement, 19, 2003–2004, 121–140, at 133. 29 dsu, supra note 21. Article 3.6.

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 287 benefits under the wto agreements or impede achievement of the objectives of the wto agreements.30 During the case, neither party referred to any international standards. The World Health Organization had advocated the use of its Guidelines for Drin­ king Water Quality, adopted in the mid-1990s, as the basis for drafting interna- tional standards for bottled water. By the late 1990s, such standards were being drafted by the Codex Alimentarius Commission. However, at the time of Korea – Bottled Water there was no such international standard and no universally accepted certification scheme.31 Adopted only in 2001, the Codex standard ­permits the treatment of waters intended for bottling by chemical processes, including ozonation, singly or in combination with other processes.32 We may hypothesize that Canadian bottled water companies and their trade associations played a significant role not only in the making of the Codex standard but also in pressing the Canadian Government to bring the complaint against Korea33 Three trade associations are likely to have been especially important. One such association is the International Bottled Water Association (ibwa), which was formed in the United States in 1958 and which included us and some non-us companies, mainly small, locally-owned bottlers, distributors

30 31 32 33

30 Ibid., Article 3.5. 31 World Health Organization, ‘Bottled Drinking-Water’, Fact Sheet No. 256, October 2000, available at https://apps.who.int/inf-fs/en/fact256.html, accessed 18 January 2013. 32 General Standard for Bottled/Packaged Drinking Waters, Codex Standard 227–2001, avail- able at www.codealimentarius.org, accessed 17 01 2013: Codex Alimentarius, Code of Hygienic Practice for Bottled/Packaged Drinking Waters (other than Natural Mineral Waters), CAC/RCP 48–2001, available at www.codexalimentarius.org/input/download/ standards/392/CXP_048e.pdf, accessed 28 10 2012. 33 It is unlikely that wto Members would bring cases to the wto dispute settlement system unless important economic interests were at stake. See Braithewaite and Drahos, Regu­ lation, supra Chapter 4 note 187, pp. 399–417 and Jennifer Clapp and Doris Fuchs (eds), Corporate Power in Global Agrifood Governance (mit Press, Cambridge and London, 2009). On relationships between economic interests and government in wto litigation, see Gregory C. Shaffer, Defending Interests: Public-Private Partnerships in wto Litigation (Brookings Institution Press, Washington dc, 2003). For Chinese examples, see Luo Yan, ‘Engaging the Private Sector: eu-China Trade Disputes Under the Shadow of wto Law?’ European Law Journal, 13, 6, 2007, pp. 800–817, reprinted in Francis Snyder (ed), China and the European Union: Perspectives from the European Law Journal, Virtual Issue of the European Law Journal, January 2012, available at http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/­ journal/10.1111/(ISSN)1468-0386/homepage/virtual_issue_-_china_and_the_eu.htm, accessed 12 February 2013.

288 CHAPTER 6 and suppliers, as members.34 Second is the Canadian Bottled Water Association,­ founded in 1992 and encompassing bottlers, distributors and suppliers in Canada, with some associate members; as of 2013, cbwa members produced 85% of all bottled water sold in Canada.35 A third trade association is the Inter­ national Council of Bottled Water Associations (icbwa), of which the cbwa is the Canadian chapter. The icbwa was incorporated in Toronto, Canada, on 9 February 2001.36 Today it comprises six regional associations as members: ibwa, cbwa, Middle East Bottled Water Association (abwa), Australasian Bott­ led Water Institute (abwi), European Federation of Bottled Waters (efbw), including the European Bottled Watercooler Association (ebwa)(Europe), Latin American Bottled Water Association (labwa) and Asian Bottled Water Association (abwa), altogether representing a total of 1,567 companies in 141 countries, including Korea.37 The outcome of Korea – Bottled Water was consistent with Article 3.7 dsu, which provides that ‘[t]he aim of the dispute settlement mechanism is to secure a positive solution to the dispute. A solution mutually acceptable to the parties to a dispute and consistent with the covered agreements is clearly to be preferred’.38 However, it would appear that wto law itself did not compel withdrawal of the measure. So far as we can judge from available documents, there was no determination as to whether the Korean measure was contrary to wto law, since the case did not proceed to a panel. Within the consultation phase of the wto dispute settlement mechanism, Canada was able to export its food safety standards to Korea, or, put it pun- gently, to impose its bottled water treatment methods on Korea. Korea accepted the Canadian ozonation treatment method as a permitted method for treating bottled water to be imported into Korea. This mutually agreed solution was backed up by the possibility of further recourse to the wto. At the stage of consultations, it is likely that the parties did ‘not necessarily know all the claims they w[ould] want to make or not make at this relatively early stage’.39 Doubtless they also had conflicting views of the interpretation of wto law. Yet

34 35 36 37 38 39factors outside the consultation process itself were likely to have been the most

34 See the ibwa website at http://www.bottledwater.org/about, accessed 17 January 2013. 35 See the cbwa website at http://www.cbwa.ca, accessed 17 January 2013. 36 See also at http://www.cbwa-bottledwater.org/, accessed 17 January 2013. 37 See the icbwa website at http://www.bottledwaterweb.com/suppliersdetail.do?k=404, accessed 18 January 2013. 38 dsu, supra note 21, Article 3.7. 39 Gary N. Horlick and Glenn R. Butterton, ‘A Problem of Process in wto Jurisprudence: Identifying Disputed Issues in Panels and Consultations’, Law & Policy in International Business, 31, 1999–2000, 573–582 at 580 (first quotation), 581 (second quotation).

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 289 important factors in determining the outcome.40 Such factors include the results of diplomacy outside of consultations, the political salience of the dis- pute, the involvement of important domestic interests such as companies and trade associations, and the threat of recourse to a panel.41 Several other cases also concerned pre-importation production and treat- ment methods, though it is not possible to analyze them in the same detail here. Production methods were at issue in DS72 ec – Butter Products. When the United Kingdom acceded to the European Economic Community, its imports of dairy products from New Zealand were a sensitive issue within the eec’s Common Agricultural Policy,42 which had a structural surplus of dairy prod- ucts. In early 1997 New Zealand challenged ec and United Kingdom decisions that certain New Zealand butter manufacturing processes were classified so as to exclude the product from New Zealand’s country-specific tariff quota under the ec’s wto schedule. New Zealand used the anmix butter-making process and the spreadable butter-making process, which the uk Customs and Excise Department did not recognize. It is likely that the main New Zealand producer was Fonterra, long established before 1973 and today one of the world’s largest producers of dairy products.43 It was not until more than two years later that the parties notified the wto dsb that they had reached a mutually agreed solution.44 In this case the uk and the ec recognized the New Zealand produc- tion processes to the extent of allowing imports of New Zealand butter into the uk under specified conditions and subject to reduced tariff rates. Even today,

40 41 42 43 44

40 Olin L. Wethington, ‘Commentary on the Consultation Mechanism under the wto Dispute Settlement Understanding During Its First Five Years’, Law & Policy in International Business, 31, 1999–2000, 583–590, at 586–587. 41 For example, between 1995–2000, when the Korea – Bottled Water case took place, the United States strategy was to see the consultation phase ‘merely as part of a broader strat- egy to rachet up political pressure in order to resolve the problem with a panel decision, or outside the wto context if necessary’: Olin L. Wethington, ‘Commentary on the Consultation Mechanism under the wto Dispute Settlement Understanding During Its First Five Years’, Law & Policy in International Business, 31, 1999–2000, 583–590, at 588. 42 On the development of the cap, see Francis Snyder, cap Law, supra Chapter 4 note 204, and Francis Snyder, ‘cap [Common Agricultural Policy]’, in Erik Jones, Anand Menon and Stephen Weatherill (eds), The Oxford Handbook of the European Union (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2012), pp. 484–495. 43 For a current example, see the Fonterra web site athttp://www.fonterra.com/global/en/ About/Our+Locations/NewZealand/Kauri, accessed 28 October 2012. 44 European Communities – Measures Affecting Butter Products, DS72, Summary of the dis- pute to date available at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ds72_e .htm, last accessed 12 September 2012.

290 CHAPTER 6 special terms apply to imports into the United Kingdom of butter from New Zealand.45 In DS287, Australia – Quarantine Regime, the ec on 3 April 2003 requested consultations with Australia concerning its quarantine regime for imports. The Australian regime was based on legislation, administrative guidance, and the exercise of administrative discretion. The ec complaints included claims con- cerning the import of processed deboned pigmeat from Denmark and poultry meat required to be subject to specific methods of preparation. The ec consid- ered the Australian regime not to be based on a risk assessment, except on an unpredictable and even arbitrary basis. It considered the regime to be incom- patible with Articles 2, 3, 4, 5, 8 and Annex C of the sps Agreement. Canada, Chile, India and the Philippines joined the consultations.46 China, though a major poultry exporter, did not request to join the consultations.47 A panel was established on 14 October 2003. At this stage, under Article 4:11 dsu China reserved its third party rights.48 However, on 9 March 2007 the parties notified the wto that they had reached a mutually satisfactory solution. The solution included increased transparency of the Australian quarantine regime, the articulation by Australia of principles for dealing with ec market access appli- cations and ‘continued expert discussions on scientific aspects associated with trade in pig meat and chicken meat’.49 In early 2009 in DS389 ec – Poultry the United States challenged various ec measures which blocked us exporters of poultry meat and poultry meat prod- ucts from having access to ec [European Community, now eu: European Union] markets. The challenge was the most recent sally in a long-running conflict between the eu and the us concerning the chemical treatment of poultry products. Starting in 1997, the ec prohibited the use of pathogen reduction

treatments45 (prts) in the treatment of poultry products. The ec prohibited 46 47 48 49

45 See hm Revenue & Customs, Common Agricultural Policy import procedures and special directions for goods, Section 5.41 New Zealand butter, available at http://customs.hmrc .gov.uk/channelsPortalWebApp/channelsPortalWebApp.portal?_nfpb=true& _pageLabel=pageLibrary_ShowContent&id=HMCE_CL_000195&propertyType=docume nt#P204_27015, accessed 28 October 2012. 46 Since 1958 third parties have been allowed to join consultations under Article xxii gatt: Schuchhardt, ‘Consultations’, supra note 21 at 1200. See now dsu, supra note 1311, Article 4.11. 47 See World Trade Organization, Dispute Settlement: Dispute DS287, Australia – Quarantine Regime for Imports, Current status, Summary of the dispute to date, available at http:// www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_ds387_e.htm, last accessed 9 April 2013. 48 Ibid. 49 Ibid.

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 291 poultry imports if the products had been treated with any substance other than water unless the substance had been approved by the ec. The us used various prt chemical treatments. In challenging the ec measure, it invoked the Agreement on Agriculture, Articles iii, x and xi gatt, the sps Agreement and the tbt Agreement. Despite us requests and several ec scientific reports, the ec had not yet approved the import of poultry processed with prts. Indeed ec marketing standards defined ‘poultry meat’ to include only ‘poultry meat suitable for human consumption, which has not undergone any treatment other than cold treatment’. As of November 2009, a panel was established but had not yet been composed.50 China, most likely because of the importance of its poultry sector and its poultry exports to the us and the eu,51 reserved its third party rights.52 There appears not to have been any change to date. It is fair to assume that the dispute has been abandoned or otherwise resolved, even though one author notes that ‘the [United States Trade Representative] and poultry industry officials remain interested in moving forward on this case’.53 In 2011, however, the Codex Alimentarius Commission adopted Guidelines for the Control of Campylobacter and Salmonella spp. in Chicken Meat, which may provide a ‘happy end’ to this case.54

50 51 52 53 54

50 European Communities – Certain Measures Affecting Poultry Meat and Poultry Meat Products from the United States, DS389 summary available at http://www.wto/org/ english/tratop_e?dispu_e/cases_e/ds389_e.htm, last accessed 12 September 2012 (hereafter ec – Poultry). 51 This sector has been the subject of wto cases involving China and the usa. See United States – Certain Measures Affecting Imports of Poultry from China, DS392, Panel report adopted 25 October 2010, and China – Anti-Dumping and Countervailing Duty Measures on Broiler Products from the United States, DS427, Panel report adopted 25 September 2013. 52 ec – Poultry, supra note 50. 53 Renée Johnson, ‘u.s.-eu Poultry Dispute’, Congressional Research Service, crs Report for Congress, 7–5700, R40199, available at http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R40199.pdf, accessed 21.02.2013. The eec and the us undertook conciliation under the gatt, in which: see Conciliation, US/EEC Negotiation on Poultry, Establishment of Panel (12S/65) and Panel on Poultry, Report of Panel (L/2088), (bisd 125/65) available at http://www.wto.org/english/ tratop_e/dispu_e/63poultr.pdf, accessed 21 January 2013. See also European Communities – United Kingdom Application of eec Directives to Importation of Poultry from the United States, Report of the Panel Adopted on 11 June (1981, L/5155 – 28S/90), available at http:// www.worldtradelaw.net/reports/gattpanels/ukpoultry.pdf, accessed 21 January 2013. 54 On the ‘happy end’, see Daniele Pisanello, ‘Happy end for us-ec dispute on poultry sps measures’, available at http://www.lexalimentaria.eu/ing/news/46-happy-end-for-us-ec -dispute-on-poultry-sps-measures.html, accessed 21 January 2013. On the guidelines, see Joint fao/who Food Standards Programme, Codex Alimentarius Commission, 34th Session, Geneva, Switzerland, 4–9 July 2011, Report of the Forty-Second Session of the

292 CHAPTER 6

Import Bans – Procedures A second category of cases concerns measures establishing specific import procedures which in effect amount to a total ban on imports. Table 6.2 shows these cases. Such total bans may result from very different kinds of factors, such as the exercise of overly broad discretion by policy-making institutions of the import- ing country, or a failure to provide specific information, or a general lack of transparency. Their common feature, however, is that on their face they seem to be deliberate attempts to limit imports. In order to be legally acceptable under the wto international trade regime, such total bans must be justified under wto law. Importing Members almost always try to justify such bans on grounds of product safety, public health or product quality. Rarely, however, are such justifications successful. The poultry sector has been a continual source of tension between the eu and the us (since the early 1960s),55 at least until the recent already noted Codex Guidelines.56 We have already noted its importance to China. ds 100 us – Poultry Meat concerned an import ban that was alleged to be due to food safety concerns but which also exemplified the exercise of overly broad discre- tion on the part of domestic institutions of the importing country. It arose during the period when the ec began to prohibit imports of poultry treated with prts, a concern that eventually led the us to bring DS389 ec – Poultry (discussed above). It was the first case involving poultry brought to the wto. On 18 August 1997 the European Communities requested consultations with the United States. It challenged a us ban on imports of poultry and poultry products from the ec. A letter from the usda Food Safety Inspection Service communicated the ban in the following terms: ‘poultry and poultry products produced in the ec after April 30, 1997 will not be eligible for entry into the United States until the United States is able to obtain additional assurances of 55 56

Codex Committee on Food Hygiene, Kampala, Uganda, 29 November – 3 December 2010, rep 11/FH, para. 63 and Appendix iii, available at www.codexalimentarius.net/…/REP11 _FHe.pdf – , accessed 21 January 2013. 55 See eg Herman Walker, ‘Dispute Settlement: The Chicken War’, American Journal of International Law, 58, 1964, 671–685; Ross Talbot, The Chicken War: An International Trade Conflict between the United States and the European Economic Community, 1961–1964 (Iowa State University Press, Ames, 1978). 56 Joint fao/who Food Standards Programme, Codex Alimentarius Commission, 34th Session, Geneva, Switzerland, 4–9 July 2011, Report of the Forty-Second Session of the Codex Committee on Food Hygiene, Kampala, Uganda, 29 November–3 December 2010, rep 11/FH, para. 63 and Appendix iii, available at www.codexalimentarius.net/…/REP11 _FHe.pdf – , accessed 21 January 2013.

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 293

Table 6.2 Cases on import bans – procedures

Case number and Case name Complainant Product Procedural filing date status

DS100, 18.8.1997 us – Poultry Products ec Poultry In consultation DS133, 7.5.1997 Slovak Republic – Switzerland Dairy products In consultation Dairy Products DS144, 25.9.1998 us – Cattle, Swine Canada Cattle, swine, In consultation and Grain grain DS237, 31.8.2001 Turkey – Fresh Fruit Ecuador Fresh fruit Mutually agreed solution DS270, 18.10.2002 Australia – Fresh Philippines Fresh fruit and Panel estab- Fruit and Vegetables vegetables lished, but not yet composed DS284, 17.3.2003 Mexico – Black Beans Nicaragua Black beans Withdrawn DS392, 17.4.2009 us – Poultry from China Poultry Report(s) China adopted, no further action required DS455, 12.1.2013 Indonesia – us Horticultural Panel estab- Horticultural products, lished, but not Products, Animals animals and yet composed and Animal Products animal products DS465, 30.8.2013 Indonesia – us Horticultural In consultation Horticultural products, Products, Animals animals and and Animal Products animal products DS466, 30.8.2013 Indonesia – New Zealand Horticultural In consultation Horticultural products, Products, Animals animals and and Animal Products animal products DS477, 8.5.2014 Indonesia – New Zealand Horticultural In consultation Horticultural products, Products, Animals animals and and Animal Products animal products DS478, 8.5.2014 Indonesia – us Horticultural In consultation Horticultural products, Products, Animals animals and and Animal Products animal products

294 CHAPTER 6 product safety’. However it did not indicate any grounds for what appeared to be a sudden change of policy, which doubtless lay in domestic market condi- tions and consequent political pressures. The ec considered the ban to be con- trary to the gatt, the sps Agreement and the tbt Agreement.57 Formally speaking, the case remains in consultation. China did not request third-party status. DS133 Slovak Republic – Dairy Products also concerned measures which in effect banned imports. On 11 May 1998 Switzerland requested consultations with the Slovak Republic about several Slovak measures concerning importa- tion of dairy products and transit of cattle. It alleged that the measures were incompatible with numerous articles of gatt, Article 5 sps and Article 5 of the Import Licensing Agreement.58 The dispute was apparently settled, as no fur- ther information appears to be available. In DS144 United States – Cattle, Swine and Grain from Canada, Canada on 25 September 1998 requested consultations with the United States concerning us measures affecting Canadian exports import of cattle, swine and grain.59 The measures were imposed by the state of South Dakota and other states and pro- hibited entry to Canadian lorries carrying these products. Canada considered the measures to be contrary to the Agreement on Agriculture, the gatt, the

57 58 sps59 Agreement and the tbt Agreement.60 The case remains in consultation. 60

57 United States – Measures Affecting Imports of Poultry Products, Request for Consultations by the European Communities, World Trade Organization, WT/DS100/1, G/SPS/GEN/28, G/TBT/D/14, 25 August 1997 (97–3454). See also the Summary of the dispute to date: United States – Measures Affecting Imports of Poultry Products, DS100, available at http:// www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ds100_e.htm, last accessed 12 September 2012. 58 Slovak Republic – Measures Concerning the Importation of Dairy Products and the Transit of Cattle, Request for Consultations by Switzerland, World Trade Organization, WT/DS133/1, G/L/243, G/LIC/D/22, 18 May 1998 (98–1972); see also Summary of the dispute to date available at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ ds133_e.htm, last accessed 12 September 2012. 59 As to factors possibly explaining why Canada had recourse to the wto rather than to nafta, see Marc L. Busch, ‘Overlapping Institutions, Forum Shopping, and Dispute Settlement in International Trade’, International Organization, 61,Fall 2007, 735–761. Busch argues that a complainant chooses among different possible dispute-settlement institutions according to whether it wants to set a regional or multilateral precedent, or not file a case at all. 60 United States – Certain Measures Affecting the Import of Cattle, Swine and Grain from Canada, Request for Consultations from Canada, World Trade Organization, WT/DS144/1, G/L/260/G/SPS/W/90, G/TBT/D/18, G/AG/GEN/27, 29 September 1998 (98–3762). Sum­ mary of the dispute to date available at United States – Certain Measures Affecting the

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 295

The requirement of specific import documents can also constitute a ban on imports. For example, in DS237 Turkey – Fresh Fruit, Ecuador on 31 August 2001 requested consultations with Turkey regarding Turkey’s import proce- dures for fresh fruit, in particular bananas. For fresh fruit imports, Turkey required a specific import document, called ‘Kontrol Belgesi’ (control certifi- cate), which was to be issued by the Turkish Ministry of Agriculture, pursuant to a governmental Communiqué for Standardization in Foreign Trade. Ecuador claimed that the requirement was a trade barrier inconsistent with Articles ii, iii, x and xi gatt, several articles of the sps Agreement, and pro- visions of other wto Agreements.61 On the failure of consultations, a panel was established in late July 2002 but was immediately suspended since the parties were seeking to find a negotiated solution. The parties reached a mutually satisfactory solution in November 2002.62 Turkey changed its con- trol certificate system to provide for automatic issue of import licenses once the required documents had been produced. It also undertook not to revert to its previous practices. However both parties stated that the mutually satis- factory solution was without prejudice to their wto rights and obligations, thus making it clear that they might invoke wto law in the event of problems in the future.63 Often an import ban may reflect deep-seated political and economic con- flicts. Such tensions are rarely evident in case reports, though clearly the poul- try disputes between the eu and the us were based on competition and structural conflicts between the two parties’ poultry industries as well as differ- ences in domestic regulatory arrangements. An example is ds 270 Australia – Fresh Fruit and Vegetables.64 On 18 October 2002 the Philippines requested consultations with Australia. The case concerned an Australian import ban

61 62 63 64

Import of Cattle, Swine and Grain from Canada, DS144, http://www.wto.org/english/ tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ds144_e.htm, last accessed 12 September 2012. 61 Turkey – Certain Import Procedures for Fresh Fruit, Request for Consultations by Ecuador, World Trade Organization, DS237/1, G/L/472, G/SPS/GEN/275, G/LIC/D/323, G/AG/ GEN/48, S/L/101, 10 September 2010 (01–4237). 62 Turkey – Certain Import Procedures for Fresh Fruit, WT2237, Summary of the dispute to date available at http://www.wto/org/english/tratop_e?dispu_e/cases_e/ds237_e.htm, last accessed 12 September 2012. 63 Turkey – Certain Import Procedures for Fresh Fruit, Notification of Mutually Agreed Solution, World Trade Organization, DS237/4, 29 November 2002 (02–6589). 64 Australia – Certain Measures Affecting the Importation of Fresh Fruit and Vegetables, DS270, Summary of the dispute to date available at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/ dispu_e/cases_e/ds2780_e.htm, last acccessed on 11 September 2012.

296 CHAPTER 6 on fresh fruits and vegetables, in particular bananas, papayas and plantain.65 Section 64 of the Australian 1998 Quarantine Proclamation provided that ‘the importation into Australia of a fresh fruit or vegetable is prohibited unless the Director of Quarantine has granted the person a permit to import it into Australia’.66 The Philippines claimed that Section 64, implementing regula- tions and amendments of the Section and the application of these measures was inconsistent with the gatt, the Import Licensing Agreement and numer- ous provisions of the sps Agreement. There were powerful political and eco- nomic interests on both sides. The Philippine Banana Growers and Exporters Association (pbgea) consisted mainly of larger companies affiliated with mul- tinational companies such as Dole, Delmonte and Chiquita Brands, while the then Secretary of the Philippine Department of Agriculture was the ‘former chair of the pbgea, the family-controlled Lapanday Foods Corporation,67 and Del Monte Philippines, Inc’.68 On the other side, the ‘Australia Banana Growers’ Council (abgc), established in 1961, represented 1,900 banana growers.69 The ec and Thailand joined the consultations. On 7 July 2003 the Philippines requested the establishment of a panel, which however was deferred. A panel was established on 29 August 2003. China, the ec, Ecuador, India, Thailand and the us all reserved their third party rights.70 So far it does not seem as if a panel has been constituted. The long delay and lack of progress in dispute settlement indicate the political and economic sensitivity of the case. Lack of transparency can also be equivalent to a ban on imports. An extreme example is the case in which an importing country simply fails to provide information on its domestic requirements. In DS284 Mexico – Black Beans, Nicaragua on 17 March 2003 requested consultations with Mexico. It complained

65 66 67 68 69 70

65 For an analysis of the case up to 2005, see Josyline Javelos and Andrew Schmitz, ‘Costs and Benefits of a wto Dispute: Philippine Bananas and the Australian Market’, The Estey Centre Journal of International Law and Trade Policy, 7, 1, 2006, pp. 58–83 (hereafter Javelos and Schmitz, ‘Costs’). 66 Quoted in ibid., at 59. 67 For more information, see the Lapanday Food Corporation website, http://www.lapanday .com, accessed 30 October 2012. 68 Javelos and Schmitz, ‘Costs’, supra note 65, at 66. See also fao, Economic and Social Development Department, The World Banana Economy, 1985–2002, Chapter 2: ‘Transna­ tional Companies in the World Banana Economy’, available at http://www.faco.org/docrep/ 007/y5102e/y5102e09.htm, accessed 21 January 2013. 69 Javelos and Schmitz, ‘Costs’ supra note 65, at 67. 70 Australia – Certain Measures Affecting the Importation of Fresh Fruit and Vegetables, DS270, Summary of the dispute to date available at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/ dispu_e/cases_e/ds2780_e.htm, last acccessed on 11 September 2012.

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 297 that Mexico refused, contrary to Mexico’s own standards, to provide importers with documents containing phytosanitary requirements for importation of black beans from Nicaragua, gave more favourable treatment to like products from other countries and failed to publish phytosanitary requirements for imports of Nicaraguan black beans. It considered the Mexican measures to be vio- lation of the gatt, the Licensing Agreement and the sps Agreement.71 Follo­ wing negotiations, Nicaragua formally withdrew its complaint.72 It is likely that the outcome took account of the transparency requirements in the wto agreements. For example, Article x gatt requires wto Members to publish their trade regulations,73 while the sps requires them to publish and provide information about their sanitary and phytosanitary regulations.74 Political and economic conflicts also underlay ds 392 United States – Imports of Poultry from China. The case is discussed in detail because of its intrinsic interest for a Chinese readership and because of its novelty. In June 2009 China requested the establishment of a panel in a complaint concerning United States measures on poultry imports.75 Brazil, Chinese Taipei, the eu, Guate­ mala, Korea and Turkey were third parties at the panel stage. The United States food safety inspection regime for poultry products, both domestic and imported, was established in the Poultry Products Inspection Act (ppia), which was implemented by the Food Safety and Inspection Services (fsis). In 2004 China requested a determination, and fsis determined that China’s poultry processing system and, pending further investigation, that its inspec- tion system was equivalent to those of the United States. However, subsequent public concerns about the Chinese food safety regime led to the enactment by Congress of a restriction on funding the establishment or implementation of a rule allowing import of poultry products from China as of 26 December 2007. Since such a rule was necessary to imports to be permitted, imports of poultry from China were in effect banned on the United States market. The restriction was later replaced by a similar restriction, Section 727, together with a Joint

71 72 73 74 75

71 Mexico – Certain Measures Preventing the Importation of Black Beans from Nicaragua, Request for Consultations by Nicaragua, World Trade Organization, WT/DS284/1, G/L/614, G/LIC/D/37, G/SPS/GEN/375, 20 March 2003 (03–1616). 72 Mexico – Certain Measures Preventing the Importation of Black Beans from Nicaragua, DS284/1, summary available at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ ds284_e.htm, last accessed 12 September 2012. 73 gatt, supra note 1164, Article X:1. 74 sps Agreement, supra Chapter 4 note 4, Article 7 and Annex B(1), sps Agreement. 75 United States – Certain Measures Affecting Imports of Poultry from China, Panel Report, WT/DS392/r, adopted 25 October 2010 (hereafter us – Poultry from China).

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Explanatory Statement (jes). China challenged Section 727 on the grounds of violation of Articles i:1 and xi:1 gatt, Article 4.2 AoA, and Articles 2.2, 2.3, 5.1, 5.2, 5.5, 5.6 and 8 sps. Note that on 28 February 2009 China enacted its new Food Safety Law.76 The United States argued that the challenged measure was merely a proce- dural requirement that was part of a continuing review of equivalence. In its view, Section 727 fell under Article 4 sps, not other sps provisions, so that a risk assessment under Article 5.1 sps was not necessary.77 In interpreting Article 4 sps, the Panel considered a 23 July 2004 decision by the sps Committee.78 The Decision explained that, in justifying its appropriate level of protection (alop), the importing Member should provide a risk assessment or a technical justifica- tion based on an international standard, guideline or recommendation.79 According to the Panel, the Decision80 was ‘not [legally] binding and does not determine the scope of Article 4’ but it ‘expands on the Members’ own under- standing of how Article 4 relates to the rest of the sps Agreement and how it is to be implemented’.81 From this analysis the Panel concluded that measures under Article 4 sps must also comply with other provisions of the sps Agreement.82 On this basis, the Panel considered that an Article 5.1 sps analysis must answer two questions: first, whether a risk assessment was conducted, appro- priate to the circumstances and taking account of ‘risk assessment techniques developed by the relevant international organizations and the elements listed in Article 5.2’, and second, whether the measure was based on the risk assess- ment.83 It found Section 727 to be contrary to Articles 5.1 and 5.2 sps. The United States evidence concerned China’s food safety regime in general or spe- cific food safety problems in China, such as bird flu, poultry smuggling and melamine in chicken feed, but it did not, according to the Panel, ‘establish the

76 77 78 79 existence80 of a risk of consuming unsafe poultry from China’.84 The Panel therefore 81 82 83 84

76 Ibid., paragraph 2.27. 77 Ibid., paragraph 6.29. 78 Ibid., paragraphs 7.1134–7.137. 79 Ibid., paragraph 7.135. 80 Decision on the Implementation of Article 4 of the Agreement on Sanitary and Phyto­ sanitary Measures, 23 July 2004, revised version available at https://docs.wto.org/dol2fe/ Pages/FE_Search/FE_S_S009-DP.aspx?language=E&CatalogueIdList=79250,43597,36280, 89035,54139,14433,13336,16857,8054,2005&CurrentCatalogueIdIndex=3&FullTextSearch=, last accessed 14 January 2015. 81 us – Poultry from China, supra note 75, paragraph 7.136. 82 Ibid., paragraph 7.138. 83 Ibid., paragraph 7.173, see also paragraph 7.182. 84 Ibid., paragraphs 7.202–7.204.

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 299 concluded that Section 727 was not based on a risk assessment or sufficient scientific evidence and thus not consistent with Article 2.2 sps.85 It also found that Section 727 was inconsistent with Article 5.5 sps (disguised restriction on international trade),86 Article 2.3 sps (arbitrary or unjustifiable discrimina- tion),87 Article 8 and Annex C(1)(a) sps (undue delay in approval proce- dures),88 Article i:1 gatt (most favoured nation treatment)89 and Article xi:1 gatt (import restrictions). In addition, it concluded that Section 727 could not be justified under Article xx (b) gatt (general exceptions) because it was inconsistent with Articles 2.2, 2.3, 5.1., 5.2 and 5.5 sps.90 Clearly, the Panel’s recourse to and interpretation of the sps Committee Decision of 23 July 2004 was absolutely decisive in shaping the Panel’s analysis and determining the outcome. On 10 January 2013, the United States requested consultations with Indonesia regarding its procedures for the importation of horticultural products, animals and animal products.91 It complained that Indonesia applied non-automatic import licenses and quotas to these products and also set up annual and semi- annual quotas through ministerial-level coordination meetings followed by inter-ministerial technical meetings. The import licensing regimes involved multiple, complex procedures. The us contended that these measures infr­ inged various articles of the gatt, the Agreement on Agriculture and the Import Licensing Agreement. Australia, Canada and the eu applied and were accepted to join the consultations. The us requested a panel on 14 March 2013, and the panel was established on 24 April 2013. Australia, Canada, China, the eu, Japan, Korea, Chinese Taipei, Argentina, New Zealand, Paraguay and Thailand reserved third-party rights.92 On 30 August 2013, the United States requested consultations with Indo­ nesia concerning the same and other measures, which it contended were con- trary to various articles of the gatt, the Agreement on Agriculture, the Import

85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92

85 Ibid., paragraph 7.203. 86 Ibid., paragraph 7.294. 87 Ibid., paragraphs 7.316–7.319. 88 Ibid., paragraphs 7.393–7.396. 89 Ibid., paragraph 7.441. 90 Ibid., paragraph 7.483. 91 Indonesia – Importation of Horticultural Products, Animals and Animal Products, Request for Consultations by the United States, WT/DS455/1, G/L/1022, g/AG/GEN/108, G/LIC/ D/44, 14 JAnuary 2013, available at www.wto.org, last visited 31 October 2014. 92 See the Current Status report at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ ds465_e.htm, last visited on 31 October 2014.

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Licen­sing Agreement and the Agreement on Preshipment Inspection.93 New Zealand, Canada, the eu and Thailand, Australia joined the consultations.94 So far, no panel has been established. Also on 30 August 2013, New Zealand requested consultations with Indonesia concerning the importation of hor- ticultural products, animals and animal products.95 It complained about Indonesian measures including quotas, import restrictions and discretionary or non-automatic import licensing schemes, which Indonesia tried to justify as necessary to restrict imports when domestic supply was sufficient to meet domestic demand. New Zealand considered that these measures were con- trary to various articles of the gatt, the Agreement on Agriculture, the Import Licensing Agreement and the Agreement on Preshipment Inspection. The us, Canada, the eu, Thailand and Australia joined the consultations. So far a panel has not been established.96 On 8 May 2014 New Zealand again requested con- sultations with New Zealand regarding essentially the same measures.97 The us, Thailand, Canada, the eu, Chinese Taipei and Australia joined the consul- tations. A panel has not yet been established.98 Finally, also on 8 May 2014 the United States once again requested consulta- tions with Indonesia concerning measures imposed on importation of horticul- tural products, animals and animal products.99 New Zealand, Thailand, Canada, the eu, Chinese Taipei and Australia joined the consultations. So far a panel has

93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100not yet been established.100 The continued requests for consultations by the

93 Indonesia – Importation of Horticultural Products, Animals and Animal Products, Request for Consultations by the United States, WT/DS465/1, G/L/1037, g/AG/GEN/112, G/LIC/ D/45, G/PSI/D,1, 9 Septemer 2013, available at www.wto.org, last visited 31 October 2014. 94 See Current Status at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ds465_e.htm, last visited 31 October 2014. 95 Indonesia – Importation of Horticultural Products, Animals and Animal Products, Request for Consultations by New Zealand, WT/DS466/1, G/L/1038, G/AG/GEN/113, G/LIOC/D/46, G/PSI/D/2, 9 September 2013. 96 See Current Status as http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ds466_e.htm, last visited 31 October 2014. 97 Indonesia – Importation of Horticultural Products, Animals and Animal Products, Request for Consultations by New Zealand, WT/DS477/1, G/L/1068, G/AG/GEN/118, G/LIC/D/47, G/{SI/D/3, 15 May 2014. 98 See Current Status at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ds477_e.htm, last visited 31 October 2014. 99 Indonesia – Importation of Horticultural Products, Animals and Animal Products, Request for Consultations by the United States, WT/DS478/1, G/L/1069, G/AG/GEN/119, G/LIC/ D/48, G/PSI/D/4, 15 May 2014. 100 See Current Status at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ds478_e.htm, last visited 31 October 2014.

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 301 us and New Zealand concerning essentially the same measures indicate the importance of local power relations in Indonesia as elsewhere, notably in this case the domination of the Ministry of Agriculture by ‘“production oriented husbandry specialists”’ in determining Indonesia policy towards imports.101 These cases reveal that often countries do not really try to justify total bans on imports. Such bans are very difficult to justify under wto law. In such instances, wto Members often delay in providing any reasonable rationale or legal justifi- cation, perhaps seeking to gain time by delaying imports or to limit the quantity of imports to what policy-makers or specific interest groups consider to be the absorptive capacity of the domestic market. The main objective, which is more or less apparent in virtually all cases, is to avoid or restrict competition.

Import Bans – Health and Quality Standards In addition to the use of procedural devices to prohibit imports, countries fre- quently use health and quality standards as de facto import bans (see Table 6.3). This category is the most highly populated among the categories of cases distinguished for analysis here, with a total of seven cases. Hungary joined the wto in 1995. Subsequently it became a Member State of the European Union in 2004. On the eve of its accession to the eu, Hungary brought three complaints to the wto dispute settlement system in rapid succession. The first case was DS240 Romania – Wheat and Wheat Flour. On 18 October 2001, Hungary requested consultations with Romania, which joined the eu only in 2007. It complained that a Romanian joint decree of the Ministry of Agriculture, Food Industry and Forestry, the Ministry of Family and Health and the National Consumer Protection Authority was contrary to Articles iii and xi gatt. The joint decree prohibited the importation of wheat and wheat flour that did not meet certain quality standards; domestic products were not subject to the same requirements.102 Subsequently Hungary requested the dsu urgency procedure, because Romania proposed consultations only a month after the request and the decree totally blocked all Hungarian wheat exports.103 The Romanian measures clearly were incompatible with Romania’s wto

101 102 103

101 See Olivier Charnoz and Paul Forster, ‘The Global Health Impact of Local Power Relations: Fragmented Governance, Big Business and Organisational Bias in Indonesian Animal Health Policies’, lse Global Governance Working Paper wp 02/2011. 102 Romania – Import Prohibition on Wheat and Wheat Flour, Request for Consultations by Hungary, World Trade Organization, WT/DS240/1, 7 November 2001 (01–5504). 103 Romania – Import Prohibition on Wheat and Wheat Flour, Request for Consultations by Hungary, Addendum, World Trade Organization, WT/DS240/1/Add.1, 28 November 2001 (01–6079).

302 CHAPTER 6

Table 6.3 Cases on import bans based on health and quality standards

Case number and Case name Complainant Product Procedural status filing date

DS240. 18.10.2001 Romania – Wheat Hungary Wheat and Measures ­abrogated, and Wheat Flour wheat flour complaint withdrawn DS256, 3.5.2002 Turkey – Pet Food Hungary Pet food In consultation DS297, 9.7.2003 Croatia – Live Hungary Live animals Mutually agreed Animals and Meat and meat solution Products products DS391, 9.4.2009 Korea – Bovine Canada Beef Mutually agreed Meat solution DS447, 30.8.2012 usa – Animals Argentina Beef Panel composed on 8 and Meat August 2013 DS448, 3.9.2012 usa – Fresh Argentina Lemons In consultation Lemons DS475, 8.4.2014 Russian – Live eu Live pigs, pork Panel established, but Pigs, Pork and and other pig not yet composed other Pig Products products

­obligations, in particular the Article iii gatt principle of national treatment. During the consultations, Romania abrogated the measures and on 20 December Hungary withdrew its complaint.104 In a second case, DS256, Hungary on 3 May 2002 requested consultations with Turkey concerning Turkey’s import ban on pet food from Hungary.105 The ban had been applied since early 2001 to pet food imports from any European countries to protect against bovine spongiform encephalopathy (bse, ‘mad cow disease’). However, Hungary was a bse-free country, the products in

104 105

104 Romania – Import Prohibition on Wheat and Wheat Flour, DS240, summary available at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ds240_e.htm, last accessed 12 September 2012. 105 The case is included here because it concerns public health and the sps Agreement. Note that pet food is not considered to be ‘food’ under eu food law: see the definition of ‘food’ in Article 2 of Regulation (ec) No 178/2002 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 28 January 2002 laying down the general principles and requirements of food law, establishing the European Food Safety Authority and laying down procedures in matters of food safety, ojec, 1 February 2002L31/1.

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 303

­question were used only for feeding cats and dogs, and Hungary claimed that the ban had been neither officially published nor notified to the relevant wto committee.106 It argued that the ban was contrary to Article xi gatt, the Agreement on Agriculture, and Articles 2, 5, 6 and 7 and Annex B of the sps Agreement. According to the wto website the case is still in consultation.107 However, a Turkish Government website lists the case as having been resolved during consultations.108 The latter is the most likely result. Given Hungary’s accession to the eu and taking account of the strength of its legal arguments, it was to be expected that the case would be settled by mutual agreement, even though no mutually agreed solution seems to have been notified to the wto. Hungary and an alleged threat of bse were also concerned in a third case, ds 297, Croatia – Live Animals and Meat Products In 2003 Hungary challenged measures introduced by Croatia allegedly to prevent the spread of bse. Refer­ ring to Articles xi and xx gatt and to the sps Agreement, it argued that the measure had not been notified to the sps Committee, was overly broad, was not based on any scientific principle or international standard relating to bse and did not appear to be based on a risk assessment. The parties reached a mutually satisfactory solution later in 2003; this was notified to the wto dsb about six years later, on 30 January 2009.109 Another import ban case, DS391 Korea – Bovine Meat and Meat Products, also involved bse. Canada complained regarding Korean measures on impor- tation of bovine meat and meat products from Canada. It requested consulta- tions on 9 April 2009. It challenged a Korean administrative order prohibiting the importation of beef and other meat products from Canada and provisions of the Korean Livestock Epidemic Prevention Act which subjected such meat imports to the approval of the Korean National Assembly. Korea purportedly maintained a ban on such products to protect against alleged risks from bse. Canada argued that the measures contravened Articles 2.2, 2.3, 3.1, 3.3, 5.1, 5.5,

106 107 108 5.6109 and 8, together with Annex C(1)(a) sps; that the Korean measures did not

106 Turkey – Import Ban on Pet Food from Hungary, Request for Consultations by Hungary, World Trade Organization, WT/DS256/1, G/L/538, G/SPS/GEN/316, G/AG/GEN/51, 7 May 2002 (02–2579). 107 See DS256, Turkey – Import Ban on Pet Food from Hungary, Summary of the dispute to date, available at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ds256_e.htm, last accessed 22 January 2013. 108 See ‘Turkey and the wto Dispute Settlement Mechanism’, 19 November 2012, available at www.economy.gov.tr, accessed 22 January 2013. 109 Croatia – Measures Affecting Imports of Live Animals and Meat Products, DS297, summary available at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ds297_e.htm, last accessed 12 September 2012.

304 CHAPTER 6 meet the requirements of Article 5.7 sps; and that the measures were inconsis- tent with Articles i:1, iii:4 and xi:1 gatt. On 9 July 2009 Canada requested that a panel be established, but establishment was deferred until the dsb meeting on 11 August 2009. China reserved its third-party rights. However, on 19 June 2012 the parties notified the wto that they had reached a mutually satisfactory solution; Korea confirmed that it would apply newly enacted import health requirements to Canadian beef.110 Two recent cases formed part of continuing trade conflicts between the us and Argentina.111 They reflect not only the significance of trading relationship between these countries but also other tensions between them, such as out- standing Argentinian payments of International Center for Settlement of Investment Disputes (icsid) awards in investment disputes and the conse- quent us suspension of Argentina’s access to the us Generalized Scheme of Preferences (gsp) programme, which directly influences trade.112 In DS447 United States – Animals and Meat, Argentina on 30 August 2012 requested con- sultations with the United States concerning the us prohibition on imports of fresh (chilled or frozen) bovine meat and its failure to recognize Argentina as being free of foot-and-mouth disease (fmd). Argentina considered the us

110 111 112

110 Korea – Measures Affecting the Importation of Bovine Meat and Meat Products from Canada, Request for the Establishment of a Panel by Canada, WT/DS391/3, 10 July 2009; suspended under Article 12.12 dsu on 4 July 2011; mutually agreed solution reached by the parties, according to press reports (www.worldtradelaw.net., visited 06/12/2011). On the content of the agreement, see Korea – Measures Affecting the Importation of Bovine Meat and Meat Productsfrom Canada, DS391, Summary of the dispute to date available at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ds391_e.htm, last accessed 12 September 2012. 111 As of 23 January 2013, 5 of the 18 cases in which Argentina was a complainant were against the us, and 5 of the 22 cases in which Argentina was a respondent were brought by the us. Argentina also complained 5 times against Chilean measures and was a respondent in 8 cases brought by the eu, but none of these cases concerned food safety: see: http://www .wto.org/english/thewto_e/countries_e/argentina_e.htm, accessed 23 January 2013. For examples of the different perspectives, see Merco Press, South Atlantic News Agency, ‘Argentina hits back at the us and will complain to the wto trade barriers on meats and lemons’, Montevideo, January 23, 2013, available at http://en.mercopress.com/2012/08/21/ argentina-hits-back-at-us-and-will-complain-in-wto-trade-barriers-on-meats-and-lemons, accessed 23 January 2013; and Tom Miles, ‘us, eu blast Argentina’s trade restrictions at wto’, Reuters, Geneva, 30 March 2012, available at http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/ 03/30/us-argentina-wto-idUSBRE82T1H520120330, accessed 23 January 2013. 112 See eg Tom Barkley and Ken Parks, ‘u.s. cuts trade preferences to Argentina’, The Wall Street Journal, Europe Edition, Monday, 26 March 2012, available at http://online.wsj.com/ article/SB10001424052702304177104577305652479085184.html, accessed 23 January 2013.

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 305 measures to be contrary to numerous provisions of gatt, the sps Agreement and the wto Agreement. It complained that there was no scientific or legal basis for the ban or for non-recognition, because the World Organization for Animal Health (oie) had already recognized Argentina as fmd-free with vac- cination and had recognized part of the country as fmd-free without vaccina- tion. Argentina also complained about undue delays in the us approval procedure, even though the us recognized that a risk analysis had been com- pleted and that the imports posed ‘a negligible risk’.113 Its first request for the establishment of a panel was blocked by the us,114 but following Argentina’s second request a panel was established on 28 January 2013 and was composed 8 August 2013.115 At this stage Australia, Brazil, China, European Union, India and Korea reserved their third-party rights.116 In a second case, DS448, United States – Fresh Lemons, Argentina on 3 September 2012 requested consultations with the United States about us mea- sures affecting, and in effect banning, for almost the previous eleven years imports of citrus fruits, including fresh lemons from the North-West region of Argentina, failure to grant approval for such imports and alleged delays in approval procedures. Argentina based its challenge of the ban on several us measures, including federal legislation, an administrative rule of the us Animal and Plant Inspection Service (aphis) and a case brought successfully by 5000

113 114 115 Arizona116 and California citrus growers to challenge the us Department of

113 United States – Measures Affecting the Importation of Animals, Meat and Other Animal Products from Argentina, Request for Consultations by Argentina, World Trade Organi­ zation, WT/DS447/1, G/L/998, G/SPS/GEN/1186, 4 September 2012 (12–4749); corrigen- dum: United States – Measures Affecting the Importation of Animals, Meat and Other Animal Products from Argentina, Request for Consultations by Argentina, Corrigendum, World Trade Organization, WT/DS447/1/Corr.1, G/L/998/Corr.1, G/SPS/GEN/1186/Corr.1, 11 September 2012 (12–4836). 114 Article 6.1 dsu provides that ‘If the complaining party so requests, a panel shall be estab- lished at the dsb meeting following that at which the request first appears as an item on the dsb’s agenda, unless at that meeting the dsb decides by consensus not to establish a panel’. Hence the respondent is able to block establishment of a panel on the first request only. 115 World Trade Organization, ‘Panel established on Argentina’s disputes with eu, us and Japan’, wto: 2013 News Items, Dispute Settlement Body, Summary of the meeting, 28 January 2013, available at http://www.wto.org/engish/news_e/news13_e/dsb_28jan13_e .htm, accessed 3 February 2013. 116 See World Trade Organization, Dispute Settlement: Dispute DS447, United States – Measures Affecting the Importation of Animals, Meat and Other Animal Products from Argentina, Current status, Summary of the dispute to date, available at http://www.wto .org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ds447_e.htm, last accessed 9 April 2013.

306 CHAPTER 6

Agriculture’s decision to allow citrus imports from Argentina.117 Argentina considered the us measures to be lacking in scientific justification and to be contrary to numerous articles of gatt, the sps Agreement and the wto Agreement.118 The case is currently underway. In a recent case the eu on 8 April 2014, in the midst of a developing political crisis regarding the Ukraine, requested consultations with Russia concerning measures on importation of live pigs and their genetic material, pork, pork products and certain other commodities from the eu.119 Russia claimed that the measures were based on concerns about African Swine Fever in Europe. The eu requested regionalisation of the measures on the ground that the areas which were the source of eu exports had been separated from affected areas, but this request was not granted. The eu argued that the Russia measures were inconsistent with Russia’s obligations under the gatt and the sps Agreement. On 22 July 2014 the wto established a panel. Australia, China, India, Japan, Korea, Norway, Chinese Taipei, the United States, Brazil and South Africa reserved their third party rights.120

Post-Importation Testing and Inspection Challenges in the wto system may also concern measures which require test- ing and inspection of products once imported (see Table 6.4). The United States and Korea were both founding Members of the wto.

117 118 119 In 120 April 1995, soon after the wto was established, the United States in DS3

117 Harlan Land Company, et al. vs. United States Department of Agriculture, et al. 3 Case #CV-F-00-6106-REC/LJO (D. Ariz. 27 September 2001). For comment on the legal and political context by the u.s. Citrus Science Council, see ‘California Citrus Growers Sue usda Over Argentina Citrus Imports’, RiskWorld pr Newswire, Press Release, available at http://www.riskworld.com/pressrel/2000/00q3/PR00a029.htm, last accessed 23 September 2012. 118 United States – Measures Affecting the Importation of Fresh Lemons, Request for Consul­ tations by Argentina, World Trade Organization, WT/DS448/1, G/L/1000, G/SPS/GEN/1187, 5 September 2012 (12–4777); United States – Measures Affecting the Importation of Fresh Lemons, Request for Consultations by Argentina, Corrigendum World Trade Organization, WT/DS448/1/Corr.1, G/L/1000/Corr.1, G/SPS/GEN/1187/Corr.1, 11 September 2012 (12–4838). See also Summary to date, United States – Measures Affecting the Importation of Fresh Lemons, available at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ds448_e.htm, last accessed 12 September 2012. 119 Russian Federation – Measures on the Importation of Live Pigs, Pork and Other Pig Products from the European Union, Request for Consultations by the European Union, WT/DS475/1, G/L/1065, G/SPS/GEN/1325, 14 April 2014. 120 See Current Status at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ds475_e .htm, last visited 31 October 2014.

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 307

Table 6.4 Cases on post-importation testing and inspection measures

Case number Case name Complainant Product Procedural and filing date status

DS3, 4.4.1995 Korea – Testing and us Agricultural In consultation Inspection of Products Agricultural Products DS41, 24.5.1996 Korea – Inspection of us Agricultural In consultation Agricultural Products products

Korea – Testing and Inspection of Agricultural Products requested consultations with Korea about measures for testing and inspection of imported agricultural products.121 For most of the preceding years (and afterwards except for 1996), the United States had a negative trade balance with Korea.122 It may have seen recourse to the wto as an important means of improving its export trade. Korea, in contrast, was a reluctant litigant, then characterized by an ‘dispute aversion attitude’, lacking sufficient expertise in wto law and also benefitting from a trade surplus with countries, such as the us, which adopted protection- ist measures, and therefore reluctant to litigate.123 In June 1996, in DS41 Korea – Inspection of Agricultural Products, the United States again requested consultations with Korea about similar measures.124 The us request included ‘all amendments, revisions, and new measures’

121 122 123 124

121 Korea – Measures Concerning Inspection of Agricultural Products, DS3, summary available at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ds3_e.htm, last accessed 12 September 2012. 122 See United States Department of Commerce, United States Census Bureau, Foreign Trade, ‘Trade in Goods with Korea, South’, for the years between 1990 and 1996, available at http://www.census.gov/foreign-trade/balance/c5800.html#1995, accessed 23 January 2013. 123 See Dukgeun Ahn, ‘Korea in the gatt/wto Dispute Settlement System: Legal Battle for Economic Development’, Journal of International Economic Law, 6, 3, 2003, 597–633, at 610 (hereafter Ahn, ‘Korea’); and relying mainly on Ahn but extending his insights, Henry Gao, ‘Aggressive Legalism: The East Asian Experience and Lessons for China’, in Henry Gao and Donald Lewis (eds), China’s Participation in the wto (Cameron May, London, 2005) at 320. 124 Korea – Measures Concerning Inspection of Agricultural Products, DS41, summary avail- able at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ds41_e.htm, last accessed 12 September 2012.

308 CHAPTER 6 adopted by Korea after the first us request for consultations.125 In both cases, the us argued that the measures were contrary to several wto agreements, including gatt, the Agreement on Agriculture, the sps Agreement and the tbt Agreement.126 According to the wto website, both DS3 and DS41 are still in consultation. In fact they were both suspended, because after the request for consultations ‘the United States did not take additional steps’.127 However, there seems to have been no formal indication of a mutually agreed solution.

Shelf-Life The final category of cases examined here concerns the shelf-life of product (see Table 6.5). Shelf-life refers to ‘the period of time under defined conditions of storage, after manufacture or packing, for which a food product will remain safe and fit for use’.128 The shelf-life of food products is increasingly considered to be a crucial element in informing consumers about and seeking to ensure food safety. Rules about shelf-life affect when, and possibly whether a product can actually be marketed. Such rules may especially affect imports. They may thus in practice may have different effects on domestic and imported products.

Table 6.5 Cases on the shelf-life of products

Case number Case name Complainant Product Procedural and filing date status

DS5, 3.5.1995 Korea – Shelf us Sausages, canned Mutually agreed Life meat, etc solution DS20, 8.11.1995 Korea – Bottled Canada Bottled water Mutually agreed water solution

125 126 127 128

125 Korea – Measures Concerning Inspection of Agricultural Products, Request for Consultation by the United States, WT/DS41/1, G/L/76, G/SPS/W/64, G/TBT/D/6, G/AG/W/25, 31 May 1996, available at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ds41_e.htm, accessed 23 January 2013. 126 Korea – Measures Concerning Inspection of Agricultural Products, DS41, summary avail- able at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ds41_e.htm, last accessed 12 September 2012. 127 Ahn, ‘Korea’, supra note 123, at 610. 128 Dominic Man, Shelf Life (Food Industry Briefing) (Wiley-Blackwell, Oxford, 2002), at 3.

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 309

Most countries use shelf-lives or ‘use-by’ dates which are determined, usually but not always, by the manufacturer.129 DS5 Korea – Measures Concerning the Shelf-Life of Products exemplifies the conflict over who should determine shelf- life. Brought soon after the wto was established, it was another case in which the us sought to use the wto to open Korean markets and improve its trade balance. The shelf-life of many food products sold in Korea was determined by national legislation, the Korean Food Code. In contrast, the us does not have any uniform national system, an open-dating system addressed prin- cipally to retailers rather than a sell-by or use-by system is frequently used, dates are usually determined by manufacturers, and some food products are undated.130 The Republic of Korea in February 1994 applied its Food Code in enforcing a 30-day shelf life against United States sausages. According to the us, the period was so short that ‘by the time a product cleared…customs and reached the shops, the dates were close to expiration or had already expired’.131 The dispute expanded to other products. Subsequently the main trade organi- zations of the United States meat industry, the National Cattlemen’s Asso­ ciation, the National Pork Producers’ Council and the American Meat Institute, filed a Section 301 petition against Korea. The ustr accepted the Section 301 petition in November 1994. Its investigation reportedly showed that ‘South Korean shelf-life standards were not supported by scientific studies and were

129 130 131 applied132 in an arbitrary and discriminatory manner’.132 The us and Korea began

129 See eg ibid., and New Zealand Food Safety Authority, ‘A Guide to Calculating the Shelf-Life of Food: Information Booklet for the Food Industry’ (New Zealand Food Safety Authority, Wellington, 2005), available at http://www.foodsafety.govt.nz/elibrary/industry/guide _calculating-contains_background.pdf, accessed 24 January 2013; Food Science Australia, ‘Shelf-Life Testing: Methods for Determining the Claimable Life of Meat Products’, Meat Technology Update, 2/06 – April 2006, available at http://www.mulwarra.com.au/resources/ site1/general/MEAT_TECHNOLOGY_UPDATE_06-2.pdf, accessed 24 January 2013. 130 United States Department of Agriculture (usda), Food Safety and Inspection Service, ‘Food Labelling: Food Dating’, Fact Sheets, available at http://www.fsis.usda.gov/Fact _Sheets/Food_Product_Dating/index.asp, accessed 24 January 2013. Twenty states require dating of some foods, but many do not require dating at all: Ralph Meer and Scottie Misner, ‘Food Product Dating and Storage Times’, available at http://cals.arizona.edu/ pubs/health/az1068.html, accessed 24 January 2013. 131 United States Department of Agriculture, usda Economic Research Service, Issues & Analysis, ‘South Korea’s World Trade Organization Cases’, p. 5, available at http://www.ers .usda.gov/topics/international-markets-trade/countries-regions/south-korea/issues -analysis.aspx#shelf, accessed 28 10 2012. This article is the source of the information about the background to the wto case. 132 United States Department of Agriculture, usda Economic Research Service, Issues & Analysis, ‘South Korea’s World Trade Organization Cases’, p. 5, available at

310 CHAPTER 6 bilateral consultations but could not resolve the dispute, so the us requested consultations through the wto. The us complained that the Korean Food Code requirements regarding the shelf-life of numerous products were con- trary to Article iii (national treatment) and Article xi (general elimination of quantitative restrictions) gatt, Article 2 (basic rights and obligations) and Article 5 (risk assessment and determination of the appropriate level of sani- tary protection) of the sps Agreement, Article 2 of the tbt Agreement (prepa- ration, adoption and application of technical regulations by central government bodies), and Article 4 (market access) of the Agreement on Agriculture.133 Within a month the parties reached a mutually satisfactory solution. The dis- cussions were not public, and available documents do not indicate what role specific wto agreements played in the discussions, though it is likely that the parties invoked all three wto agreements which formed the basis of the us complaint. The us and Korea agreed that, on the basis of the wto principles of most-favoured-nation and national treatment, shelf-life requirements for vacuum-packed chilled beef and pork, frozen meat, certain other frozen foods and numerous dried, packaged, canned or bottled products would be deter- mined by the manufacturer of the product. The storage temperature of the prod- ucts for which shelf-life requirements were removed from the Korean Food Code was also to be determined by the manufacturer. Korea also agreed to ensure that maximum residue levels for ‘imported excretory organ meats’ (such as kidney) were consistent with Codex Alimentarius international standards.134 Korea sub- sequently notified the wto Secretariat of the Harmonised System (hs) head- ings for the products for which self-life requirements had been removed from the Korean Food Code; it noted however that the classification method used in the Food Code differed from the hs system ‘in its basic purpose, nature, scope and coverage’ so the fit between the two classification systems was not

exact.133 135 Korean Food Code shelf-life requirements for other products were 134 135

http://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/international-markets-trade/countries-regions/ south-korea/issues-analysis.aspx#shelf, accessed 28 10 2012. 133 Korea – Measures Concerning the Shelf-Life of Products, Request for Consultations by the United States, World Trade Organization, Restricted, WT/DS5/1, 5 May 1995 (95–1170). 134 Korea – Measures Concerning the Shelf-Life of Products, Notification of Mutually Agreed Solution (20 July 1995), World Trade Organization, Restricted, WT/DS5/5, G/SPS/W/27, G/ TBT/D/3, G/AG/W/8, 31 July 1995, (95–2270); Korea – Measures Concerning the Shelf-Life of Products, Notification of Mutually Agreed Solution, Corrigendum, World Trade Organi­ zation Restricted, WT/DS5/Corr.1, G/SPS/W/27/Corr.1, G/TBT/D/3/Corr.1, G/AG/W/8/ Corr.1, 14 August 1995 (95–2383). 135 Korea – Measures Concerning the Shelf-Life of Products, Notification of Mutually Agreed Solution, Revision, Communication from the Republic of Korea, World Trade Organization,

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 311 also ­eliminated.136 This mutually agreed solution set aside numerous provisions of the Korean Food Code.137 The mutually agreed solution was without preju- dice to the rights or obligations of the parties under the wto agreements.138 The usda considered the case to be ‘a precedent-setting case for settling disputes on trade barriers couched as food safety requirements under wto Article xx’.139 For the us, it was also a victory for the interests of the American meat industry and for the ideology of open markets. From the Korean stand- point, however, the wto dispute settlement procedure provided an institu- tional mechanism for exporting and imposing the United States’ decentralized, market-based shelf-life system. In other words, it exported us shelf-life prac- tices. Date-marking of foods, including shelf-life, has been a controversial issue in international discussions about food safety. It does not appear that interna-

136 137 138 139 140tional standards as such require shelf-life to be set by the manufacturer.140

Restricted, WT/DS5/5/Add.1/Rev.1, G/SPS/W/27/Add.1/Rev.1, G/TBT/D/3/Add.1/Rev.1, G/AG/W/8/Add.1/Rev.1, 22 April 1996 (96–1475). See also Korea – Measures Concerning the Shelf-Life of Products, Notification of Mutually Agreed Solution, Communication from the Republic of Korea, Addendum, World Trade Organization Restricted, WT/DS5/5/Add.4, G/SPS/W/27/Add.4, G/TBT/D/3/Add.4, G/AG/W/8/Add.4, 19 July 1996 (96–2847). 136 Korea – Measures Concerning the Shelf-Life of Products, Notification of Mutually Agreed Solution, Revision, Communication from the Republic of Korea, Addendum, World Trade Organization Restricted, WT/DS5/5/Add.2, G/SPS/W/27/Add.2, G/TBT/D/3/Add.2, G/ AG/W/8/Add.2, 22 April 1996 (96–1476). 137 Korea – Measures Concerning the Shelf-Life of Products, Notification of Mutually Agreed Solution, Revision, Communication from the Republic of Korea, Addendum, World Trade Organization Restricted, WT/DS5/5/Add.3, G/SPS/W/27/Add.3, G/TBT/D/3/Add.3, G/ AG/W/8/Add.3, 22 April 1996 (96–1477). A number of products remained subject to the shelf-life requirements in the Korean Food Code: see Korea – Measures Concerning the Shelf-Life of Products, Notification of Mutually Agreed Solution, Revision, Communication from the Republic of Korea, Addendum, World Trade Organization Restricted, WT/DS5/5/ Add.5, G/SPS/W/27/Add.5, G/TBT/D/3/Add.5, G/AG/W/8/Add.5, 20 September 1996 (96–3605). 138 Korea – Measures Concerning the Shelf-Life of Products, Notification of Mutually Agreed Solution, World Trade Organization WT/DS5/%, G/SPS/W/27, G/TBT/D/3, G/AG/W/8, 31 July 1995 (95–2270). 139 United States Department of Agriculture, usda Economic Research Service, Issues & Analysis, ‘South Korea’s World Trade Organization Cases’, p. 5, available at http://www.ers .usda.gov/topics/international-markets-trade/countries-regions/south-korea/issues -analysis.aspx#shelf, accessed 28 10 2012. Article xxii gatt refers to the settlement of disputes by consultation. See also Article 4 dsu. 140 Codex Alimentarius Standard on Labelling of Prepackaged Foods (codex stan 1–1985) applies to date marking, including date of manufacture, date of packaging, sell-by-date, date of minimum durability and use-by date. Sell-by date refers to shelf-life. However, this

312 CHAPTER 6

For example, in September 2012, the Twelfth Session of the fao/wto Coordinating Committee for North America and the South West Pacific agreed to discontinue consideration of a discussion paper introduced by New Zealand on a harmonized approach to date marking.141 In this light, we may also recog- nize the case as constituting a victory, not only for the us shelf-life marking system, but also for a vision of the food economy as a global rather than a local activity. The case exported a view of food production, supply and consumption based on industrialized agriculture, global supply chains and international trade in food products, with market regulation determined by bilateral agree- ment, to the disadvantage of local food production, the consumption of local products and local regulation of local markets. From this perspective, it is eas- ier to understand the logic underlying us recourse to wto law in order to request consultations and thus begin the wto dispute settlement process. It is less easy to grasp whether basic wto principles were actually applied, as dis- tinguished from justifying particular positions in the negotiations. Certainly a manufacturer may have the greater knowledge and be most capable of carry- ing out testing to determine the shelf-life for its products. However, this is not the only means of determining shelf-life, and there is no indication in the avail- able documents of the case that Korean law actually discriminated among trading partners or against foreign products. DS20 Korea – Bottled Water also concerned shelf-life. After the us and Korea reached a mutually agreed solution in Korea – Shelf-Life, Canada separately complained about Korean measures setting the shelf-life of bottled water at six months from its production date, as well as about the Korea prohibition on certain treatment methods. Canada requested consultations in November 1995.142 The parties agreed that Korea would make its best efforts to ensure transparency of procedures for extending the shelf-life of bottled water. In addition, by focusing on procedures rather than substance, the parties reached

141 agreement142 on shelf-life. They agreed that Korea would make its best efforts to

standard does not give any indication about how the shelf-life or other date marking is to be determined. Nor are further details provided in Article 4.7 of the Standard. 141 Codex Alimentarius Commission, Joint fao/who Food Standards Programme, Thirty- sixth Session, Rome, Italy, 1–5 July 2013, Report of the Twelfth Session of the fao/who Coordinating Committee for North America and the South West Pacific, Madang, Papua New Guinea, 19–22 September 2012, rep13/naswp, available at http://www.codexalimentarius .org/input/download/report/782/REP13_NAe.pdf, accessed 28 10 2012. Korea was not part of this regional grouping. 142 Korea – Measures Concerning Bottled Water, Request for Consultations by Canada, World Trade Organization Restricted, WT/DS20/1G/L/33, G/SPS/W/35G/TBT/D/4, G/MA/3, G/ AG/w/14, 22 November 1995 (95–3655).

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 313 ensure transparency of procedures for extending the shelf-life of bottled water. However, Canada recorded its views that it considered the undertaking to be merely a temporary solution and that it intended ‘to continue to encourage Korea to adopt a manufacturer determined shelf-life system for bottled water’.143 As with the us in Korea – Shelf Life, Canada achieved its aim of gaining ground in the process leading toward a system determining shelf-life which was market-based rather than state-based and which favoured the development of a globalised food industry.

Discussion

Introduction Based on the preceding case summaries, this section looks at the number and types of cases and then considers which wto Members were involved and how, the ways in which their disputes were resolved, who won the cases, and the implications for the globalization of food safety rules and practices. It also notes how dispute settlement in cases involving food safety is related to dispute settlement in wto cases in general.

Number and Categories of Cases The chapter presented a total of 27 cases.144 The cases fall into five categories: pre-importation production and treatment measures (4 cases), post-importation testing and inspection (2 cases), import procedures (12 cases), import stan- dards (7 cases), and rules about product shelf-life (2 cases).

Participants Leaving aside third party participants, the cases involved a total of 18 wto Members. The United States was involved in the most cases with a total of 12 cases (7 as complainant and 5 as respondent), followed by Korea (6 as respon- dent), Canada (4 as complainant), ec (2 as complainant, 2 as respondent), New Zealand (3 as complaint), Hungary (3 as complainant), Argentina (2 as complainant), Australia (2 as respondent), Turkey (2 as respondent). All other Members were involved in only one case each. These statistics reflect, in particular,

143 144

143 Korea – Measures Concerning Bottled Water, Notification of Mutually Agreed Solution, World Trade Organization Restricted, WT/DS20/6G/L/33, Add,1; G/SPS/W/35G/Add.1; G/ TBT/D/4/Add.1; G/MA/3/Add.1; G/AG/W/14/Add.1, 6 May 1996 (96–1780). 144 One case (DS20 Korea – Bottled Water) is counted more than one because it falls into more than one category (pre-importation production and treatment measures, and shelf-life).

314 CHAPTER 6 the very active role of the us in the wto dispute settlement system generally, the us government policy of supporting its exporters, and the desire of other wto Members to have access to the large us market. They also reflect the attraction for food exporting countries of rapidly developing markets, in par- ticular Korea. Overall, the statistics appear to be generally consistent with the pattern of wto cases since 1995, with the notable exception that India has been much more active in wto litigation overall than the food safety case law statistics might suggest.145 We can also analyze participation in these food safety cases according to the per capita income classification of the parties at the time the case was brought. Based on World Bank income classification of countries, the parties in these cases included 7 high-income countries (Australia, Canada, European Community, Korea, New Zealand, Switzerland, us), 5 upper-middle income countries (Argentina, Croatia, Hungary, Mexico, Slovakia), 6 lower-middle income countries (China, Ecuador, Indonesia, Philippines, Romania, Turkey) and 1 low income countries (Nicaragua).146 The classification according to income category is far from perfect. Nevertheless it is useful in giving a general indication of the per capita income differences between the parties which ­participate in wto cases. This breakdown of parties in the food safety cases examined here appears to be generally consistent with the overall pattern of participation in wto case law since 1995.147

145 146 147

145 See statistics given by WorldTradeLaw.Net at http://www.worldtradelaw.net/dsc/ database/complaintscomplainant.asp, accessed 30 January 2013, and http://www. worldtradelaw.net/dsc/database/complaintsrespondent.asp, accessed 30 January 2013. 146 This income classification of countries according to per capita income is based on the World Bank classification for the year in which the case was brought; see http://www .worldtradelaw.net/dsc/database/complaintsclassification.asp, accessed 24 January 2013. The World Bank fixes income classification of countries on 1 July each year. The most recent criteria are High Income $12,476 or more, Upper Middle Income $4,036–$12,475, Lower Middle Income $1026–$4,035 and Low Income $1,025 or less: see http://data.worldbank .org/about/country-classifications, accessed 24 January 2013. This range does not of course apply to all cases considered here, notably the older cases. It is given for general indicative purposes only. The income classification of countries when the case was brought is more important for present purposes. 147 See WorldTradeLaw.Net, ‘wto Complaints Sorted by Type of Economy’, available at http://www.worldtradelaw.net/dsc/database/complaintsrespondent.asp, accessed 30 January 2013, and WorldTradeLaw.Net, ‘wto Complaints Grouped by Income Classification’, avail- able at http://www.worldtradelaw.net/dsc/database/classificationcount.asp, accessed 30 January 2013.

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 315

If, however, we distinguish between complainants and respondents accord- ing to income classification of the parties, a more interesting picture emerges. There are 27 cases with a total of 54 participants. Table 6.6 shows complainants and respondents in the food safety cases according to their income classification. For each entry, it gives the numbers and percentage [of 54 total participants]. This table shows that high income countries bring the most cases and also are targeted most often as respondents, reflecting their export capacity and the attraction of their markets. Upper middle income countries participated slightly more often as complainants than as respondents, though their total participation was much lower than that of high income countries. Lower middle income coun- tries and lower income countries participate most frequently as respondents, reflecting their trade balance and weak capacity to participate in the wto.148 In this respect, however, food safety cases are not unique. While recognizing the potential shortcomings of statistics based on such a small universe of cases (27 cases in total), we can push the calculations one step further and compare these food safety cases to all wto cases since 1995. The breakdown of wto cases to date is shown in Table 6.7. This pattern is consistent with the hypothesis of an implicit ‘institutional bias’ in the wto dispute settlement system,149 if by this we refer to the way in

Table 6.6 Income classification of complainants and respondents in food safety cases considered here

Income classification of party Complainant Respondent Total

High Income 18 (33%) 16 (30%) 34 (63%) Upper Middle Income 5 (9%) 3 (6%) 8 (15%) Lower Middle Income 3 (6%) 7 (13%) 10 (19%) Low Income 1 (2%) 1 (2%) 2 (4%) Total 27 (50%) 27 (50%) 54 (100%)

148 149

148 See more generally Marc Busch, Eric Reinhardt and Gregory Shaffer, ‘Does Legal Capacity Matter: A Survey of wto Members’, World Trade Review, 8, 2009, 559–577. 149 See also Chad P. Bown, ‘Participation in wto Dispute Settlement: Complainants, Interested Parties, and Free Riders’, World Bank Economic Review, 9, 2055, 287–310; David Evans and Gregory Shaffer, ‘Introduction: The Developing Country Experience in wto Dispute Settlement’, in Gregory Shaffer and Ricardo Mélendez-Ortiz, Dispute Settlement at the wto: The Developing Country Experience (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2010), pp. 1–15.

316 CHAPTER 6

Table 6.7 Income classification of complainants and respondents in all wto cases

Income classification of party Complainant Respondent Total

High Income 292 287 579 Upper Middle Income 107 95 202 Lower Middle Income 71 85 156 Low Income 28 24 52 Total 498 491 989

Note: This Table was calculated by the author from data presented in ‘WorldTradeLaw.Net’, ‘wto Complaints Grouped by Income Classification’, available at http://www.worldtradelaw.net/databases/classificationcount. php, accessed 20 October 2014. which the institution reflects an orientation toward using or not using the sys- tem. At least as illustrated by the cases examined here, however, this bias is against low income countries rather than against developing countries as a whole. In other words, it refers to the use of the system by specific groups of wto Members classified according to per capita income.150 It does not neces- sarily refer to whether Members in such groups win cases or not, as will be seen below. wto Members in the low income category usually, if not always, have a lower trade volume and less legal and institutional capacity than other wto Members. Now we can compare the 27 food safety cases with 54 participants to the total of 482 wto cases with 989 participants according to the income classification of complainants and respondents.151 Table 6.8 presents a comparison of the food safety cases considered here with the totality of wto cases to date accord- ing to the income classification of complaints and respondents.

150 151

150 Turk argues that reputation is the main factor influencing recourse to the wto dispute settlement system by Upper Middle Income and Lower Middle Income countries, as dis- tinguished from Low Income countries for which resources are the main factor: see Matthew Turk, ‘Why Does the Complainant Always Win At the wto?: A Reputation- Based Theory of Litigation at the World Trade Organization’ (August 1, 2010), Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business, 31, 2011, 385–437, Available at ssrn: http://ssrn .com/abstract=1780558, at 157 (hereafter Turk, ‘Why’). 151 These calculations are my own (fs), based on the statistical information provided by WorldTradeLaw.Net, in particular ‘wto Complaints Grouped by Income Classification’, available at http://www.worldtradelaw.net/dsc/database/classificationcount.asp, accessed 24 January 2013.

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 317

Table 6.8 Comparison of food safety cases considered here and total wto cases according to income classification of complainants and respondents

High Upper middle Lower middle Low Totals income income income income

Complainant: Food Safety 33% 9% 6% 2% 50% Complainant: wto 30% 11% 7% 3% 50% Respondent: Food Safety 30% 6% 13% 2% 50% Respondent: wto 29% 10% 9% 2% 50% Total: Food Safety 63% 15% 19% 4% 100% Total: wto 59% 20% 16% 5% 100%

The two sets of calculations are strikingly similar. From the standpoint of income classification groupings of the complainants and respondents, the food safety cases and wto cases in general present virtually the same profile. From this standpoint at least, there is nothing special about the food safety cases considered here. The case law is dominated by high income countries, with upper middle income and lower middle income countries playing a much less significant role, and low income countries hardly being visible at all.

Mode of Settlement Next, let us consider how disputes are settled. Table 6.9 presents the proce- dural outcomes of the 27 cases on food safety. Eight cases were resolved by a mutually satisfactory agreement. One case was withdrawn. In another case the challenged measure was abrogated and the case was withdrawn. Six cases were at least nominally in consultation even after a period of three years. In two cases a panel was established more than three years ago but had not yet been composed. These cases are sufficiently old that we may consider them to have been settled by stalemate or de facto withdrawal, even though no procedural outcome was notified to the wto.152 Five recently registered cases are still in consultation. In one recent case, a panel has just been composed. In two recent cases a panel has been established but not yet composed. In other words, out of a total of 27 cases, 18 cases have

152

152 Busch and Reinhardt remark that consultations are ‘sometimes not even reported to the gatt/wto until after they are concluded’: Marc Busch and Eric Reinhardt, ‘Bargai­ ning in the Shadow of the Law: Early Settlement in gatt/wto Disputes’, Fordham International Law Journal, 24, 2000–2001, 158–172 at 171 (hereafter Busch and Reinhardt, ‘Bargaining’).

318 CHAPTER 6

Table 6.9 Procedural outcome of cases on food safety

Case numbers Procedural outcome Total cases

DS5, DS20, DS20,153 DS72, Mutually agreed solution 8 DS237, DS287, DS297, DS391 DS240, DS284 Complaint withdrawn, measure 2 abrogated and complaint withdrawn DS3, DS41, DS100, DS133, In consultation >3 years 6 DS144, DS256 DS270, DS389 Panel established >3 years ago but 2 not composed DS392 Report(s) adopted, no further action 1 required DS448, DS465, DS466, In consultation <3 years 5 DS477, DS478 DS447 Panel composed <3 years ago 1 DS455, DS475 Panel established <3 years ago but 2 not yet composed been settled by negotiations, were withdrawn, or otherwise ended in apparent stalemate during the consultation phase of the wto dispute settlement pro- cess. One case resulted in an accepted panel report. So far, none have been appealed to the Appellate Body. Since so far only one of these cases has pro- ceeded to a panel, these findings do not lend any particular support Busch and Reinhardt’s suggestion suggest that democratic states are most likely to settle their disputes early and cooperatively because their governments are account- able at the ballot box and do not want to risk greater publicity of alleged breaches of wto law.154 From this perspective, the food safety cases examined here might seem to differ significantly, not only from the high-profile sps and tbt cases which have been heard by a panel or by a panel and the Appellate Body,155 but also from wto cases in general. They differ of course from cases which, following consultations, went to a panel and sometimes also to the Appellate Body,

153 154 155

153 DS20 is counted twice because it involves two distinct issues. 154 Busch and Reinhard, supra note 152, at 167. 155 On these cases, see Chapter 7 of the book.

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 319 because the cases examined here were all settled before the panel stage, except for those few cases (see above) for which a panel has been established but not yet composed. Regarding wto cases in general, however, the food safety cases considered here are typical of all wto cases in their mode of settlement. On the basis of a study of 600 gatt/wto disputes from 1948 through 1999, Busch and Reinhardt report that 60% of all disputes end before a panel ruling, most with- out even a request for a panel.156 In about 55% of cases a panel is not estab- lished, and another 8% end before issuance of a panel report. According to another study,157 between 1 January 1995 and mid-December 1999, there were 185 requests for consultations, of which 78 were resolved. Forty-one of the 78 (53%) were resolved without recourse to a panel, ‘thirty…by bilateral settle- ment, three by withdrawal of the contested measure, and seven by withdrawal of the request for establishment of a panel or other provable abandonment’.158 ‘Settlement and the withdrawal of cases are thus the norm, not the exception’.159 On the whole, the dsu ‘is crafted to facilitate pre-panel resolutions’.160 Con­ sultations are confidential, with no published record. Usually consultations focus on factual issues, since governments are often reluctant to discuss legal issues which could be used in any subsequent panel proceedings.161 In addition, as Davey and Porges report, ‘[a] typical consultation lasts no longer than two to

156 157 158 159 160 161three hours and takes place in a small wto meeting room or a Geneva mission.

156 Busch and Reinhardt, ‘Bargaining’, supra note 152, at 158–159.Their empirical study is based on all cases which refer to gatt/wto law, name defendants, allege infringement of specific legal rights, ‘most often in the form of a “request for consultations”’ (id. at 161). 157 C. Christopher Parlin, ‘Operation of Consultations, Deterrence, and Mediation’, Law and Policy in International Business, 31, 1999–2000, 565–572, at 567–568. 158 Ibid., at 567–568. 159 Busch and Reinhardt, ‘Bargaining’, supra note 152, at 161. 160 Gary N. Horlick and Glenn R. Butterton, ‘A Problem of Process in wto Jurisprudence: Identifying Disputed Issues in Panels and Consultations’, Law & Policy in International Business, 31, 1999–2000, 573–582 at 580 (first quotation), 581 (second quotation). 161 On the extent to which information gained during consultations can be used subse- quently before a panel, see Schuchhardt, ‘Consultations’, supra note 21. On relations between consultations and panel proceedings in general, see Zhang, Consultation, supra note 15, 197–275; Hélène Ruiz-Fabri, ‘The Relationship between Negotiations and Third- Party Dispute Settlement at the wto, with an Emphasis on the ec-Bananas Dispute’, in Laurence Boisson de Chazournes, Marcelo G. Kohen, and Jorges E. Viñuales (eds), Diplomatic and Judicial Means of Dispute Settlement (Martinus Nijhoff, Leiden and Boston, 2013), 86–118 (hereafter Ruiz-Fabri, ‘Relationship’). See also William J. Davey and Amelia Porges, ‘Performance of the System I: Consultations & Deterrence’, International Lawyer, 32, 3, 1998, 695–707, at 705 (hereafter Davy and Porges, ‘Performance’).

320 CHAPTER 6

Consultations are generally conducted in English with no interpreters, no tran- script, and no taping’.162 Usually only the parties to the dispute are involved, unless a party approves the request of other Members with a substantial trade interest in the dispute to join the consultations.163 Any mutually accepted solu- tion reached during the consultation phase must be compatible with the wto agreements.164 Parties are required to notify mutually agreed solutions to the dsb and relevant Councils and Committees.165 If a dispute proceeds to litiga- tion, the panel, the Appellate Body and the dsb consider only whether consul- tations have taken place as required. Currently they do not review the conduct or substance of consultations, so there is no formal wto supervision over the requirement to consult in good faith or the adequacy of consultation.166 Now we can consider the outcomes of these cases in relation to several hypo­ theses regarding the escalation of wto disputes, in other words, whether dis- putes are settled during consultations or whether they continue to the panel/ Appellate Body stage.167 Guzman and Simmons analyze how the nature of the

162 163 164 165 166 167

162 Davey and Porges, ‘Performance’ supra note 161, at 704. When the article was written, Professor Davey was Director of the Legal Affairs Division of the wto, and Dr Porges was Senior Counsel for Dispute Settlement of the United States Trade Representative. 163 See dsu, supra note 21, Article 4.11. 164 Ibid., Article 3.5 dsu. For further discussion, see Hélène Ruiz-Fabri, ‘Relationship’, supra note 161, at 116–118. 165 dsu, supra note 21, Article 3.6. However, most mutually agreed solutions are not notified to the wto, or if at all are notified after full implementation: see Ruiz-Fabri, ‘Relationship’, supra note 163, at 109, 116. 166 See European Communities – Regime for the Importation, Sale and Distribution of Bananas, Complaint by the United States, Request to Reactivate Consultations of September 17, 1998 by Ecuador, WT/DS27/R/USA, 22 May 1997, Report of the Panel, paragraph 7.19 [‘Consultations are…a matter reserved for the parties. The dsb is not involved; no panel is involved and the consultations are held in the absence of the Secretariat’.]; Korea – Taxes on Alcoholic Beverages, Report of the Panel, WT/DS75/R, WT/DS84R, 17 September 1998 [Appellate Body Report adopted 17 February 1999], paragraph 10.19 [‘In our view, the wto jurisprudence so far has not recognized any concept of “adequacy” of consultations. The only requirement under the dsu is that consultations were in fact held, or were at least requested, and that a period of sixty days has elapsed from the time consultations were requested to the time a request for a panel was made. What takes place in those consulta- tions is not the concern of a panel. … [C]onsultations are a critical and important part of the dsu. But, we have no mandate to investigate the adequacy of the consultation process that took place between the parties’.]; for further discussion, see Schuchhardt, ‘Consultations’, supra note 21, at 1222–1226. 167 For a brief summary of such research up to 2012, see Thomas Bernauer, Manfred Elsig, and Joost Pauwelyn, ‘Dispute Settlement Mechanism – Analysis and Problems’, in Amrita

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 321 disputed issue affects the mode of dispute settlement. They argue that ‘con- tinuous, easily divisible problems would tend to be resolved in the consulta- tion phase, while issues that have an all-or-nothing quality – lumpy issues – are more likely to escalate to the panel phase’.168 The disputes considered here concern pre-importation production and treatment methods, import bans by means of procedures, import bans by means of health and quality standards, testing and inspection and shelf-life. In Guzman and Simmons’ terms, they involve discontinuous, or all-or-nothing, issues.169 The analysis here is admit- tedly based on a small universe of cases. It shows that these food safety cases were, with few exceptions, settled during the consultation phase. It does not support Guzman and Simmons’ main hypothesis. It gives slightly more sup- port to their suggestion that democracies ‘tend to take lumpy problems to pan- els’. DS270 (brought by the Philippines against Australia), DS389 (brought by us against ec), and DS447 (brought by Argentina against the us) all involved democracies. However, in DS270 and DS389 a panel was established but even after three years has not yet composed; and in DS447 a panel was composed only on 8 August 2013. The number of cases examined here is too small to sup- port or contest Schuchhardt’s finding that larger Members take consultation seriously in cases with each other, while in cases against smaller Members they frequently view consultations merely as a formal step on the way to a panel.170 In contrast, the cases analyzed here would tend to support Bernauer and Sattler’s finding that disputes over environment, health and safety (ehs) are not more likely than other cases to escalate from consultation to a panel. Only one of the cases analyzed here actually went before a panel, so it is not possible to comment on their other hypothesis to the effect that if ehs cases do go to a panel, they ‘are more likely than other disputes to escalate into compliance disputes’.171 In another recent paper, Sattler, Spilker, and Bernauer distinguish 168 169 170 171

Narlikar, Martin Daunton, and Robert Stern (eds), The Oxford Handbook on the World Trade Organization (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2012), pp. 485–506, at 494–495. 168 Andrew Guzman and Beth A. Simmons, ‘To Settle or Empanel? An Empirical Analysis of Litigation and Settlement at the World Trade Organization’, Journal of Legal Studies, xxxi, January 2002, pp S205–S235, at S227 (hereafter Guzman and Simmons, ‘To Settle’). 169 See ibid., in particular at S211, including note 17. 170 See Schuchhardt, ‘Consultations’, supra note 21, at 1199, 1225. 171 Thomas Bernauer and Thomas Sattler, ‘Sind wto-Konflicte im Bereich des Umwelt-un Verbraucherschutzes Eskalationsträchtiger als Andere wto-Konflicte’, Zeitschrift fűr Internationale Beziehungen, 13, 2006, pp. 5–37, summarized in Thomas Bernauer, Manfred Elsig, and Joost Pauwelyn, ‘Dispute Settlement Mechanism – Analysis and Problems’, in Amrita Narlikar, Martin Daunton, and Robert Stern (eds), The Oxford Handbook on the World Trade Organization (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2012), pp. 485–506 at 495 (hereafter Bernauer et al. ‘Problems’).

322 CHAPTER 6 between wto disputes concerned with enforcement and those concerned with reduction of complexity and clarification of rules. They argue that the wto dsm focuses primarily on the former, with more complex or more politi- cized disputes being more likely to escalate to the panel stage.172 As virtually all of the cases analyzed here were settled during consultations, and the com- plainant won in all cases, they would appear to be most concerned with enforcement; we simply have no information about whether and how the con- sultations might have clarified the rules. However, the hypothesis that complex or more politicized cases are more likely to escalate to the panel stage is borne out by the cases in which a panel was established. All four of these cases were highly politicized: DS270 Australia – Fresh Fruit and Vegetables (complainant: the Philippines against Australia); DS389 ec – Poultry (complainant: us); DS447 us – Animals and Meat (complainant: Argentina);the series of cases concerning Indonesia, namely DS455 Indonesia – Horticultural and Meat Products (com- plainant: us), DS465 Indonesia – Horticultural and Meat Products (complain- ant: us), DS466 Indonesia – Horticultural and Meat Products (complainant: New Zealand), DS477 Indonesia – Horticultural and Meat Products (complain- ant: New Zealand) and DS478 Indonesia – Horticultural and Meat Products (complainant: us); and DS475 Russia – Live Pigs, Pork and Other Pig Products (complainant: eu) were highly politicized. One must add DS392 United States – Poultry (complainant: China), which not only went to a panel but also pro- duced a panel decision; it also appears to have stimulated a subsequent anti-dumping and countervailing duty case.173 These cases signal long-standing structural conflicts which are deeply embedded in a set of multi-stranded con- tinuing relations and complex domestic legal regulatory schemes. Table 6.10 indicates the mode of settlement according to the income catego- ries of the complainant and respondent. The cases examined here involved the following complainant/respondent pairs: hc vs. hr, hc vs. umr, hc vs. lr, umc vs. hr, umc vs. umr, umc vs. lmr, umc vs. lr, lmc vs. hr, lmc vs. lmr, and lc vs. lmr. Based on these cases, it would seem that parties of the same income category tend to (a) reach a mutually agreed solution, or (b) have a long consultation period with no notified result, or (c) move to the beginning of litigation without

172 173

172 Thomas Sattler, Gabriele Spilker, and Thomas Bernauer, ‘Dispute Settlement as Rule Clarification or Enforcement? Evidence from the World Trade Organization’, Unpublished manuscript, eth Zurich, Center for Comparative and International Studies (cis), 2010, summarized in Bernauer et al., ‘Problems’, supra note 171, at 495. 173 China – Anti-dumping and Countervailing Duty Measures on Broiler Producs from the United States, DS427, Report of the Panel, Adopted 25 September 2013.

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 323 - Panel estab Panel lished <3 years but not ago composted yet DS475 DS455 Panel Panel composed <3 years DS447 In consultation <3 years DS465, DS466, DS477, DS478 DS448 Panel established Panel but not >3 years composed DS389 DS270 In consulta - tion >3 years DS3, DS41, DS100, DS144, DS133 DS256 Withdrawn DS240 DS284 mas DS5, DS20, DS20, DS72, DS287, DS391 DS297 DS277 Report(s) Report(s) no adopted, further action required DS392 Mode of settlement by income category ofMode of category income by parties settlement

HC/HR Table 6.10 by Parties income category (respondent first) HC/LMR HC/UMR UMC/HR UMC/UMR UMC/LMR UMC/LR LMC/HR LMC/LMR LC/LMR

324 CHAPTER 6 proceeding further, with a panel being established but not composed, even after three years. In cases in which the parties belong to different income categories, the patterns are different. If the complainant belongs to a higher income category than the respondent, the case tends to settle during consultations. I hypothesise that the settlement reflects the power imbalance between the two parties, which renders potentially very effective any threat by the complainant to move towards request for a panel. However, if the respondent belongs to a higher income category than the complainant, the case ends more often with withdrawal of the complaint. In this case, I hypothesise that the settlement reflects either the respondent’s capacity at least partly to satisfy the complaint or the respondent’s refusal to change its law. In the two cases of umc/hr (DS447, DS448) a panel has been established but is not yet composed. In the single lmc/hr case (DS270) a panel has not yet been composed even three years after its establishment. In the single lc/lmr case (DS284) the complaint was with- drawn. These cases thus tend to support Schuchhardt’s conclusion that, because of their weaker bargaining power, developing countries are less likely to settle a dispute during consultations in a case against a developed country and more likely to go to the panel stage.174 Overall, the cases examined here support Palin’s conclusion, based on all cases during the first five years of the wto, that ‘[n]o one category of dispute – developed v. developed Member, developed v. devel- oping Member, developing v. developed Member, or developing v. developing Member – appears to have a markedly different rate of settlement’.175

Winners and Losers We can carry the analysis further by focusing on who complains, against whom, and who wins. For the 27 cases, Table 6.11 shows the winners according to two dimensions: whether the winner was the complainant (or not), and the win- ner’s income category compared to that of the loser. Parties are grouped, as above, into four categories: High Income, Upper Middle Income, Lower Middle Income, and Low Income. The left-hand column indicates cases brought by Members in each category against Members in each of the other categories. Complainants are indicated first. Most cases (12 of 27) were brought by High Income wto Members against other High Income Members. All of these cases, however, involved Members which, with one exception (Canada-us) were not geographically contiguous (us-Korea, Canada-Korea, New Zealand-ec, ec- Australia, usa-ec). In all cases, complainants and respondents were important 174 175

174 Schuchhardt, ‘Consultations’, supra note 21, at 1230. 175 C. Christopher Parlin, ‘Operation of Consultations, Deterrence, and Mediation’, Law and Policy in International Business, 31, 1999–2000, 565–572, at 569.

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 325

Table 6.11 Complainants, respondents and winners in food safety cases

Parties by Case numbers Number Complainant Income category income category of cases wins of winner (respondent first) hc/hr DS3, DS5, 12 11 parties equal DS20, DS20, DS41, DS72, DS100, DS144, DS287, DS389, DS391, DS475 hc/umr DS133 1 1 higher hc/lmr DS455, DS465, 5 N/A higher DS466, DS477, DS478 hc/lr none none none umc/hr DS447, DS448 2 in progress; panel composed in DS447 on 8 August 2013 umc/umr DS297 1 1 parties equal umc/lmr DS256 1 1 higher umc/lr DS240 1 1 higher lmc/hr DS270, DS392 2 2* *Philippines/ Australia: appears to be a stalemate lmc/umr none none lmc/lmr DS237 1 1 parties equal lmc/lr none none lc/hr none none lc/umr DS284 1 1** **Nicaragua/Mexico: case withdrawn lc/lmr none none lc/lr none TOTAL 27 19 higher: 18; in progress: 8

326 CHAPTER 6 trading partners for at least one and often both of the pair. Of the remaining ten cases, more than half were brought by higher income countries against lower income countries. In four of these ten cases, however, the complainant belonged to a lower income category than the respondent in four cases. In DS447 and DS448 the complainant was an Upper Middle Income country (Argentina in both) and the respondent was a High Income country (us in both). In DS270 the complainant was a Lower Middle Income country (Philippines) and the respondent was a High Income country (Australia). In DS284 a Low Income country (Nicaragua) was the complainant and an Upper Middle Income country (Mexico) was the respondent. Some potential category pairs did not produce any cases (hc/lmr, lmc/umr, lmc/lr, lc/hr, lc/lmr, lc/lr). Lower Middle Income and Low Income Members partici- pated in fewer food safety cases than did other groups of Members. Based on this distribution of complainants and respondents, Table 6.11 indi- cates who won according to two dimensions. First, the fourth column from the left indicates cases in which the winner was the complainant. The complain- ant won in all 19 cases which have been concluded; 8 of the 27 cases are still in progress. Second, in all cases the winner was of equal or higher income cate- gory than the loser. The exception was DS392 United States – Poultry brought by China, which was also the only case to proceed to a panel. None of the other cases went to a panel, though in some cases (DS389, DS270, DS447) a panel was established and on 8 August was composed. In the absence of an adjudicated settlement I treat three different situations as a win for the complainant. (a) A mutually agreed settlement is treated as a win for the complainant, because if the complainant had not achieved its (main) objectives it would have requested a panel. Mutually agreed settlement occurs in the shadow of and in the light of a threat to request a panel. (b) The complainant is considered to have won the case if the case has been in consultation for more than three years (DS3, DS41, DS256, DS389), even though no mutually agreed settlement has been notified to the wto. I assume that, if the complainant were not satisfied with the result, it would have requested a panel before the end of three years of consultations.176 (c) The complainant is considered as having won the case if a panel was estab- lished more than three years ago but it has not yet been composed (DS287, DS270). This is consistent with Schuchhardt’s hypothesis that developed coun- tries tend to settle cases against other developed countries, and developing

176

176 This cut-off is consistent with the assumption by Guzman and Simmons that a panel is ‘highly unlikely to be formed’ in cases which have been in consultation for more than 3 years. In their study of settlement and litigation before the wto, they coded such cases as ‘nonpaneled’: See Guzman and Simmons, ‘To Settle’, supra note 168, at S212.

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 327 countries tend to settle cases in which they are respondents against complaints brought by developed countries.177 It is also consistent with Palmer and Roberts’ conclusions about the role of power in negotiations.178 In sum, com- plainants tend to win, and they are usually but not always of equal or higher per capita income category than respondents, unless the case goes to a panel or ends in stalemate. In the first respect at least, these cases echo the pattern of wto cases in general.179

Conclusion

The wto dispute settlement system deals with food safety more frequently than is sometimes thought. If we are interested in the role of the wto in regu- lating food safety, we cannot limit our attention to the relatively small number of high-profile wto cases which deal with international standards. This chap- ter analyzed all wto food safety cases up to now which arose under wto agreements other than or in addition to the sps or tbt Agreements and which were not directly concerned with relations between the wto and international standards bodies. Virtually all such cases were settled, withdrawn or reached stalemate during consultation; in only a very few cases was a panel established. Complainants always won, and except when the case went to a panel, the win- ner was of equal or higher income category than the respondent. These cases are the ‘hidden jurisprudence’ of the wto with regard to food safety. They are not high-profile cases well-known to the public. They do not reach the upper levels of the wto dispute settlement system, and indeed they rarely proceed to the panel stage. Instead they are mostly handled, by settle- ment or otherwise, during consultations. Disputes are resolved, or at least con- cluded, by bilateral negotiations, sometimes between very unequal parties, rather than by decisions taken by a third party on the basis of multilaterally agreed rules. These processes represent ‘bargaining in the shadow of wto law’, if only because both complainants and respondents initially justify their posi- tion in terms of compatibility with wto law. This is even though, as others have argued, in wto law the ‘shadow’ is much less menacing than in domestic courts, because respondents who lose in wto cases often do not comply with panel, Appellate Body or Dispute Settlement Body reports and, in any event,

177 178 179

177 Schuchhardt, ‘Consultations’, supra note 21, at 1199, 1231. 178 Michael Palmer and Simon Roberts, Dispute Processes: adr and the Primary Forms of Decision Making (Butterworths, London, 1998), pp. 70–71. 179 Turk, ‘Why’, supra note 150, at 137–138.

328 CHAPTER 6 compliance in the wto setting falls along a spectrum instead of being an either-or situation.180 In a second sense also, these cases represent the ‘hidden jurisprudence’ of the wto. This sense refers to the basic philosophy or orientation of the wto regarding food safety. It has two aspects. First, food safety is treated in these cases as simply another trade issue, rather than as a distinct subject matter with economic, political, social and cultural implications far beyond trade, as it should be. Second, complainants use the wto dispute settlement mecha- nism to export and if possible impose their national standards and practices. Of the 27 cases, the us won 5, Canada won 4, and the ec [now eu] won 2, so that the wto dispute settlement system served to globalize their local law and practices. This pattern reflects an distribution of power which is becoming less and less appropriate in the contemporary world.181 There is also a third sense in which these cases may represent the wto’s hidden jurisprudence.182 They may have some value in setting precedents, not in the strict legal sense but in the sense of practices, perhaps even best practices, to which wto Members other than the consulting parties will look for guidance in the future. Currently, however, the procedural frame- work for consultations tends to limit such precedential value. The results of consultations are published only in skeletal form, if at all. Consequently, the potential usefulness of consultations in providing practice-based precedents would probably not be widely or publicly known except through informal communications. Lawyers and economic actors might consider that the wto system and the multilateral trading system does not benefit sufficiently from consultations, which from this standpoint remain a wasted normative resource, whether in terms of hard law, soft law or mere generalisations from social practice.183

180 181 182 183

180 See Busch and Reinhardt, ‘Bargaining’, supra note 154, who refer (at 164) to ‘bargaining in the shadow of weak law’; and Turk, ‘Why’, supra note 150, at 137–138. See also Chad Bown, ‘Trade Remedies and the wto Dispute Settlement System: Why Are So Few Challenged’, Journal of Legal Studies,34, 2005, 515–555, at 517. 181 See Snyder, Legal Pluralism, supra Chapter 2 note 7, especially Chapter 1. 182 I am grateful to Professor Giorgio Monti for stimulating my reflection on this point. 183 A useful comparator consists in the reasoned opinions of the European Commission in proceedings under Article 105 tfeu (competition law) or Articles 258 and 259 tfeu (infringement proceedings for non-fulfillment of eu obligations). On the Commission’s reasoned opinions as ‘hidden jurisprudence’ in infringement proceedings under then then Article 168 ec (now Article 258 tfeu), see Francis Snyder, ‘The Effectiveness of European Community Law: Institutions, Processes, Tools and Techniques’, Modern Law Review, 56, 1, January 1993, 19–54 at 29–30.

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 329

Are these results compatible with wto law? In principle, the answer should be ‘yes’.184 However, a mutually agreed solution, or other pre-panel settlement, does not necessarily resolve questions of the interpretation and application of wto law. Nor does it decide which of the two parties’ view of the law is legally correct. The basic features of consultations include a lack of ‘hard constraints’ regarding the identification of legal issues.185 Consequently, it is open to question whether a pre-panel conclusion, except for a mutually agreed solution, is consistent with Article 3.7 dsu to the effect that ‘In the absence of a mutually agreed solution, the first objective of the dispute settlement mechanism is usually to secure the with- drawal of the measures concerned if these are found to be inconsistent with the provisions of any of the covered agreements’.186 Indeed, Article 3.7 dsu suggests that, in legal terms, the withdrawal of a contested measure belongs not to the consultation stage but instead to later stages in the wto dispute settlement pro- cedure, namely the reports of the panel, Appellate Body and Dispute Settlement Body. The interpretation that the consultation phase itself does not compel with- drawal of a measure is strengthened by Article 4.5 dsu, which provides that ‘In the course of consultations in accordance with the provisions of a covered agree- ment, before resorting to further action under this Understanding, Members shall attempt to obtain satisfactory adjustment of the matter’.187 Satisfactory adjustment based on good faith negotiations, as distinguished from mere with- drawal of the challenged measure, is the core of a mutually agreed solution.188 So far, panels have not reviewed whether the good faith requirement was met.189 In consultations, the very meaning of what is ‘satisfactory’ in the sense of acceptable to both parties is inevitably informed by considerations of relative power, even though both power and rules are present, in varying degrees and serving varying purposes, in all forms of dispute settlement.190

184 185 186 187 188 189 190

184 See dsu, supra note 21, Article 3.5. 185 Gary N. Horlick and Len R. Butterton, ‘A Problem of Process in wto Jurisprudence: Identifying Disputed Issues in Panels and Consultations’, Law & Policy in International Business, 31, 1999–2000, 573–582. 186 dsu, supra note 21, Article 3.7, emphasis added (fs). 187 Ibid., Article 4.5. 188 See also Schuchhardt, ‘Consultations’, supra note 21. 189 See European Communities – Anti-Dumping Duties on Imports of Cotton-Type Bed Linen from India, WT/DS141/R, adopted as modified by the Appellate Body report, 12 March 2001, paragraphs 6.32–6.35. 190 See Francis G. Snyder, ‘Anthropology, Dispute Processes and Law: A Critical Introduction’, British Journal of Law & Society [now Journal of Law & Society], 8, 2, Winter 1981, pp. 141–180, at 77–79; reprinted in Peter Sack and Jonathan Aleck (eds), Law and Anthropology (The International Library of Essays in Law & Legal Theory, Legal Cultures 3) (Dartmouth, Aldershot, 1992), pp. 65–104, at 77–79.

330 CHAPTER 6

Based on these observations, it is possible to suggest several ways in the con- sultation phase of wto dispute settlement can be improved.191 The wto should introduce stronger transparency obligations on Members during the consultation phase. There should be a standard form for reporting, in skeleton form, the legal arguments of the parties and the bases for a mutually agree- ment settlement or other outcome. Parties should be required to inform the wto Secretariat of the outcome of consultations, regardless of the outcome, and teeth should be given to this obligation. Panels should be required to check the relevant documents to ensure respect for the formal requirements regard- ing consultations, not simply that consultations had taken place but also that the outcome has been reported, that the basic reporting format has been respected, and that so far as can be determined that the consultations were conducted in good faith. In other words, there should be more institutional supervision of consultations. This suggests two points for countries such as China which are developing a complete system of food safety standards. First, such countries should pay spe- cial attention to the consultation phase of wto dispute settlement. This means that they should aim to participate in relevant consultations as much as pos- sible, in the same way that China has participated very actively as a third party in general. The cases show that China frequently reserved its rights under Article 10 dsu to participate as a third party once a panel had been established, but that it rarely exercised its rights under Article xx gatt and Article 4:11 dsu to participate in consultations. While this pattern might be ascribed partly to the Chinese government’s policy during China wto ‘learning period’, one might conclude that this period has now ended and suggest that China should participate more actively throughout the wto dispute settlement procedures, including consultations. As we have seen, many disputes end at the consulta- tion phase, and certainly China and other bricsam countries could benefit by giving this phase more attention. Second, China and other bricsam countries are well-advised for the time being to settle international trade disputes by negotiation and consultation but if absolutely necessary to use a strategy of assertive legalism’192 or of ‘aggres- sive legalism’.193 ‘Assertive legalism’ means ‘primarily aim[ing] to protect…

191 192 193

191 For these points, I am indebted to Dr Elisa Baroncelli. 192 Pasha L. Hsieh, ‘China’s Development of International Economic Law and wto Legal Capacity Buidling’, Journal of International Economic Law, 13, 4, 2010, pp. 997–1036 at 999, 1025 (hereafter Hsieh, ‘Development’). 193 See Saadia M. Pekkanen, ‘Aggressive Legalism: The Rules of the wto and Japan’s Emerging Trade Strategy’, The World Economy, 24, 2001, pp. 707–737 (hereafter Pekkanen, ‘Legalism’).

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 331 legitimate trade interests by increasingly resorting to wto rules’.194 In contrast, ‘aggressive legalism’ means ‘a conscious strategy where a substantive set of international trade rules can be made to serve as both a “shield” and “sword” in trade disputes among sovereign states’:195

the core idea behind aggressive legalism is the active use of the legal rules in the treaties and agreements overseen by the wto to stake out posi- tions, to advance and rebut claims, and to embroil all concerned in an intricate legal game…[i]t is meant to be measured, slow, and cautious, carefully trapping everything into the legitimate game of legal tactics.196

Both ‘assertive legalism’ and ‘aggressive legalism’ can easily be distinguished from legal passivism. They differ, however, in the extent to which they embody a conscious longer-term strategy, the extent to which they are mainly proactive or mainly reactive, and the extent to which law and politics are intermeshed. Differences in legal culture and legal capacity inform the extent to which a party wishes to use, or is able to use, ‘assertive legalism’ or ‘aggressive legal- ism’.197 China already engages in ‘assertive legalism’ to protect its legitimate interests. The main point here, however, is that China and the other bricsam countries should seek to develop a proactive, conscious strategy about the use of wto law and wto institutions as part of their normal trade policy.198 Such strategies can be especially useful for a complainant in cases where the complainant comes from a lower per capita income group than the respon- dent. They acquire special force in the cases examined here, which focus mainly on the consultation phase of wto dispute settlement. To take the example of ‘aggressive legalism’, such a strategy offers three advantages. First, it may greatly strengthen a complainant’s position at the stage of request for consultations. Second, it offers the possibility of a much stronger and more complex negotiating strategy justified in legal terms during the consultation phase. Third, if a party achieves no satisfaction during consultations, it can

194 195 196 197 198

194 Hsieh, ‘Development’, supra note 192, at 1025. 195 Pekkanen, ‘Legalism’, supra note 193, at 708. 196 Ibid., at 732. 197 See for example the critique by Joost Pauwelyn, ‘The Limits of Litigation: “Americanization” and Negotiation in the Settlement of wto Disputes’, Ohio State Journal on Dispute Settlement, 19, 2003–2004, 121–140. 198 See in particular Lu Yi, ‘To Be An Aggressive But Patient Learner – Analysis of China’s Participation in Defending Anti-Dumping Challenges within the wto Framework’, Peking University Transnational Law Review, 1, 2, 2013, 373–419.

332 CHAPTER 6 justify holding out for a panel and strengthen a party’s position before a panel, where a lower-income party may have more advantages than during consulta- tions. The facts that consultations do not reach a legal decision on the merits and do not produce a binding interpretation of wto law may actually be advantages for a party which resorts to ‘assertive legalism’ or ‘aggressive legalism’. A final point needs to be made about the global governance of food safety. Neither ‘assertive legalism’ nor ‘aggressive legalism’ by itself can in any way guarantee food safety. Consequently, this discussion is intended, not as an argument against consultation as a means of settling trade disputes, but rather as a plea for a different institutional solution to the problem of how to regulate international food safety. The domain of food safety is distinct.199 It differs considerably for example from trade in general, environmental protection or human rights. It is highly technical; the subject matter (food) is intimately linked to and embedded in different cultures; and the preservation of diversity is (or should be) highly valued. Trade in general, environmental protection and human rights, for instance, do not share all of these attributes. To give only one example, multi- lateral decision-making in these areas aims, with some exceptions and nuances, at international legal integration based on uniform or at least harmo- nized rules. The basic presumption is that all countries should share and accept the same high standards or best practices. In contrast, plurality and diversity of norms and practices should be respected, tolerated and even encouraged with regard to food safety, as long as the food is safe for human consumption. The cases examined here show that a wto Member, especially a powerful wto Member, can usually globalize its own food safety standards, assuming they can arguably be justified in the light of wto law, by bringing a complaint to the wto and then reaching a settlement during consultation. To be successful, such cases should ideally be brought against a respondent in a lower per capita income category; a favourable settlement is likely also in cases brought against a respondent of the same income category. However, the results of this process are not necessarily equal to international food standards, even though during or after a dispute, Codex Alimentarius may step in and engage in re-regulation of food safety, as in DS389 ec – Poultry. Nor do the results of wto consultations necessarily amount to an optimum solution from the standpoint of food safety, global or national. Indeed international standards and an optimum solution

may199 not be the same.

199 I am indebted to Dong Shi for these points.

Globalisation of National Food Safety Standards 333

What is clear, however, is that the globalization of local food safety stan- dards through a dispute settlement mechanism designed to settle trade dis- putes is not an appropriate way to determine which standards should regulate food safety in an increasingly integrated, yet inescapably diverse global food economy. The hidden jurisprudence of the wto is not a good way to regulate food safety today. We need a global food safety agency.200

200

200 For discussion of how this might be done, see Snyder, Legal Pluralism, supra Chapter 2 note 7, Chapter 10, ‘Social Solidarity Ethics and the wto: Toward Closer Relations between Sites of Governance’, pp. 381–423; Lin, Exploring’, supra Chapter 5 note 4, at 684–694; and William H. Sperber, ‘Global Food Protection: A New Organization is Needed’, in Wayne Ellefson, Lorna Zach and Darryl Sullivan (eds), Improving Import Food Safety (ift Press and Wiley-Blackwell, Oxford, 2013), pp. 293–302.

chapter 7 International Food Safety Standards in wto Case Law

Introduction

The multiple sites of governance which were introduced in Chapter 5 connect with, interact with, condition, influence and sometimes conflict with many other sites of governance in the world concerning regulation of food safety; the latter include the regulatory regimes of the countries, customs territories and regional organisation that comprise the 160 wto Members. A privileged point of intersection of these complex sets of relations is the wto dispute settle- ment system. The process of dispute settlement in the wto, which is part of the structures of the wto site of governance, plays a very important role in shaping and determining the nature, extent and implications of these inter- connections concerning the regulation of food safety. It determines, in princi- ple, the significance of international standards in transnational and national food safety regulation and the extent to which international standards trump national food safety standards. This chapter analyses the ways in which wto dispute settlement institu- tions use international food safety standards.1 Its concern is not to rehearse the well-known principles of wto law regarding trade in food: these principles have been amply discussed elsewhere.2 Instead, it focuses on cross-references by wto dispute settlement institutions to international food standards institu- tions and especially to their norms, namely international food standards. The chapter aims to answer several questions. The first, more practical ques- tions are: What roles do international food standards play in wto case law? To what extent, why and how do wto panels and the Appellate Body refer, in cases about food safety, to norms created by other sites of governance, whether

1 The cut-off date for this chapter is 1 October 2014, though it has been possible to consider some later cases. 2 See, for example, Mahiou and Snyder, Food Safety, supra Chapter 2 note 17, Alberto Alemanno, Trade, supra Chapter 6 note 1.

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International Food Safety Standards in WTO Case Law 335 international, regional, or national, or whether public, private or mixed? Underlying these questions is a concern about who makes the rules for food safety which are currently being enforced by the wto dispute settlement system (dsm) and through the wto dispute settlement process. The second, more theoretical questions are: In what ways does the wto constitute part of global legal pluralism regarding food safety? To what extent and how does wto case law on food safety articulate a type of global legal pluralism? Put another way, does the manner in which the wto dispute settlement mechanism deals with international food safety standards indicate that wto law on food safety constitutes a single, coherent, overarching set of norms, or, on contrary, does it suggest that wto law forms a part of global legal pluralism in the field of trans- national food safety regulation? An exploration of these questions illuminates central features of wto law. In addition, it should also shed light on the nature of transnational food safety law, in particular the relationship between inter- national standards bodies and their norms and analogous bodies and norms within the wto Members, including China. The basic argument of the chapter is two-fold. First, the wto dispute settle- ment system uses international standards bodies and their norms for many purposes. However, it does not treat them as legally binding norms. Instead, it treats them as a source of authoritative definitions of technical concepts, a set of interpretative guidelines, a justification for findings about evidence or an expression of international consensus based on scientific evidence. In this way, the wto dispute settlement institutions seek to avoid or skirt around what may be called the ‘sovereignty problem’, which is raised by Article 31 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (vclt). Second, and as a conse- quence, wto law plays a specific role in global legal pluralism regarding food safety. By global legal pluralism, I mean ‘the totality of strategically determined, situationally specific, episodic conjunctions of a multiplicity of sites around the world’.3 wto law on food safety does not amount to a single, coherent, overarching set of norms. On the contrary, it is part and parcel of transnational food safety regulation, in which norms, institutions and dispute settlement processes from different sites of governance are intimately connected. wto dispute settlement institutions decide high-level disputes, confirm and articu- late basic principles and serve as a node in connecting sites of governance in regulating food safety. They help to structure the transnational legal and social field of food safety regulation. The chapter consists of three main parts. The next part outlines the legal bases for cross-references by the wto dispute settlement system to international

3 Snyder, Legal Pluralism, supra Chapter 2 note 7, p. 42.

336 chapter 7 standards-setting bodies and their norms. The following part discusses the leading cases which have been decided by wto institutions involving interna- tional food safety standards.4 The discussion is organised so as to show the chronological development of wto case law about international food stan- dards. It first considers three early cases which laid the foundation for relations between wto dispute settlement bodies and international standards-setting bodies and between their respective sets of norms. Then it examines a number of cases, most of which raised more difficult issues. A final part aims to draw some general conclusions from the discussion and sketch its implications.

Legal Bases for Cross-References

Introduction wto law is public international law. Today food standards may be public, pri- vate or mixed. This chapter is concerned only with public or mixed food stan- dards; relations between the wto and private standards are not dealt with here.5 In addition, it deals only with those standards which are deployed in wto dispute settlement. The main purpose of the chapter is to explore rela- tions between the wto and public international standardization bodies and their standards in the field of food safety. Within the framework of public international law, there are two aspects of the legal basis for cross-references by wto dispute settlement institutions to international food standards bodies and the norms which they create. The first aspect concerns the general public international law framework on the inter- pretation of treaties. The second aspect refers to the legally binding texts of specific wto agreements relevant to food safety.

Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (vclt) First, wto dispute settlement institutions, namely panels and the Appellate Body (ab), interpret the wto Agreements as instruments of public interna- tional law. Other steps in the wto dispute settlement process, for example consultations or consideration by the wto Dispute Settlement Body, rest on the assumption that wto law is public international law. In interpreting the wto agreements, as is well-known, institutions and parties in the wto dispute settlement stem use the principles of interpretation of treaties in public

4 On wto cases which concern food safety but which do not involve international standards, see Chapter 6 of the book. 5 See Snyder, Legal Pluralism, supra Chapter 2 note 7, pp. 398–399.

International Food Safety Standards in WTO Case Law 337 international law, as set down in the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (vclt).6 Article 31 vclt provides for the general rule of interpretation, as follows: Article 31 General rule of interpretation

1. A treaty shall be interpreted in good faith in accordance with the ordi- nary meaning to be given to the terms of the treaty in their context and in the light of its object and purpose. 2. The context for the purpose of the interpretation of a treaty shall com- prise, in addition to the text, including its preamble and annexes: (a) any agreement relating to the treaty which was made between all the parties in connection with the conclusion of the treaty; (b) any instrument which was made by one or more parties in connec- tion with the conclusion of the treaty and accepted by the other parties as an instrument related to the treaty. 3. There shall be taken into account, together with the context: (a) any subsequent agreement between the parties regarding the inter- pretation of the treaty or the application of its provisions; (b) any subsequent practice in the application of the treaty which establishes the agreement of the parties regarding its interpretation; (c) any relevant rules of international law applicable in the relations between the parties. 4. A special meaning shall be given to a term if it is established that the par- ties so intended.7

Article 31 vclt thus provides for three specific legal bases for cross reference to organisations other than the wto. (1) Cross-reference may be based on the terms of the wto agreements themselves, for example the terms of the sps Agreement. (2) It may be based on other agreements to which the parties in a wto case are parties. (3) It may be based on agreements or practices which show or establish the agreement of the parties regarding interpretation of the wto agreement in question. In principle, therefore, the terms of the Vienna Convention control the extent of cross-reference by wto panels or the Appellate Body to other agreements or practices which might bring other, non- wto institutions and norms into the wto dispute settlement processes.

6 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties 1969, done at Vienna on 23 May 1969, entered into force on 27 January 1980, United Nations Treaty Series, vol. 1155, p. 331 [hereafter vclt]. 7 Ibid., Article 31.

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Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (sps Agreement) Second, and within the vclt framework, specific wto agreements provide for cross-references to other institutions or bodies and their norms concerning food safety. The Agreement on the Application of Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (sps Agreement) covers any measure applied:

To protect animal or plant health within the territory of the Member from risks arising from the entry, establishment or spread of pests, dis- eases, disease-carrying organisms or disease-causing organisms;

To protect human or animal life or health within the territory of the Member from risks arising from additives, contaminants, toxins or disease-causing organisms in foods, beverages or feedstuffs;

To protect human life or health within the territory of the Member from risks arising from diseases caused by animals, plants or products thereof, or from the entry, establishment or spread of pests; or

To prevent or limit other damage within the territory of the Member from the entry, establishment or spread of pests.8

The sps Agreement gives a long list of examples of relevant measures.9 The Preamble of the sps Agreement states the wto Members are

Desiring to further the use of harmonized sanitary and phytosanitary measures between Members on the basis of international standards, guidelines and recom- mendations developed by the relevant international organizations, including the Codex Alimentarius Commission, the International Office of Epizootics [now renamed as the World Animal Health Organization], and relevant international

8 sps Agreement, supra Chapter 4 note 4, Annex A,(1), first paragraph. 9 Ibid., Annex A(1) second paragraph, provides that: ‘Sanitary or phytosanitary measures include all relevant laws, decrees, regulations, requirements and procedures, including, inter alia, end product criteria; processes and production methods; testing, inspection, certification and approval procedures; quarantine treatments including relevant requirements associated with the transport of animals or plants, or with the materials necessary for their survival dur- ing transport; provisions on relevant statistical methods, sampling procedures and methods of risk assessment; and packaging and labelling requirements directly related to food safety’.

International Food Safety Standards in WTO Case Law 339 and regional organizations operating within the framework of the International Plant Protection Convention, without requiring Members to change their appro- priate level of protection of human, animal or plant life or health;10 To achieve this objective, Article 3 sps refers to harmonization.11 As is well- known, Members are required to ‘base their sps measures on international standards, guidelines or recommendations, where they exist, except as other- wise provided in this Agreement, in in particular in paragraph 3’.12 Members’ measures which confirm to international standards are ‘deemed to be neces- sary to protect human, animal or plant life or health, and presumed to be con- sistent with the relevant provisions of this Agreement and of gatt 1994’.13 However, Members may introduce measures resulting in a higher level of pro- tection if there is a scientific justification or as a consequence of a risk assessment.14 Annex A of the sps Agreement provides for definitions. Concerning the expression ‘International standards, guidelines and recommendations’, it pro- vides for specific sources as follows:

3. International standards, guidelines and recommendations

(a) for food safety, the standards, guidelines and recommendations estab- lished by the Codex Alimentarius Commission relating to food additives, veterinary drug and pesticide residues, contaminants, methods of analy- sis and sampling, and codes and guidelines of hygienic practice; (b) for animal health and zoonoses, the standards, guidelines and recom- mendations developed under the auspices of the International Office of Eipzootics; (c) for plant health, the international standards, guidelines and recom- mendations developed under the Secretariat of the International Plant Protection Convention in cooperation with regional organisations operating within the framework of the International Plant Protection Convention; and (d) for matters not covered by the above organisations, appropriate stan- dards, guidelines and recommendations promulgated by other relevant international organisations open for membership to all Members, as identified by the Committee [on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures].

10 Ibid., Preamble, 6th recital. 11 ec – Hormones, ab Report, supra Chapter 4 note 7, paragraphs 165, 177. 12 sps Agreement, supra Chapter 4 note 4, Article 3(1). 13 Ibid., Article 3(2). 14 Ibid., Article 3(3).

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Furthermore, wto Members are to

play a full part, within the limits of their resources, in relevant interna- tional organizations and their subsidiary bodies, in particular the Codex Alimentarius Commission, the International Office of Epizooties, and the international and regional organizations operating within the frame- work of the International Plant Protection Convention, to promote within these organizations the development and periodic review of stan- dards, guidelines and recommendations with respect to all aspects of sanitary and phytosanitary measures.15

The sps Committee is required to

…maintain close contact with the relevant international organisations in the field of sanitary and phytosanitary protection, especially with the Codex Alimentarius Commission, the International Office of Epizootics, and the Secretariat of the International Plant Protection Convention, with the objective of securing the best available scientific and technical advice for the administration of this Agreement and in order to ensure that unnecessary duplication of effort is avoided.16

The sps Committee is also to ‘develop a procedure to monitor the process of international harmonization and coordinate efforts in this regard with the rel- evant international organizations’.17 For example, the Committee, working together with the relevant international organisations, is to establish a list of standards with a major trade impact, including an indication by Members of the international standards they apply or, if not applied, an indication of the reasons for not applying the international standard.18

Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (tbt Agreement) A second major wto Agreement that deals with standardization bodies and their norms is the Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade.19 The tbt Agreement covers both legally binding measures and non-legally-binding

15 Ibid., Article 3(4). 16 Ibid., Article 12(3). On the establishment of the sps Committee, see ibid., Article 12(1). 17 Ibid., Article 3(5). On its procedures for monitoring international standards and their application by wto Members, see ibid., Article 12(4). 18 Ibid., Article 12(4). 19 tbt Agreement, supra Chapter 4 note 6.

International Food Safety Standards in WTO Case Law 341 measures. It refers to the former as ‘technical regulations’ and to the latter as ‘standards’. It covers only goods, not services.20 The tbt Agreement defines a ‘technical regulation’ as a ‘Document which lays down product characteristics or their related processes and production methods, including the applicable administrative provisions, with which compliance is mandatory. It may also include or deal exclusively with terminology, symbols, packaging, marking or labeling requirements as they apply to a product, process or production method’.21 In contrast, it defines ‘Standard’ to mean ‘Document approved by a recognized body, that provides, for common and repeated use, rules, guideline or characteristics for products or related processes and production methods, with which compliance is not mandatory. It may also include or deal exclu- sively with terminology, symbols, packaging, marking or labeling requirements as they apply to a product, process or production method’.22 The tbt Agreement in its Preamble recognizes the important role of inter- national standards in facilitating international trade,23 encourages the devel- opment of international standards and conformity assessment systems,24 recognizes that countries can take necessary technical measures at the levels they consider appropriate as long as such measures do not constitute ‘arbi- trary or unjustifiable discrimination’25 and also recognizes that developing countries may face special difficulties in formulating and applying technical measures.26 It normally adopts the meaning of general standardization terms used within the un system and by international standardization bodies, ‘tak- ing into account their context and in the light of the object and purpose of this [tbt] Agreement’,27 except that Annex i tbt defines specific terms for the purposes of the tbt Agreement.28 The tbt Agreement does not apply to sps measures.29 Concerning the use of international standards, the tbt Agreement contains different requirements for ‘technical regulations’, or legally binding measures,

20 Ibid., Annex 1. 21 Ibid., Annex 1(1) (emphasis added: fs). 22 Ibid., Annex 1(2) (emphasis added: fs). 23 Ibid., Preamble, 3rd recital. 24 Ibid., Preamble, 4th recital. 25 Ibid., Preamble, 6th recital. 26 Ibid., Preamble, 9th recital. 27 Ibid., Article 1.1. 28 Ibid., Article 1.2. 29 Ibid., Article 1.5. In ec – Hormones the panel concluded that the tbt Agreement did not apply to sanitary measures: ec – Hormones, Panel Report, supra Chapter 4 note 7, para. 8.32.

342 chapter 7 and for ‘standards’, or measures which are not legally binding.30 Unlike the sps Agreement, the tbt Agreement does not refer directly by name to other specific international institutions, except in general provisions such as the Annex i tbt provisions that ‘[t]he terms presented in the sixth edition of the iso/iec Guide 2:1991, General Terms and Their Definitions Concerning Standardization and Related Activites shall, when used in this Agreement, have the same meaning as given in the definitions of the said Guide…’.31 Otherwise it simply refers to ‘document[s]’ in its definition of technical regu- lation, to ‘document[s]approved by a recognized body’ in its definition of standards and to ‘any procedure’ in its definition of conformity assessment procedures.32 The definitions of ‘international body or system’, ‘regional body or system’ and ‘central government body’ are generic definitions that do not name any specific organisations. ‘International body or system’, for example, means ‘Body or system whose membership is open to the relevant bodies of at least all [wto] Members’.33 Together with the relevant sps provisions, these tbt provisions form the most specific legal framework for cross-references by wto panels and the Appellate Body to other institutional organisations or other institutions. The tbt Agreement requires wto Members to use international stan- dards, or relevant parts of them, when technical regulations are required and when relevant international standards exist, with specified exceptions. The exceptions refer to situations when the international standards or parts of them ‘would be an ineffective or inappropriate means for the fulfillment of the legitimate objectives pursued, for instance because of fundamental climatic or geographical factors or fundamental technological problems’.34 Legitimate objectives include, inter alia, ‘national security requirements; the prevention of deceptive practices; protection of human health or safety, animal or plant life or health, or the environment’.35 Members are to play a full part in international standardizing bodies, along the lines of the similar sps provision.36 The tbt Agreement establishes procedures for ‘notice and comment’ procedures for Members adopting technical regulations which

30 See tbt Agreement, supra Chapter 4 note 6, ‘Terms and Their Definitions for the Purpose of this Agreement’, Annex 1. 31 Ibid., Annex 1, paragraph 1. 32 Ibid., Annex 1 (1), (2) and (3), respectively. 33 Ibid., Annex 2(4). 34 Ibid., Article 2.4. 35 Ibid., Article 2.3. 36 Ibid., Article 2.6.

International Food Safety Standards in WTO Case Law 343 differ from an international standard or when an international standard does not exist.37 For standards, or non-legally-binding measures, Members’ central govern- ment standardizing bodies are required to accept and comply with the Code of Good Practice for the Preparation, Adoption and Application of Standards.38 Members are required to take ‘such reasonable measures as may be available to them to ensure acceptance of and compliance with the Code by local, non- governmental or regional standardizing bodies.39 They must also avoid taking measures which require or encourage their standardizing bodies from acting in ways inconsistent with the Code.40 Finally, their obligations regarding com- pliance by standardizing bodies with the Code apply regardless of whether or not the standardizing body itself has accepted the Code.41 Annex 3 tbt contains the Code of Good Practice. In terms similar to those regarding technical standards, the Code requires wto Members to use inter- national standards, or relevant parts of them, ‘where they exist or their com- pletion is imminent, except where such international standards or relevant parts would be ineffective or inappropriate, for instance, because of an insuf- ficient level of protection or fundamental climatic or geographic factors or fundamental technological problems’.42 The provisions regarding standards thus differ from those regarding technical regulations in that (a) only the stan- dards provisions refer to ‘an insufficiently level of protection’ and (b) the stan- dards provisions do not contain any reference to ‘legitimate objectives’. Nonetheless, the Code of Conduct contains detailed substantive provisions framing the interactions between national, local, non-governmental and regional standardizing bodies and international standardizing bodies.43 the substantive provisions of the Code of Conduct. For example, standardizing bodies which have accepted the Code of Conduct.44

37 Ibid., Article 2.9 for central government technical regulations: Article 3.2 for local govern- ment and non-governmental technical regulations. 38 Ibid., Article 4.1. 39 Ibid., Article 4(1). 40 Ibid., Article 4(1). 41 Ibid., Article 4(1). 42 Ibid., Annex 3 (F). 43 See especially ibid., Annex 3 (C, F, G, H, J, K, L, N). 44 wto Members are required to ensure that their central government standardising bodies accept the Code of Conduct. With regard to local government standardising bodies and non-governmental standardising bodies within their territories, as well as regional stan- dardising bodies of which they or one or more bodies within their territories are mem- bers, wto Members are required ‘to take such reasonable measures as may be available to

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Cases on Basic Concepts

Introduction This part of the chapter discusses the wto cases in which panel or Appellate Body referred to international standards bodies and their norms. A first group of cases, which is discussed in this section, introduced basic concepts such as risk assessment, alignment and the precautionary principle. Building on these cases, a second group, considered in the following section, dealt with more complex issues, such as whether adoption of international standards required international consensus, wto Members’ obligation to review and revise stan- dards, risk assessment procedures, relevance to domestic objectives, the sover- eignty problem and regionalization. For each case, third parties at the panel stage under Article 10 dsu and third participants at the appellate body stage under Article 17(4) dsu are noted in order to identify the wto Members which participated directly in the case and thus indicated their interest in the subject matter and outcome. Cases are considered in order of their numbering in the wto dispute settlement system in order to elucidate the chronological devel- opment of the approach, reasoning and conclusions of wto panels and the Appellate Body regarding international standards.

Australia – Salmon Australia – Salmon45 concerned an import restriction imposed by Australia on fresh, chilled and frozen salmon from Canada and the United States. Canada brought the case; the United States, the ec, India and Norway intervened as third parties at the panel stage and as third participants at the appellate stage, while the ec, Norway and the United States were third parties in the subse- quent Article 21.5 proceedings. The Australian Quarantine Protection Act 86A (QP86A) prohibited imports of dead salmon unless they had been ‘heat-treated’ to eliminate the risk of disease. Implementing legislation set down detailed requirements. Canada argued that the import restriction was inconsistent with

them’ to ensure acceptance and compliance. See ibid., Article 4.1. Bodies complying with the Code of Good Practice are to be acknowledged as complying with the tbt Agreement: ibid., Article 4.2. 45 Australia –Salmon, Panel Report, supra Chapter 5 note 198, adopted as modified 6 November 1998; Appellate Body Report, WT/DS18/AB/R adopted 6 November 1998. The same mea- sures were involved in Australia – Measures Affecting the Importation of Salmonids, DS21, Summary of the dispute to date available at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/ dispu_e/cases_e/ds21_e.htm, last accessed on 11 September 2012. In that case the parties notified a mutually satisfactory solution to the wto on 27 October 2000.

International Food Safety Standards in WTO Case Law 345

Articles xi and xiii gatt and with Articles 2, 3 and 5 sps. Article 5.1 sps pro- vides that:

Members shall ensure that their sanitary or phytosanitary measures are based on an assessment, as appropriate to the circumstances, of the risks to human, animal or plant life or health, taking into account risk assess- ment techniques developed by the relevant international organisations.46

Directly following Annex A 3(b) sps, both Canada and Australia agreed that the International Aquatic Animal Health Code of the International Office of Epizootics (oie) (now the World Organisation for Animal Health) provided the ‘risk assessment techniques developed by the relevant international organ- isations’ within the meaning of Article 5.1 sps. The Code and the Diagnostic Manual for Aquatic Animal Diseases were adopted by the oie Fish Diseases Commission in 1995. The aim of the Code is ‘to facilitate international trade in aquatic animals and aquatic animal products’ by ‘providing detailed defini- tions of minimum health guarantees to be required of trading partners in order to avoid the risk of spreading aquatic animal diseases’. Competent authorities, that is national veterinary services or other authorities of a Member Country, use inspections, surveillance and standard laboratory methods for examina- tion and diagnosis of notifiable and other diseases.47 The Code also outlines the components of risk analysis, methodology and documentation of the results, including the observations that (a) risk analysis must deal with real life, (b) no single method can apply to all cases and (c) countries may find it neces- sary to design their own processes.48 Canada and Australia agreed that there were no oie guidelines for salmon on a product-by-product basis or for all of the 24 diseases which concerned Australia. The Panel concluded that the fact that this did not mean that an inter- national guideline applying to only one of the diseases cannot be relevant.49 However, the parties also agreed that the oie Code provided ‘the risk assess- ment techniques developed by the relevant international organisations’ for the purposes of Article 5.1 sps.50 The introduction to Section 1.4 of the Code states:

46 sps Agreement, supra Chapter 4 note 4, Article 5.1. 47 Australia – Salmon, Panel Report, supra Chapter 5 note 198, paragraphs 2.19–2.20; the quotation is from paragraph 220. The distinction between notifiable and other diseases is discussed, with criteria for each category, in paragraphs 2.21–2.23. 48 oie Aquatic Animal Health Code as analysed in ibid., paragraph 2.26. 49 Australia – Measures Affecting Importation of Salmon, Panel Report, supra Chapter 5 note 198, paragraph 8.46. 50 Ibid., paragraph 8.49.

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The principal aim of import risk analysis is to provide importing coun- tries with an objective and defensible method of assessing the disease risks associated with the importation of acquatic animals and acquatic animal products…. The analysis should be transparent. This is necessary so that the exporting country may be provided with clear and docu- mented reasons for the imposition of import conditions or refusal to import. Transparency is also essential because data are often uncertain and the distinction between facts and the analyst’s value judgements may blur.51

The parties also referred in their arguments to the oie Code Guidelines for Risk Assessment.52 The Panel concluded that the oie Guidelines ‘may shed light’ on what is an appropriate risk assessment in the circumstances.53 It found that the Australian measure was incompatible with Article 5.1, 5.5 and 5.6 sps and by implication with Articles 2 and 3 sps; it did not examine the claim under Articles xi and xiii gatt. On appeal, the wto Appellate Body reversed the Panel’s finding on Article 5.1 sps. It considered that the Panel had examined the wrong measure (the ‘heat treatment requirement’ instead of the ‘import prohibition’).54 However, the Appellate Body completed the analysis by examining another measure (the ‘import prohibition’). In this case, the Appellate Body established a standard for completing the analysis, namely ‘to the extent possible on the basis of the factual findings of the Panel and/or of undisputed facts in the Panel record’.55 It referred to the oie Code definitions of ‘risk’ and ‘risk assessment’,56 and it confirmed that for purposes of this case the ‘relevant international organisa- tion’ was the oie.57 It found that this measure was not based on a risk assess- ment, hence infringed Article 5.1 sps. More precisely, it stated that, in this case,

51 oie Aquatic Animal Health Code, p. 29, quoted in Australia – Salmon, Panel Report, supra Chapter 5 note 198, paragraph 2.25. 52 See eg Australia – Measures Affecting Importation of Salmon, Panel Report, supra Chapter 5 note 198, paragraphs 8.61 (Canada), 8.66 (Australia). 53 Ibid., paragraph 8.71. See also paragraphs 8.80 (possibility of harm), 8.86 (risk reduction factors to be considered), 8.88 (risk assessment techniques). 54 Australia – Measures Affecting Importation of Salmon, Appellate Body Report, WT/DS18/ AB/R, adopted 6 November 1998, paragraphs 103 and 105 (hereafter Australia – Salmon, ab Report). 55 Ibid., paragraph 118. 56 Ibid., paragraph 123. 57 Ibid., paragraph 123, footnote 72.

International Food Safety Standards in WTO Case Law 347 the required risk assessment was that set out in the first part of Annex A, para- graph 4 of the sps Agreement, as follows:

4. Risk Assessment – The evaluation of the likelihood of entry, establish- ment or spread of a pest or disease within the territory of an importing Member according to the sanitary or phytosanitary measures which might be applied, and of the associated potential biological and eco- nomic consequences…58

Following this definition, the Appellate Body considered that a risk assessment within the meaning of Article 5.1. sps must:

identify the diseases whose entry, establishment or spread a Member wants to prevent within its territory, as well as the potential biological and economic consequences associated with the entry, establishment or spread of these diseases;

evaluate the likelihood of entry, establishment or spread of these diseases, as well as the associated potential biological and economic consequences; and

evaluate the likelihood of entry, establishment or spread of these diseases according to the sps measures which might be applied.59

The Appellate Body concluded that the Australian 1996 Final Report, which recommended that the importation of salmon that had not been heat-treated not be permitted at this time, met the first requirement but did not meet the second or the third requirements. Hence it concluded that the Australian mea- sure was not ‘based on’ a ‘risk assessment’ as required by Article 5.1 sps.60 The Appellate Body, though for different reasons, also upheld the Panel’s finding that the Australian measure was inconsistent with Article 5.5 sps. The wto Dispute Settlement Body (dsb) on 6 November 1998 adopted the Appellate Body report and the Panel report as modified by the Appellate Body report. By arbitration, Australia was given until 6 July 1999 to comply with the dsb recommendations. After that date, it notified the dsb of its additional risk analyses and changes of legislation. However, Canada considered that the new policies did not meet the requirements for compliance and requested that the

58 Ibid., paragraph 120. 59 Ibid., paragraph 121, emphasis added by Appellate Body. 60 Ibid., paragraphs 135–137.

348 chapter 7 matter be referred to the original Panel under Article 21.5 dsu.61 In turn, the Article 21.5 Panel considered whether the Australian 1999 Import Risk Analysis, on which the new Australian measure was purportedly based, was a ‘risk assessment’ within the meaning of Annex A, paragraph 1(a), sps Agreement. It asked whether the 1999 Import Risk Analysis met the three requirements set down by the Appellate Body in the original dispute. Noting the ‘series of objec- tive factors’ specified in Articles 2.2, 5.1 and 5.2 sps, it stated that ‘the level of objectivity to be achieved in a risk assessment must be such that one can have reasonable confidence in the evaluation made, in particular in the levels of risk assigned’.62 The Panel drew support for this ‘reasonable confidence’ test for a risk assessment directly from the 1997 oie International Aquatic Health Code on ‘Import Risk Analysis’; the latter referred to the need for ‘an objective and defensible method’ of assessing disease risks and stated that ‘an import risk analysis is preferable to a zero-risk analysis because it provides a more objec- tive decision’.63 The Panel also referred to the oie Code classification of dis- eases in its analysis of risk assessment.64 It applied this standard and concluded that Australia’s 1999 Import Risk Analysis met the required level of objectivity, since it identified the diseases concerned and determined their priority.65 For other reasons, however, namely that the 1999 Import Risk Analysis did not pro- vide a justification for the requirement that the salmon be ‘consumer-ready’ or for a weight limitation for a specific type of salmon, the Panel concluded that the Australian measure was not ‘based on’ a risk assessment and therefore was inconsistent with Article 5.1 sps. This case shows how important international standards bodies and interna- tional standards can be in the settlement of international trade disputes. First, the wto institutions confirmed the definition in Annex A (3) (b) of the sps Agreement, according to which ‘international standards, guidelines and rec- ommendations’ mean ‘for animal health and zoonoses, the standards, guide- lines and recommendations developed under the auspices of the International Office of Epizootics’ (now renamed the World Organisation for Animal Health). This confirmation consolidated a direct link in practice between the two sites

61 Australia – Measures Affecting Importation of Salmon, Recourse by Canada to Article 21.5 of the dsu, Panel Report, WT/DS18/RW adopted 20 March 2000. 62 Ibid., paragraph 7.51. 63 Ibid., paragraph 7.50. See also the oie Aquatic Animal Health Code, Chapter 1.4, http:// www.oie.int/index.php?id=171&L=0&htmfile=chapitre_1.1.4.htm. 64 Australia – Measures Affecting Importation of Salmon, Recourse by Canada to Article 21.5 of the dsu, Panel Report, WT/DS18/RW, adopted 20 March 2000, paragraph 7.50, footnote 178. 65 Ibid., paragraphs 7.52–7.53.

International Food Safety Standards in WTO Case Law 349 of governance. The link involved the direct importation of norms created by institutions of one site of governance (oie) into the dispute settlement pro- cesses and set of norms of another site of governance (wto). Consistently with the agreement of the parties, every wto dispute settlement institution involved in the case referred to and applied oie standards. Second, the parties to the case, as well as the Panel and the Appellate Body, agreed that the oie Aquatic Animal Health Code standards provided risk assessment techniques for the purposes of Article 5.1 sps. As a matter of wto law, such Members, whether regional organisations, States or customs territories, were now required to use relevant oie standards to justify their use of food safety standards higher than international standards, such international standards themselves being pro- vided directly by oie. Third, the case showed that wto panels could use the principles of the oie Code to orient, organise and justify their analysis and evaluation of national food safety measures. In other words, wto panels could use norms deriving from another site of governance in assessing food safety law of wto Members, thus enforcing oie norms as in practice part of wto law, and as part of the obligations of wto Members deriving from wto law.

ec – Hormones The most important food safety case in the wto dsm so far is the well-known ec – Hormones case.66 Chronologically it overlapped with Australia – Salmon,67 but it was more much controversial and well-known, not only because of the high-profile of the parties, but also because the legal questions at stake repre- sent typical regulatory, political and philosophical issues in food safety regula- tion world-wide. ec – Hormones concerned alignment in the sense of the relation of national standards to international standards, the nature of risk assessment and the international legal standing of the precautionary principle in food safety regulation. A long-running saga, it also illustrated the extent to which and how a wto Member may insist on retaining its own food safety standards. The use of growth-promoting hormones in the production of beef cattle had long been a bone of contention between the ec and the United States.68

66 ec – Hormones, Panel Report, supra Chapter 4 note 7; ec – Hormones, ab Report, supra Chapter 4 note 14, The panel was requested on 25 April 1996. 67 A panel was requested on 7 March 1997, its final report was circulated on 12 June 1998, after appeal the Appellate Body report was circulated on 20 October 1998 and adopted on 6 November 1998, the recourse by Canada to Article 21.5 gatt was requested on 28 July 1999, in which matter the final report was circulated on 18 February 2000 and adopted on 20 March 2000. See www.WorldTradeLaw.net Dispute Settlement Commentaries (dsc) on these cases. 68 ec – Hormones Panel Report, supra Chapter 4 note 14, paragraphs 2.26–2.35.

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Then, during the mid-1980s, the ec enacted a series of directives which, inter alia, prohibited importation of meat and meat products that had been treated with any of six growth-promoting hormones.69 The United States retaliated by enacting Presidential Proclamation No. 5759 of 24 December 1987, which increased United States tariffs to up to 100% on ec beef, pork products, pre- served tomatoes, fruit juices, fermented alcoholic beverages with less than 7% alcohol content, pet food and intestines for artificial sausage casings; all prod- ucts were selected carefully to target specific Member States.70 The wto began to operate on 1 January 1995, and it provided a new set of rules and new dispute settlement institutions which Members could use to settle trade disputes. On 19 June 1996 the ec requested the establishment of a panel, claiming the retaliatory Presidential Proclamation was inconsistent with Articles i, ii and xxii gatt and Articles 3,22 and 23 dsu, and also that the application of Section 301 of the 1974 Trade Act was contrary to Article xvi:4 wto. On 15 July 1996 the United States withdrew the measure, and the ec dropped the complaint.71 Even before then, however, the United States on 26 January 1996 and Canada on 28 June 1996 had separately challenged the entire series of European Community directives before the wto. They argued that the ec measures violated Articles 2, 3 and 5 sps and Article 2 tbt. The usa argued that the measures also violated Articles i and iii gatt, while Canada invoked Articles iii and xi gatt and the ‘nullification or impairment’ of tariff concessions. Australia, New Zealand and Norway were third parties, as were

69 The directives were controversial even within the ec: see Case 68/86 United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland v Council of the European Communities [1988] ecr 855; Case 376/86 Distrivet v Council of the European Communities [1988] ecr 209; Case 34/88 Coopérative agricole de l’Anjou et du Poitou and others v Council of the European Communities [1988] ecr 6265; Case 160/88 Fédération européenne de la santé animale and others v Council of the European Communities [1988] ecr 6399; Case 160/88R Fédération européenne de la santé animale and others v Council of the European Communities [1988] ecr 4121; Case C-331/88R R. v Secretary of State for Health ex parte Fedesa and others [1990] ecr I-4023. 70 General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, ‘United States – Increase in the Rates of Duty on Certain Products of the European Economic Community (Presidential Proclamation No. 5759 of 24 December 1987), Communication from the European Communities’, L/6438, 28 November 1988, available at http://www.wto.org/gatt_docs/English/ SULPDF/91390088.pdf, last accessed 9 January 2015. See also Ronald Regan’s Presi­ dential Proclamations, Proclamation 5759, available at http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/ Proclamation_5759, last accessed 9 January 2015. 71 See the summary of this part of the dispute at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/ dispu_e/cases_e/ds39_e.htm.

International Food Safety Standards in WTO Case Law 351 the United States or Canada in the cases brought by the other party. On appeal, Australia, New Zealand and Norway were third parties. The wto Panel determined that the ec measures were ‘sanitary measures’ within the meaning of Annex A, paragraph 1(b), sps Agreement, which pro- vides that a sanitary measure is ‘any measure applied to protect human or ani- mal life or health within the territory of the Member from risks arising from additives, contaminants, toxins or disease-causing organisms in foods, bever- ages or feedstuffs’.72 It concluded that the tbt Agreement did not apply to the case; Article 1.5 tbt provides that the tbt Agreement does not apply to sani- tary or phytosanitary measures.73 The logic of the sps Agreement emerges clearly from the Panel and the Appellate Body reports. Article 3.1 sps provides:

To harmonise sanitary and phytosanitary measures on as wide a basis as possible, Members shall base their sanitary and phytosanitary measures on international standards, guidelines or recommendations, where they exist, except as otherwise provided for in this Agreement, and in particu- lar in paragraph 3.74

Article 3.3 sps states that:

Members may introduce or maintain sanitary or phytosanitary measures which result in a higher level of sanitary protection that would be achieved by measures based on the relevant international standards, guidelines or recommendations, if there is a scientific justification, or as a consequence of the level of sanitary or phytosanitary protection a Member determines to be appropriate in accordance with the relevant provisions of paragraphs 1 through 8 of Article 5. Notwithstanding the above, all measures which result in a level of sanitary or phytosanitary protection different from that which would be achieved by measures based on international standards, guidelines or recommendations shall not be inconsistent with any other provision of this Agreement.75

72 See ec – Hormones, Panel Report, supra Chapter 4 note 14, paragraph 8.21. 73 See ibid., paragraph 8.29. 74 sps Agreement, supra Chapter 4 note 4, Article 3.1. 75 Ibid., Annex A, paragraph 5, defines ‘an appropriate level of sanitary or phytosanitary pro- tection’ as ‘the level of sanitary protection deemed appropriate by the Member establish- ing a sanitary or phytosanitary measure to protect human, animal or plant life or health

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Article 5 completes the circle by providing for the assessment of risk:

Members shall ensure that their sanitary or phytosanitary measures are based on an assessment, as appropriate to the circumstances, of the risks to human, animal or plant life or health, taking into account risk assess- ment techniques developed by the relevant international organisations.76

The sps Agreement, as interpreted by the Appellate Body, thus gives wto Members a right to determine their own level of sanitary or phytosanitary pro- tection, on condition that such determination be based on a scientific justifica- tion or a risk assessment.77 In ec – Hormones the Appellate Body collapsed the textual distinction between scientific justification and risk assessment,78 and it ultimately concluded that the ec measure was not based on an adequate risk assessment, and therefore the import prohibition violated the sps Agreement.79 In its interpretation of the sps Agreement, the Panel identified two require- ments for the application of Article 3.1 sps: first, international standards, guidelines or recommendations ‘must exist’, and second, sanitary and phytos- anitary measures must be ‘based on’ these standards, guidelines or recommen- dations.80 In matters of food safety, as noted by the Panel,81 Annex A, paragraph 3(a), sps identified the main source of international food standards as being the Codex Alimentarius Commission. The Panel summarized the organiza- tion and standardization activities of the Codex.82 The Codex Alimentarius Commission and the International Agency for Research on Cancer (iarc) pro- vided a list of experts. The Codex Alimentarius Commission also answered questions raised by the Panel and sent an expert to an oral hearing with the panel experts.83 The Panel found that Codex standards existed for five of the six hormones whose importation was prohibited by the ec Directives; these standards concerned veterinary drug residues, and they applied exclusively to meat and meat products of bovine origin when the hormones are used to

within its territory’. A Note to this paragraph states that ‘Many Members otherwise refer to this concept as the “acceptable level of risk”’. 76 Ibid., Article 5.1. 77 ec – Hormones, ab Report, supra Chapter 4 note 14, paragraph 214. 78 Ibid., paragraph 181. 79 Ibid., − paragraph 208. 80 Ibid., −, paragraph 8.45 (us), paragraph 8.48 (Can). 81 Ibid.C – paragraph 8.56 (us), paragraph 8.59 (Can). 82 Ibid., paragraphs ii.12–ii.19. 83 Ibid., paragraph 8.8.

International Food Safety Standards in WTO Case Law 353 growth promotion purposes.84 Consequently it concluded that international standards existed for the disputed ec measures regarding five of the six hor- mones in dispute.85 On appeal, the Appellate Body did not question the Panel’s identification of Codex Alimentarius as the relevant source of international standards for food safety. Indeed it strongly confirmed that ‘if such Codex Alimentarius Commission standards, guidelines or recommendations (“Codex standards”) exist with respect to the administration of any of the six hormones in dispute for growth promotion purposes, a sanitary measure taken by a Member should either be based on these standards or be justified under Article 3.3 of the sps Agreement’.86 Finding that such standards existed with respect to five of the six hormones in question, it then examined the definition and scope of Codex standards and their application to the hormones in dispute87 and whether the ec standards were ‘based on’ the international standards.88 With regard to risk assessment, however, the Appellate Body concluded that Codex had not yet taken a formal decision on risk assessment techniques but, nonetheless, ‘Codex, and more particularly jecfa [Joint fao/who Expert Committee on Food Additives], has a long-standing practice with respect to the assessment of risks related to veterinary drug residues (including hormone residues)’.89 It then referred to a Report of the Joint fao/who Joint Consultation on the Application of Risk Analysis to Food Standards Issues, which defined ‘risk analysis’ as follows:

The scientific evaluation of known or potential adverse health effects resulting from human exposure to foodborne hazards. The process con- sists of the following steps: (i) hazard identification, (ii) hazard charac- terization, (iii) exposure assessment, and (iv) risk characterization. The definition includes quantitative risk assessment, which emphasizes reli- ance on numerical expressions of risk, and also qualitative expressions of risk, as well as an indication of the attendant uncertainties.90

84 Ibid., C, paragraphs ii.20-II.25, paragraph 8.70 (us), paragraph 8.73 (Can). 85 Ibid., C –, paragraph 8.70 (us), paragraph 8.73 (Can). 86 ec – Hormones, ab Report, supra Chapter 4 note 14, paragraph 8.57. 87 Ibid., − paragraphs 8.58–8.70. 88 Ibid., paragraphs 8.71–8.78, 8.89. 89 Ibid., C, paragraph 8.103. See also paragraph 8.110. 90 Quoted in ibid., paragraph 8.104. The Appellate Body noted (in footnote 302) that the November 1996 12th Session of the Codex Committee had accepted a revised definition of ‘risk assessment’ as ‘A scientifically based process consisting of the following steps:

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From this and its analysis of the sps Agreement as applied to the ec measures, the Appellate Body noted the parties’ agreement that Article 5 sps risk assess- ment is a ‘scientific process aimed at establishing the scientific basis for the sanitary measure a Member intends to take’.91 Ultimately the Appellate Body upheld the Panel’s conclusion that the ec measure was not based on a risk assessment, and hence was in violation of Article 5.1 and therefore Article 3.3 sps.92 The crucial point emphasized by the Appellate Body was that risk assess- ment must be based on sound science. ec – Hormones became a saga. After the expiration of a reasonable period, the ec had not changed its law, so the United States and Canada considered that the ec had not brought its measures into compliance with wto law. They requested authorization to suspend concessions in retaliation. The ec requested arbitration under Article 22.6 dsu. The original Panel, acting as arbi- trators, determined on 12 July 1999 that the United States had suffered nullifica- tion or impairment of its rights to the extent of us$116.8 million per year93 and Canada to the extent of cdn $11.3 million per year.94 The dsb on 26 July 1999 authorized retaliation to this extent, and the United States and Canada on 29 July 1999 and 1 August 1999, respectively, introduced 100% ad valorem duties on specified products of certain eu Member States. On 22 September 2003, five years after the Appellate Body report, the European Communities amended its legislation, with the new Directive main- taining the previous import bans, with slight changes and on the basis of more detailed scientific evidence.95 The ec requested removal of the additional United States and Canadian duties. However the United States and Canada esteemed that the amended ec legislation did not constitute compliance with wto law. The ec then on 8 November 2004 brought complaints to the wto against the United States and Canada. Australia, Brazil, Canada (in the United States case), China, Chinese Taipei, India, Mexico, New Zealand, Norway and the United States (in the Canada case) were third parties at the panel stage. Australia, Brazil, China, Chinese Taipei, India, Mexico, New Zealand and

(i) hazard identification, (ii) hazard characterization; (iii) exposure assessment, and (iv) risk characterization’ (Codex Alimentarius Commission, CX/GP96/3. 91 Ibid., paragraph 8.107. 92 Ibid., − paragraphs 208–209. 93 European Communities – Measures Concerning Meat and Meat Products (Hormones), Original Complaint by Canada, Recourse to Arbitration by the European Communities under Article 22.6 of the dsu, Decision by the Arbitrators, WT/DS48/AR/B, 12 July 1999. 94 Ibid. 95 United States – Continued Suspension of Obligations in the ec – Hormones Dispute, Panel Reports, WT/DS320/R, adopted 14 November 2008, paragraphs 2.2–2.3.

International Food Safety Standards in WTO Case Law 355

Norway were third participants at the appellate stage. The ensuing Panel report issued on 31 March 2008 was appealed, and the Appellate Body on 16 October 2008 reversed the Panel’s findings, concluding that the new ec Directive was based on a risk assessment but also that it (the Appellate Body) was unable to complete the analysis regarding the consistency of the ec measure with Article 5.1 sps.96 This meant that the report in the original ec-Hormones dis- pute remained operative. The Appellate Body recommended that the dsb request the parties to initiate Article 21.5 dsu proceedings to resolve the deadlock. However, on 25 September 2009 the ec and the United States, and the ec and Canada, sepa- rately notified the dsb that they had reached a mutually agreed solution in the form of a Memorandum of Understanding agreed on 13 May 2009.97 An analo- gous mou between the ec and Canada was both agreed and notified to the dsb on 17 March 2011.98 Thus ended one of the longest running disputes in the history of the wto. ec – Hormones had a dramatic and fundamental influence on thinking about food safety regulation and relations between the different sites of gov- ernance dealing with food safety. First, it posed the role of international standards, alignment, sound science and risk assessment as core issues in international, regional and national thinking about food safety. National food safety measures could be adopted according to other criteria, such as the pre- cautionary principle, but they had to be justified by a scientifically based risk assessment. Second, the case revealed the extent to which a wto Member would and could go in defending its own food safety policy choices. The directive adopted by the eu to comply with its wto obligations enacted virtually the same text as the challenged directives; the eu Food Law99 was not adopted till four years after the case; and the dispute was settled by an mou more than ten years after the case began. Third, and most important from the institu- tional standpoint, the case established Codex as the leading international standards body for food safety regulation. All parties and institutions accepted the original Panel’s interpretation of the sps Agreement to the effect that the relevant international standards for food safety, if they existed, were the stan- dards of the Codex Alimentarius Commission. All took for granted the Panel’s

96 See Canada/United States – Continued Suspension of Obligations in the ec – Hormones Dispute, Panel Reports, WT/DS320/R, WT/DS321/RAppellate Body Reports, WT/DS320/ AB/R, WT/DS321/AB/R, adopted 14 November 2008. 97 For a brief summary, see http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ds26_e.htm. 98 For a brief summary, see http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ds48_e.htm. 99 eu General Food Law, supra Chapter 3 note 345.

356 chapter 7 determination that international food standards meant Codex standards. Codex standards provided the standards which national standards were to be ‘based on’ and the benchmark against which national standards were to be measured. Conformity with Codex standards meant that a national standard was in conformity with wto law; lack of conformity with Codex standards had, if challenged, to be justified in the basis of a risk assessment. Consequently the case had profound institutional consequences: it modified dramatically the position, status and political role of the Codex Alimentarius Commission. Previously, Codex had been a relatively unknown, uncontroversial, mainly scientific body. Now, however, it assumed a new political salience. For exam- ple, the ec had previously been an observer at Codex meetings. As a result of ec – Hormones, the ec joined the Commission as a full member, mainly in order to defend and advance its food policy based on the precautionary prin- ciple and to be able to take account of factors in addition to science in food safety regulation.100

Japan – Agricultural Products A subsequent case, Japan – Agricultural Products,101 dealt with Japan’s varietal testing requirement. The case referred to international standards for risk assessment laid down by bodies of the International Plant Protection Convention (ippc). It was brought by the United States against Japan; Brazil, the ec and Hungary were third parties at the panel stage, and Brazil and the ec were third participants at the appellate stage. Japan’s 1950 Plant Protection Law and various ministerial ordinances prohibited import of cer- tain plants. The 1950 Plant Protection Law Enforcement Regulations listed eight such products, mainly fruits and walnuts, from the United States, among other countries, which were prohibited as potential sources of codling moth. Exceptions were granted for specific varieties on a case-by-case basis. To obtain exemption, the exporting country was required to propose an alternative mea- sure that would achieve the same level of protection. In 1987 the Japanese Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry adopted two sets of guidelines for obtaining exemption, but these guidelines had not ‘generally been

100 See Sarah Poli, ‘The European Community and the Adoption of Food Safety Standards within the Codex Alimentarius Commission’, European Law Journal, 10, 5, September 2004, pp. 613–630. 101 Japan – Agricultural Products, Panel Report, supra Chapter 5 note 202. WT/DS76/R, Appellate Body Report, WT/DS76/AB/R, adopted 19 March 1999.

International Food Safety Standards in WTO Case Law 357 published’.102 The United States challenged these measures on the grounds that they violated Articles 2.2, 5.1, 5.2, 5.6, 7 and 8 sps. The Panel referred to the Montreal Protocol on Substances That Deplete the Ozone Layer, which provided for the gradual phasing out of methyl bromide except in its use for fumigation in quarantine and pre-shipment applica- tions.103 It also analysed the International Plant Protection Convention (ippc), which according to Annex 3:(A)(c) develops for plant health the ‘relevant international standards, guidelines and recommendations’ within the mean- ing of the sps Agreement.104 One important ippc standard is 1995 Guidelines for Pest Risk Analysis (pra) Guidelines, which provides for three stages in ana- lyzing risk: initiating the process, assessing the risk and managing the risk, including numerous options.105 According to the Panel, ‘[I]n sum, the pra Guidelines define a procedure by which a pest risk analysis should be per- formed, and lay down relevant factors which should be taken into account by the authorities in the process’.106 Following Japan’s argument, the Panel referred to Article 5.7 sps:

In cases where relevant scientific evidence is insufficient, a Member may provisionally adopt sanitary or phytosanitary measures on the basis of available pertinent information, including that from the relevant interna- tional organisations as well as from sanitary or phytosanitary measures applied by other Members. In such circumstances, Members shall seek to obtain the additional information necessary for a more objective assess- ment of risk and review the sanitary or phytosanitary measure accord- ingly within a reasonable period of time.107

However, in concluding that Japan did not meet the requirements of Article 5.7 sps, the Panel focused on ‘relevant scientific information’ and ‘on the basis of available pertinent information’.108 It did not mention ‘the relevant interna- tional organisations’.

102 Japan – Agricultural Products, Panel Report supra Chapter 5 note 202, paragraph 8.3. 103 Ibid., paragraphs 2.09–2.10. Given this exemption, the Panel was very careful to point out that nothing in its report affected the rights and obligations of parties to the Montreal Protocol: see paragraph 8.19. 104 See ibid., paragraphs 2.25 et seq. 105 Ibid., paragraphs 2.30–2.32. 106 Ibid., paragraph 2.33. 107 Ibid., paragraph 8.54. 108 Ibid., paragraph 8.54.

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Nevertheless, the Appellate Body109 recalled that Japan had submitted that its approach ‘needs to be understood in the context of the precautionary prin- ciple’, a principle which is echoed by the practice of Member States and reflected in the Codex Alimentarius and the fao Guidelines for Pest Risk Analysis.110 It also noted the United States argument to the effect that Japan’s risk assessment was not carried out according to the fao Guidelines as well as Japan’s counterargument.111 It also noted Brazil’s argument that Japan should not compare its varietal testing requirement with Codex Alimentarius prac- tices on testing new food additives.112 All of these statements referred to inter- national standards bodies and their norms. However, such norms did not figure in the conclusions of the Appellate Body, which upheld the Panel’s findings regarding Article 5.7 sps and other matters, except in finding that Japan’s vari- etal testing requirement for certain fruit was not based on a risk assessment and therefore was incompatible with Article 5.1 sps. In other words, interna- tional standards may be invoked by the parties and even discussed by the panel, but nevertheless they may not be given any weight by the Appellate Body. The result is that the norms produced by international standards bodies are recognized as being part of the international normative repertoire for food safety, but the case does not contribute any interpretation or principles about their application.

Cases on More Complex Questions

ec – Sardines It may be cogently argued that wto panels and the Appellate Body began to deal with more complex legal and other issues regarding international stan- dards starting with ec – Sardines,113 a tbt case concerning imports. ec Council Regulation 2136/89 established common standards for preserved sardines to

109 Japan – Measures Affecting Agricultural Products, Appellate Body Report, WT/DS76/AB/R, adopted 19 March 1999, paragraph 10 (hereafter Japan – Agricultural Products, ab Report). 110 Ibid., paragraph 10, where the Appellate Body referred, respectively, to the General Principles for the Use of Food Additives, Codex Alimentarius, volume A1, 1995and to International Standards for Phytosanitary Measures Part I – Import Regulations, Guidelines for Pest Risk Analysis, Food and Agriculture Organisation Secretariat, 1996. 111 Ibid., paragraphs 43, 52. 112 Ibid., paragraph 57. 113 European Communities – Trade Description of Sardines, Panel Report, WT/DS231/R (here- after ec – Sardines, Panel Report), Appellate Body Report, WT/DS231/AB/R, adopted 23 October 2002 (hereafter ec – Sardines, ab Report).

International Food Safety Standards in WTO Case Law 359 be marketed in the ec. It provided, inter alia, that only products prepared from Sardina pilchardus could be marketed as preserved sardines, in other words that only such products could have the word ‘sardines’ on the container. Peru argued that these provisions were incompatible with international standards formulated by the Codex Alimentarius Commission. Codex Stan 94 provided that canned sardines or sardine-type products are prepared from a list of 21 species, including Sardina pilchardus and Sardinops sagax; the former was found around the coasts of the ec, and the latter around the coasts of Peru. Codex Stan 94 provided for specific labeling of these products. The label ‘sar- dines’ by itself was reserved exclusively for Sardina pilchardus, while the other species of sardines could be labeled ‘“x sardines” of a country, a geographic area, the species, or the common name of the species in accordance with the law and custom of the country in which the product is sold, and in a manner not to mislead the consumer’.114 Peru challenged the ec Regulation as incom- patible with Articles 2.1, 2.2 and 2.4 tbt and Article iii: 4 gatt. Canada, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, the United States and Venezuela were third parties at the panel stage. Canada, Chile, Ecuador, the United States and Venezuela were third participants at the appellate stage. The case illuminates the power of wto panels and the Appellate Body to determine the substance of relations between the wto and international stan- dards bodies. First, as to whether Codex Stan 94 was a relevant international standard, the ec pointed out that only 18 countries had accepted the standard, only 4 had accepted the standard fully and neither Peru nor the ec nor any ec Member State had accepted the standard at all. Nevertheless, the Panel consid- ered that this was not relevant in determining whether Codex Stan 94 was a relevant international standard as defined in Annex 1.2 tbt. It distinguished the ec argument as referring only to the Codex acceptance procedures, and it concluded that the fact that Codex Stan 94 was adopted by the Codex Alimentarius Commission was ‘the relevant factor for purposes of determining the relevance of an international standard within the meaning of the tbt Agreement’.115 In considering whether Codex Stan 94 was a ‘relevant interna- tional standard’ for the purposes of Article 2.4 tbt, the Panel considered whether the Codex Alimentarius Commission was an international body. It referred to Annex 1.4 tbt, which defines ‘international body or system’ as ‘a [b]ody or system whose membership is open to the relevant bodies of at least all Members’. It noted, but gave no weight to, the ec’s point that Codex member- ship rules referred only to ‘Member Nations and Associate Members of the fao

114 Codex Stan 94, Article 6.1.1(ii); ec – Sardines, Panel Report, supra note 113, paragraphs 4.3. 115 ec – Sardines, Panel Report, supra note 113, paragraph 6.5.

360 chapter 7 and/or who’ and so apparently did not allow the ec to be a member. All ec Member States were members of Codex, while then the ec was only an observer. The Panel noted, however, that Codex was open to all Members of the wto.116 Second, the ec argued that the Codex Stan was not a ‘relevant international standard’ because it was not adopted by consensus and because, even though it was modified substantially during negotiations, it was not referred to the Codex Alimentarius Commission.117 The Panel rejected these arguments. To justify its position, the Panel simply referred to its Article 13 dsu to seek or refuse information. It did not provide any substantive reasons for its view. The Appellate Body agreed with the Panel’s interpretation of the Explanatory Note accompanying the definition of ‘standard’ in Annex 1, paragraph 2 tbt and in the iso/iec Guide that the ‘standard’ under the tbt Agreement include norms not adopted by consensus as well as those adopted by consensus.118 This con- clusion may be surprising, in view of the commonly held view that interna- tional standards must be adopted by consensus. It indicates, however, that the wto Appellate Body takes a formal view of the adoption of international stan- dards. If Codex adopts a standard, the wto Appellate Body will not look behind the fact of adoption and will not analyse preceding negotiations. Third, the Panel rejected the ec suggestion that it consult with the Codex Alimentarius Commission about the meaning of Codex Stan 94 Article 6.1.1 (ii).119 On appeal, the Appellate Body upheld this finding, concluding that Article 13.2 gave panels a wide discretion in seeking information and the ‘due exercise’ of this discretion would not violate Article 11 dsu on the functions of panels.120 Fourth, the Panel found that the complaining party in its argument could assert the international standard to satisfy its burden of proof by seeking to show that the challenged domestic legislation was not based on the international standard.121 Similarly, it noted that here the argument of the respondent turned on the international standard, namely in showing that the international standard would be ineffective or inappropriate to fulfill certain legitimate policy objectives under Article 2.4 tbt. On appeal, the Appellate Body concluded that the burden of proof in both respects lay on the complain- ing party.122

116 Ibid., paragraph 6.6. 117 See ibid., paragraph 6.7 on the negotiations. 118 ec – Sardines, ab Report, supra note 113, paragraphs 222–225. 119 ec – Sardines, Panel Report, supra note 113, paragraph 6.8. 120 ec – Sardines, ab Report, supra note 113, paragraph 302. 121 ec – Sardines, Panel Report, supra note 113, paragraph 7.48. 122 ec – Sardines, ab Report, supra note 113 paragraph 282.

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Fifth, the Appellate Body addressed the question of the relationship between domestic technical regulations and international standards. It stated in general terms that it agreed with the Panel,123 but it declined to specify pre- cisely what relationship was appropriate. It concluded merely that an interna- tional standard could not be regarded as ‘used as a basis’ for domestic legislation or another legally binding domestic norm if the domestic norm contradicted the international standard.124 This finding imposes limits on what can be regarded as alignment of domestic standards with regard to international stan- dards. Finally, the Appellate Body also concluded that wto Members have an ‘ongoing obligation…to reassess their technical standards in light of the adop- tion of international standards or the revision of existing international stan- dards’125 Though its enforcement in practice is likely to be sporadic and selective, this legal obligation to review and revise constitutes a potentially heavy burden for wto Members. Its main role lies in establishing an objective to be recalled in wto monitoring of national standards-setting through the Trade Policy Review Mechanism (tprm).126 This case was both factually simple and legally complex. Two key points emerge. First, skating over the unresolved disagreements about the implica- tions of the negotiations, the Appellate Body focused on the formal outcome, namely adoption by the Codex Alimentarius Commission. It could hardly have done otherwise; it has no mandate or capacity to look behind the formal out- comes or to analyse negotiations within an international standards body. Faced with the textual ambiguity of the tbt Agreement,127 it inevitably con- cluded that international standards are not necessarily based on consensus. A second significant aspect of the case was the Appellate Body’s view of align- ment. The Appellate Body gave a minimum definition, not proposing a positive definition but instead, a contrario, referring to a situation that does not qualify as alignment. As if to compensate for this definition, however, and to focus wto Members toward true alignment in the sense of an orientation toward international harmonization of national standards, the Appellate Body articu- lated for the first time an obligation on the part of wto Members to review

123 Ibid., paragraph 244; the Panel’s view is set forward in ec – Sardines, Panel Report, supra note 113, paragraph 7.110. 124 ec – Sardines, ab Report, supra note 113, paragraph 248. 125 Ibid., paragraph 199. 126 See Chapter 8 of this book. 127 tbt Agreement, supra Chapter 4 note 6, Annex I(2) Explanatory Note, which states that ‘Standards prepared by the international standardization community are based on consen- sus. This Agreement also covers documents [standards] that are not based on consensus.

362 chapter 7 their domestic standards and to revise them in the light of international stan- dards. Such an obligation to review and revise does not however emerge clearly from the text of the tbt Agreement; it is based on a teleological interpretation of the Agreement, if at all, and expresses an objective for the future.

Japan – Apples A further case, Japan – Apples,128 focused on several Japanese measures to pro- tect apples from fire blight bacterium originating in other countries, notably the United States. The case is significant because, for the first time, a wto panel stated that the analysis of risk assessment is not limited to procedures laid down by international standards, and that, from a normative standpoint, wto substantive rules have priority. The Japanese measures prohibited imports except on a case-by-case basis, according to specific criteria and, for the United States, subject to detailed conditions. The United States claimed that the mea- sures were inconsistent with Articles 2.2, 2.3, 5.1, 5.2, 5.5, 5.6, 5.7, 6.1, 6.2, 7 and Annex B sps and with Article xi gatt and Article 4.2 of the Agreement on Agriculture (AoA). Australia, Brazil, Chinese Taipei, the ec and New Zealand were third parties at the panel stage. The parties invoked international stan- dards of the ippc, which according to Annex A:3(c) sps is the international standards body for plant health.129 The Panel presented the ippa in exactly the same terms as in Japan – Agricultural Products and then discussed the two ippc standards that it considered to be relevant in this case.130 These standards were ispm [International Standard for Phytosanitary Measures] 2 on Guidelines for Pest Risk Analysis131 and ispm 11 on Pest Risk Analysis for Quarantine Pests.132 The Panel also noted that Japan referred in its submissions to ispm 10 on

128 Japan – Measures Affecting the Importation of Apples, Panel Report, WT/DS245/R (hereaf- ter Japan – Apples, Panel Report), Appellate Body Report, WT/DS245/AB/R (hereafter Japan – Apples, ab Report), adopted 10 December 2003. 129 Japan – Apples, Panel Report, supra note 128, paragraph 2.20. 130 Ibid., paragraphs 2.24–2.31. 131 See Secretariat of the International Plant Protection Convention (ippc), International Standards for Phytosanitary Measures, ispm 2 Framework for Pest Risk Analysis (2007) (fao, Rome, 2011) available at https://www.ippc.int/sites/default/files/documents//1323944382 _ISPM_02_2007_En_2011-12-01_Refor.pdf, last accessed 9 January 2015. 132 See Secretariat of the International Plant Protection Convention (ippc), International Standards for Phytosanitary Measures, ispm 11 Pest Risk Analysis for Quarantine Pests (2013), (fao, Rome, 2014), available at https://www.ippc.int/sites/default/files/documents /20140512/ispm_11_2013_en_2014-04-30_201405121523--494.65%20KB.pdf, last accessed 9 January 2015.

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Requirements for the Establishment of Pest-Free Places of Production and Pest Free Production Sites.133 Following the conclusions of the Appellate Body in ec – Hormones,134 the Panel stated that it was legitimate to consider risks ‘arising from failure to observe the requirements of good veterinary practice’.135 It concluded that ‘errors of handling or illegal actions’ which allowed infected apples to be exported to Japan were risks that could be considered.136 On the merits, how- ever, the Panel concluded that the measure was disproportionate to the identi- fied risk.137 As to Japan’s attempt to justify of its measure under Article 5.7 sps, the Panel concluded that there was sufficient scientific information, so that the measure could not be justified under the Article 5.7 sps, which required that relevant scientific evidence be insufficient.138 The Panel then turned to the United States’ argument that the measures were not based on a risk assessment so were contrary to Article 5.1 sps. However, Article 5.1 sps provides only that:

Members shall ensure that their sanitary or phytosanitary measures are based on an assessment, as appropriate to the circumstances, of the risks to human, animal or plant life or health, taking into account risk assessment techniques developed by the relevant international organisations.139

Interpreting Article 5.1 sps literally, the Panel concluded that Article 5.1 sps required that such risk assessment techniques must be ‘taken into account’, rather than that national measure must be ‘based on’ or ‘in conformity with’ such techniques.140 As for the use of international standards, Annex A(3)(c) sps provides, and the parties in the case agreed, that the relevant international standards,

133 Japan – Apples, Panel Report, supra note 128, see paragraph 2.32. See Secretariat of the International Plant Protection Convention (ippc), International Standards for Phytosanitary Measures, ispm 10 Requirements for the Establishment of Pest-Free Places of Production and Pest-Free Production Sites (1999), available at https://www.ippc.int/ sites/default/files/docu-ments/1323945204_ISPM_10_1999_En_2011-11-29_Refor.pdf, last accessed 9 January 2015. 134 ec – Hormones, ab Report, supra Chapter 4 note 14. 135 Japan – Apples, Panel Report, supra note 128, paragraph 8.120. 136 Ibid., paragraph 8.161. 137 Ibid., paragraph 8.198. 138 Ibid., see paragraphs 8.213–8.222. 139 sps Agreement, supra Chapter 4 note 4, Article 5.1. 140 Japan – Apples, Panel Report, supra note 128, paragraph 8.241.

364 chapter 7 guidelines or recommendations: It states ‘(c) for plant health [are] the interna- tional standards, guidelines and recommendations developed under the aus- pices of the Secretariat of the International Plant Protection Convention [ippc] in cooperation with regional organisations operating within the frame- work of the International Plant Protection Convention…’ The Panel disagreed with Japan’s invocation of the ippc standards, conclud- ing that they required an evaluation of the specific risks concerning the imported product.141 Referring to Article 5.1 sps, the Panel stated:

We note first that this expression does not impose that a risk assessment under Article 5.1 be ‘based on’ or ‘in conformity with’ such risk assess- ment techniques. This suggests that such techniques should be consid- ered relevant, but that a failure to respect each and every aspect of them would not necessarily, per se, signal that the risk assessment on which the measure is based is not in conformity with the requirements of Article 5.1. Nonetheless, reference to these risk assessment techniques can provide very useful guidance as to whether the risk assessment at issue constitutes a proper risk assessment within the meaning of Article 5.1. In particular, it can shed useful light, in this dispute, on the us argu- ment that Japan has failed to evaluate the likelihood of entry because it failed to consider all the steps in the pathway that would lead to apple fruit being a vector for the entry and transmission of the disease.142

In other words, international standards provide guidance, but the wto agree- ments, here the tbt Agreement, takes priority. In fact, the United State and Japan invoked different ippc standards with regard to risk assessment. The Panel concluded that it did not have to choose between them, finding instead that the consideration of whether there is ‘a risk assessment appropriate to the circumstances is not limited to a proce- dural review as to whether the risk assessment followed a certain form, in casu the ippc Standards.143 Instead it focused on a common element, namely whether Japan properly identified the pathways through which fire blight could be introduced and the likelihood of the risk being realized.144 For this purpose it concentrated entirely on the requirements of the sps Agreement, not on ippc standards. The Panel found, inter alia, that Japan’s 1999 Pest Risk

141 Ibid., paragraphs 7.14–7.15. 142 Ibid., paragraph 8.241. 143 Ibid., paragraph 8.239. 144 Ibid., paragraphs 8.242–8.244.

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Analysis did not constitute a ‘risk assessment’ within the meaning of Article 5.1 sps: the analysis was not sufficiently specific, it did not evaluate properly the likelihood of entry, establishment or spread of the specific disease and it did not consider other risk-mitigating measures.145 Similarly, the Panel rejected Japan’s argument based on ippc requirements concerning buffer zones.146 On appeal, the Appellate Body upheld the Panel’s findings. It referred expressly to international standards in general, though not specifically at all to the ippc. It merely reiterated the Panel’s general statements to the effect that ‘the relevant international standards…expressly contemplate examining risk in relation to particular pathways’ and that ‘those standards call for that spe- cific examination even when the risk analysis is initiated on the basis of the particular pest or disease at issue’.147 Australia, Brazil, Chinese Taipei, the ec and New Zealand were third participants at the appellate stage. After the dsb adoption on 10 December 2003 of the Appellate Body report and of the Panel report as modified by the Appellate Body report, the parties agreed on a reasonable time for implementation. Before 30 June 2004, the end of the reasonable time, Japan modified its restrictive measures, reducing the number of annual inspections, reducing the buffer zone around blight-free orchards and eliminating the requirement that packing crates be disinfected. However, the United States claimed that the revised measures did not comply with the dsb rulings and with Articles 2.2, 5.1 and 5.6 sps and with Article xi gatt and Article 4.2 AoA. On 19 July 2004 it sought recourse to arbitration by the original panel under Article 21.5 dsu.148 Australia, Brazil, China, Chinese Taipei, the ec and New Zealand were third parties. The Article 21.5 dsu Panel concluded that the compliance measure was not compatible with wto law. It referred to the International Plant Protection Convention. It repeated the Panel’s statement that the analysis of whether there is ‘a risk assessment appropriate to the circumstances is not limited to a procedural review as to whether the risk assessment followed a certain form, in casu the ippc Standards’.149 First, one must examine the ‘substantive validity’ of the risk assessment, in other words whether the scientific evidence supports

145 Ibid., paragraphs 8.266–8.290, 189–197. 146 Ibid., paragraph 8.191 et seq. 147 Japan – Apples, ab Report, supra note 128, paragraph 205. 148 Japan – Measures Affecting the Importation of Apples, Recourse to Article 21.5 of the dsu by the United States, WT/DS245/RW, adopted 20 July 2005 (hereafter Japan – Apples,Article 21.5). 149 Ibid., paragraph 8.129.

366 chapter 7 the conclusions;150 and then, if necessary, whether it complies with certain procedural requirements laid down by international organisations.151 In other words, Article 5.1 sps is to be interpreted as meaning that the direct link between risk assessment and the measure is primordial and any reference to ‘risk assessment techniques developed by the relevant international organisa- tions is secondary, even though the latter must be taken into account. From an institutional perspective, such an interpretation clearly asserts the primacy of wto institutions and wto law over outside institutions and norms, not only in the sense that it is wto institutions which draw on outside norms, rather than the other way around, but also in the sense that, even when wto institutions draw on outside norms, wto norms have priority.

ec – Biotech Products The next sps case to come to the wto dsm was considerably more complex and more controversial, and equally productive of ideas about the role of international standardization bodies and their norms with regard to domestic food safety regu- lation. In ec – Biotech Products,152 Argentina, Canada and the United States requested panels on 7 August 2003. A total of 18 Members, including China and Chinese Taipei, intervened as third parties, counting as distinct interventions Argentina in the United States and Canada complaints and the United States in the Argentina and Canada complaints.153 The case concerned the ec regime for approval of genetically modified (gm) plants and products and measures adopted by specific ec Member States prohibiting or restricting the marketing of such

150 Though it did not follow the approach to risk assessment based strictly on the three fac- tors laid down in the sps Agreement, supra Chapter 4 note 4, Annex A, paragraph 4, and emphasized by the Appellate Body in Australia – Salmon, supra Chapter 5 note 54, paragraph 121 and in the original Panel Report in Japan – Apples, Panel Report, supra note 128, para- graphs 8.235–8.292, the Panel did not identify the precise textual basis for its conclusions: WorldTradeLaw.net Dispute Settlement Commentary (dsc), Panel Report, Japan – Measures Affecting the Importation of Apples, Recourse to Article 21.5 of the dsu by the United States (WT/DS245/RW, p. 13, available at http://www.worldtradelaw.net/reports/ wtopanels/japan-apples(panel)(21.5).pdf.download#page=1. 151 Japan – Apples, Article 21.5, supra note 148 paragraph 8.130. 152 European Communities – Measures Affecting the Approval and Marketing of Biotech Products, Panel Report, WT/DS291, 292, 293/R, adopted 21 November 2006 (hereafter ec – Biotech Products, Panel Report). 153 The 18 third parties were Argentina (in the us and Canada complaints), Australia, Brazil, Canada (in the Argentina and United States complaints), Chile, China, Chinese Taipei, Colombia, El Salvador, Honduras, Mexico, New Zealand, Norway, Paraguay, Peru, Thailand, Uruguay and the United States (in the Argentina and Canada complaints).

International Food Safety Standards in WTO Case Law 367 products. The ec regime at the time consisted mainly of ec Directive 90/220 on the deliberate release of gmos into the environment (repealed on 17 October 2002),154 ec Directive 2001/18 on the deliberate release of gmos into the environment,155 and ec Regulation 258/97 on novel foods and novel ingredients.156 These measures permitted the ec to evaluate gmo products on a case-by-case basis and then to decide whether or not to approve marketing of the product. This regime was designed ‘to protect human health and the environment’.157 Within the ec framework, Member States were permitted, subject to certain conditions, to adopt safeguard measures to restrict or prohibit the use and/or marketing within its territory of gmo products already approved by the ec. Such safeguard mea- sures could be adopted only if the Member State had detailed grounds, based on new or additional information or scientific knowledge, for considering that the product posed a risk to human health or the environment. Argentina, Canada and the United States challenged these measures (ec moratorium, product-specific measures, Member State safeguard measures) as inconsistent with numerous pro- visions of the sps and tbt Agreements, gatt and the AoA.158 Articles 11.2 sps, 14.2 and 14.3 tbt and 13.1 dsu allow the Panel to seek appro- priate scientific and technical advice. In this case the ec formally requested that the Panel seek advice from scientific and technical experts, and more par- ticularly it suggested that it ‘seek advice from the most relevant sources reflecting a representative spectrum of views, including individual experts and perhaps competent international organisations’.159 Argentina, the United States and Canada argued that no such advice was necessary; the four corners of the wto rules were sufficient. The Panel adopted the ec view and selected individual experts. It requested the advice of several international organisations, namely who, Codex, fao, ippc, oie and the Convention on Biological Diversity (cbd). Experts then were named in their individual capacities. The Panel also decided that ‘it would seek information from certain international organizations which might assist the Panel in determining the meaning of selected terms and concepts’, mainly from the wto agreements.160 After consulting the parties concerning the

154 ec – Biotech Products,Panel Report, supra note 152, paragraph 2.3, footnote 10 and para- graph 7.106. 155 Ibid., paragraph 2.3 and footnote 9. 156 Ibid., paragraph 2.3 and footnote 11. 157 Ibid., paragraph 2.4. 158 Ibid., paragraphs 1.1–1.9. 159 Ibid., paragraph 7.16. 160 Ibid., paragraph 7.19.

368 chapter 7 organisations to be addressed and the terms on which advice should be sought,161 it contacted the secretariats of the cbd, Codex, fao, ippc, oie, United Nations Environmental Programme (unep) and who and ‘invited them to identify appropriate standard references (scientific or technical dic- tionaries, documents adopted or circulated by the relevant international orga- nization, etc.) that would assist the Panel in determining the meaning of certain terms and concepts’.162 The Panel gave the parties an opportunity to comment on the material provided by the international organisations.163 The parties disagreed also about which rules of international law were rel- evant to the case. The ec argued that the wto agreements ‘must be interpreted and applied by reference to relevant rules of international law arising outside the wto context, as reflected in international agreements and declarations’.164 To support this broad view of the interpretative context, it argued further that in United States – Shrimp the Appellate Body held that account could be taken even of treaties which not all the parties had signed or which they had signed but not ratified.165 The other parties, notably United States, disagreed in par- ticular as to whether the Biosafety Procotol supplied ‘relevant rules of interna- tional law’ in this case.166 The Panel rejected the ec argument. It stated that:

based on our interpretation of Article 31(3)(c), we do not consider that in interpreting the relevant wto agreements we are required to take into account other rules of international law which are not applicable to one of the Parties to this dispute. But even independently of our own inter- pretation, we think Article 31(3)(c) cannot reasonably be interpreted as the European Communities suggests. Indeed, it is not apparent why a sovereign State would agree to a mandatory rule of treaty interpretation which could have as a consequence that the interpretation of a treaty to which that State is a party is affected by other rules of international law which that State has decided not to accept.167

On this basis, the Panel considered that the Convention of Biological Diversity and the Biosafety Protocol were not ‘relevant rules of international law’ in the

161 Ibid., paragraph 7.31. 162 Ibid., paragraph 7.31. 163 Ibid., paragraph 7.31. 164 Ibid., paragraph 7.49. 165 Ibid., paragraph 7.52. 166 See ibid., paragraphs 7.53–7.63. 167 Ibid., paragraph 7.71.

International Food Safety Standards in WTO Case Law 369 case.168 The Panel then addressed the question as to whether other interna- tional agreements could be used in interpreting terms in the wto agreements, even though not all parties to the case had signed or ratified these agreements. It concluded that:

The ordinary meaning of treaty terms is often determined on the basis of dictionaries. We think that, in addition to dictionaries, other relevant rules of international law may in some cases aid a treaty interpreter in establishing, or confirming, the ordinary meaning of treaty terms in the specific context in which they are used. Such rules would not be consid- ered because they are legal rules, but rather because they may provide evidence of the ordinary meaning of terms in the same way that diction- aries do. They would be considered for their informative character. It fol- lows that when a treaty interpreter does not consider another rule of international law to be informative, he or she need not rely on it.169

Despite its distinction between legally binding rules and evidence of ordinary meaning, the Panel rejected the ec argument that it was necessary to take into account the Convention on Biological Diversity or the Biosafety Convention. With regard to material received from various international organisations, it stated simply, without giving detailed reasons, that ‘[t]he materials were have obtained in this way have been taken into account by us, as appropriate’.170 Similarly, with regard to the precautionary principle, the Panel noted that ‘there has, to date, been no authoritative decision by an international court or tribunal which recognizes the precautionary principle as a principle of general or customary international law.171 Referring to the Appellate Body report in ec – Hormones,172 it concluded that, given disagreements among scholars and courts, it did not need to take a position on the status of this principle in gen- eral or customary public international law.173 With regard to international standards bodies, however, the United States, Argentina and the ec all identified the ippc as context for interpreting the term ‘pest’ in Annex A(1)(a), A(1)(c) and A(1)(d) of the sps Agreement.174 The

168 Ibid., paragraphs 7.74 [Convention of Biological Diversity] -7.75 [Biosafety Protocol]. 169 Ibid., paragraph 7.92 (footnotes omitted). 170 Ibid., paragraph 7.96. 171 Ibid., paragraph 7.88. 172 Ibid., paragraphs 7.87–7.89. 173 Ibid., paragraph 7.89. 174 Ibid., paragraphs 7.233, 7235–7.236.

370 chapter 7

Panel found that the ippc was useful but not dispositive; it did not cover ‘pests’ which were not ‘injurious’ to other plants but nonetheless caused ‘other harm’ and were ‘troublesome’ or ‘annoying’ to other plants.175 With regard to undesir- able gene flow or transfer from a gm plant to other plants, the United States argued fao International Standard for Phytosanitary Measures No. 11 sup- ported its view that undesired cross-breeding would ‘render a plant a “pest”’,176 and hence would fall within Annex 1(A) sps; the ec disagreed.177 The Panel considered that it could refer, as it did, to the fao Standard if the Standard was helpful in interpreting the sps Agreement but that it was not required to do so.178 The Panel also noted, but did not discuss, the United States reference to this Standard in its argument about the development of pesticide resistance in target or non-target organisms.179 However, the Panel referred directly to the fao Standard in its discussion of the potential effects of gm plants on non- target organisms.180 Similarly both the ec and the Panel referred to international standards or definitions as the source of their definition of ‘disease’ in Annex A(1)(a) sps; the ec referred to an oie definition and the Panel to a wto definition.181 With regard to the term ‘additives’ in Annex A(1)(b) sps, the United States, Canada and the ec referred to a Codex definition, agreeing on its relevance but draw- ing different conclusions as to its applicability to gm products.182 The Panel considered the Codex definition not to be dispositive, in particular because, unlike Article 3(1) sps and Annex A(3) sps, Annex A(1) sps does not refer at all to ‘international standards, guidelines and recommendations’.183 Similarly, concerning the term ‘contaminant’, the Panel considered the Codex definition to be helpful but not dispositive.184 Concerning the term ‘’ in Annex A, sps, the Panel itself used the Codex definition.185 One of the Panel’s experts

175 Ibid., paragraph 7.241. 176 Ibid., paragraph 7.249, referred to International Standard for Phytosanitary Measure No. 11, Pest Risk Analysis for Quarantine Pests Including Analysis of Environmental Risks, fao, Rome, 2004 (adopted April 2004), Annex 1. 177 Ibid., paragraph 7.252. 178 Ibid., paragraphs 7.253–7.255, especially footnote 406. 179 Ibid., paragraphs 7.262–7.263. 180 Ibid., pparagraph 7.269. 181 Ibid., paragraphs 7.276–7.277. 182 Ibid., paragraphs 7.293–7.295. 183 Ibid., paragraph 7.300. 184 Ibid., paragraphs 7.305–7.313. 185 Ibid., paragraph 7.321.

International Food Safety Standards in WTO Case Law 371 referred to the Codex in a discussion of the term ‘allergen’.186 In its discussion of ‘allergen’ and ‘toxin’, the Panel referred in some detail to Codex standards, particularly the Codex Standard for Food Additives and the Codex Standard for Processed Cereal-based Foods for Infants and Children.187 The Panel then ana- lysed whether the ec Directives fell within the scope of Annex A(1)(d) of the sps Agreement. In considering the meaning of ‘other damage’, it noted the Canadian argument which relied partly on international standards, notably ispm No. 11.188 Subsequently, in its argument about alleged delays in its approval procedures, the ec referred to requests for additional information, pointing out that such requests were justified on the grounds of international standards; the ec referred particularly to the Codex Principles for the risk analysis of foods derived from modern biotechnology.189 In interpreting the context of Article 5.7 sps the Panel noted the reference to ‘international stan- dards’ in Article 5.8 sps.190 ec – Biotech demonstrated that international standards bodies and their norms provide extremely important sources of definitions of basic concepts in the sps Agreement. While not legally binding rules, they provide evidence of commonly accepted definitions which are essential in interpretation of highly technical concepts involved in food safety regulation. Referred to in the text of the sps Agreement and agreed by wto Members, they form an important part of the thicket of norms, concepts, definitions, legal arguments and interpreta- tive methods which wto panels and the Appellate Body seek to resolve funda- mental legal, economic, political, social and environmental about international trade, which are particularly acute in cases involving new technologies.

Australia – Apples Australia – Apples191 concerned measures on the importation of apples from New Zealand. Australia banned importation of apples from New Zealand start- ing in 1921 after an outbreak of fire blight in 1919. New Zealand requested mar- ket access in 1999, and Australia initiated the Import Risk Analysis (ira). The

186 Ibid., paragraph 7.335 and footnote 484. 187 Ibid., paragraph 7.339 and footnote 488. 188 Ibid., paragraph 7.366 and footnote 501, referring to International Standard for Phytosanitary Measures No. 11, Pest Risk Analysis for Quarantine Pests, Including Analysis of Environmental Risks (fao, Rome, 2004adopted April 2004). 189 Ibid., paragraph 7.1487 and footnote 1282. 190 Ibid., paragraph 7.3251. 191 Australia – Measures Affecting the Importation of Apples from New Zealand, Panel Report, WT/DS367/R (hereafter Australia – Apples, Panel Report), Appellate Body Report, WT/ DS367/AB/R (hereafter Australia – Apples, ab Report), adopted 17 December 2010.

372 chapter 7 ira required Australia and New Zealand to agree on a documented Standard Operating Procedure (sop), providing procedures for each pest and the responsibilities of the parties. The two countries were not able to agree on an sop. The measure in dispute was the ira, which set down procedures for a pest risk analysis (pra), procedures for pest risk management to achieve Australia’s appropriate level of protection (alop) and detailed requirements for apple imports according to the specific risk at issue. The ira categorization of pests to determine quarantine pests was based on the International Standards for Phytosanitary Measures (ispm) No. 11 adopted by the International Plant Protection Convention, ‘Pest risk analysis for quarantine pests, including anal- ysis of environmental risks and living modified organisms’.192 Chile, Chinese Taipei, the ec, Japan, Pakistan and the United States were third parties at the panel stage and third participants at the appellate body stage. The Panel noted that Annex A:3(c) sps identifies standards of the Secretariat of the International Plant Protection Convention (ippc) in cooperation with regional organisations as the relevant international stan- dards for plant health. Both Australia and New Zealand were parties to the ippc.193 It then analysed the ippc standards on risk analysis, namely ispm No. 2 on Guidelines for pest risk analysis194 and ispm No. 11 on Pest risk analysis for quarantine pests, including analysis of environmental risks and living modified organisms.195 The parties also referred to ispm No. 4 on Requirements for the establishment of pest free areas;196 ispm No. 10 on Requirements for the establishment of pest free places of production and

192 Australia – Apples, Panel Report, supra note 191, paragraph 2.37. See Secretariat of the International Plant Protection Convention (ippc), International Standards for Phytosanitary Measures, ispm 11 Pest Risk Analysis for Quarantine Pests (2013), (fao, Rome, 2014 available at https://www.ippc.int/sites/default/files/documents/20140512/ispm_11-_2013_en_2014-04 -30_201405121523--494.65%20KB.pdf, last accessed 9 January 2015. 193 Australia – Apples Panel Report, supra note 191, paragraph 2.69. 194 Secretariat of the International Plant Protection Convention (ippc), International Standards for Phytosanitary Measures, ispm 2 Guidelines for Pest Risk Analysis (1995) (fao, Rome, 2006) available at https://www.ippc.-int/largefiles/adopted_ISPMs _previousversions/en/ISPM_02_1995_En_2006-05-03.pdf, last accessed 10 January 2015. 195 Australia – Apples, Panel Report, supra note 191, paragraphs 2.70–2.76. 196 Secretariat of the International Plant Protection Convention (ippc), International Standards for Phytosanitary Measures, ispm 4 Requirements for the Establishment of Pest Free Areas (1995) (fao, Rome 2011), available at https://www.ippc.int/sites/default/ files/documents//1367570788_ISPM_04_1995_En_2011-12-01_Refor.pdf, last accessed 10 January 2015.

International Food Safety Standards in WTO Case Law 373 pest free production sites;197 and ispm No. 22 on Requirements for the establishment of areas of low pest prevalence.198 The Panel discussed these standards in detail, taking them as the essential sources of basic definitions and detailed rules concerning each term.199 For the Australian – Apples Panel, international standards and a dictionary were basic tools of legal interpretation. The parties disagreed about the meaning of a number of terms. For these terms, the Panel used international standards as a source of a formal definition. For example, the Panel, following Australia, used the ippc to give a formal definition of ‘pest’200 and, following ec – Biotech Products, it subsequently found that the ippc definition was ‘encompassed’ in the term ‘pests’ as used in Annex A(1) sps.201 In other words, international stan- dards were an essential element in interpretation of the sps Agreement. To give another example, the parties contested the definition and scope of ‘system audit’ within the meaning of ippc International Standard for Phytosanitary Measures No. 20 (Guidelines for a Phytosanitary Import Regulatory System).202 This parties did not always agree, however, with the use of international stan- dards. For example, with regard to notification requirements, and comparing the existence of fire blight in New Zealand to the previous existence of a particu- lar pest in Japan, Australia referred to the fact that Japan had notified the eradi- cation of Japanese Erwinia from Hokkaido in 2003 to ippr; the significance of this reference to ippr was contested by New Zealand.203 In analyzing whether a proposed alternative measure would exceed Australia’s appropriate level of sanitary or phytosanitary protection (alop) under Annex A(5) sps, the Panel used the ispm No. 5 definition of ‘pest risk analysis’ and took

197 Secretariat of the International Plant Protection Convention (ippc), International Standards for Phytosanitary Measures, ispm 10 Requirements for the Establishment of Pest Free Places of Production and Pest Free Production Sites (1999) (fao, Rome 2011) available at https://www.ippc.int/sites/default/files/documents//1323945204_ISPM_10_1999_En_2011 -11-29_Refor.pdf, last accessed 10 January 2015. 198 Secretariat of the International Plant Protection Convention (ippc), International Standards for Phytosanitary Measures, ISPM 22 Requirements for the Establishment of Areas of Low Pest Prevalence (2005) (fao, Rome 2011) available at https://www.ippc.int/ sites/default/files/documents//1323946136_ISPM_22_2005_En_2011-11-29_Refor.pdf, last accessed 10 January 2015. 199 Australia – Apples,Panel Report, supra note 191, paragraphs 2.77–2.87. 200 Ibid., paragraphs 2.116. 201 Ibid., paragraphs 7.136. 202 Ibid., paragraphs 2.194–2.198. 203 Ibid., paragraphs 7.1055, 7.1059.

374 chapter 7 ispm No. 11 as a benchmark, to the effect that risk management measures should be adopted only if the risk exceeds the alop. It stated that,

ispm No. 11 explains that risk management measures should be adopted only if the risk exceeds the alop: ‘Overall risk is determined by the exam- ination of the outputs of the assessments of the probability of introduction and the economic impact. If the risk is found to be unacceptable, then the first step in risk management is to identify possible phytosanitary measures that will reduce the risk to, or below an acceptable level. Measures are not justified if the risk is already acceptable or must be accepted because it is not manageable (as may be the case with natural spread). … Appropriate measures should be chosen based on their effec- tiveness in reducing the probability of introduction of the pest’.204

It was on this basis that the Panel determined whether New Zealand had dem- onstrated that Australia’s calculation of the risk was exaggerated and whether New Zealand had raised a presumption that alterative measures would reduce the risk below Australia’s alop.205 In reaching this conclusion, the Panel asked ippc for the names of experts, and the ippr provided a list of experts, but none was an expert on aclm. The difficulty in finding experts on this specific matter delayed the Panel proceed- ings. Following the suggestion by Australia, the Panel also contacted the Council for International Congresses of Dipterology (cicd).206 The Panel consulted indi- vidual experts about each risk. It is worth noting, however, that the Panel’s defer- ence with regard to experts was less than with regard to definitions or other points in written texts provided by international organisations. As it explained: ‘…in the context of Article 5.5, the panel in Australia – Salmon explained that its legal analysis is different from the scientific assessment and certainty that scien- tific experts consulted by panels might prefer. The Panel considers that this also applies in the context of Article 5.6 of the sps Agreement, in particular when assessing the second condition of the Article 5.6 test. If the Panel tried to achieve the same scientific certainty as scientific experts, it would slip into conducting a de novo review. If the Panel were to recoil from carrying out its legal analysis merely because it could not achieve the same scientific certainty, it would not be acting in conformity with Article 11 of the dsu. As noted above, what the Panel has to look at, in the context of the second prong of Article 5.6 of the sps

204 Ibid., paragraph 7.1141. 205 Ibid., paragraphs 7.1143–7.1144. 206 Ibid., paragraphs 7.14–7.20.

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Agreement, is whether New Zealand has raised a presumption, not successfully rebutted by Australia, that the alternative measures would achieve Australia’s alop. Obviously, the Panel can conclude this only if New Zealand has advanced sufficient and convincing arguments and evidence to that effect’.207 In other words, the wto panel, not the scientific expert, decides. Panels have some leeway concerning the use of international standards and expert opinions, but they make use of this leeway in different ways. International standards originate from international organisations, based on treaties or other agreements to which the parties have subscribed, at least in the minimal sense of their being wto Members and having accepted as legally binding the wto agreements, which themselves cross-refer to standards of spe- cific international organisations as the authoritative source of standards regard- ing a particular subject matter. On this basis, panels use international standards as authoritative definition of terms, as justification for their findings about evi- dence, or for other purposes. Even in this instance, as we have already seen, panels have some discretion, for example concerning the extent to which they refer to or analyse international standards, the interpretation they give to them and the extent to which they use them as a justification for their conclusions. In contrast, opinions by experts agreed to or accepted by the parties originate from individual scientists with specific expertise. The source of the authority that such opinions represent is not always recognized by the parties, and the panels have virtually complete discretion in the extent to which and the purpose for which they consult outside experts. Expert opinions are part of the evidence considered by the panels. They are part of the facts, whereas international stan- dards are norms: standards are part of the normative structure deployed by panels in analyzing and resolving disputes. In this case, the Panel concluded that Australia’s requirements in relation to all pests at issue were inconsistent with Articles 5.1 and 5.2 sps and by implication Article 2.2 sps. It also found that measures regarding three pests were incompatible with Article 5.6 sps. On appeal, Australia argued that the Article 5.1 sps reference to interna- tional organisations reinforced the flexibility of wto Members in adapting risk assessment methodologies to specific situations.208 It referred to ‘the stan- dards of the scientific community’ as determining the range of legitimate expert judgments.209 It also argued that international standards, in casu ispm No. 2 and ispm No. 11, were the authoritative source that determined the extent to which a party had to provide a detailed explanation of how expert

207 Ibid., paragraph 7.1193, original footnotes omitted. 208 Australia – Apples, ab Report, supra note 191, paragraph 20. 209 Ibid., paragraph 21.

376 chapter 7 judgments were arrived at.210 In Australia’s view, international standards trumped. The Appellate Body rejected these arguments,211 while noting that a panel was required to determine whether the scientific basis of risk assessment could be considered ‘legitimate science’ and whether the reasoning of the risk assess- ment was objective and coherent in being supported by a scientific basis.212 However, the Appellate Body rejected Australia’s argument that international standards alone determined risk assessment methodologies, or the range of legitimate expert judgments, or the extent to which a party was required to provide detailed explanations for the bases of expert judgments. While refer- ring to Article 5.1 and Annex A(3)(c) sps and to ispm No. 2 and ispm No. 11,213 it stated that:

…while Article 5.1 directs a Member conducting a pest risk assessment to take into account internationally developed risk assessment techniques, this does not mean that a risk assessment must be based on or conform to such techniques. Nor does it imply that compliance with such tech- niques alone suffices to demonstrate compliance with a Member’s obli- gations under the sps Agreement. However, reference by the risk assessor to such techniques is useful both to the risk assessor, should a dispute arise in relation to the risk assessment, and to the panel that is called upon to review the consistency of that risk assessment with the provi- sions of the sps Agreement.214

However, the Appellate Body referred to the ippc in support of its view that the entire risk analysis should be sufficiently documented.215 In its view, the ippc required ‘that the entire pest risk analysis process should be sufficiently documented’.216 On this basis, the Appellate Body upheld the Panel’s finding that Australia had not provided sufficient documents to demonstrate how its decisions were made and to show ‘an objective and rational link’ between its conclusions and the scientific evidence.217

210 Ibid., paragraph 24. 211 Ibid., paragraph 223. 212 Ibid., paragraph 220. 213 Ibid., paragraph 141, footnote 195. 214 Ibid., paragraph 246. 215 Ibid., paragraph 245. 216 Ibid., paragraph 247. 217 Ibid., paragraph 248.

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It is noteworthy that the Appellate Body did not accept the Panel’s view of its role under Article 5.6 sps.218 It also criticized the Panel for relying too much on scientific experts, in particular by asking them whether restricting imports to certain types of apples would achieve Australia’s appropriate level of protec- tion. It stated that the role of experts was to assist the Panel in assessing the level of risk associated with specific measures, but that whether the level of risk provided by specific measures achieves a Member’s ALOP ‘is a question of legal characterisation’, and that ‘[a]nswering this question is not a task that can be delegated to scientific experts’.219 Following on from this point, it has been suggested that the Appellate Body’s approach is based on a distinction between the different approaches to domes- tic measures provided in the texts of Article 5.1 sps (‘assessment…of the risks…, taking into account risk assessment techniques developed by the relevant international organisations’) and Article 5.6 sps (‘not more trade restrictive than necessary’).220 Such a conclusion would undoubtedly apply to the divi- sion of labour between a wto panel and other sites of governance. A textual analysis may well support such a conclusion. However, it would be unfortunate if domestic authorities alone were able to determine the extent to which ‘risk assessment techniques developed by the relevant international organisations’ were taken into account, without any strong supervision by wto panels or the Appellate Body. The post-wto dsm phase of Australia – Apples also demonstrates, how- ever, that while central governments adopt measures necessary to comply with wto rulings, it is not always easy for them to control national or local politics. In this case, New Zealand again asked whether Australia actually was complying with the ab recommendation as adopted by the dsb. As evidence, it pointed to a proposal to introduce a Private Member’s Bill in the Australian Senate and also remarks by some State governments, both oriented toward preventing the import of New Zealand apples. The Australian Government retorted that it opposed the proposed bill and was working with several States to ensure consistency with Australia’s wto obligations.221 Domestic

218 Ibid., paragraphs 354–359. 219 Ibid., paragraph 384. 220 WorldTradeLaw.net Dispute Settlement Commentary (dsc), Appellate Body Report, Australia – Measures Affecting the Importation of Apples from New Zealand, WT/DS367/ AB/R, pp. 23–24. 221 Australia – Measures Affecting the Importation of Apples from New Zealand,DS367, Summary of the dispute to date available at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/ dispu_e/cases_e/ds367_e.htm, last accessed 11 September 2011.

378 chapter 7 institutional politics, at least in the instance, were the province of central government.222

United States – Country of Origin Labelling (cool) United States – cool223 involved complaints by Canada and Mexico about country of origin labeling on numerous agricultural products. These require- ments were contained in the United States Marketing Act of 1946, introduced through the 2002 Farm Bill and subsequently amended by the 2008 Farm Bill; they were implemented by regulations promulgated by the us Secretary of Agriculture through the Agriculture Marketing Service (ams).224 Retailers were required to provide country of origin labelling for beef, pork, lamb, per- ishable agricultural commodities, peanuts, wild and farmed fish and shellfish, and certain criteria had to be met for the product to be considered to be of United States origin.225 The main burden fell on retailers and suppliers. The complainants considered that the measures were contrary to Articles 2.2, 2.2 and 2.4 tbt, the last because the measure was not based on the codex-stan 1–1985, the Codex Alimentarius Commission General Standard for the Labelling of Prepackaged Foods,226 which was the relevant international standard.227 Codex stan 1–1985 required declaration of the country of origin if ‘its omission would mislead of deceive the consumer’; it also stated that if food underwent processing in a second country which changed the nature of the food, the sec- ond country should be considered the country of origin.228 Canada also argued that the measures were contrary to Articles iii:4, ix:2, ix:4 and x:3(a) gatt.229

222 Compare China – Countervailing and Anti-dumping Duties on Grain-Rolled Flat Electrical Steel from the United States (goes), WT/DS414/12, Arbitration under Article 21.3(c) of the Understanding on Rules and Procedures Governing the Settlement of DisputesAward of the Arbitrator: Claus-Dieter Ehlermann, arb-2013-1/27, available at http://www.worldtradelaw .net/reports/213(c)awards/china-goes(213(c)).pdf, last accessed 5 February 2014. 223 United States – Certain Country of Origin Labelling (cool) Requirements, Panel Report, WT/DS384, 386/R, final report circulated 18 November 2011 (hereafter us – cool, Panel Report). 224 Ibid., paragraph 7.93. 225 Ibid., paragraphs 7.78. 226 Ibid., 227 Codex General Standard for the Labelling of Prepackaged Foods, Codex stan 1–1985 (Rev. 1–1991) available at http://www.fao.org/docrep/005/Y2770E/y2770e02.htm, last accessed 12 January 2015. 228 Ibid., Article 4.5, Country of Origin. 229 United States – Certain Country of Origin Labelling (cool) Requirements, Request for the Establishment of a Panel by Canada, WT/DS384/89 October 2009.

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Mexico advanced similar arguments, giving more emphasis to the treatment of Mexico as a developing country.230 The third parties at the panel stage were Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, Chinese Taipei, Colombia, eu, Guatemala, India, Japan, Korea, Mexico, New Zealand and Peru. The United States stated that it did not use codex-stan I-1985 as a basis for its measure. It argued, however, that Mexico failed to meet the burden of proof imposed by Article 2.4 tbt, which provides:

Where relevant technical regulations are required and relevant interna- tional standards exist or their completion is imminent, Members shall use them, or the relevant parts of them, as a basis for their technical regu- lations except where such international standards or relevant parts would be an ineffective or inappropriate means for the fulfillment of the legitimate objectives pursued, for instance because of fundamental cli- matic or geographical factors or fundamental technological problems.

In ec – Sardines the Appellate Body had found that the complaining party bore the burden of proving that the international standard was appropriate and effective to fulfill the respondent’s legitimate objectives.231 Here the Panel assumed that codex-stan i-1985 was a ‘relevant international standard’ and then analysed the issues in two stages. First, was it effective? Second, was it appropriate? The objective of the United States measure was to convey specific knowledge to consumers, namely ‘the countries in which an animal is born, raised and slaughtered’.232 However, this was not the function of the standard, which was ‘based on the principle of ‘substantial transformation’, in other words it confers origin exclusively to the country where the processing of food took place’.233 Consequently the Panel concluded that codex-stan i-1985 was neither effective nor appropriate to convey the desired information to con- sumers.234 It found that Mexico had not established that the United States measure violated Article 2.4 tbt,235 though the measure infringed the national treatment principle set out in Article 2.1 tbt.236

230 United States – Certain Country of Origin Labelling (cool) Requirements, Request for the Establishment of a Panel by Mexico, WT/DS386/813 October 2009. 231 ec – Sardines, ab Report, supra note 113, paragraph 282. 232 us – cool, Panel Report, supra note 191, paragraph 7.734. 233 Ibid., paragraph 7.734. 234 Ibid., paragraphs 7.733–7.734. 235 Ibid., paragraphs 7.735–7.736. 236 United States – Certain Country of Origin Labelling (cool) Requirements, Request for the Establishment of a Panel by Canada, WT/DS384/89 October 2009, paragraph 8.4(a);

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On appeal, the Appellate Body upheld the Panel’s findings, except that it concluded, reversing the Panel, that the measure provided sufficient informa- tion on origin to the consumer and therefore was consistent with Article 2.2 tbt.237 It simply noted the Panel’s conclusion that the Codex standard, which was based on the last substantial transformation test in determining origin, was ‘ineffective and inappropriate for the fulfilment of the specific objective as defined by the United States’.238 This conclusion was not appealed.239 On other points, the Appellate Body did not complete the Panel’s analysis. Following adoption of the Appellate Body report, the United States amended the cool statute and administrative measures. Canada and Mexico deemed that the amendments did not conform to wto law and sought recourse under Article 2.15 dsu. The Article 21.5 Panel in its report did not refer to the Codex standard.240

United States – Clove Cigarettes Tobacco is not usually considered to be food,241 but a recent case on tobacco nonetheless illuminates clearly several significant aspects of relations between

United States – Certain Country of Origin Labelling (cool) Requirements, Request for the Establishment of a Panel by Mexico, WT/DS386/813 October 2009, paragraph 8.4(a). 237 United States – Certain Country of Origin (cool) Requirements, AB-2012-3, Appellate Body Report, WT/DS384/AB/R, WT/DS386/AB/R (hereafter us – cool, ab Report). 238 us – cool, Panel Report, supra note 223, paragraphs 7.734–7.735. 239 us – cool, ab Report, supra note 237, paragraphs 190, 485. 240 United States – Certain Country of Origin (cool) Requirements, Recourse to Article 21.5 of the dsu by Canada and Mexico, WT/DS384, DS386/RW. 241 For u.s. law: The United States Supreme Court held in Food and Drug Administration et al. v Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corporation et al., 529 u.s. 120, that the fda did not have the authority to regulate tobacco. Subsequently the u.s. Congress enacted the Family Smoking Prevention and Tobacco Control Act, Pub.L.111-31, h.r. 1256, which was signed into law by President on 22 June 2009 and gave the fda the authority to regulate tobacco products. It does not apply to food, which today is regulated by the Food Safety Modernization Act, Pub.L. 111–353, 21. u.s.c. 301 et seq. For eu law: See Regulation (ec) No. 178/2002of the European Parliament and the Council of 28 January 2002 laying down the general principles and requirements of food law, establishing the European Food Safety Authority and laying down procedures in matters of food safety, article 2, paragraph 3(f), oj ec, 1.2.2002, L31/1. For China: United States Department of Agriculture, Global Agricultural Information Network, People’s Republic of China, Food Safety Law of the People’s Republic of China 2009, gain Report Number: CH9019, 11 March 2009, Article 99, first paragraph of which defines ‘food’ as ‘any substance that has been processed or not processed that is suitable for eating and/or drinking, including substances used as food and medicine, excluding substances solely used as medicine’. China National

International Food Safety Standards in WTO Case Law 381 the wto and other sites of governance regarding international standards. In United States – Clove Cigarettes,242 Indonesia complained that the United States Federal Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act (ffdca) banned clove-flavoured cigarettes contrary to Article 2.1 tbt (national treatment), Article 2.2 tbt (more trade restrictive than necessary) and Articles 2.5, 2.8, 2.9., 2.10, 2.12 and 12.3 tbt. Brazil, Colombia, Dominican Republic, the eu, Guatemala, Mexico, Norway and Turkey were third parties at the panel stage. The Panel gave par- ticular attention to the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (fctc), which entered into force in 2005 and which is administered by the who. There were 172 parties, including the United States but not including Indonesia.243 In 2010 an fctc Working Group presented a draft of ‘Partial guidelines for the implementation of Articles 9 and 10 of the Convention’, including provisions on flavourings and disclosure, both intended to make tobacco products less attractive. The who Partial guidelines were adopted by the fctc Conference of the Parties (cop).244 In its analysis, the Panel stated that it ‘was aware’ of the fctc guidelines and the wto Partial Guidelines.245 It referred to the who Guidelines in detail,246 stating that both parties agreed that the Guidelines were ‘potentially relevant’ to the dispute.247 The Panel considered that the Guidelines ‘reinforced its understanding’248 and ‘corroborated its understand- ing’249 because ‘“drawing on the best available scientific evidence and the experience of Parties” [they] show a growing consensus within the interna- tional community to strengthen tobacco-control policies through regulation of the content of tobacco products, including additives that increase the attractiveness and palatability of cigarettes’.250 The Panel used these points to

Tobacco Corporation is responsible for production, marketing, distribution and sales of tobacco. It is under the jurisdiction of the State Tobacco Monopoly Administration, not the cfda. See Wikipedia, ‘China Tobacco’, available at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ China_Tobacco, last accessed 15 March 2015. 242 United States – Measures Affecting the Production and Sale of Clove Cigarettes, Panel Report, WT/DS406/R, deadline for appeal extended to 20 January 2012 (hereafter us – Clove Cigarettes, Panel Report). 243 Ibid., paragraph 2.29. 244 Ibid., paragraphs 2.30–2.32. 245 Ibid., paragraph 7.5. 246 Ibid., paragraphs 7.229–7.231. 247 Ibid., paragraph 7.230. 248 Ibid., paragraph 7.229. 249 Ibid., paragraph 7.230. 250 Ibid., paragraph 7.230.

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‘permeate and inform’, in other words to justify, its conclusion that clove- flavoured cigarettes and methol cigarettes were like products.251 The Panel also relied on a report by a United States statutorily created body, the Tobacco Products Scientific Advisory Committee, to corroborate its find- ings on ‘like products’, in particular on consumer preferences.252 In addition, the Panel also took account of tariff nomenclatures based on the Harmonised System and concluded that clove and menthol cigarettes are classified under the same subheading.253 The latter practice followed earlier Appellate Body case law,254 in referring to and using directly in legal analysis the norms devel- oped by an analogous international organization that specialized in a field intimately concerned with international trade and not covered by the wto. This was a kind of ‘horizontal reference’ or ‘horizontal relations’, because the two sites of governance (wto and wco) are both based on international trea- ties, specialize in closely related fields, are the leading international organ- isations in their respective fields, and thus are roughly analogous, though differing substantially in power and general salience.255 The Panel concluded that imported clove cigarettes and menthol cigarettes are like products and, because imports of clove cigarettes were banned while menthol cigarettes were allowed to remain on the market, that clove cigarettes were treated less favourably under Article 2.1 tbt256 and therefore was inconsistent with Article 2.1 tbt.257 As to whether the ban was more trade-restrictive than necessary, both parties drew on the who Guidelines in their arguments; Indonesia argued, inter alia, the that the who Guidelines provided less trade-restrictive alternatives.258 In analyzing their effects of clove cigarettes as ‘trainer’ ciga- rettes, the Panel again referred to the who Guidelines as ‘drawing on the best available scientific evidence and the experience of Parties’ and as showing the growing international consensus; it also referred to the Guidelines recommen- dation that ingredients which increase the palatability of tobacco products should be restricted or prohibited,259 even though a ban was not among the measures set out in the wto Framework Convention on Tobacco Control.260

251 Ibid., paragraphs 7.248 and 7.255. 252 Ibid., paragraph 7.228. 253 Ibid., paragraphs 7.233–7.239. 254 European Communities – Customs Classification of Certain Computer Equipment, Appellate Body Report, WT/DS62, 67, 68/AB/R, paragraph 89. 255 I am grateful to Dong Shi for this point. 256 us – Clove Cigarettes, Panel Report, supra note 242, paragraph 7.292. 257 Ibid., paragraph 7.293. 258 Ibid., paragraph 7.317, see also paragraphs 7.323, 7.324 (us argument). 259 Ibid., paragraph 7.414. 260 Ibid., paragraph 7.427.

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However, it also concluded that Indonesia failed to demonstrate that the ban was more trade-restrictive than necessary to fulfill the legitimate objective of reducing youth smoking and was therefore inconsistent with Article 2.2 tbt.261 The Panel referred to an iso/iec Directive to elucidate its analysis of the purpose of Article 2.8 tbt requiring product requirements to be laid down in functional terms if possible.262 It quoted a Decision of the tbt Committee to the effect that:

In order to serve the interests of the wto membership in facilitating international trade and preventing unnecessary trade barriers, inter­ national standards need to be relevant and to effectively respond to ­regulatory and market needs, as well as scientific and technological develop­ments in various countries. They should not distort the global market, have adverse effects on fair competition, or stifle innovation and technological development. In addition, they should not give preference to the characteristics or requirements of specific countries or regions when different needs or interests exist in other countries or regions. Whenever possible, international standards should be performance based rather than based on design or descriptive characteristics.263

Indonesia referred to an international standard in its argument that that there was an established way of determining thresholds at which flavours can be detected.264 However, the Panel rejected Indonesia’s argument that the United States should have formulated its law in terms of ‘performance’.265 Nevertheless, the Panel also concluded that the failure of the United States to notify wto Members through the Secretariat of products covered in time to allow amend- ments and comments was contrary to Article 2.9.2 tbt266 and that its failure to allow at least six months between publication and entry into force was con- trary to Article 2.12 tbt.267

261 Ibid., paragraphs 7.428, 7.432. 262 Ibid., paragraph 7.481. 263 Ibid., paragraph 7.482. 264 Ibid., paragraph 7.492. The standard was astm E679 – 04 ‘Standard Practice for Determination of Odor and Taste Thresholds By a Forced-Choice Ascending Concentration Series Method of Limits’ http://www.astm.org/Standards/E679.htm. astm was formerly known as American Society for Testing and Materials, develops and markets international voluntary consensus-based standards: see http://www.astm.org/ABOUT/overview.html, visited 23.12.2011. 265 Ibid., paragraph 7.497. 266 Ibid., paragraph 7.542. 267 Ibid, paragraph 7.595.

384 chapter 7

On appeal, the Appellate Body upheld, for different reasons, the findings of the Panel that clove cigarettes and menthol cigarettes are like products, that the us measure was inconsistent with Article 2.1 tbt on national treatment and that the us should have allowed a period of at least six months between publication and entry into force of its measure. It did not, however, mention the who Framework Convention on Tobacco Control.268 This case is significant for several reasons. First, the arguments of both the parties and the Panel centred on several international standards. Second, Indonesia was not a signature of the who Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, the source of the who Guidelines. Nevertheless, the Guidelines fig- ured prominently in the case at the panel stage. The Panel skirted around the sovereignty problem by treating the Guidelines not as legally binding rules or soft law but as an expression of international consensus based on scientific evi- dence, which could ‘inform’ its analysis, not ‘determine’ it, still less be a source of rules which the Panel should apply. Indonesia did not protest, and indeed it referred to the Guidelines itself. Third, when the case was appealed, the Director-General of the who wrote to the Presiding Member of the Appellate Division of the wto to express interest and offer assistance in areas covered by the who mandate. The United States and the eu comment on the letter. In the event, since the parties had already submitted much material on who legal instruments and other information, the Appellate Body decided not to request assistance.269 Fourth, the Appellate Body in its report recorded Indonesia’s statement that the Panel had considered evidence from the who.270 Otherwise, however, it did not even mention the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, though it upheld, for different reasons, the Panel report.271

India – Agricultural Products In India – Agricultural Products272 the United States in March 2012 requested consultations with India about the India Livestock Importation Act 1898, related orders and amendments and implementing measure.273 The measures

268 United States – Measures Affecting the Production and Sale of Clove Cigarettes, Appellate Body Report, WT/DS406/AB/R, adopted 24 April 2012 (hereafter usd – Clove Cigarettes, ab Report). 269 Ibid., paragraph 11. 270 Ibid., paragraph 17. 271 Ibid., paragraph 298. 272 India – Measures Concerning the Importation of Certain Agricultural Products, Panel Report, WT/DS430/R, final report circulated 14 October 2014 (hereafter India – Agricultural Products, Panel Report). 273 On the measures in question, see ibid., paragraphs 2.34–2.4.4.

International Food Safety Standards in WTO Case Law 385 prohibited various agricultural imports from the United States, purportedly because of the danger of Avian influenza (ai, or ‘bird flu’). The United States argued that the measures contravened Articles i and xi gatt as well as numer- ous provisions of the sps Agreement. After consultations failed to achieve a mutually satisfactory agreement, a panel was established on 23 June 2012. China, Colombia, Ecuador, the eu, Guatemala, Japan, Viet Nam and subse- quently Argentina, Australia and Brazil reserved their third party rights,274 demonstrating their concern about the Indian measures and widespread inter- est in the Indian market.275 The Indian measures banned imports from countries which had reported notifiable avian influenza (nai) to the oie under its Terrestrial Animal Health Code (‘Terrestrial Code’).276 The Terrestrial Code requires notification of highly pathogenic avian influenza (hpai) and low pathogenicity avian influenza (lpai).277 The United States had notified oie of occurrences of lpai since 2006 but had not notified any incidence of hpai since 2004.278 India had noti- fied 95 outbreaks of hpai between end 2003 and 12 March 2013 but had never notified an occurrence of lpai.279 It is understandable that India might be very concerned about a potential outbreak of hpai. The Panel asked the parties whether it should consult experts and interna- tional organisations. Both parties considered that such consultations were not necessary. However, in the event the Panel decided to consult experts, the United States proposed consultation of ‘the oie on the proper interpretation of the Terrestrial Code and individual scientific experts on the scientific aspects of India’s domestic ai surveillance regime’, while India proposed con- sultation of individual experts only.280 The Panel followed the us view and

274 India – Measures Concerning the Importation of Certain Agricultural Products from the United States, DS430, summary available at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/ dispu_e/cases_e/ds430_e.htm, last accessed 9 April 2013. 275 Note that Asian countries are among the world’s largest importers of poultry, but India reported only 23 tonnes of imports of poultry meat between 2000 and 2008: The Poultry Site, ‘Global Poultry Trends -‘Asia: The Major Chicken Importer’, Wednesday, 19 October 2011, available at http://www.thepoultrysite.com/articles/2195/global-poultry-trends -asia-the-major-chicken-meat-importer, last accessed 12 January 2015. 276 On the disease, typology and transmission of avian influenza, see India – Agricultural Products, Panel Report, supra note 272, paragraphs 2.4–2.21. 277 On the history, objectives and structure of the Terrestrial Code, see ibid., paragraphs 2.4.5–2.59. 278 Ibid., paragraph 2.4.4.1. 279 Ibid., paragraph 2.4.4.2. 280 Ibid., page 17, note 13.

386 chapter 7 decided to consult both oie and individual experts.281 After the parties could not agree on the names of individual experts, the Panel asked oie, fao and who to provide names and curriculum vitae of individual experts.282 It then asked the parties to provide up to twelve questions to be put to oie and the experts, and the parties were permitted to comment on the replies and also to submit advance questions for a joint meeting of the Panel, the experts and the parties.283 With regard to the international standards, particularly the Terrestrial Code, the Panel addressed four questions. First, to what extent may a wto Member deviate from international standards and yet benefit from a presumption of compliance with the sps Agreement and the gatt?284 The sps Agreement provides that a wto Member’s measures which ‘conform’ to international stan- dards are presumed to be consistent with gatt 1994 and the sps Agreement.285 Summarising the analysis of the Appellate Body in ec – Hormones,286 the Panel distinguished three scenarios, which because of their importance to China I quote a length:

…The first scenario is where a Member adopts an sps measure that embodies an international standard completely, and thus ‘conforms to’ such standard, as provided in Article 3.2. In that case, the conforming sps measure benefits from a rebuttable presumption of compliance with the sps Agreement and the gatt 1994.287

The second scenario is where the sps measure adopts some, but not all, of the elements of that standard. In this case, the sps measure would not ‘conform to’ the standard but rather would be ‘based on’ it, as provided in Article 3.1. The sps measure would thus not benefit from the above presumption of compliance, but…the burden of proof would

281 Ibid., paragraphs 1.23, 1.29–1.30. 282 Ibid., dia, paragraphs 1.24 – 1.26. See paragraphs 1.2–1.30 on the selection. 283 Ibid., paragraphs 1.32–1.37. 284 As the Panel formulated the situation: ‘The first three paragraphs of Article 3 of the sps Agreement set out the obligation of Members to harmonize their SPS measures by either basing them on or conforming to international standards, while leaving open some lee- way for departing from those standards, subject to consistency with the remainder of the sps Agreement’: Ibid., paragraph 7.196. 285 sps Agreement, supra note 762, Article 3(2). 286 ec – Hormones, ab Report, supra Chapter 4 note 14, paragraphs 170–172. 287 India – Agricultural Products, Panel Report, supra note 272, paragraph 7.198.

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still lie on the complainant to make a prima facie case of violation of Article 3.1.288

Finally, as a third scenario, a Member may decide to deviate from the recommendations of an international standard and adopt an sps mea- sure which results in a higher standard of protection than the one pre- scribed in the standard, as provided in Article 3.3. In this case, the Member must ensure that its measure is consistent with the other relevant provi- sions of the sps Agreement. This would entail, for instance, the need to be the sps measure on science, including a risk assessment in accordance with Articles 5.1 and 52 of the sps Agreement.289

A wto Member is free to choose any of the scenarios.290 Second, if there are several editions of an international standard, which edi- tion applies? In this case, both the United States and India agreed that the relevant international standard was the Terrestrial Code.291 However, the Terrestrial Code is reviewed annually,292 and three editions of the Terrestrial Code were still available.293 The Panel pointed out that this was the first time the issue of relevant edition had been addressed in wto dispute settlement.294 It sought to strike a balance between using the most up-to-date science, on the one hand, and respect for the fundamental legal principle of due process, on the other hand. It concluded it should use the 21st [May 2012] edition,295 because this ‘edition reflects the latest science at a point in time that would not only allow the complainant to make its case, but would also avail the respondent of the opportunity to defend itself’.296 Third, to what extent does the product coverage of the international stan- dard apply to the products covered by the measures challenged in the case? The Panel next examined the product coverage of the Terrestrial Code. It relied heavily on the oie.297 After a detailed analysis, it concluded that the Terrestrial Code does not provide for the imposition of import prohibitions on

288 Ibid., paragraph 7.199. 289 Ibid., dia, paragraph 7.200. 290 Ibid., paragraph 7.201. 291 Ibid., paragraph 7.206. 292 Ibid., paragraphs 7.207, 7.210. 293 Ibid., paragraph 7.207. 294 Ibid., paragraph 7.209. 295 Ibid., paragraph 7.213. 296 Ibid., paragraph 7.211. 297 Ibid., paragraphs 7.221–7.227.

388 chapter 7 poultry products.298 Having consulted the oie, it also considered that ‘where the Terrestrial Code recommends prohibitions it explicitly so provides’;299 since the Terrestrial Code did not ‘explicitly so provide […]’ for import prohibitions on poultry, it concluded that there was no legal basis for the pro- hibitions imposed by India. The Panel thus directly followed the view of the oie and accepted the United States’ argument. Fourth, to what extent does the relevant international standard permit regionalization, in the sense that a wto Member wishing to impose an import ban may be required to impose a ban on products originating only from par- ticular at-risk regions in the exporting country but not on products originating from the exporting country as a whole? The Terrestrial Code provided for dif- ferentiation of the nai status of an exporting country according to the country as a whole, a zone or a compartment.300 Its basic principle was to encourage ‘measures that are proportional to risk, with the objective of facilitating safe trade and avoiding unjustifiable trade barriers’.301 Again, the Panel followed the clarification and interpretation by the oie,302 and it concluded that the Terrestrial Code allowed for imports from nai or hpnai-free zones and compartments,303 not simply from a country as a whole.304 This was consistent with the United States’ argument regarding less restrictive measures; in con- trast, India’s measures targeted the exporting country as a whole. Consequently, the Panel concluded that the Indian measures were not based on a relevant international standard and therefore could not benefit from the presumption of consistency with gatt 1994 and the sps Agreement.305 India had claimed

298 Ibid., paragraph 7.239. 299 Ibid., paragraph 7.251. 300 Ibid., paragraphs 7.256–7.261. 301 Ibid., paragraphs 7.250. 302 See ibid., paragraphs 7.255, 7.260, 7.261. 303 Ibid., paragraph 7.262. 304 A case currently in progress also concerns regionalisation: In Russian Federation – Measures on the Importation of Live Pigs, Pork and Other Pig Products from the European Union (WT/DS475/R), the eu requested consultations with Russia on 8 April 2014; a panel was established on 22 July 2014 and composed on 23 October 2014; one panel member resigned on 30 October 2014 and was replaced on 3 November 2014; and another panel member resigned on 26 November 2014 and was replaced on 4 December 2014: World Trade Organization, Dispute Settlement, Dispute DS475 In Russian Federation – Measures on the Importation of Live Pigs, Pork and Other Pig Products from the European Union, Current status, available at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dispu_e/cases_e/ ds475_e.htm, last accessed 12 January 2015. 305 India – Certain Agricultural Products, Panel Report, supra note 272, paragraph 7.275, 8.1(c)(ii).

International Food Safety Standards in WTO Case Law 389 that it was not required to carry out a risk assessment, because it had adopted an international standard. The Panel concluded that it had not adopted such a standard, and since India had not carried out a risk assessment, the Panel found, for this reason among others,306 that the Indian measures were incon- sistent with the sps Agreement.307

Conclusion

Parties in wto cases, wto panels and the Appellate Body refer to interna- tional standards bodies and their norms frequently in cases involving food safety regulation. The ways in which the wto dispute settlement institutions deal with these cross-references often have great significance for the regula- tion of food safety, extending far beyond the parties to the case. Table 7.1 sum- marises the cases discussed in this chapter. It shows case number and short title, complainant, respondent, third parties, who won, the international stan- dards body whose norms were mentioned in the case, whether the panel or Appellate Body or both discussed the standard and the specific topics regard- ing standards involved in the case. Several points stand out. First, most of the cases concerned agricultural (including beef and poultry) or fishery products; exceptions were ec – Biotech and us – Clove Cigarettes. Second, the United States, eu, Japan, Australia or New Zealand was at least one of the parties, either complainant or respondent, in every case. These highly developed countries are among the leaders in developing food safety standards. They seek actively to enforce or defend their standards. Third, the complainant always won; the sole partial exception was ec Biotech, in which both complainant and respondent had grounds for claiming victory. In all cases, the complainant was able to enforce its view of the meaning and application of the interna- tional standards in question, at least to the extent to which the standards were recognized by the Appellate Body. Fourth, the cases involved a small number of standards organisations: Codex, oie, ippc, who. These are the main organisations identified by the sps Agreement as the sources of standards regarding food safety regulation. Fifth, the complexity of legal and other issues increased more or less chronologically. Early cases set out the basic concepts of the standard for reviewing Members’ food safety measures, risk assessment, alignment, the precautionary principle

306 Ibid., paragraph 8 [Conclusions and Recommendations]. 307 Ibid., paragraph 7.318. 8.1(c)iii).

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Table 7.1 wto cases involving international food safety standards

Case Number DS18 DS26 DS76 DS231

Case Name Australia – Salmon ec – Hormones Japan – Agricultural ec – Sardines Products Product Involved Salmon Beef Fruit, nuts Sardines Complainant Canada us, Canada us, Canada Peru Respondent Australia ec Japan ec Third Parties us, ec, India, Australia, nz, ec, Hungary, Brazil Granada, Chile, Norway Norway Colombia, Ecuador, us, Venezuela [panel stage] Winner Complainant Complainant Complainant Complainant International oie International Codex standard ippc Pest Risk Codex standard Standard Body Aquatic Animal Guidelines, Codex Health Code standard wto Body Panel, ab Panel, ab Panel, ab (minimal) Panel, ab Referring To International Standards Interest Risk assessment Alignment, risk Risk assessment definition of Regarding assessment, ‘international’, Standards precautionary consensus, principle, obligation to review experts and revise

Case Number DS245 DS292, 292R DS367 DS384, 386

Case Name Japan – Apples ec – Biotech Products Australia – Apples us – cool Product Apples maize, cotton, sugar Apples Beef and other Involved beet, oilseed rape, meats soybeans, potato Complainant us Argentina, us, nz Canada, Mexico Canada Respondent Japan ec Australia us Third Parties Australia, Brazil, 18 Members, Chile, Chinese 15 Members, nz, Chinese including China Taipei, ec, Japan, including China Taipei, ec, Pakistan, us

International Food Safety Standards in WTO Case Law 391

Case Number DS245 DS292, 292R DS367 DS384, 386

Winner Complainant Both Complainant Complainant International Several ippc who, ippc, Codex, ippc, ispm Codex stan Standard guidelines on pest fao, oie 1-1985 Body risks wto Body Panel, ab [general Panel [no appeal] Panel, ab Panel, ab Referring To reference only] [briefly noted] International Standards Interest Risk assessment Definitions of terms, Definitions of Relevance to Regarding experts, procedures, terms, experts, domestic Standards risk assessment risk analysis objectives

Case Number DS406 DS430

Case Name us – Clove Cigarettes India – Agricultural Products Product Involved Cigarettes Poultry Complainant Indonesia India Respondent us us Third Parties Brazil,Colombia, Domincan China, Colombia, Ecuador, eu, Republic, eu, Guatemala, Japan, Vietnam, Guatemala, Mexico, Norway, Argentina, Australia, Brazil Turkey Winner Complainant Complainant International Standard who, iftc ioe Terrestrial Animal Health Code Body wto Body Referring To Panel only Panel no appeal International Standards Interest Regarding Evidentiary role of iftc, alignment, applicable edition of Standards sovereignty problems standard, product coverage, regionalisation

Source: Calculated by the author from wto case reports.

392 chapter 7 and the role of experts. Subsequent cases dealt with these in more detail, for example with the procedures of risk assessment, but they also concerned more obviously political issues. These difficult issues concerned, for example, whether consensus is required for adoption of international standards, the obligation of wto Members to review their standards and revise them in the light of changing international standards, the role of international standards bodies in interpreting technical terms, international standards as evidence, relevance of international standards to domestic food safety policy objectives, the sovereignty problem and regionalization. International standards thus provide a standard of review to be used by wto panels in assessing the objectivity of disease risks (Australia – Salmon), for finding that a Member had not provided sufficient documents (Australia – Apples) or as a basis for an Appellate Body view of an ‘objective and rational link’ between scientific evidence and legal conclusions (Australia – Apples). They also constitute one source of risk assessment procedures and techniques (Japan – Apples), but they alone do not determine risk assessment methodolo- gies, or the range of permitted expert judgments, or the extent to which a party is required to provide detailed explanations for the grounds of expert judgments (Australia – Apples). While they may be recognized as an expres- sion of international consensus (us – Clove Cigarettes panel), they are not determinative and are not a direct source of applicable rules (us – Clove Cigarettes). International standards bodies and their norms often serve as aids to interpretation, context, evidence for the ordinary meaning of technical terms, or a direct source for definitions of technical terms (ec – Biotech Products, Australia – Apples). The sps Agreement and the tbt Agreement are legally binding instruments which refer to specific institutional sources of international standards. Panels and the Appellate Body have some leeway concerning the use of international standards and expert opinions. They exercise their discretion, for example, concerning the extent to which they refer to international standards, the inter- pretation they give to them and the extent to which they use international standards to justify their conclusions. International standards originate from international organisations, which are based on treaties or other agreements to which the parties (usually) have subscribed, at least in the minimal sense of their being wto Members and having accepted as legally binding the wto Agreements, which cross-refer to the norms of specific international organisations regarding a particular subject matter. International standards are norms. They are part of the normative structure deployed by parties in legal argument and also by panels in analyzing and resolving disputes. In contrast, opinions by experts appointed by panels

International Food Safety Standards in WTO Case Law 393 and agreed to or accepted by the parties originate from individual scientists with specific expertise. Expert opinions are part of the evidence considered by panels. They are part of the facts. The salience and evidentiary value of such opinions represent is not always recognized by the parties. Nor is it always rec- ognized by the wto Appellate Body, despite having been discussed by the wto panel in the case. wto law remains the ultimate measure, and wto institu- tions are the ultimate decision-makers. Law governs science, but it uses sci- ence to do so, even though sometimes law is merely a channel through which science rules. In principle, the framework for making decisions gives more power to the parties who make the legal arguments to which panels and the Appellate Body respond than it does to the experts who make standards. Article 31 vclt allows panels and the Appellate Body to take account of con- text in interpreting treaties. ‘Context’ includes treaties or other arrangements to which the parties to the case are parties or which they have accepted.308 The use of international standards in wto dispute settlement potentially raises the ‘sov- ereignty problem’. In us – Clove Cigarettes, the panel analysed the who Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (fctc). Indonesia had not accepted the fctc. Consequently, or so it may be argued, the Panel treated the fctc not as legally binding rules of law or as soft law, but instead as an expression of international consensus based on scientific evidence, which could ‘inform’ the analysis, not ‘determine’ it or be a source of rules which the panel should apply. The fctc was not discussed by the Appellate Body, however, so it remains to be seen whether the Appellate Body will treat international conventions involving international standards bodies as an expression of international consensus, even though one party to the case has not accepted the convention. wto law on food safety does not amount to a single, coherent, overarching set of norms. Instead, it is part of transnational food safety regulation, in which norms, institutions and dispute settlement processes from different sites of governance are intimately connected. wto dispute settlement institutions decide disputes, confirm and articulate basic principles and serve as a central or dominant node in connecting sites of governance in regulating food safety. They help to structure the transnational legal and social field of food safety regulation.

308 vclt, supra note 6, Article 31(2),(3).

chapter 8 Multilateral Monitoring of Chinese Food Safety Law

Introduction

No country is an island in regulating food safety. China is no exception. The 2008 melamine baby formula scandal marked the real integration of China into the world of global legal pluralism regarding food safety regulation. Even before then, China’s accession to the World Trade Organization (wto) on 11 December 2001 signalled China’s desire to join, benefit from and contribute to the world of global legal pluralism about trade. It laid the basis for subse- quent developments such as the wide-ranging impact of wto law on law, econ- omy and society in China,1 the 2009 Food Safety Law and subsequent reforms of legislation and standards, very active Chinese participation in international food standards bodies such as the Codex Alimentarius Commission, and increasing openness of Chinese governmental institutions to legal develop- ments from other countries and international organisations. We live in a world of global legal pluralism. By ‘global legal pluralism’, I mean ‘the totality of strategically determined, situationally specific and often epi- sodic conjunctions of a multiplicity of sites of governance throughout the world’.2 Food safety regulation today is the handiwork of multiple sites of gov- ernance. A site of governance is ‘a locus of decision-making with the authority to settle disputes’.3 In origin, sites of governance may be public, private or hybrid, that is, mixed public-private. In scope, they may be international, transnational, regional, national or local. Each site of governance ‘has two dimensions: a structural dimension, comprising institutions, norms and dis- pute-settlement processes, and a relational dimension, which refers to rela- tions between the site and other sites of governance’.4 These two dimensions are interconnected, because the institutions, norms and dispute-settlement processes of a site of governance will affect or condition its relations with other

1 E.g. Zhang Xin, Implementation of the wto Agreements in China (Wildy, Simmons & Hill Publishing, London, 2005) (hereafter Zhang Xin, Implementation); Esther Lam, China and the wto: A Long March Towards the Rule of Law (Kluwer Law International, Alphen aan den Rijn, 2009). 2 Snyder, Legal Pluralism, supra Chapter 2 note 7, p. 49. 3 Ibid., p. 49. 4 Ibid., p. 49.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi 10.1163/9789004306929_009

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 395 sites, and conversely a site’s relations with other sites of governance will affect or condition its institutions, norms and dispute-settlement processes.5 Sites of governance may be but are not necessarily, and indeed not usually, co-termi- nus with nation state boundaries; instead, they are best conceived as belong- ing to distinct semi-autonomous social fields.6 China participates actively in the wto Dispute Settlement Mechanism (dsm). As of 2 September 2014, China has been a complainant in 12 dispute cases, a respondent in 31 cases and a third-party participant in 112 cases.7 However, highly visible international trade disputes represent only a small part of China’s participation in the wto. Nor do they convey the full spectrum of the ways in which the wto agreements are enforced and implemented, and by which international food safety standards and best practices are diffused. In theoretical terms, they are only one aspect of relations between these two sites of governance. In this chapter i consider another aspect of these relations: the wto Trade Policy Review Mechanism (tprm). I focus on the role of the tprm in monitoring of food safety regulation in China. Specialists in fields other than law – and indeed many lawyers – may be very surprised indeed to learn to what extent wto law, and the tprm in particular, affects food safety regulation in China. It is useful to situate the tprm in a broader institutional perspective. We can distinguish between three different levels of implementation of wto law in China.8 The first level consists of international law, in particular the imple- menting mechanism and instruments of the wto. This level comprises moni- toring, supervision and enforcement by wto institutions, notably the trpm, the General Council and various committees, and the dispute settlement mechanism, respectively. The second level concerns the constitutional law of the People’s Repub­lic of China. Among the central issues at this level are the constitutional

5 For numerous examples, see ibid., p. 49. 6 Ibid., p. 49 (recording my intellectual debts to Levin, Field Theory, supra Chapter 2, note 11 and Bourdieu, Practice, supra Chapter 2, note 10 (R. Nice trans., Cambridge Univ. Press 1977) on social fields and to Moore, Law as Process, supra Chapter 2 note 10 including her earlier article ‘Law and Social Change: The Semi-Autonomous Social Field as an Appropriate Subject of Study’, Law & Society Rev., 7, 1973, 719–46, for the concept of semi- autonomous social field). 7 See China and the wto, World Trade Organization, http://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/ countries_e/china_e.htm (last accessed 28 December 2014) (In addition to its participation as a third party in panel stage of the wto dispute settlement procedure, China has partici- pated several times in the consultation phase). See Chapter 6 of this book. 8 Zhang Xin, Implementation, supra note 1.

396 chapter 8 relationship between international law and domestic law, the potential direct application of wto law in domestic law and whether wto law can be invoked directly by litigants in domestic courts. The third level refers to Chinese domes- tic regimes, whether legislative, administrative, judicial or other. It concerns in particular market access, nature and forms of domestic regulation and dis- pute resolution, whether judicial, administrative, or Party-based in nature. This chapter focuses on the first level and its effects on the third level, and more specifically the ways in which a wto institution monitors and influences Chinese food safety regulation. The chapter makes four arguments. First, food safety regulation in China today is part of global legal pluralism. It involves relations with other wto Members, for example through the tprm. Second, these relations are not only bilateral relations. The tprm transforms what would otherwise be bilateral relations into multilateral relations. In other words, institutions matter. Third, the specific structural features of the tprm (institutional, normative, dis- pute settlement processes) affect or condition relations between the tprm and China, as well as between China and other wto Members. To put it in theo­ retical terms, the structural dimension of a site of governance affects, con­ ditions or determines the relations of the particular site with other sites of governance. Once again, institutions matter. Fourth, the relations within the tprm between other wto Members and China have effects on food safety regulation in China. In other words, the relations which a site of governance (such as China) has with other sites (such as the wto tprm) affect, condition or determine its (i.e. China’s) related structural features (institutions, norms or dispute resolution processes). At first glance, the effects of an interna- tional organ such as the wto tprm might appear to be limited. However, this first glance gives only a very superficial view. Seen in the broader con- text of global legal pluralism, of which the tprm is merely a part, the effects of the tprm on Chinese food safety regulation are significant. For example, the obligation to meet, report, answer questions and discuss are aspects of the principles of transparency and accountability within the wto. They ­contribute to shaping the contours of contemporary food safety regula- tion in China. The remainder of the chapter is divided into three sections. The first section describes multilateral monitoring by the wto. The following section describes the tprm reviews of China’s trade policy so far. The last main section analyses the main trends and implications of these trade policy reviews. A brief conclu- sion summarises the discussion and makes recommendations concerning China’s participation in the tprm and, more generally, about reforms of food safety regulation in China.

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Multilateral Monitoring within the wto

China’s wto Rights and Obligations On joining the wto, China benefitted from the rights of wto membership and undertook numerous obligations. These obligations included those provided in the wto Agreements, to which all wto Members are subject. With regard to food safety, they included the Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (sps Agreement) regarding measures concerning human, animal and plant health and the Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (tbt Agreement) regarding legally binding measures (called technical regulations in wto terminology) and non-legally binding standards (called standards in wto terminology). In addition, China accepted other obligations, known as ‘wto plus’, which went beyond the wto Agreements and also beyond any obli- gations ever imposed previously on any other acceding Member. The wto plus obligations were specified, together with the basic wto obligations, in the Report of the Working Party on the Accession of China9 and the Protocol on the Accession of the People’s Republic of China.10 The Working Party Report contained a large number of legal obligations.11 They included specific legal commitments concerning tbt measures12 and sps measures.13 The Working Party Report recorded the detailed and sometimes intense exchange of views between the Working Party and the Chinese govern- ment with regard to these measures.14 With regard to tbt measures, the main points of discussion were the opportunity for public consultation and comment on proposed legislation and standards;15 the relationship between Chinese standards and international standards, guidelines or recommendations;16

9 World Trade Organization, Report of the Working Party on the Accession of China, WT/ ACC/CHN/49 (1 October 2010); also available in wto/omc, Compilation of the Legal Instruments on China’s Accession to the World Trade Organization (Law Press China, Beijing, 2001) (hereafter wto Working Party Report). 10 World Trade Organization, Protocol on the Accesssion of China (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2003); also available in wto/omc, Compilation of the Legal Instruments on China’s Accession to the World Trade Organization (Law Press China 2001) (hereafter wto China Accession Protocol). 11 wto Working Party Report, supra note 9, paragraph 342. 12 Ibid., paragraphs 177–178, 180, 182, 184–185, 187, 190–197. 13 Ibid., paragraphs 199–200. 14 Ibid., paragraphs 177–197 (tbt measures), 198–202 (sps measures). 15 Ibid., paragraphs 177–178. 16 Ibid., paragraphs 179–180, 183–184, 186–187.

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­differences between Chinese legal terminology and wto terminology;17 local government and non-governmental bodies authorised to adopt legally binding measures (technical regulations in wto terminology) or conformity assessment procedures;18 China’s conformity assessment regime, including duplication of and discrimination in conformity assessment of imports, respect for confiden- tiality, acceptance of the results of conformity assessment bodies in other wto Members and foreign or joint venture conformity assessment ­bodies;19 and registration of imports of chemicals and problems with existing certification­ marks.20 With regard to sps measures, the main points of discussion con- cerned the use of sps measures as trade barriers;21 conformity of domestic Chinese measures with the sps Agreement and international standards;22 and notification of domestic sps measures to the wto.23 The Protocol brought China’s commitments as recorded in the Working Party Report into wto law.24 The Protocol itself also contained not only gen- eral legal obligations such as uniform administration of laws, regulations and other measures of central government and sub-national governments25 and transparency (paragraph 2(C)). China was also required to publish all criteria for domestic tbt measures,26 to bring all domestic tbt measures into confor- mity with the tbt Agreement (paragraph 13(2)), and to notify the wto within 30 days after accession ‘all laws, regulations and other measures relating to its sanitary and phytosanitary measures, including product coverage and relevant international standards, guidelines and recommendations’.27 As part of these wto obligations, China’s trade policy has been subject to two types of multilateral monitoring within the wto. The first type was a Transitional Review Mechanism (trm), to which China was subject each year during its first ten years of wto membership. It was part of wto plus and expired at the end of 2011. The second type is the Trade Policy Review Mechanism (tprm), to which all wto Members are subject and in which

17 Ibid., paragraphs 181–182. 18 Ibid., paragraph 185. 19 Ibid., paragraphs 186–195. 20 Ibid., paragraphs 196–197. 21 Ibid., paragraphs 198–199. 22 Ibid., paragraph 200. 23 Ibid., paragraphs 201–202. 24 wto China Accession Protocol, supra note 10, paragraph 1(2). 25 Ibid., paragraphs 2(A)(1), (2). 26 Ibid., paragraph 13(1). 27 Ibid., paragraph 14.

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China, as a wto Member, is required to participate.28 The following paragraphs consider first the trm and then the tprm. The chapter focuses mainly on the tprm. It highlights systemic issues concerning relations between the wto and the Chinese food safety regime, but it also identifies particular issues about market access for specific products. Questions regarding systemic issues, how- ever, often mask pragmatic concerns about market access.

The Transitional Review Mechanism During the first ten years of its membership of the wto, China was subjected to a Transitional Review Mechanism as part of ‘wto plus’. The wto Protocol on the Accession of China provided in its Section 18 for a Transitional Review Mechanism (trm).29 All subsidiary bodies of the wto whose mandate cov- ered China’s wto commitments were required to review China’s implemen- tation of its wto obligations, whether under the wto Agreements or under the Protocol, within the scope of its specific mandate.30 The review was to take place each year after accession for a period of eight years, with a final review in the tenth year after accession, or earlier if decided by the General Council.31 The relevant subsidiary bodies included ‘Council for Trade in Goods, Council for Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, Council for Trade in Services, Committees on Balance-of Payments Restrictions, Market Access (covering also ita), Agriculture, Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures [sps Agreement, covering human, plant and animal health, including food safety], Technical Barriers to Trade [tbt Agreement, which also dealt with aspects of food safety], Subsidies and Countervailing Measures, Anti-Dumping Measures, Customs Valuation, Rules of Origin, Import Licensing, Trade-Related Investment Measures, Safeguards, [and] Trade in Financial Services’.32 China was required to provide specified information to each body.33 Annex 1A of the Protocol listed this information in a non-exhaustive way; note that the Protocol, Article 18:1 provides for the provision of ‘relevant information, including infor- mation specified in Annex 1A’.34

28 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Report by the Secretariat, revision, WT/TPR/S/264/Rev.1 (20 July 2012). 29 wto, China Accession Protocol, supra note 10. 30 Ibid., section 18.1. 31 Ibid., sections 18.1, 18.4. 32 Ibid., section 18.1. 33 Ibid., section 18.1. 34 Ibid., section 18.1.

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With regard to information to be provided to the tbt Committee, Annex 1A(7) provided inter alia for:

(a) notification of acceptance of the Code of Good Practice not later than four months after China’s accession (b) periodic review of existing standards of government standardizing bod- ies and harmonization of the same with relevant international standards where appropriate (c) revision of current voluntary national, local and sectoral standards so as to harmonize them with international standards (d) use of the terms ‘technical regulations’ and ‘standards’ according to their meaning under the tbt Agreement in China’s notifications under the tbt Agreement, including under Article 15.2 thereof and publications referenced therein, and in modifications of existing measures (e) progress report on increase of the use of international standards as the basis for technical regulations by ten per cent in five years (f) progress report on increase of the use of international standards (g) provision of procedures to implement Article 2.7 of the Agreement [on preparation, adoption and application of technical regulations by central government bodies] (h) provision of a list of relevant local governmental and non-governmental bodies that are authorized to adopt technical regulations or conformity assessment procedures as part of China’s notification under Article 15.2 of the Agreement [concerning review of Member’s technical regulations or procedures]35 ….

Annex 1A did not mention information to be provided to the sps Committee, even though such information was clearly required by Article 18:1 of the Protocol. Nevertheless, we may assume that, mutatis mutandis, similar require- ments applied to China with regard to sps measures. China was entitled to raise any issues concerning reservations by other wto Members or concerning other specific commitments made by other wto Members.36 Each body was required to report its review results promptly to the relevant Council, if applicable, and the relevant Council, if any, was required to report promptly to the General Council.37

35 Ibid., Annex 1A. 36 Ibid., section 18.1. 37 Ibid., section 18.1.

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Article 18:2 of the Protocol provided that the wto General Council was to review China’s implementation of the wto Agreements and the Accession Protocol each year after accession for eight years, with a final review in the tenth year or earlier if decided by the General Council.38 Annex 1B of the Protocol pro- vided the framework of the General Council’s review. This included a review of the reports and issues covered by the subsidiary bodies, development of China’s trade and ‘recent developments and cross-sectoral issues regarding China’s trade regime’.39 In other words, the tpr imposed a considerable burden on the Chinese Government. The scope of this review was extremely broad, covering any issues regarding China’s obligations under the wto Agreements or the Accession Pro­ tocol, including food safety legislation and standards, and for the specified period the Review was carried out every year. Despite the broad scope and annual periodicity of the trm, an inspection of all trm reports reveals that there seems to have been no discussion of China’s 1995 Food Hygiene Law, which was in force at that time, or of China’s food safety standards, or indeed of its Standardization Law or different types of standards, or indeed more broadly with China’s compliance with the tbt Agreement or the sps Agreement. This was so even though such questions had been mentioned not only in the Working Party Report and the Protocol but also in the bilateral agreements concluded by China with its main trading ­partners preceding wto accession. For example, the us-China wto Agreement, signed on 19 November 1999, recorded in its section on Agriculture that China agreed ‘to eliminate unscientific sps barriers’.40 The eu-China bilateral agree- ment, concluded on 19 May 2000, stated that China would comply with the wto sps Agreement, resolve various outstanding issues with eu Member States and conclude subsequent agreements with eu Member States as neces- sary before China’s formal entry into the wto.41 The concern with sps issues was reiterated in the European Commission’s Overview of the Terms of China’s Accession to the wto.42 After the Working Party Report and the Protocol,

38 Ibid., sections 18.2, 18.4. 39 Ibid., sections 18.2, 18.4. 40 us-China Agreement on China’s wto Accession, The China Business Review 2001, at ii (on file with author); The Bilateral Agreement and the United States, The China Business Review 2001 (on file with author). 41 ‘The Sino–eu Agreement on China’s Accession to the wto: Results of the Bilateral Negotiations’, (20 June, 2001), p. 4, available at http://trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2003/ april/tradoc_111851.pdf (last accessed 28 December 2014); also available in Snyder, Basic Documents, supra note 135. Pp. 1061–1064. 42 European Commission Overview of the Terms of China’s Accession to the wto (1 October 2001), available at http://trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2003/october/tradoc_111955.pdf

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­however, it seems that, except for discussions in specific committees as will be seen later, these issues did not come to the fore in the wto until China’s first participation in the tprm.

The Trade Policy Review Mechanism (tprm) The tprm was originally established on 12 April 1989 under the 1947 General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (gatt 1947),43 hence before the wto was established and therefore before China acceded to the wto on 11 December 2001. In 1994 the Marrakesh Agreement Establishing the World Trade Organi­ zation (wto Agreement) expanded the gatt 1947 tprm to cover intellectual property rights and trade in services.44 According to Article iii: 4 of the wto Agreement, tprm is a basic function of the wto. Article iii: 4 wto refers expressly to Annex 3 of the wto Agreement, which provides objectives and procedures.45 The objectives of the tprm are ‘to contribute to improved adher- ence by all Members to [wto] rules, disciplines and commitments…and hence to the smoother functioning of the multilateral trading system, by achieving greater transparency in, and understanding of, the trade policies and practices of Members’. The tprm makes possible a ‘regular collective appreciation and evaluation’ of Members’ trade ‘policies and practices and their impact on the functioning of the multilateral trading system’.46 Annex 3, section C (i) wto establishes the Trade Policy Review Body (tprb) to carry out the tprm. The wto General Council, composed of representatives of all wto Members,47 discharges the responsibilities of the tprb.48 It reviews the trade policies and practices of each wto Member periodically, with the frequency depending on the Member’s share of world trade. Annex iii pro- vides that the first four trading entities [now including China, the United States,

(last accessed 28 December 2014); also available in Snyder, Basic Documents, supra note 135, pp. 1069, 1073. 43 World Trade Organization, Restructuring and further trade liberalization are keys to ­sustaining growth, available at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/tpr_e/tp330_e.htm (last accessed 28 December 2014); Terence B. Stewart (eds.), The gatt Uruguay Round: A Negotiating History (Kluwer Law International, Dordrecht, 1993), p. 1027 n. 59; Petros C. Mavroidis, ‘Surveillance Schemes: The gatt’s New Trade Policy Review Mechanism’, Michigan Journal of International Law, 13, 1992, pp. 374–414 (hereafter Mavroidis, ‘Surveillance’). 44 World Trade Organization, The Legal Texts: The Results of the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1999) pp. 284, 321. 45 Ibid., pp. 434–437. 46 All quotations in this paragraph are drawn from ibid., p. 380. 47 Ibid., pp. 7–8, vi: 2. 48 Ibid., pp. 6, iv: 4.

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 403 the European Union as one Member and Japan] are to be reviewed every two years, the next ten entities every four years and other Members every six years, except that least-developed country Members may be reviewed less frequently.49 Reviews are based on a full report by the Member being reviewed and a report by the wto Secretariat; the latter is based on information provided by the reviewed Member, together with any other information available to it.50 The Secretariat’s report provides the centre of the discussion.51 One or two discussants are chosen, in collaboration with the Member under review, to introduce the tprb discus- sions, in a personal capacity rather than in an official capacity. The reviews and the minutes of the relevant tprb meeting are to be published ‘promptly after the review’.52 However, the tprm ‘is not…intended to serve as a basis for the enforce- ment of specific obligations under the Agreements or for dispute settlement pro- cedures, or to impose new policy commitments on Members’.53

wto tprm Reviews of China’s Food Safety Regime

The tprm and Food Safety Regulation in China So far, there have been five Reviews of China’s trade policies and practices. The first occurred on 19 and 21 April 2006,54 the second on 21 and 23 May 2008,55 the third on 31 May–2 June 2010,56 the fourth on 12 and 14 July 2012 and the fifth on 1 and 3 July 2014.57 This section of the paper analyses these Trade Policy Reviews focusing on food safety. Here I interpret ‘food safety’ broadly to include all ­matters concerning food from farm to table, including import procedures, food safety laws, standards and related matters that have a more or less direct effect

49 Ibid., p. 380, C (ii). 50 Ibid., p. 381, C (v). 51 Craig VanGrassteck, The History and Future of the World Trade Organization (World Trade Organization, Geneva, 2013) pp. 279, 284. 52 World Trade Organization, The Legal Texts: The Results of the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1999), p. 381, C (vi). 53 Ibid., p. 380, A (i). 54 See World Trade Organization, Trade Policy Review: China, http://www.wto.org/english/ tratop_e/tpr_e/tp262_e.htm (last accessed 28 December 2014). 55 See ibid. 56 See World Trade Organization, Restructuring and further trade liberalization are keys to sustaining growthavailable at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/tpr_e/tp330_e.htm (last accessed 28 December 2014). 57 See China and the wto, World Trade Organization, http://www.wto.org/english/thewto _e/countries_e/china_e.htm (last accessed 28 December 2014).

404 chapter 8 on food safety. I concentrate mainly on the very informative, relatively full minutes of the meetings, which include questions and answers and follow-up questions and answers. In addition, I also consider other documents, such as the wto Secretariat reports and Chinese Government reports. I identify the wto Members which asked questions and the subject matter of the questions. The broad range of documents helps to convey the voices, interests, concerns and constraints of all participants, including China. Beginning with the 2006 tprm, we can assess the road travelled by China in ‘joining the international track’ with regard to food safety regulation as well as the increasing impact of the wto tprm on food safety regulation in China. The following section of the chapter discusses this data and its implications.

The 2006 Trade Policy Review The first China tpr was held almost five years after China’s wto accession. The Chinese Government Report58 did not mention food safety directly, although it noted reform of other legislation to comply with wto rules and improvements in government transparency.59 The Ministry of Commerce was the notification authority for sps measures. The sps enquiry point was in the Administration for Quality Supervision and Quarantine (aqsiq). The State Food and Drug Administration (sfda), established in 2003, was responsible for overall supervision of food safety. In addition, the Ministry of Agriculture (moa), the Ministry of Health (moh), aqsiq and the General Bureau of Industrial and Commercial Administration (i.e. The State Administration for Industry and Commerce (saic)) were responsible for supervision of specific food products and processed food products.60 The wto Secretariat report noted a decline in non-tariff measures and a sim- plification of the import licensing regime and other border measures. How­ever, China still had many sps measures, and border examination and approval pro- cedures were not clear.61 More critically, the Secretariat report remarked that:

Members have raised a number of questions concerning China’s tbt and sps measures in the relevant wto Committees. In the tbt Committee,

58 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, Report by the People’s Republic of China, WT/TPR/G/161 (17 March 2006). 59 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, Report by the People’s Republic of China, WT/TPR/G/161 (17 March 2006) p. 12, paragraphs 45, 46. 60 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, People’s Republic of China, Report by the Secretariat, WT/TPR/S/161 (28 February 2006) p. 93, paragraph 101. 61 Ibid., p. 60, paragraph 4.

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 405

while commending China’s efforts to bring its tbt measures into confor- mity with the Agreement, Members have raised concerns on a number of issues, including the ccc mark system, the adoption of international standards, and a number of sector-specific issues. China has stated that it ­recognizes the importance of adopting international standards, which were used as a basis for developing its technical regulations, standards and conformity assessment procedures, and that domestically produced and imported products were treated in the same manner. In the sps Committee, Members have raised concerns, inter alia, about China’s apparent use of sps measures to ban imports of affected products from countries rather than just the affected regions within countries; and an apparent failure to notify a number of its sps regulations issued since 2002. With regard to the latter, China believes that Members had misunderstood the notifications China had made immediately upon accession to the wto. In addition, China has indicated that its sps standards were fully compliant with inter- national standards and were based on risk assessment.62

As of 2005, ‘32% of [Chinese] standards were based on international standards: as a result of a current review, 44% of current standards are to be revised to ensure their conformity with international standards, while 11.6% are to be abolished’.63 According to the Secretariat, the percentage of Chinese standards of all types which were equivalent to international standards had remained static at about 32% since 2000.64 Another issue identified by the wto Secretariat was institutional fragmen- tation. With regard to agriculture, for example, the Secretariat Report noted that

[A]t least 16 institutions, including ministries, banks, and commissions are involved in governing agriculture and its upstream and downstream subsectors: they are divided into four tiers according to legal responsibil- ity [table omitted]. The coordination of policy-making and implementa- tion among these agencies is difficult because their functions are often fragmented and overlap. For instance, eight agencies are responsible for quality and safety management of agricultural products, eight for agri­ cultural investment, six for processing and allocation of farm products, and five for the provision of inputs. Coordination is also difficult because

62 Ibid., p. 88, paragraph 101. 63 Ibid., p. xi, paragraph 12. 64 Ibid., p. 60, paragraph 4, p. 90, paragraph 90.

406 chapter 8

of the divergent priorities and interests of the different ministries. Coordination problems also arise because of the gradual decentraliza- tion in government power over the past 20 years. Sub-national govern- ments have become more influential in the policy-making process and have often been free to decide how to implement national government policies, resulting in some variations in the ways national policies have been implemented.65

Institutional fragmentation, together with alignment, would prove to be a major concern of China’s trading partners in later reviews. At the 2006 tpr the Chinese Government received over 1,100 questions, pre- pared advance replies to more than 400 of them and planned to answer the remaining questions within a month.66 The written statement by the Chinese Government’s representative suggests the scope of the endeavour:

In preparation for China’s first Trade Policy Review, almost all of the Central Government bodies had been mobilized. Dozens of government officials had participated in the face to face discussions with the Secretariat in their three visits to Beijing, explaining the rationale for China’s policies, which were aimed at meeting the challenges for its future sustainable development. Officials had also been working in China to respond to Members’ questions.67

The discussant, H.E. Burhan Gafoor from Singapore, noted that, among the record number of questions, ‘contingency measures, standards and intellec- tual property rights’ attracted the most attention.68 He remarked that the Chinese standards system was complex and asked how China planned to align its more national standards on international standards.69 In discussion, all Members noted China’s extraordinary economic growth, but numerous participants identified what they considered to be shortcom- ings of China’s food safety regime. Here, for reasons of space, I give only selected examples about food safety. The United States noted that:

65 Ibid., p. 165, paragraph 15. 66 Trade Policy Review Body Report, Trade Policy Review, People’s Republic of China, Minutes of Meeting, WT/TPR/M/161 (6 June 2006) p. 4, paragraph 5. 67 Ibid., p. 4, paragraph 5. 68 Ibid., p. 9, paragraph 30. 69 Ibid., p. 9, paragraph 31.

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 407

China had not fully embraced international sps standards and science- based rulemaking. However, he [the us Representative] was pleased by China’s commitment to make improvements. He also appreciated China’s efforts to notify its food safety standards and requirements to the wto, although he remained concerned that many Chinese regulatory agencies continued to implement and enforce new or revised sps measures with- out prior notification or public comment periods.70

Switzerland expressed a similar concern about alignment.71 New Zealand commented on the scale and complexity of Chinese quaran- tine and other sps measures. According to its representative,

New Zealand had experienced an overly rigid and inefficient approach from some government agencies, which had accorded insufficient prior- ity to the goal of, where possible, allowing less or least trade restrictive measures to meet sps objectives. There remained room for improvement, including in risk assessment, equivalence, streamlining of information requirements, transparency, and removing duplicative testing measures, particularly as these were implemented locally.72

Brazil and Kenya also commented on the complexity of China’s sps mea- sures.73 The European Communities [now European Union] noted that ‘[t]he legitimate expectations of market access at the time of China’s entry to wto had not been fully fulfilled’, and commented that the ccc system and various sps requirements amounted to non-tariff barriers.74 Several countries asked questions concerned directly with their specific prod- ucts exported to China. India remarked that goods from some countries could be imported without any sps protocols, hence the most-favoured-nation (mfn) principle was not being respected. It also noted that ‘it had taken China three years to finalize the protocol on mangoes’ and that ‘China had been processing approval for only one fruit or vegetable at a time’, a very slow working method which it deemed to be a real barrier to trade.75 Canada encouraged China to

70 Ibid., p. 12, paragraph 41. 71 Ibid., p. 13, paragraph 43. 72 Ibid., p. 15, paragraph 58. 73 Ibid., p. 20, paragraph 82, p. 38, paragraph 123. 74 Ibid., p. 24, paragraph 97. 75 Ibid., p. 16, paragraph 62.

408 chapter 8 increase wheat imports and to promote ‘cultivation of higher-value agricultural products’ to meet food security needs.76 Mexico, ‘China’s second biggest trading partner according to Mexican statistics’, raised questions about import licensing and sps measures.77 Norway pointed out that the adoption of international stan- dards would simplify and facilitate trade, noting that Norway and China had a dialogue on fish and marine products.78 Uruguay, which exported citrus fruit, rice, soya, dairy products and meat to China, made the same point.79 In answer to follow-up statements and questions, China’s representative pointed out the Chinese terminology for standards differed from that of the wto.80 He also emphasised that ‘around 45% of national standards were equivalent to international standards. Chinese standards were harmonised not only with iso and iec standards, but also itu, cac and others, which were not included in the 32% adoption rate mentioned in the Secretariat Report’. For standards newly developed in 2005, the rate of alignment was stated to be almost 54%,81 though the ec questioned these percentages.82 After the meeting, China replied to the questions submitted by other par- ticipants. For the 2006 Trade Policy Review, Table 8.1 shows the wto Members asking questions about food safety and the subject matter of the questions. Food safety in the broad sense accounted for about 3% of total questions (35 of 1100). Table 8.2 shows wto Members asking questions about food safety, the num- ber of questions asked by each Member and their main concerns.

76 Ibid., p. 17, paragraph 67. 77 Ibid., p. 19, paragraph 74. 78 Ibid., p. 20, paragraph 80. 79 Ibid., p. 27, paragraphs 116–117. 80 See also Chapter 4 of the book. 81 Trade Policy Review Body Report, Trade Policy Review, People’s Republic of China, Minutes of Meeting, WT/TPR/M/161 (6 June 2006) p. 35, paragraph 155. The China Compulsory Certificate (ccc) mark does not deal with food safety directly: see China Certification, ccc Mandatory Products, available at http://www.china-certification.com/ en/list-of-ccc-mandatory-products, last accessed 16 February 2016; Julian Busch, A Brief Guide to ccc: China Compulsory Certification (, Marston Gate, 2013). However, it is often invoked in discussions about certification and alignment, and its indirect effect on food imports and exports are of concern to many wto Members. Consequently, it is included in this chapter. Its inclusion does not significantly change findings or statistics about the tprm. 82 Trade Policy Review Body Report, Trade Policy Review, People’s Republic of China, Minutes of Meeting, WT/TPR/M/161 (6 June 2006), p. 36, paragraph 159.

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Table 8.1 2006 Trade Policy Review: wto members asking questions about food safety and the subject matter of the questions (in order of page number in the tprb reports)

Country asking tprb report Page number in Subject matter the question tprb report

Australia Add.1 55 Domestic standards Australia Add.1 208 Domestic standards Australia Add.1 208 Domestic standards Australia Add.1 208 Domestic standards Australia Add.1 208 Domestic standards Australia Add.1 208 Relation between domestic standards and international standards alignment Australia Add.1 209 Domestic standards India Add.1 210 Domestic standards of fishery products and sesame seed India Add.1 211 Ban of Indian bovine meat because of foot and mouth disease European Add.1 211 Domestic policy to ensure no Communities discrimination European Add.1 211 Domestic standards within Communities China European Add.1 212 Ban of eu products Communities European Add.1 212 Domestic and international Communities standards alignment European Add.1 213 Domestic standards Communities European Add.1 213 Domestic measures Communities Philippines Add.1 152 Implementation of new sps Thailand Add.1 155 Requirement of original country sanitary health certificates South Africa Add.1 158 Period of validity of import permit South Africa Add.1 158 Domestic standards South Africa Add.1 158 Domestic standards

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Table 8.1 2006 Trade Policy Review: wto members asking questions about food safety and the subject matter of the questions (in order of page number in the tprb reports) (cont.)

Country asking tprb report Page number in Subject matter the question tprb report

South Africa Add.1 158 Domestic standards Chinese Taipei Add.1 214 Domestic standards

European Add.2 48 Transparency Communities usa Add.2 49 Labelling Canada Add.2 49 Labelling of gmos Malaysia Add.2 51 ccc mark requirement European Add.2 52 Labelling Communities usa Add.2 92 gis usa Add.2 92 gis usa Add.2 93 gis usa Add.2 93 gis usa Add.2 93 gis usa Add.2 93 gis usa Add.2 94 gis usa Add.2 94 gis Mexico Add.2 94 gis

Source: Calculated by the author from wto Trade Policy Review Body Report.83

Replies to questions submitted in advance of the meeting were published and circulated on 15 June 2006,84 while replies to additional questions together with relies were published and circulated on 11 September 2006, in other words about five months after the meeting.85

83 World Trade Organization, Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, People’s Republic of China, Minutes of Meeting, Addendum, WT/TPR/M/161/Add.1, (15 June 2006) and Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, People’s Republic of China, Minutes of Meeting, Addendum 2, WT/TPR/M/161/Add.2 (11 September 2006). 84 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, People’s Republic of China, Minutes of Meeting, Addendum, WT/TPR/M/161/Add.1 (15 June 2006). 85 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, People’s Republic of China, Minutes of Meeting, Addendum 2, WT/TPR/M/161/Add.2 (11 September 2006).

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Table 8.2 2006 China trade policy review: wto members asking questions about food safety, number of questions and main concerns wto member asking Number of questions Main concerns questions

Australia 7 Domestic standards Canada 1 Labelling [of gmos] Chinese Taipei 1 Domestic standards ec 8 Domestic standards, labelling India 2 Domestic standards, import ban Malaysia 1 ccc mark Mexico 1 gis Philippines 1 Implementation of sps measures South Africa 4 Domestic standards, import permits Thailand 1 Health certificates usa 8 gis TOTAL 11 countries 35

Source: Calculated by the author from wto Trade Policy Review Body Report.86

The 2008 Trade Policy Review Two factors shaped the 2008 review. First, the 2006 Review had already pro- vided other wto Members with the general architecture and main features of China system for regulating food safety, taken in a broad sense, in so far as it affected international trade. Consequently the 2008 Review was in many respects essentially an updating exercise. Second, in 2008, with the beginning of the financial crisis, notably in western countries, the world economy was sliding into recession, resulting in increased protectionism in China’s main trading partners.87 Not surprisingly, given its effect on export markets, China’s Report to the tprb criticised this trend:

86 World Trade Organization, Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, People’s Republic of China, Minutes of Meeting, Addendum, WT/TPR/M/161/Add.1, (15 June 2006) and Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, People’s Republic of China, Minutes of Meeting, Addendum 2, WT/TPR/M/161/Add.2 (11 September 2006). 87 Trade Policy Review Body Report, Trade Policy Review, Report by China, WT/TPR/G/199 (7 May 2008) p. 5, paragraph 1.

412 chapter 8

According to a survey by the Ministry of Commerce in 2007 on the influ- ence of foreign standard measures on China’s foreign trade, 15.22% of China’s export enterprises were affected by tbt measures in 2006. Amongst all the 22 major categories of China’s exports, 21 categories suf- fered direct losses from standard measures with a total value of us$75.8 billion, accounting for 7.82% of the total export in 2006. The additional production costs to Chinese enterprises for compliance with the newly proposed technical standards reached us$26.2 billion in 2006. Trade opportunities lost for China’s export enterprises due to foreign techni- cal barriers amounted to us$143.7 billion, accounting for approximately 14.83% of the total export of China in 2006.88

As this statement shows, wto Trade Policy Review is not a one-way street: it also gives an opportunity for the country being reviewed to air its own con- cerns. It also indicated the fact that standards, including sps measures and tbt technical regulations and standards, play an extremely significant role in inter- national trade and global competition. China reported that it had adopted a unified system for conformity assess- ment. It also confirmed its intention to reform its standards setting procedures and to encourage the development of enterprise standards. It planned to facili- tate adoption of international standards and advanced foreign standards,89 as provided in the State Council Regulations for Implementing the Standardization Law.90 With regard specifically to food safety matters, the Chinese Government report made several further points. It had added 88 more commodities to the Inspection and Quarantine List.91 Moreover, it had adopted a unified system for conformity assessment. Finally, it confirmed its intention to reform its standards setting procedures, to encourage the development of enterprise standards and to facilitate adoption of advanced foreign standards and international standards;92

88 Ibid., p. 14, paragraph 61. 89 Ibid., p. 17, paragraph 77. 90 中华人民共和国标准法实施条例 [Regulations for the Implementation of the Stan­ dardisation Law of the People’s Republic of China] (promulgated by Decree No. 53 of the St. Council, 6 April 1990, effective as of the date of promulgation) Article 4. 91 Trade Policy Review Body Report, Trade Policy Review, Report by China, WT/TPR/G/199 (7 May 2008) p. 17, paragraph 76. 92 Ibid., Trade Policy Review Body Report, Trade Policy Review, Report by China, WT/ TPR/G/199 (7 May 2008) p. 17, paragraph 77.

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 413 the last point was provided in the State Council Regulations for Implementing the Standardization Law.93 Devoting considerable attention to food safety issues for the first time, the Secretariat Report identified specific concerns: administrative fragmentation, normative complexity, alignment, relation between food safety and environ- mental protection and labelling. It noted that, in China, ‘boundaries of regula- tory responsibilities between the central and local governments are not clearly defined’ and that central-local coordination remained weak.94 It remarked that China had many laws governing sps measures and its regime remained complex but recognised that China was improving alignment with interna- tional standards.95 Alignment was increasing, with 46.4% of national stan- dards aligned with international standards and an objective of 85% alignment having been fixed for 2010. China’s Standardization Administration (sac) had signed cooperation agreements with Denmark, Germany, New Zealand and the United States to improve alignment.96 Concerning types of standards, national standards were being reviewed: 44.2% were to be revised by 2008, 11.6% (2,513) would be abolished and national standards would increase in number to 21,410 by end 2006. However, only mechanical and electronic standards were mentioned, not food safety stan- dards.97 Compared with previous years, the number of national standards declined to 20,668 in 2005 and increased to 21,410 in 2006; as of 2006, 14.4% were mandatory and 85.6% were voluntary. Sectoral standards increased to 31,348 in 2005 and 33,552 in 2006, of which 15.2% were mandatory and 84.8% were voluntary in 2006. Local standards increased to 16,005 in 2005 and 18,128 in 2006; in 2006, 19.7% were mandatory and 80.3% were voluntary. Enterprise standards increased to 1,340,679 in 2005 but declined to 1,243,238 in 2006.98 It would seem that most of these standards concerned matters other than food safety. Nevertheless, there were more than 1,800 national food safety standards and more than 2,900 sectoral standards for the food industry.99

93 中华人民共和国标准法实施条例 [Regulations for the Implementation of the Stand­ ardisation Law of the People’s Republic of China] (promulgated by Decree No. 53 of the St. Council, 6 April 1990, effective as of the date of promulgation) Article 4. 94 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Report by the Secretariat, revision, WT/TPR/S/199/Rev.1 (12 August 2008) p. 31, paragraph 30. 95 Ibid., p ix, paragraph 15, p. 43, paragraph 4. 96 Ibid., p. 63, paragraph 67. 97 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Report by the Secretariat, revision, WT/TPR/S/199/Rev.1 (12 August 2008), p. 63, paragraphs 67–68. 98 Ibid., p. 64, Table iii.4. 99 Ibid., p. 65, paragraph 71.

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Not surprisingly, the food safety regime remained very complex.100 Admini­ strative responsibility for food standards was fragmented between the China Standardisation Administration (sac), Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Health, State Administration of Industry and Commerce (saic), aqsiq and the State Food and Drug Administration (sfda). Administrative responsibility for labelling was divided among sac, aqsiq and the Ministry of Agriculture, the latter being responsible for agricultural gmos.101 Leaving aside quarantine and the entry/exit system,102 as well as the Law on Agriculture, China’s main sps measures included the Food Hygiene Law, the Law on Animal Disease Prevention, the Law on Import and Export Commodity Inspection, the Law on Frontier Health and Quarantine, the Law on the Entry and Exit of Animals and Plant Quarantine and numerous implementing measures and rules.103 Special rules applied to gmos.104 Starting in 2001, food processing enterprises were required to apply for permits, involving consideration of national standards and inspection of production sites and post-production facilities, including random sampling in food markets.105 The Secretariat noted the connection between food safety and environ- mental policy. It cautioned that ‘[a]s technical regulations [i.e. legally bind- ing measures] are not followed, counterfeit products, linked with inferior quality, could have a significant effect on the health of humans, animals and plants, and the environment’.106 In 2001, China began to implement the Hazard-free Food Action Plan, especially concerning pesticide residues in vegetables and violations of residue standards.107 According to the Chinese Government, special attention was being paid to environmental pollution, which otherwise could have very deleterious effects on food production.108 The Secretariat also noted that as of 2007 China was formulating a food ­certification and accreditation system, including good agricultural practices (gap), organic products, food quality and Hazard Analysis Critical Con­ trol Point (haccp), and that China had established ‘a number of food

100 Ibid., p ix, paragraph 15, p. 43, paragraph 4. 101 Ibid., pp. 69–70, paragraphs 94–96. 102 Ibid., pp. 67–68, paragraphs 85–92. 103 Ibid., p. 67, paragraph 85. 104 Ibid., p. 69, paragraph 92. 105 Ibid., p. 65, paragraph 75. 106 Ibid., p. 65, paragraph 73. 107 Ibid., p. 65, paragraph 75. 108 Ibid., p. 65, paragraph 76.

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 415 inspection and testing institutions, to set up a nationwide food safety inspection and testing framework’.109 Another main topic was labelling, which was regulated by the Standardization Law, the Food Hygiene Law and the Law on Product Quality.110 Labelling require- ments were product-based, not sector-based, except for some sector-specific requirements, including for food and gmos.111 Food labels were required to include ‘ingredients in descending order by weight or volume, net weight and solid content, date of manufacture, and best before and expiry date’. Starting in May 2006, food importers no longer had to submit manufacturing country cer- tificates to apply for Chinese-language labelling.112 Administrative responsibil- ity for labelling was divided however among sac, aqsiq and the Ministry of Agriculture, the latter being responsible for agricultural gmos.113 In the following discussion, Brazil recognised reduction of ntbs and sim- plification of administration of border measures, including standards and sps measures, but, together with Switzerland and Norway, expressed concern with the complexity of the sps regime and inspection procedures.114 The United States pointed out that ‘China had not fully embraced internatio­ nal standards, science-based rulemaking and advance notification’ but had ­committed to make improvements.115 The ec urged China to adopt ‘a more transparent system of integrating international standards in the Chinese stand­ardization system’, commenting that ‘[t]he emergence of “home-grown” mandatory national standards appeared to be geared towards building a Chinese-owned standard portfolio’.116 Honduras was concerned about registration of importers and exporters, certificates of origin and time required for customs clearance.117 Compared to 2006, the 2008 tprm saw more specific questions about food safety. Table 8.3 shows wto Members asking questions about food safety and the specific subject matter of the questions for the 2008 tpr.

109 Ibid., pp. 66–67, paragraph 76. The Secretariat Report does not list these institutions but instead refers merely to State Council Information Office, The Quality and Safety of Food in China (August 2007, Beijing). 110 Ibid., p. 69, paragraph 93. 111 Ibid., p. 69, paragraph 95. 112 Ibid., p. 69, paragraph 94. 113 Ibid., pp. 69–70, paragraphs 94–96. 114 Trade Policy Review Body Report, Trade Policy Review, China, Minutes of Meeting, WT/ TPR/M/199 (24 July 2008), p. 12, paragraph 55 [Brazil], p. 12, paragraph 62 [Switzerland], p. 23, paragraph 139 [Norway]. 115 Ibid., p. 15, paragraph 80. 116 Ibid., p. 18, paragraph 107. 117 Ibid., p. 21, paragraph 127.

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Table 8.3 2008 Review of China’s trade policy: wto members asking questions about food safety and the subject matter of the questions (in order of page number in the tprb report)

Country asking Question number Page number in Subject matter the question or document tprb report

Mexico Add.2 180 Types of standards Mexico Add.2 180 Review of standards Mexico Add.2 181 Types of standards Mexico Add.2 181 Alignment Philippines 3(a), 3(b) 181 Imports of food containing tartrazine Philippines 4(a), 4(b), 4(c), 181 Ban on imports for fresh 4(d) coconuts India 1 133, 182 mou on application of sps India 2 133, 182 Import of fruit and vegetables India 3 133, 182 Import of rice India 4 133, 182 Import of meat and dairy products; Alignment India 6 133, 183 mou on application of sps India 7 133, 183 Quarantine procedure for imports Chinese Taipei 184 Update 2002–2006 list of standards Chinese Taipei 184 Catalogue of Entry-Exit Commodities Subject to Inspection and Quarantine Thailand 7 184 Alignment Thailand 8 185 Alignment Thailand 9 185 Existence of two different product certification systems Thailand 10 185 Labelling requirements usa 22(a), 22(b) 186 Types of standards usa 22(c) 186 Scientific basis of food safety standards; Alignment usa 23 187 Alignment usa 24(a) 187 Certification of animal feed usa 24(b), 24(c), Product registration 24(d)

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 417

Country asking Question number Page number in Subject matter the question or document tprb report usa 25 188 Transparency ec [now eu] 36 188 Transparency ec [now eu] 28 190 Participation of foreign enterprises in China’s standardisation activities; wto Code of Good Practice ec [now eu] 29 190 Alignment ec [now eu] 30 190 Types of standards ec[now eu] 31 191 Alignment ec [now eu] 32 191 Alignment ec [now eu] 33 191 Alignment ec [now eu] 34–35 191 Alignment ec [now eu] 37–38 192 Types of standards; Alignment ec [now eu] 192 Standards and ipr enforcement ec [now eu] 39–40 193 ccc [Compulsory Product Certification] system ec [now eu] 54 193 Administrative organisation and sps ec [now eu] 55 193 Import permit ec [now eu] 194 Transparency Canada 27 194 Alignment Canada 28 194 Revision of national standards Canada 30 194 Alignment Canada 34 195 Administrative organisation of standard setting Canada 36 195 Types of standards Canada 37 195 Types of standards; review period Canada 44 196 Food certification and accreditation system Australia 4(a), 4(b) 196 Alignment Australia 7 197 Alignment Australia 5(a), 5(b) 197 Administration organisation of sps regime; nt

418 chapter 8

Table 8.3 2008 review of China’s trade policy: wto members asking questions about food Safety and the subject matter of the questions (in order of page number in the tprb report) (cont.)

Country asking Question number Page number in Subject matter the question or document tprb report

Australia 6(a), 6(b), 6(c), 197 Transparency 6(d), 6(e), 6(f) usa 55 220 gis and administrative organisation Switzerland gis and administrative organisation Mexico 67 285 Alignment Mexico 71 286 Types of standards; transparency Mexico 73 286 ipr; enforcement of standards Mexico 74, 75, 76 287 Types of standards Mexico 77–82 287 ccc system Mexico 83 287 Enquiry point; transparency Korea 13 290 Types of standards; Alignment Argentina 294 Types of standards usa 27(a), 27(b) 297 Food labelling Philippines 1(a), 1(b), 1(c) 298 fsl Japan 8 299 Types of standards Japan 9 300 Types of standards Japan 10 300 fsl Japan 16 300 Export quotas on livestock Canada 1 299 Alignment Canada 31 Types of standards Canada 32 303 Transparency Canada 33 304 Transparency Canada 35 304 Types of standards ec [now eu] 49 312 ccc ec [now eu] 52 312 ccc; foreign-owned certifica- tion bodies ec [now eu] 53 313 ccc; foreign-based certifica- tion bodies ec [now eu] 56 313 Quarantine system

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Country asking Question number Page number in Subject matter the question or document tprb report ec [now eu] 59 314 Labelling Argentina 336 gis and administrative organisation usa 336 gis and administrative organisation Japan 340 gis Japan 340 Protection of foreign gis Canada 342 gis and administrative organisation ec [now eu] 344 gis and administrative organisation ec[now eu] 345 gis Costa Rica 350 Safety of food imports Costa Rica 350 ccc ec [now eu] 13, WT/T/ Types of standards TPR/M/199/ Add.2

Source: Calculated by the author from Trade Policy Review Body Report.118

Table 8.4 shows the wto Members asking questions about food safety, the number of questions and their main concerns. Although no statistics were given on the total number of questions, the questions and the answers together totalled about 366 pages.119 Specific examples illustrate the interaction between the Member asking a question and the Chinese Representative providing an answer. For instance, in

118 Trade Policy Review Body, China, Minutes of Meeting, WT/TPR/M/19 (14 July 2008) Trade Policy Review Body, China, Minutes of the Meeting, Addendum, WT/TPR/M/Add.1 (28 August 2008); Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, People’s Republic of China, Minutes of Meeting, Addendum 2, WT/TPR/M/161/Add.2 (11 September 2006). 119 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Minutes Of Meeting Addendum, WT/TPR/M/199/Add.1, (28 August 2008); Trade Policy Review Body, China, Minutes Of Meeting Addendum, WT/TPR/M/199/Add.2 (13 April 2010).

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Table 8.4 2008: China trade policy review: wto members asking questions about food safety, the number of questions and the main concerns wto member asking Number of Main concerns questions questions

Argentina 2 Types of standards; gis and administrative organisation Australia 4 Alignment Canada 13 Types of standard; alignment; transparency Chinese Taipei 2 Update list of standards; Catalogue of Entry-Exit Commodities Subject to Inspection and Quarantine Costa Rica 2 Safety of food imports; ccc ec [now eu] 22 Alignment; ccc India 6 Import of food Japan 6 Types of standards Korea 1 Types of standards; alignment Mexico 10 Types of standards Philippines 9 Imports of food Switzerland 1 gis and administrative organisation Thailand 4 Alignment usa 13 gis and administrative organisation; alignment TOTAL 14 countries 95

Source: Calculated by the author from Trade Policy Review Body Report.120 response to the us question about science-based decision-making, the Chinese Representative replied that:

China has taken the following steps to ensure [sic] and demonstrate that food safety standards are based on science and are appropriate:

120 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Minutes of the Meeting, Addendum, WT/TPR/M/Add.2 (13 April 2010); Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Minutes of the Meeting, Addendum, WT/TPR/M/Add.1 (28 August 2008).

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 421

1. To actively adopt international standards, especially the cac standards. 2. Development of standards has been based on risk assessment. 3. The process of standards development is open, transparent and participatory. 4. Where there is deviation between Chinese technical regulations and international standards, we would notify wto as required. 5. To modify the standards in a timely manner according to the feed- back during implantation [sic] and the new development of inter- national standards.121

On alignment, the Chinese Representative noted that China planned to align 85% of its standards with international standards under the 11th Five-Year Development Plan (2006–2010).122 She also emphasised that China would dis- cuss sps issues with the us bilaterally but that, with regard to gis, ‘China did not see the inconvenience of the regulations’.123 In another instance, the ec asked about the definition of ‘foreign enterprise’, and in effect whether China’s rule that foreign enterprises could participate in sac Technical Committees as an observer was contrary to the wto principle of national treatment. Without answering the specific question about the definition, China confirmed that ‘[f] oreign enterprises are welcome to participate in China’s standardization activi- ties’.124 The Philippines requested further information about the main features of China’s forthcoming Food Safety Law, its compatibility with wto principles, its accessibility to the public and its availability in an official wto language (English, French, Spanish). China’s Representative replied, again in general terms, that ‘this food safety law aims to improve food safety of both domestic and imported food and it complies with China’s obligations under the wto, both on procedure and on substance’.125 As to comments about the complexity of China’s sps regulatory regime, the Chinese Representative replied, correctly in my view, that it was consistent with the sps Agreement. ‘As for administrative

121 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Minutes Of Meeting Addendum, WT/TPR/M/199/Add.1 (28 August 2008) p. 187. 122 Trade Policy Review Body Report, Trade Policy Review, China, Minutes of Meeting, WT/ TPR/M/199 (24 July 2008), p. 26, paragraph 164. 123 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Report by the Secretariat, revision, WT/TPR/S/199/Rev.1 (12 August 2008), p. 29, paragraph 185, p. 31, paragraph 185. 124 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Minutes of the Meeting, Addendum, WT/TPR/M/199/Add.2 (13 April 2010) paragraph 190. 125 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Minutes Of Meeting Addendum, WT/TPR/M/199/Add.1 (28 August 2008), p. 299.

422 chapter 8 structure…, there has been no uniform international mode and modes by differ- ent Members are different from each other. Like many other Members, the administrative of sps measures in China covers different government agencies, where [the] function of each agency is clear’.126

The 2010 Trade Policy Review The 2010 China tpr provided the most extensive wto review thus far. It reflected China’s greater standing in the world economy and its increasing role as a leading trading partner. It also followed the melamine baby formula crisis, which was evoked indirectly in the Review. I consider first the reports by China and the Secretariat and then the discussion. Largely as a result of the melamine crisis, China in 2009 enacted its first Food Safety Law, which replaced the 1995 Food Hygiene Law and entered into force on 1 June 2009. In principle, under the Food Safety Law all food standards were mandatory, though reality was more complex: other national, professional and local standards could be either mandatory or voluntary,127 and enterprise standards applied only to the enterprise. The Secretariat Report noted that China’s trading partners had expressed concerns that the new Law was not notified to the sps Committee before being implemented.128 However, it also noted that China had strengthened its regime for testing of dairy products for domestic and foreign consumption.129 China notified numerous measures related to dairy products to the sps Committee.130 The notifications included China’s acceptance of the tbt Code of Good Practice.131 Altogether, China sub- mitted 7 sps notifications in 2008 and 90 in 2009 together with 184 tbt notifi- cations in 2008 and 199 in 2009;132 all of the sps notifications, but not all of the tbt notifications, concerned food safety. The wto Accession Protocol required China to liberalise the right to trade, so that within three years after accession, all enterprises in China, with some

126 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Minutes Of Meeting Addendum, WT/TPR/M/199/Add.1 (28 August 2008) p. 197. 127 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China: Report by the Secretariat, Revision, WT/TPR/S/230/Rev.1 (5 July 2010) pp. 35–36, paragraph 43, p viii, paragraph 14. 128 Ibid., p. 37, paragraph 49. Committee on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures, Summary of the Meeting of 28–29 October 2009, G/SPS/R/56 (28 January 2010) paragraph 179. 129 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China: Report by the Secretariat, Revision, WT/TPR/S/230/Rev.1 (5 July 2010), p viii, paragraph 14. 130 Ibid., pp. 35–36, paragraph 43, p. 37, paragraph 50, p. 15, paragraph 22, pp. 116–118, Table aii.2. 131 Ibid., pp. 35–36, paragraph 43, p. 118. 132 Ibid., pp. 35–36, paragraph 43, p. 36, paragraph 44.

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 423 exceptions, had the right to export or import goods throughout China.133 Specified food and other products remained subject to state trading require- ments on import or export. For such products, trading rights remained restricted to listed state-owned enterprises.134 Only state trading enterprises (stes) were allowed to export, but non-state-trading enterprises as well as stes were permit- ted to import.135 Certain food exports, including rice and maize, continued to be subject to state trading; this requirement was temporarily abolished for tea; and since wto accession China had not applied state trading arrangements to soy- beans.136 For certain products (maize, rice, wheat, tea), China imposed global quotas. It also imposed destination-specific quotas for live cattle, live swine and live fowl to Hong Kong and Macau.137 aqsiq had reformed its entry-exit inspec- tion system, though food, animal and plants and their products were not eligible for exemption from inspection and quarantine requirements.138 Certain listed products could be inspected where they were produced, but goods not meeting sps requirements could not be exported.139 With regard to standards, the Secretariat report noted that:

China has four types of standards: national, professional, local, and enter- prise standards. Within the national, professional, and local standards categories, there are voluntary and mandatory standards. In 2007 (the lat- est year for which data were available), around 14.5% of national stan- dards, 15% of professional standards [data for 2006, the latest year for which data were provided to the Secretariat], and 19% of local standards were mandatory. Voluntary standards, however, can become mandatory if they are referenced in mandatory conformity assessment procedures. Concerns were raised in the tbt Committee in cases where no advance notice was given regarding such changes.140

133 wto, Working Party Report, supra note 1808, p. 14, paragraphs 80, 82, 83(d), 84, 86, p. 68. See also wto/omc, Compilation of the Legal Instruments on China’s Accession to the World Trade Organization (Law Press China, Beijing, 2001). 134 On imports, see wto, China Accession Protocol, supra note 1809, Annex 2A1. On exports, see ibid., Annex 2A2. 135 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China: Report by the Secretariat, Revision, WT/TPR/S/230/Rev.1 (5 July 2010), p. 46, paragraph 90. 136 Ibid., p. 46, paragraph 89. 137 Ibid., p. 73, paragraph 21. 138 Ibid., pp. 37–38, paragraphs 52, 53. 139 Ibid., p. 42, paragraph 73. 140 Ibid., pp. 35–36, paragraph 43, p viii, paragraph 14.

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Following a January 2009 revision of procedures by sac, foreign-owned com- panies could participate as voting members in technical standards-setting committees as voting members, not merely as observers as was previously the case.141 It appears that this concerned only tbt standards, not sps standards, but the exact scope of the 2009 revision, particularly with regard to food stan- dards, which under the 2009 Food Safety Law are mandatory, is not clear from the report.142 In July 2009, China also revised its compulsory product certification sys- tem.143 Labelling requirements provided that labels must be in Chinese, except for products manufactured in China for export.144 The Patent Law was revised in light of the Convention on Biological Diversity to require patent applicants to disclose the direct and original source of genetic resources if the invention to be patented depended on these resources.145 However, at least as of 2010, the Patent Law did not require Access and Benefit Sharing (abs) or Prior Informed Consent (pic) for a patent application.146 China planned to enact a new law on gis in 2010. As of the date of the Review, however, gis were regulated by the State Trademark Office, aqsiq and the Ministry of Agriculture.147 Table 8.5 shows the registration of gis in China between 1994 and late 2009. Available data does not allow a strict comparison, but it indicates clearly an increase in the number of registered gis. China was a member of the Codex Alimentarius Commission, the leading international food standard-setting body, as well as the World Organisation for Animal Health (oie) and the International Plant Protection Convention

141 Ibid., p. 36, paragraph 46. 142 See ibid., p. 36, n.38 (The report refers to wto Documents: Committee on Technical Barriers to Trade, China’s Transitional Review Mechanism, G/TBT/W/326 (29 October 2009); Committee on Technical Barriers to Trade, Minutes of the Meeting of 5–6 November 2009, G/TBT/M/49 (22 December 2009)). 143 Ibid., p. 38, paragraph 55. See also 强制性产品认证管理规定 [Compulsory Product Certification Management Regulation] (issued by Circular No. 53 of aqsiq, 26 May 2009 and effective on 1 September 2009), available at http://www.gov.cn/flfg/2009-07/21/content _1369826.htm. 144 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China: Report by the Secretariat, Revision, WT/TPR/S/230/Rev.1 (5 July 2010) p. 39, paragraph 60. 145 Ibid., p. 65, paragraph 160. 146 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting, Addendum, WT/TPR/M/230/Add.1 (22 February 2011), pp. 28, 29. On this problem, see also Snyder, Legal Pluralism, supra Chapter 2 note 7, pp. 410–413. 147 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China: Report by the Secretariat, Revision, WT/TPR/S/230/Rev.1 (5 July 2010), p. 67, paragraphs 169–172.

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Table 8.5 Registration of geographical indications (gis) in China 1994–2009

Time period State Trademark Office aqsiq Ministry of Agriculture

1994–2007 301 – – 2008–first half of 2009 321 – – 2005–end September – 932 – 2009 February 2008–end – – 185 October 2009

Source: Based on Trade Policy Review Body Report.148

(ippc), which performed similar functions with regard to animals and plants, respectively. In 2007 and 2008, China signed more than 60 bilateral or regional agreements on standards and sps measures with wto Members, including eu, Japan, and the United States.149 Setting an initially congratulatory tone to the meeting, the discussant, H.E. Mrs Marie-Claire Swärd Capra from Sweden, affirmed that China now has ‘a central, leading role to play in the wto’.150 She noted, however, that the stan- dards regime was very complex, especially regarding voluntary standards, and asked whether the Chinese Government intended to align its standards further with international standards.151 The point was echoed by Mexico, which also welcomed aqsiq’s new policy of allowing inspections at destination.152 Norway emphasised the same point and urged greater alignment, stating that ‘[c]ountry- only standards and related mandatory certification schemes seriously hamper

148 Ibid., p. 67, paragraphs 169–172. 149 Ibid., p. 38, paragraph 54. 150 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting, WT/ TPR/M/230 (29 June 2010), p. 8, paragraph 46. For example, see the Memorandum of Understanding between United States Food and Drug Administration and China’s Center for Food Safety Risk Assessment regarding cooperation to enhance activities of mutual interest, available at http://www.fda.gov/downloads/InternationalPrograms/ Agreements/MemorandaofUnderstanding/UCM384998.pdf, last accessed 16 February 2015. 151 Ibid., p. 10, paragraph 56. 152 Ibid., p. 35, paragraphs 249–250.

426 chapter 8 business development for trading partners’.153 The eu complained that China had submitted replies to some 2008 eu questions with two years delay and urged China to respect the principle of transparency,154 for example by adopt- ing a more risk-based approach to conformity assessment and by aligning its standards with international standards where they existed instead of adopting ‘diverging Chinese-specific national standards’.155 Before the 2010 meeting, the Chinese Government received 1508 questions from 27 Members, as well as numerous subsequent questions. Table 8.6 lists the wto Members asking questions about food safety and the subject matter of the questions in the 2010 China Trade Policy Review.

Table 8.6 2010 Review of China’s trade policy: wto members asking questions about food safety and subject matter of the questions (in order of page number in the tprb report)

Country asking Question number Page number in Subject matter the question among asker’s minutes of the questions meeting Add. 1

Brazil 11 9–10 Preferential rules of origin Brazil 12 10 Preferential rules of origin Brazil 13 10 Treatment of propolis as healthcare food Brazil 20 14 Parallel import policy Brazil 21 14 gis Brazil 22 14–15 Direct release system and standards Brazil 23 15 Translation of national standards into English Brazil 24 15 Measures on testing of dairy products Korea 1 23 ban on imports of modified milk powder from Korea

153 Ibid., p. 15, paragraph 91. 154 Ibid., p. 19, paragraph 125. 155 Ibid., p. 20, paragraph 126.

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 427

Country asking Question number Page number in Subject matter the question among asker’s minutes of the questions meeting Add. 1

Korea 2 28 Chinese Patent Law implementing cbd on obligation to disclose origin of genetic resources Korea Follow up to 1 28–29 Chinese Patent Law on abs and pic Korea Follow up to 2 29 gis and administrative organisation Pakistan 4 31–32 gis and administrative organisation Australia 17 46–47 Import licensing of certain dairy products Switzerland 51 59 Catalogue of Entry-Exit Commodities Subject to Inspection and Quarantine eu 10 69 Transparency and publication eu 11 69–70 Coordination of govern- mental bodies eu 59 86 Alignment eu 60 86 Alignment eu 61 87 Time for comment on proposed Chinese sps measures eu 62 87 Fulfilment of sps transpar- ency requirements eu 63 88 Imports of beef from eu Member States eu 64 88 Alignment eu 65 89 Alignment eu 66 89 Alignment eu 67 89–90 sps protocols and inspection procedures eu 148 120 Patent Law and genetic resources

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Table 8.6 2010 Review of China’s trade policy: wto members asking questions about food safety and subject matter of the questions (in order of page number in the tprb report) (cont.)

Country asking Question number Page number in Subject matter the question among asker’s minutes of the questions meeting Add. 1 eu 160 124–125 trips and data protection for agrochemicals eu Follow up to 59, 153 Meaning of ‘advanced 60 overseas standards’ eu Follow up to 61 155–156 Comment on and transpar- ency of sps measures Egypt 163 Institutional framework for implementing sps measures Egypt 164 Meaning of ‘specialised supervision’ under 2009 fsl Egypt 164 Administrative organisation for implementing food safety measures Egypt 165 Role of private sector in ensuring food safety standards Turkey 176 gis and administrative organisation Malaysia 186 Administrative bodies for development of different types of standards Malaysia 187 Administrative authorities for mandatory certification usa 209–210 Ban on meat imports usa 210–211 State trading usa 214 Types of standards usa 215 2009 fsl and administra- tive organisation usa 215–216 Notification of and mea- sures under 2009 fsl usa 231 cbd and origin of genetic resources usa 232 gis

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 429

Country asking Question number Page number in Subject matter the question among asker’s minutes of the questions meeting Add. 1 usa 232 gis India 270 2009 fsl, including relation to international standards India 275 Import of fruit and veg- etables from India India 276 Import of buffalo meat from India India 276 Import of rice from India Japan 296 Quotas and licensing for agricultural exports Japan 21 302 gis and administrative organisation Canada 39 344 Alignment Canada 40 344 Meaning of “mandatory standard” Canada 41 344 Meaning of “mandatory standard” Canada 42 344 Meaning of “mandatory standard” Canada 43 345 Types of standards Canada 45 345 Alignment Canada 46 345 Alignment Canada 48 346 Import of beef Canada 49 346 Import of beef and oie recommendations Canada 50 347 Import of swine and international recommendations Canada 51 347 Import of plants and ippc standards Canada 52 347 Import of pork and international standards Canada 53 348 ccc Canada 54 348 ccc Canada 59 349 Accreditation of foreign cabs

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Table 8.6 2010 Review of China’s trade policy: wto members asking questions about food safety and subject matter of the questions (in order of page number in the tprb report) (cont.)

Country asking Question number Page number in Subject matter the question among asker’s minutes of the questions meeting Add. 1

Canada 60 349 Accreditation of foreign cabs Canada 61 350 mras and accreditation of foreign cabs Canada 365 Patent Law and disclosure requirements on genetic resources Canada 126 366 Agricultural issues and administrative organisation Joint us/ 386 Catalogue of Exit-Entry Canada/Mexico Commodities Subject to Inspection and Quarantine New Zealand 388 gis and administrative organisation Peru 390 Types of standards Peru 391 Alignment Peru 391 Types of standards Peru 396 Rules of origin Peru 397 Rules of origin Peru 397 Rules of origin Mexico 409 aqsiq reform of exit-entry system Mexico 410 Export restrictions Mexico 411 Export restrictions Mexico 419 gis Mexico 419 gis Mexico 433 Compliance with exit sanitary requirements Mexico 433 Compliance with exit sanitary requirements Mexico 433 Compliance with exit sanitary requirements

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 431

Country asking Question number Page number in Subject matter the question among asker’s minutes of the questions meeting Add. 1

Mexico 433 Compliance with exit sanitary requirements Mexico 433 Import of meat products Mexico 434 Import and export licences Mexico 434 Import and export licences Mexico 434 Export licences Mexico 10 434 State trading of agricultural products Mexico 11 435 Export of poultry and administrative organisation Mexico 12 435 Verification of safety of agricultural products Mexico 13 435 Availability of food safety standards Mexico 14 435 Health requirements for exporting poultry Mexico 15 436 Catalogue of Entry-Exit Commodities Subject to Inspection and Quarantine Mexico 16 436 Catalogue of Entry-Exit Commodities Subject to Inspection and Quarantine Mexico 17 436 Catalogue of Entry-Exit Commodities Subject to Inspection and Quarantine Mexico 18 437 Quarantine measures for plants Mexico 19 437 aqsiq requirements for direct release system Mexico 20 437 Catalogue of Entry-Exit Commodities Subject to Inspection and Quarantine Mexico 21 437 Alignment Mexico 22 437 Equivalence

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Table 8.6 2010 Review of China’s trade policy: wto members asking questions about food safety and subject matter of the questions (in order of page number in the tprb report) (cont.)

Country asking Question number Page number in Subject matter the question among asker’s minutes of the questions meeting Add. 1

Mexico 23 437 Approval of Chinese laboratories; Catalogue of Entry-Exit Commodities Subject to Inspection and Quarantine Mexico 24 438 Proof of pest-or disease-free status Mexico 25 438 Notification of sps measures Mexico 26 438 Pest prevention and control Mexico 27 439 Publication of new regulations Mexico 28 439 Administrative organisation of phytosanitary system Mexico 29 439 Phytosanitary risks on exports Mexico 30 439 Bilateral cooperation protocols Mexico 440 Import permits Mexico 31 440 Database of phytosanitary requirements for imports Mexico 32 440 Communication between central and local authorities Mexico 33 440 Quarantine treatment enterprises Mexico 34 440 Administrative organisation for quarantine certificates for imports and exports Ecuador 16 447 Transparency: Notification of 2009 fsl; publication of draft technical regulations and caps Argentina 488 Types of standards

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 433

Country asking Question number Page number in Subject matter the question among asker’s minutes of the questions meeting Add. 1

Argentina 490 2009 fsl and administra- tive organisation Argentina 491 ccc Costa Rica 508 Certification and accreditation

Source: Calculated by the author based on Trade Policy Review Body Report.156

Table 8.7 shows the wto Members asking questions about food safety, the number of questions and the main concerns in the 2010 China Trade Policy Review.A total of 20 countries asked a total of 123 questions about food safety matters. Complementing this quantitative data, specific examples allow us to appre- ciate the tpr discussions from a qualitative standpoint. The United States emphasised that China’s transition periods as a wto Member had expired. It urged the Chinese Government to accept the responsibility that went with its influence in international trade, and it commented that China’s earlier market liberalisation seemed to have slowed down.157 The us also remarked that China had ‘still not fully embraced international standards, science-based rulemak­ ing and advance notification, particularly with regard to sanitary and phytosani- tary measures’.158 It noted that the us and China would seek to make prog- ress through bilateral relations, notably the us-China Joint Commission on Commerce and Trade and the us-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue.159 Canada also encouraged China to adopt a more science-based approach to regu­ lation in the agriculture sector and with regard to product safety160 and to follow the tbt Code of Good Practice.161 However, Brazil considered that China had made progress in simplifying its sps regime and inspection procedures.162 Hong Kong also struck a positive

156 Ibid., p. 8, paragraph 46. 157 Ibid., pp. 26–27, paragraphs 173, 175, 176, 177. 158 Ibid., p. 28, paragraph 186. 159 Ibid., p. 28, paragraph 188. 160 Ibid., p. 33, paragraphs 230, 231. 161 Ibid., p. 33, paragraph 227. 162 Ibid., p. 12, paragraph 67.

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Table 8.7 2010 China trade policy review: wto members asking questions and number of questions wto member Number of Main concerns asking questions (in questions alphabetical order) asked

Argentina 3 Types of standards, administrative ­organisation, certification Australia 1 Import licensing (dairy) Brazil 8 Preferential rules of origin Canada 19 Meaning of ‘mandatory standard’; alignment; import of food Costa Rica 1 Certification and accreditation Ecuador 1 Transparency: Notification of 2009 fsl; publication of draft technical regulations and caps Egypt 4 Implementing food safety measures European Union 15 Alignment India 4 Import of food Japan 2 Quotas and licensing for agricultural exports; gis and administrative organisation Korea 4 Chinese patent law Malaysia 2 Administrative bodies Mexico 40 Compliance with exit sanitary requirements; New Zealand 1 gis and administrative organisation Pakistan 1 gis and administrative organisation Peru 6 Rules of origin Switzerland 1 Catalogue of Entry-Exit Commodities Subject to Inspection and Quarantine Turkey 1 gis and administrative organisation usa 8 gis usa, Canada, 1 Catalogue of Exit-Entry Commodities Mexico jointly Subject to Inspection and Quarantine TOTAL 20 countries 123 questions

Source: Calculated by the author based on Trade Policy Review Body Report.163

163 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting, Addendum, WT/TPR/M/230/Add.1 (22 February 2011).

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 435 note, remarking that 46.5% of Chinese national standards were equivalent to international standards by 2007.164 Indeed, the Chinese Government Repre­ sentative replied to earlier questions:

…as a general practice, China formulates and revised standards on the basis of relevant international standards, including the international standards at the final stage of formulation. Exceptions would only apply when those international standards are ineffective or inappropriate for China…[citing the justifications in the tbt Agreement, Article 2.4]. When adopting international standards, China gives priority to those fundamental standards and test method standards. By the end of 2009, the rate of adopting international standards and advanced foreign stan- dards in China reached 68%.165

Adoption of international standards remained important in the long term.166 From the Chinese perspective, however, which echoed the terminology of the Chinese Standardization Law Implementing Regulation,167 ‘international stan- dards’ meant both standards adopted by international standard-setting bodies such as the Codex Alimentarious Commission and advanced foreign standards, that is those set by wealthier, more industrialised and usually western countries. A number of specific questions focused on the Chinese Government’s reac- tion to the melamine crisis and on the new 2009 Food Safety Law. First, the eu asked why the Chinese Government did not notify the new Food Safety Law to the wto before implementing it.168 The Chinese Government Representative replied that:

The Food Safety Law is based on the previous Food Hygiene Law and there is no technical requirement that will have a major impact on interna- tional trade, therefore, China had not submitted a notification before the Law was passed. However, after the Food Safety Law entered into force, China timely submitted notifications on the 178 relevant food safety rules and standards based on the Law and provided time for comments by the members.169

164 Ibid., p. 22, paragraph 138. 165 Ibid., p. 56, paragraph 406. 166 Ibid., p. 57, paragaraph 407. 167 Ibid., (follow up to Question 59 and Question 60). 168 Ibid., p. 87 (Questions 61–62). 169 Ibid., p. 87 [italics in original].

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The eu was not very satisfied with this reply,170 which was based on a very nar- row and indeed questionable interpretation of wto legal obligations. The us asked the same question and received the same reply.171 Second, Brazil asked which specific measures the Government had taken to strengthen testing of dairy products after the crisis.172 In fact, the State Council promulgated a Regulation on Supervision and Administration of Dairy Product Safety,173 issued a Notice on Strengthening Production Licensing of Dairy Products174 and enacted Rules on Supervision of Dairy Products Producing Enterprises on Their Implementation of Quality Safety Responsibilities.175 The Ministry of Health on 27 April 2010 ‘issued 66 new national standards on the safety of dairy products, which included 15 new standards for dairy products, 2 production rules and 49 standards for inspection methods’. aqsiq strength- ened inspection procedures, and other measures were taken.176 Third, Egypt asked about the meaning of ‘specific supervision’ of food safety and whether it was dealt with in the Food Safety Law.177 The Chinese Repre­ sentative briefly described ‘specialised supervision’ with regard to food safety regulation.178 The 2004 Decision of the State Council about Strengthening Food Safety had consolidated this system of institutional fragmentation (zhèngchū duōmén, 政出多门), and the 2009 Food Safety Law retained its essential fea- tures. The us asked whether it was correct that food safety regulation under the new Law involved 12 different ministries,179 to which the Chinese Govern­ ment Representative replied by describing briefly the ‘food safety regulatory

170 Ibid., p. 87 (follow up to Question 61). 171 Ibid., pp. 215–216 (Question 22(a); Answer (a–c)). 172 Ibid., p. 15 (Question 24). 173 乳制品安全监督管理条例 [Regulation on the Supervision and Administration of the Quality and Safety of Dairy Products] (promulgated by State Council Order No. 536, Oct. 9, 2008) CLI.2.109190 Chinalawinfo. 174 国家质量监督检验检疫总局关于加强乳制品生产许可工作的通知 [Notice on Strength­ening Production Licensing of Dairy Products] (issued by aqsiq No. 757, Oct. 12, 2008), CLI.4.112933 Chinalawinfo. 175 乳制品生产企业落实质量安全主体责任监督检查规定 [Rules on Supervision of Dairy Products Producing Enterprises on Their Implementation of Quality Safety Responsibilities] (promulgated by aqsiq, Sep. 27, 2009), CLI.4.125957, Chinalawinfo. 176 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting, Addendum, WT/TPR/M/230/Add.1 (22 February 2011), pp. 15–16. 177 Ibid., pp. 163–164. 178 Ibid., pp. 164–165. 179 Ibid., p. 215 (Question 21).

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 437 system of divided responsibilities in specific links of the entire food safety chain plus overall comprehensive coordination’.180 Fourth, Argentina drew attention to the fact that the new Chinese Food Safety Law had caused difficulties for entry of Argentina soy oil into the Chinese market.181 India identified problems with access to India fruit and vegetables to the Chinese market.182 These questions and answers show how deeply the wto trpm penetrates into the social and legal fields involving wto Members, and they also demonstrate the limits of the tprm based mainly on discussion, trans- parency and peer pressure. In follow-up questions, the us urged China to establish a mechanism to monitor the performance of individual ministries and agencies in their use of the notice-and-comment procedure, which, from the us perspective, China had made mandatory for new laws, regulations and other measures.183 While recognising that China had to deal with a large number of questions, the eu stated that 42 of its questions had not yet been answered, a problem which the eu considered to be of systemic importance for the wto.184 In reply, China’s Representative rightly pointed out:

We got a lot of other questions and we will try to answer all of those ques- tions. But I just want to raise one concern about this job, that is, even though my team is working very hard, we can hardly finish all the answers. It seems that the wto has language discrimination. We do not speak English [or Spanish or French], so normally we have to translate all the questions into Chinese and pass them to various agencies in the Government. They will try to prepare the answers to you and we have to translate them back into English. So it creates a big burden and we hope that you can have your understanding if there is a little bit delay. But we will try to make it.185

In conclusion, the Chairperson noted that the procedure by which Chinese voluntary standards could be made mandatory was not clear to many Members and that the alignment of national standards to international standards was

180 Ibid., p. 215 (Answer (a–b)). 181 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting, WT/ TPR/M/230 (29 June 2010) p. 38, paragraph 273. 182 Ibid., p. 30, paragraph 197. 183 Ibid., p. 59, paragraph 428. 184 Ibid., p. 61, paragraph 441. 185 Ibid., p. 64, paragraph 461.

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‘less than half’.186 However, in reply to a question by the eu, the Chinese Government stated clearly that:

Overseas advanced standards refer to the national standards promulgated by countries with high economic development level, advanced technical level, high living standard and gdp per capita, and high standardization level and that have made great contribution to international standardiza- tion work, or the industrial standards promulgated by national industrial associations of these countries. They also include standards of regional orga- nizations which have relatively great influence on international standards or which have been adopted frequently by Chinese national standards.187

The Implementing Regulation of the Chinese Standardization Law allows the use of either international standards or advanced foreign standards.188

The 2012 Trade Policy Review The fifth China tpr, which took place on 12 and 14 June 2012, opened in an extremely unfavourable global economic climate, with China’s previous prodi- gious growth rate gradually slowing down.189 The Chinese Government report concentrated on the economic and trade environment, macroeconomic policy direction and trade and investment. It did not mention food safety directly. Indirectly, however, it highlighted several structural and institutional condi- tions for successful food safety regulation. First, it affirmed that ‘[t]he multilat- eral trading system is the cornerstone of China’s foreign economic and trade relations’.190 Second, it stated that ‘[r]ule of law is a fundamental principle for China to effectively govern the country’, meaning that ‘China needs to bring into being a comprehensive system of laws with Chinese characteristics so as to ensure that there are laws to abide by for the carrying on of state affairs and social life’.191 It noted that the State Council issued in October 2010 the Opinions

186 Ibid., p. 65, paragraph 472. 187 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting, Addendum, WT/TPR/M/230/Add.1 (22 February 2011), p. 153 (Follow up to Question 59 and Question 60). 188 中华人民共和国标准法实施条例 [Regulations for the Implementation of the Stan­ dardisation Law of the People’s Republic of China] (promulgated by Decree No. 53 of the St. Council, 6 April 1990, effective as of the date of promulgation) Article 4. 189 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, Report by China, WT/TPR/G/264 (8 May 2012), p. 5, paragraph 4, p. 6, paragraph 9. 190 Ibid., p. 5, paragraph 3. 191 Ibid., p. 13, paragraph 41.

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 439 on Strengthening the Construction of a Law Based Government, which con- cerned regular reform of rules and administrative measures, solicitation of public opinion and legitimacy review of legislation and administrative measures, strengthening of administrative review procedures and increased efforts to disclose government information.192 Third, the scale of China’s reforms is his- torically unprecedented, because China accounts for 1/5 of the world’s popula- tion.193 Directly or indirectly, the multilateral trading system, the development of a rule of law and China’s large population help to shape the basic features of food safety regulation in China, though further analysis lies outside the scope of this paper. Against this background, the Secretariat Report took a more direct, more ­critical assessment of China’s food safety regime. While recognising that China had taken ‘some small steps’ to improve transparency, it remarked that ‘many aspects of China’s trade and investment policy regime remain complex and opaque, leaving scope for administrative discretion and corruption’.194 With regard to public participation in policy making, it referred to the oecd view195 that ‘public participation in policy formulation in China is still at a relatively early stage, characterized by informing the public rather than collecting opin- ions for improving policy making’.196 It pointed out, again following the oecd,197 that China has ‘a shared governance structure that requires continuous negotia- tion among different levels of government’,198 but ‘coordination between the agency at the central level and its counterparts at the local level remains weak, raising issues of policy coherence’.199 The Report provided a clear presentation of the normative and institutional arrangements for food safety regulation, for example regarding measures directly

192 Ibid., p. 14, paragraph 44. 193 Ibid., p. 29, paragraph 127. 194 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Report by the Secretariat, revision, WT/TPR/S/264/Rev.1 (20 July 2012), p. 11, paragraphs 4, 5. 195 oecd, oecd Economic Surveys: China (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, Paris, 2010), p. 220. 196 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Report by the Secretariat, revision, WT/TPR/S/264/Rev.1 (20 July 2012), p. 13, paragraph 14. 197 oecd, oecd Territorial Reviews: Guangdong China (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, Paris, 2010), p. 222. 198 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Report by the Secretariat, revision, WT/TPR/S/264/Rev.1 (20 July 2012), p. 14, paragraph 17. 199 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Report by the Secretariat, revision, WT/TPR/S/264/Rev.1 (20 July 2012), p. 14, paragraph 19.

440 chapter 8 affecting imports,200 exports,201 standards and other technical requirements,202 sps measures,203 labelling204 and gis.205 It noted the evolution of Chinese stan- dards, including but not limited to food safety standards, as shown in Table 8.8. Under the 2009 Food Safety Law, all national food safety standards must, as a matter of law, be mandatory.206 The Secretariat Report also recorded the continued fragmentation of admin- istrative responsibility for sps measures between (as of 2010) the State Food and Drug Administration (sfda), the Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Agriculture, mofcom, aqsiq and other agencies,207 as well as the many ­different laws dealing

Table 8.8 Evolution of Chinese standards, 2006–2010

Type of Standard 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010

National 1,889 1,385 5,911 3,121 2,796 of which: mandatory 276 157 594 283 493 of which: voluntary 1,613 1,228 5,317 2,838 2,303 Professional standards 2,178 3,029 3,087 1,428 3,015 of which: mandatory 335 245 216 255 183 of which: voluntary 1,843 2,784 2,871 1,173 2,832 Local standards 2,377 2,805 2,809 3,110 n/a of which: mandatory 220 277 300 252 n/a of which: voluntary 2,157 2,528 2,509 2,858 n/a

Source: Trade Policy Review Body Report,208 which is based on data provided by the Chinese authorities.

200 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Report by the Secretariat, revision, WT/TPR/S/264/Rev.1 (20 July 2012), pp. 24–42, paragraphs 1, 44, 45. 201 Ibid., pp. 57–63, paragraphs 134, 148, 149, 152, 153. 202 Ibid., pp. 45–53, paragraphs 80–98. 203 Ibid., pp. 49–52, paragraphs 99–108. 204 Ibid., pp. 52–53, paragraphs 109–110. 205 Ibid., p. 93, paragraphs 308–311. 206 2009 Food Safety Law, supra note 384, Article 9 provides that ‘[t]he food safety standards are standards for mandatory execution. Except for food safety standards, no other manda- tory food standards shall be set down’. At least in English translation, this provision is not without ambiguity. 207 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Report by the Secretariat, revision, WT/TPR/S/264/Rev.1 (20 July 2012), pp. 49–50, paragraph 99. 208 Ibid., p. 49, paragraph 91.

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 441 with sps matters.209 China was an active participant in the sps Committee, making 376 notifications between 1 January 2009 and 31 October 2011. However, Members expressed concerns about notifications in particular following adop- tion of the 2009 Food Safety Law, when mainly as a result of the melamine scan- dal China notified almost 100 measures during a 15-day period.210 Based on the reports by China and the Secretariat, the Report of the Chairperson of the tprb meeting identified standards, sps measures and other technical requirements as among the specific topics of most interest to Members.211 However, in his opening remarks the Discussant commented that the Secretariat sometimes was not able to gather sufficient information; some rules were very complex, implementation of law was not always clear and local administration was sometimes cumbersome.212 More than 1700 questions were put to the Chinese Government.213 Table 8.9 shows the wto Members asking questions about food safety and the subject matter of the questions in the 2012 China Trade Policy Review.Table 8.10 show the wto Members asking questions, the number of questions and the main concerns at the 2012 Review of China’s trade policy.At the 2012 China Trade Policy Review, a total of 19 Members asked a total of 57 questions, a decline from the 2010 Review. We can grasp the scope and details of the discussion by considering exam- ples of specific questions and answers concerning the 2009 Food Safety Law and other consequences of the melamine scandal, alignment with interna- tional standards, certification, and gis. With regard to the 2009 Food Safety Law, questions concerned consequent measures rather than the text of Law itself, which by then must have been well-known to all interested Members. Brazil asked why the Ministry of Health 4 December 2009 Circular No. 108 on the Conduct of Food Packaging Material Clean-up Operations was not notified to the wto so foreign companies could comment on additives.214 The Chinese Representative considered that the Circular

209 Ibid., pp. 50–51, paragraph 100. 210 Ibid., p. 51, paragraph 102. 211 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting, WT/ TPR/M/264 (17 July 2012), p. 3, paragraph 7. 212 Ibid., p. 10, paragraph 56. 213 Ibid., p. 60, paragraph 428. 214 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting. Addendum, WT/TPR/M/264/Add.1 (22 August 2012) p. 40. See also Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Report by the Secretariat, revision, WT/TPR/S/264/Rev.1 (20 July 2012), p. 51, paragraph 102 (According to the tpr procedure, the Secretariat prepares a report [original report] which is circulated for comments to the Member being reviewed, and after comments are received, the Secretariat prepares a revised report. Most refer- ences in the text are to the revised report.)

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Table 8.9 2012 China trade policy review: wto members asking questions and subject matter of questions (in order of page number in the record of the meeting)

Country asking Question Page number Subject matter the question number among in tprb report asker’s questions

Argentina Add.1 23 11 Import/Certification Australia Add.1 8 21 Imports/Licensing Australia Add.1 12 22 Administrative organisation Australia Add.1 13 22 Alignment Australia Add.1 14 23 Alignment Australia Add.1 15 23 Imports Australia Add.1 17 23 Imports Australia Add.1 24 25 gis Australia Add.1 25 26 gis Brazil Add.1 39 Types of standards Brazil Add.1 39 Alignment Brazil Add.1 39 Transparency Brazil Add.1 1&2 48 Alignment Brazil Add.1 49 Certification Canada Add.1 32 69 Imports Canada Add.1 33 69 Imports Chile Add.1 4 106 gis Colombia Add.1 16 119 Imports Costa Rica Add.1 19 127 Imports Dominican Add.1 1&2 135 Imports Republic ec [now eu] Add.1 35 157 Certification (ccc [Compulsory Product Certification] system) ec [now eu] Add.1 36 157 Certification (ccc system) ec [now eu] Add.1 38 158 Certification (ccc system) ec [now eu] Add.1 39 159 Certification (ccc system) ec [now eu] Add.1 61 164 Imports ec [now eu] Add.1 62 165 Imports ec [now eu] Add.1 63 165 Alignment

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 443

Country asking Question Page number Subject matter the question number among in tprb report asker’s questions ec [now eu] Add.1 64 165 Alignment ec [now eu] Add.1 65 165 Imports ec [now eu] Add.1 66&67 167 Labelling Indonesia Add.1 8 215 Alignment Indonesia Add.1 9 219 Imports Indonesia Add.1 10 219 Imports Indonesia Add.1 11 219 Imports Indonesia Add.1 13 219 Imports Indonesia Add.1 14 219 Transparency Mexico Add.1 21–25 285 Imports Mexico Add.1 49 290 Types of standards New Zealand Add.1 4 296 Imports New Zealand Add.1 9 301 Imports New Zealand Add.1 10 302 Imports Peru Add.1 308 Alignment Peru Add.1 308 Imports Peru Add.1 309 Certification Singapore Add.1 312 Imports South Africa Add.1 8 317 Imports (soes) South Africa Add.1 9 318 Imports South Africa Add.1 10 318 Imports Switzerland Add.1 333 soes Switzerland Add.1 335 Exports Thailand Add.1 7 340 Subsidies Turkey Add.1 351 Imports United States Add.1 29 379 Administrative organisation United States Add.1 30 379 Additives United States Add.1 31 380 Transparency United States Add.1 32 381 Imports United States Add.1 33 381 Imports

Source: Calculated by the author based on Trade Policy Review Body Report.215

215 Ibid., p. 60, paragraph 428. Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting, Addendum, WT/TPR/M/264/Add.1 (22 August 2012).

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Table 8.10 2012 China trade policy review: wto members asking questions, number of questions and main concerns wto member asking Number of Main concerns questions questions

Argentina 1 Import/Certification Australia 8 Alignment; import; gis Brazil 5 Alignment Canada 2 Imports Chile 1 gis Colombia 1 Imports Costa Rica 1 Imports Dominican Republic 1 Imports eu 11 ccc Indonesia 6 Imports Mexico 2 Imports; Types of standards New Zealand 3 Imports Peru 3 Alignment; Imports; Certification Singapore 1 Imports South Africa 3 Imports Switzerland 2 soes; Exports Thailand 1 Subsidies Turkey 1 Imports usa 5 Imports TOTAL 19 Members 57 questions

Source: Calculated by the author based on Trade Policy Review Body Report.216

is mainly a campaign aimed at cracking down on illegal behaviours of producing food packaging and containers using poisonous and harmful materials, particularly waste materials. It is not legislation. If we intend

216 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting, WT/ TPR/M/264 (17 July 2012) p. 3, paragraph 7. Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting, Addendum, WT/TPR/M/264/Add.1 (22 August 2012).

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to modify the safety standards of food containers, packaging material or additives, we will notify the wto in accordance with relevant procedures.217

Hence the Circular did not fall within the scope of the Government’s notifica- tion obligation, as narrowly interpreted. Mexico asked a question concerning participation of consumer organisa- tions in the development of standards under the Food Safety Law.218 In reply, the Chinese Representative pointed out that the China Consumers Association had been invited to participate in drafting and to comment on the 12th Five Year Plan for National Standards on Food Safety.219 Turkey enquired about quarantine measures and assessment procedures for dairy products and poul- try.220 Both are sensitive products in international trade, especially dairy prod- ucts after the melamine scandal. The Chinese Representative provided a very detailed answer regarding relevant institutions, applicable administrative measures and procedures.221 Concerning standards, Australia asked what proportion of Chinese stan- dards were more restrictive than Codex standards and, if there is no domestic standard, whether China ‘could…consider’ adopting a Codex standard until a domestic standard was developed.222 The Chinese Representative, without really answering the question, replied that Chinese standards were ‘basically consistent’ with Codex standards, they were ‘not totally the same as cac [Codex Alimentarius Commission] but we have the scientific basis’ and ‘the Ministry of Health stipulates the Chinese national food safety standards based on the results of food safety risk evaluations, the residents’ different food consumption and diet structure and the actual production and operation conditions and with reference to the international standards’.223 Similarly, Brazil asked why China had not accepted proposed maximum residue limits (mrls) for ractopa- mine, which had been evaluated three times and recommended for approval by

217 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting. Addendum, WT/TPR/M/264/Add.1 (22 August 2012), p. 40. 218 Ibid., p. 290 (Question 49). 219 Ibid., p. 290. 220 Ibid., p. 351. 221 Ibid., pp. 351, 352. 222 Ibid., p. 22 (Question 13). See also Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Report by the Secretariat, revision, WT/TPR/S/264/Rev.1 (20 July 2012), p. 51, para- graph 101. 223 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting. Addendum, WT/TPR/M/264/Add.1 (22 August 2012) pp. 22, 23.

446 chapter 8 the Codex Alimentarius Commission.224 The Chinese Representative­ replied that the mrl was still under multilateral discussion and that, in any event, Members should carry out their own risk assessment and if, having done so, their standard diverged from Codex standard, this did not mean the standard was in violation of wto law or Codex principles. China had carried out a risk assessment, which showed that the residue level of ractopamine was ‘high on pigs organs, especially lungs, which are Chinese regular food resources’.225 With regard to certification, a crucial issue for market access, Brazil asked about the requirements to be met by foreign certification bodies in order to be accredited by the China National Accreditation Service (cnas).226 The Chinese Representative replied that China was ‘actively promoting and allow- ing mutual recognition in international product testing and factory inspection within the framework of multilateral or bilateral mras [mutual recognition agreements]’. It had already concluded agreements with 19 certifying bodies in Europe, the us, Japan and elsewhere, whose inspection results would be accepted for ccc purposes by the China National Certification and Accreditation Administration (cnca).227 In a related question about market access, Canada sought to obtain a procedural document regarding registra- tion by foreign food manufacturers­ and producers who wished to export products to China.228 The Chinese Representative pointed out that the proce- dures could be found in The Catalogue of Administrative Measures for Registration of Foreign Manufacturers of Imported Food, issued by aqsiq as Announcement No. 73 in 2012.229 Under China’s Administrative Measures for Registration of Overseas Manufacturers of Imported Food,230 the cnca was

224 Ibid., p. 48 (Question 1). See also Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Report by the Secretariat, revision, WT/TPR/S/264/Rev.1 (20 July 2012), p. 46, paragraph 84. 225 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting. Addendum, WT/TPR/M/264/Add.1 (22 August 2012) p. 48 (Answer to Question 1 & 2). 226 Ibid., p. 48, paragraph vii. 227 Ibid., p. 48, paragraph vii. See also United States–Certain Measures Affecting Imports of Poultry from China, Panel Report, WT/DS/392R (29 September 2010) (adopted 25 October 2010). 228 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting. Addendum, WT/TPR/M/264/Add.1 (22 August 2012), p. 40, paragraph vii. 229 国家质量监督检验检疫总局关于公布《进口食品境外生产企业注册实施目录》 的公告 [Notice concerning Publish the ‘Implementation Catalogue for Registration of Overseas Manufacturers of Imported Food’] (promulgated by the aqsiq, 7 May 2012), available at http://www.aqsiq.gov.cn/xxgk_13386/jlgg_12538/zjgg/2012/201207/t20120713_238975.htm, last accessed 22 August 2012. 230 进口食品境外生产企业注册管理规定 [Administrative Measures for Registration of Overseas Manufacturers of Imported Food] (promulgated by the State Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine, June 21, 2011, effective 1 May 2012), available

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 447 responsible for implementation and supervision of registration.231 However, in reply to a long question by the eu about product certification, including the ccc scheme,232 the Chinese Representative replied that ‘[a]t present, China can- not designate overseas labs as 3C-designated labs by Chinese laws and regula- tions, taking into account the difficulties in tracing responsibilities and following practices in the eu. eu labs have been widely participating in 3C certification via multilateral/bilateral channels’.233 Finally, Australia asked about the coherence of the gi regulatory regime.234 The Chinese Representative described the system at length:

Currently, saic, aqsiq and moa are jointly studying how to establish the joint Geographical Indications certification system. The three agencies have different focuses in gi protection. The saic protects geographical indications by applying collective trademark and certification trademark registration pursuant to the Trademark Law. Corresponding remedies for geographical indication infringement include administrative, civil and criminal ones. The Ministry of Agriculture has registration administration for geographical indications of agricultural products based on administrative rules formulated in accordance with the Law on Quality Security of Agricultural Products. The focus of the protec- tion is on geographical indication resources of agricultural products, prod- uct quality and traditional farming culture. aqsiq’s protection of geographical indication focuses on processing, which is based on adminis- trative rules formulated in accordance with the Product Quality Law.235

With regard to the trademark register, the Chinese Representative noted:

Trademark Office shall compile the Trademark Gazette, and release to the public, on a regular basis, all the relevant information about trademark reg- istration, transfer, change and others, including geographical indications. The…[aqsiq] shall publish on its official website www.aqsiq.gov.cn the

at http://www.aqsiq.gov.cn/xxgk_13386/zvfg/flfg/201307/t20130705_365373.htm, last accessed 22 August 2012. 231 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting. Addendum, WT/TPR/M/264/Add.1 (22 August 2012) p. 40, paragraph vii. 232 Ibid., p. 40, paragraph3 35–60. 233 Ibid., p. 40, paragraph 39. 234 Ibid., p. 40, paragraph vii. See also Trade Policy Review Body, Report by the Secretariat, WT/TPR/S/300 (27 May 2014) paragraphs 308–11. 235 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting. Addendum, WT/TPR/M/264/Add.1 (22 August 2012), p. 40, paragraph 24.

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Protection Provisions for Geographical Indication Products and other laws and regulations, and shall regularly publish the admissibility announce- ment and ratification announcement of geographical indication product protection, and the announcement of approving enterprises to use the geo- graphical indication product names and special marks. The above informa- tion is available for reference by foreign individuals or companies.236

As the China Representative explained, the legal basis for protecting gis was complex, including the ‘Trademark Law, Implementing Regulations of Trademark Law, Registration and Management Measures of Collective Marks and Certification Marks, Administrative Measures of Geographical Indications of Agricultural Products, Protection Regulations for Geographical Indication Products and other laws and regulations’. He considered that all were totally consistent with the wto trips Agreement.237 These answers indicated once again, however, the administrative and normative fragmentation of China’s food safety regime as it stood in 2012. Many Members reiterated specific previous concerns. The United States noted that China still had not completely adopted science-based decision mak- ing238 or international standards and needed to improve its notification of pro- posed sps measures.239 Brazil noted that some progress had been made regarding sps inspection and approval procedures.240 Canada remarked that China’s regulatory process was overly complex and that ccc system should be reformed consistently with international practice to accredit foreign conformity assessment bodies.241 Costa Rica raised questions about the ccc certificates and inspection and quarantine protocols.242 The eu was concerned about lack of transparency of legislation, divergence from international standards and overly complex conformity assessment and approval procedures.243 Australia urged China to adopt Codex standards for food safety and to provide sufficient resources for auditing overseas export establishments where required.244 Argentina announced that it had reached agreement with China regarding agri- culture, livestock, sps measures, agricultural biotechnology and bio-security.245

236 Ibid., p. 40, paragraph 26. 237 Ibid., p. 40, paragraph 26. 238 Ibid., p. 3, paragraph 69. 239 Ibid., p. 3, paragraph 70. 240 Ibid., p. 3, paragraph 108. 241 Ibid., p. 3, paragraph 181. 242 Ibid., p. 3, paragraph 193. 243 Ibid., p. 3, paragraphs 293–42. 244 Ibid., p. 3, paragraph 337. 245 Ibid., p. 3, paragraph 380.

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A number of other Members also raised specific market access concerns of their own, most or all invoking regulatory measures concerning foodstuffs. Japan commented that certain technical standards were more trade-restrictive than necessary and requested that China relax import restrictions on Japanese food and agricultural products introduced after the Fukushima disaster.246 Norway complained about testing and quarantine measures on fresh chilled salmon.247 Mexico sought greater market access for tequila and pork,248 as did Uruguay for soybeans, bovine animals, premium beef cuts, dairy products and wines.249 China’s Representative affirmed that China was continuing to align its stan- dards, so that 68% of national standards had adopted international or advanced foreign standards by end 2011, ‘far above our wto commitment which is 50%’.250 He also remarked that ‘we believe it is unfair to say that China is developing its own standards and violates the tbt Agreement just because it does not follow the standards of some other Members in a few areas’.251 He emphasised China’s openness to further discussions and its support for more wto dialogues on international standards.252 With regard to notifications, he commented that China made the most sps and tbt notifications in the wto. Concerning criticisms of late notification, he remarked that

I looked into this and found that the main reason is our staff had different opinions on whether the technical regulations should be notified under the tbt Agreement. For instance, some general laws and regulations are considered to have no direct impact on trade, while some have adopted recommended standards or international standards. I think these are technical issues.253

Nonetheless, the eu voiced its surprise that China seemed to have no recent statistics on alignment.254

The 2014 Trade Policy Review The 5th wto review of China’s trade policy was held on 1 and 3 July 2014. The Chinese Government Report emphasised China’s continuing opening up and

246 Ibid., p. 3, paragraph 132. 247 Ibid., p. 3, paragraph 149. 248 Ibid., p. 3, paragraphs 275, 276, 470. 249 Ibid., p. 3, paragraph 304. 250 Ibid., p. 3, paragraph 402. 251 Ibid., p. 3, paragraph 403. 252 Ibid., p. 3, paragraph 405. 253 Ibid., p. 3, paragraph 407. 254 Ibid., p. 3, paragraph 435.

450 chapter 8 deepening of domestic reform, ‘making progress while maintaining stability’.255 It stated that ‘[t]he core of economic system reform is to handle well the rela- tionship between government and market and to let the market play the deci- sive role in the allocation of resources and bring the role of the Government into better play’.256 The Report reiterated China’s strong support for the multi- lateral trading system, while it supported ‘development and cooperation through bilateral, regional, sub-regional and multilateral channels’.257 It men- tioned the March institutional reform of the State Council, including with regard to food and drugs.258 However, it did not deal with food safety regula- tion directly, which was probably due in part to the fact that a major reform of the 2009 Food Safety Law was then underway.259 A draft of the proposed new Law was circulated for public comment from 1–31 July 2014.260 It has now been adopted, as discussed in the next chapter. The Secretariat Report noted that China had become the world’s largest trader (except for trade within the eu).261 There were no changes from previ- ous years in many procedures or institutions, for example regarding establish- ment of sps requirements262 or inspection procedures for imports and exports subject to sps measures.263 However, the Report identified various sps mea- sures imposed on imports between 2011 and 2013 before the measures had been notified to the wto. They included ‘quarantine and testing procedures for salmon; testing methods for food additives; import conditions related to phthalates, import restrictions on beef due to bse; and registration require- ments for foreign companies importing food into China’.264 The Secretariat summarised China’s food safety regime (see Table 8.11):

255 Trade Policy Review Body, Report by the Secretariat, WT/TPR/S/300 (27 May 2014) para- graphs 1.1, 1.2. 256 Ibid., paragraph 2.35. 257 Ibid., paragraph 1.3. 258 Ibid., paragraph 2.36. 259 See u.s. Foreign Agricultural Service, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain), People’s Republic of China, Food Safety Law Draft for Comment (Compared with the 2009 Food Safety Law), Global Agricultural Information Network Report No. 13064 (2013), http:// gain.fas.usda.gov/Recent%20GAIN%20Publications/Food%20Safety%20Law%20 Draft%20for%20Comment%20_Beijing_China%20-%20Peoples%20Republic%20of_11- 8-2013.pdf, last accessed 28 December 2014. 260 Ibid., 261 Trade Policy Review Body, Report by the Secretariat, WT/TPR/S/300 (27 May 2014) paragraph 6. 262 Ibid., paragraph 3.79. 263 Ibid., paragraph 3.79. 264 Ibid., paragraph 3.

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Table 8.11 Laws and regulations related to China’s sps regime

Laws Promulgated / Amended

Law on the Entry and Exit Animal and Plant 30.10.1991/27.08.2009 Quarantine Regulations on Implementation of the Law on the 02.12.1996 Entry and Exit Animal and Plant Quarantine Law on Quality and Safety of Agricultural Products 29.04.2006 Animal Disease Prevention Law 03.07.1997/30.08.2007 Regulations on Plant Quarantine 03.01.1983/13.05.1992 Regulations on Control of Pesticides 08.05.1997/29.11.2001 Regulations on Control of Veterinary Drugs 21.05.1987/29.11.2001 and 09.04.2004 Regulations on the Administration of Feed and 29.05.1999/29.11.2001 and Feed Additives 03.11.2011 Law on Frontier Health and Quarantine. [no information] Law on Import and Export Commodity Inspection [no information] Food Safety Law 28.02.2009 Rules and Administrative Measures Source Measures for the Supervision and aqsiq Decree No.135 of 2011 Administration of Inspection and Quarantine of Import and Export Aquatic Products Measures for the Supervision and Administration aqsiq Decree No. 136 of 2011 of Inspection and Quarantine of Import and Export Meat Products Measures for the Prevention and Treatment of aqsiq Decree No. 139 of 2011 aids at Frontier Measures for the Supervision and Administration aqsiq Decree No. 143 of 2011 of Inspection and Quarantine of Import and Export Cosmetic Products Administrative Measures on the Safety of Import aqsiq Decree No. 144 of 2011 and Export Food Administrative Measures for Registration of aqsiq Decree No. 145 of 2012 Overseas Manufacturers of Imported Food Measures for the Supervision and Administration aqsiq Decree No. 152 of 2013 of Inspection and Quarantine of Import and Export Dairy Products

Source: Trade Policy Review Body, Report by the Secretariat, WT/TPR/S/300 (27 May 2014), p. 76, paragraph 3.77. Based on information provided by the Chinese authorities.

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The Secretariat commented, however, that ‘some of these laws are outdated and repetitive’.265 The Report noted that Central Government trade-related laws and regula- tions were published on the website of the China Legislative Information System [Legislative Affairs Office of the State Council] (www.chinalaw.gov.cn), which since 2008 has also published all draft administrative regulations for public comment.266 In the ensuing discussion, however, several Members reit- erated the wto Secretariat’s remark about the difficulty of obtaining adequate information for the review.267 Many questions focused on transparency in standard-setting and implementation.268 For example, the eu noted that there was ‘much room for improvement’ with regard to transparency (lack of avail- ability or lack of translations), notifications and consistent implementation of legislation.269 Canada commented on ‘challenges’ posed by China’s regulatory process.270 Peru noted the need to improve frequency of notifications to the wto.271 Russia also requested clarification regarding sps measures.272 The us stated that ‘it has been our experience that many aspects of China’s trade and investment policies and practices seem to remain hidden away in unpublished measures, internal instructions, oral directives and confidential documents – or for some other reasons are simply unavailable’.273 It identified specific prob- lems as being China’s implementation of its wto commitments regarding translation, public comments on draft measures and publication in China’s offi- cial journal.274 The Secretariat also summarised China’s institutions for dealing with sps matters (see Table 8.12). In its view, the fragmentation of administrative responsibility might lead to lack of clear responsibility and lack of accountability.275 Only much later in the Report did the Secretariat note the major recent reform of China’s sps regulatory

265 Ibid., p. 76, paragraph 3.77. 266 Ibid., p. 76, paragraph 2.12. 267 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Minutes of the Meeting, WT/ TPR/M/300 (26 August 2014) p. 23, paragraph 4.101, p. 24, paragraph 110, p. 33, paragraph 4.179. 268 Ibid., paragraph 3.12. 269 Ibid., paragraphs 4.101, 5.56–7. 270 Ibid., paragraph 4.177. 271 Ibid., paragraph 4.185. 272 Ibid., paragraph 5.49. 273 Ibid., paragraph 4.110. 274 Ibid., paragraph 5.78. 275 Ibid., paragraph 3.78, Table 3.8.

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Table 8.12 Institutions in charge of the sps system in China

Institutions Responsibilities

Ministry of Health (moh) Responsible for food safety risk assess- ment and the formulation of food safety standards Ministry of Agriculture (moa) In charge of implementing entry and exist animal and plant quarantine General Administration of Quality In charge of national quality, entry-exit Supervision Inspection and Quarantine commodity inspection, entry-exit animal (aqsiq) and plant quarantine, import-export food safety, certification and accreditation State Administration for Industry and In charge of regulating product quality Commerce (saic) and safety in the market State Food and Drug Administration In charge of drafting laws, regulations and (sfda) rules to supervise food safety (including food additives), drugs (including tradi- tional Chinese medicines), medical devices and cosmetics

Source: Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting, WT/TPR/M/264 (17 July 2012) p. 77, paragraph 3.78, Table 3.8. Based on information provided by the Chinese authorities.276 institutions, namely the creation of the China Food and Drug Administration (cfda),277 which is part of a gradual process of institutional consolidation and clarification of rules with regard to food safety. Strangely, however, the table did not reflect important institutional reforms already accomplished at the time, and mentioned below. Apparently unaware of major 2013 institutional reforms or of the draft new Food Safety Law then in circulation, several Members evoked China’s frag- mented regulatory system. Colombia referred to ‘[d]ifferent layers of regula- tion, making it difficult to unravel which sectoral policies are being applied’ and to ‘conflicting guidelines for policy implementation, reflecting different

276 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting, WT/TPR/M/264 (17 July 2012), p. 77, paragraph 3.78, Table 3.8. 277 Ibid., p. 77, paragraph 4.6, Table 4.2.

454 chapter 8 institutional agendas’.278 Israel asked ‘whether sac holds the sole responsibil- ity for standards in China, or whether other units of the Government have a mandate to develop standards at various levels’.279 It also commented that the ‘fragmentation of the sps regulatory system presents a challenge for our exporters to understand and comply with. Some Members have pointed out that this fragmentation also poses a challenge in terms of accountability – with food safety implications in some cases’.280 The us again remarked that China was not fully using international standards and science-based rulemaking for sps measures,281 but it noted that it was working bilaterally with China to try to resolve problems.282 Other comments concerned specific sectors of interest to particular wto Members. Hong Kong urged China to adopt a more liberal and simplified trad- ing regime.283 Korea proposed a negative rather than positive approach for customs inspection.284 Norway again stressed its request to China for a bilat- eral expert meeting on testing and quarantine measures on fresh salmon.285 India commented on market access obstacles for its beef, fruit and vegeta- bles;286 Brazil regarding its soybeans, sugar and other products.287 The Representative of China pointed out in his reply that the Government was proceeding with translation of laws, regulations and other measures. The npc Legislative Affairs Commission published an English edition of the laws. The State Council Legislative Affairs Office promulgates ‘periodically’ laws and regulations on ‘foreign-related matters’ in Chinese and English. The State Council General Office, on 24 February 2003, ‘issued the Notice on Enhancing the Verification of Official English Translation of Administrative Regulations, requiring government agencies at all levels to enhance efforts in the verifica- tion of official English translation of administrative regulations based on the requirement in the notice’.288 Regarding lack of uniformity of customs proce- dures, he noted that legislation and enforcement was unified but that:

278 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Minutes of the Meeting, WT/TPR/M/300 (26 August 2014), paragraph 4.162. 279 Ibid., p. 52, paragraph 4.381. 280 Ibid., p. 52, paragraph 4.382. 281 Ibid., p. 25, paragraph 4.117. 282 Ibid., p. 26, paragraph 4.118. 283 Ibid., p. 14, paragraph 4.28. 284 Ibid., p. 28, paragraph 4.138. 285 Ibid., p. 29, paragraph 4.154. 286 Ibid., p. 34, paragraph 4.194. 287 Ibid., p. 37, paragraph 4.224. 288 Ibid., pp. 57–58, paragraph 5.15.

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 455

[I]n practice, a few local customs may have different understandings of the regulations due to different levels of economic development and geo- graphical conditions…. Enforcement in pilot regions and non-pilot regions for the matter of customs clearance reform may also have tempo- rary differences.289

He undertook to improve the official Gazette and translation of measures according to China’s Accession Protocol.290 The Accession Protocol provides in Article 2(2) that ‘China shall establish or designate an official journal dedicated to the publication of all laws, regula- tions and other measures pertaining to or affecting trade in goods, services, trips or the control of foreign exchange…. China shall publish this journal on a regular basis and make copies of all issues of this journal readily available to individuals and enterprises’.291 China also committed itself to ‘make available to wto Members translations into one or more of the official languages of the wto all laws, regulations and other measures pertaining to or affecting trade in goods, services, trips or the control of forex, and to the maximum extent pos- sible would make these laws, regulations and other measures available before they were implemented or enforced, but in no case later than 90 days after they were implemented or enforced’.292 However, these obligations, which are part of ‘wto plus’, are virtually unworkable and unenforceable, except perhaps in the long term.293 Following the meeting, the Chinese Government provided replies to the written questions submitted before the meeting and to additional questions by wto Members; containing more than 1700 questions, the document was 456 single-spaced pages in length.294 Compared to the 2012 Trade Policy Review, more wto Members asked more questions about food safety. Table 8.13 shows the wto Members asking questions about food safety and the subject matter of the questions.

289 Ibid., p. 58, paragraph 5.22. 290 Ibid., p. 58, paragraph 5.16. 291 wto, China Accession Protocol, supra note 1809. 292 wto/omc, Compilation of the Legal Instruments on China’s Accession to the World Trade Organization, paragraph 334 (Law Press China, Beijing, 2001) See also World Trade Organization, Protocol on the Accession of China (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2003), paragraph 342. See also wto, Protocol on the Accession of China art. 1(2) (Cambridge University Press,Cambridge, 2003). 293 Zhang Xin, Implementation, supra note 1. 294 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Minutes of the Meeting, WT/TPR/M/300 (26 August 2014), p. 23, paragraph 4.101, p. 24, paragraph 110, p. 33, paragraph 4.179.

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Table 8.13 2014 Review of China’s trade policy: wto members asking questions about food safety and subject matter of the questions (in order of page number in the tprb report)

Country asking Question number Page number in Subject matter the question among asker’s minutes of the questions meeting Add.1

Pakistan 3 Import licensing and restrictions Singapore 9 10 Domestic standards Singapore 10 10 ccc Argentina 12 23 tbt notification Argentina 13 23 ccc Argentina 14 24 sps regulation agencies New Zealand 7 34 National standards New Zealand 8 34 Fragmentation/ overlapping of regulators Iceland 38 Fish liver oil products Colombia 26 56 tbt measures Colombia 27 56 tbt measures Colombia 32 58, 59 Prices of corn, rice, bean and wheat Colombia 37 60 Test of plant variety Colombia 42 62 gis and trademarks Colombia 49 65 Test method of food additives Korea 79 Overseas inspection report & China Food Safety Act Chile 1 82 Approval system for inspection and quarantine of China Chinese Taipei 23 89 Voluntary standards & mandatory standards Chinese Taipei 24 89 Alignment Chinese Taipei 25 89, 90 Mandatory sectoral standards & mandatory local standards

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 457

Country asking Question number Page number in Subject matter the question among asker’s minutes of the questions meeting Add.1

Chinese Taipei 26 90 Format for technical regulation Chinese Taipei 27 90 Certification Japan 16 107 Domestic standards Japan 17 107 Fragmentation/ overlapping of regulators Japan 18 108 Marketing Authorisation Holder (mah) system & technical requirements Japan 19 109 tbt agreement Japan 22 110 tbt notifications Japan 25 111 Notification of manda- tory standards Mexico 135 Voluntary and manda- tory standards Turkey 144 sps requirements Turkey 145 sps requirements (product safety & commercial quality) Turkey 145 Commercial quality requirements Turkey 145 Alignment Turkey 145 Commercial quality control Turkey 145 Commercial quality control Turkey 145 Commercial quality control Turkey 145 Commercial quality control Norway 4 153 sps agreement (salmon) Norway 4 (additional) 154 Import licensing

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Table 8.13 2014 Review of China’s trade policy: wto members asking questions about food safety and subject matter of the questions (in order of page number in the tprb report) (cont.)

Country asking Question number Page number in Subject matter the question among asker’s minutes of the questions meeting Add.1 eu 13 159 Standardisation system eu 15 160 Foreign testing agencies & ccc eu 16 160 tbt eu 17 161 Temporary prohibitions eu 18 161 sps agreement eu 20 162 Fragmentation of regulatory authorities eu 21 162 Fragmentation of regulatory authorities eu 22 162 Process of removing from black list eu 23 163 Prohibition on imports of animals and plants eu 24 163, 164 Notification of sps measures eu 40 169 gi protection systems United States 14(a) 195 Notification of sps United States 14(b) 195 Notification of sps United States 31 204, 205 Voluntary standards & mandatory standards United States 32 205 Fragmentation of regulatory authorities United States 61(a) 218 gis United States 61(b) 218 gis United States 70 222 Biotechnology products United States 71(a) 222, 223 Food recall system United States 71(b) 223 Food recall system United States 71(c) 223 Food recall system United States 71(d) 223 Food recall system United States Part ii 4(b) 234 Publicising cases United States Part ii 4(c) 234 Publicising cases

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Country asking Question number Page number in Subject matter the question among asker’s minutes of the questions meeting Add.1

Canada 251 Technical committee (standards) Canada 251 Technical committee Canada 252 Information on new standards Canada 252, 253 National standard Canada 253 National standard Canada 253 National standard Canada 253 Compulsory standards Canada 253 Compulsory standards Canada 253 Compulsory standards Canada 253, 254 Local and industry standards Canada 254 Period of notification Canada 254 Mandatory certification bodies Canada 254 ccc Canada 255 Foreign conformity assessment bodies Canada 257 Regulatory agencies Canada 257 Food additives testing Costa Rica 12 285 gis Costa Rica 13 285 gis Indonesia 17 294 Institutions in the development of standards Indonesia 18 294 Standardisation institution and certification institution Indonesia 19 294 cqc certification Indonesia 20 294 ccc certification Indonesia 21 295 Licensing & ccc Indonesia 23 295 Testing results from foreign labs Indonesia 39 300 Requirement to register

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Table 8.13 2014 Review of China’s trade policy: wto members asking questions about food safety and subject matter of the questions (in order of page number in the tprb report) (cont.)

Country asking Question number Page number in Subject matter the question among asker’s minutes of the questions meeting Add.1

Indonesia 40 300 Process of registration Indonesia 41 300 Process of registration Indonesia 13 305, 306 Quality certification Indonesia 14(additional) 306 Quality certification Indonesia 19(additional) 308 Testing results from foreign labs Indonesia 27(additional) 309 Percentage of cadmium permitted on mangosteen Indonesia 29 310 Import of bird nest Peru 6 313, 314 Technical regulations & mechanism for publica- tion of answers Peru 7 314 ccc Peru 8 314 Voluntary product certification Peru 9 314, 315 ccc India 6 320, 321 Private standards India 7 321 Private standards & tbt/sps India 8 321 Private standards India 9 321 Private standards India 10 321 Private standards & tbt/sps India 11 321, 322 Private standards & tbt/sps India 13 322 Industry/sectoral, local and enterprise standards India 14 322, 323 Enterprise standards India 15 323 Enterprise standards

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Country asking Question number Page number in Subject matter the question among asker’s minutes of the questions meeting Add.1

India 16 323 Harmonisation of standards India 17 323 Standards & sps/tbt India 18 323 Mandatory & voluntary standards India 19 323 Standards on food India 20 324 Fragmentation of regulatory authorities India 21 325 tbt notifications Australia 338 Harmonisation of customs procedures Australia 341 Alignment of standards Australia 341 National standards Australia 341, 342 National, sectoral and local standards Australia 342 Development of standards Australia 342 Development of standards Australia 342 Local/provincial standards Australia 342, 343 ccc Australia 343 Conformity assessment Australia 343 Conformity assessment Australia 343 Conformity assessment Australia 343, 344 sps measures Australia 344 Reporting of sps measures Australia 348 gis Malaysia 71 376 Imports of beef Malaysia 96 382 gis Malaysia 97 382 gis Ecuador 1 399 Import/export Ecuador 6 400 Food safety standards

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Table 8.13 2014 Review of China’s trade policy: wto members asking questions about food safety and subject matter of the questions (in order of page number in the tprb report) (cont.)

Country asking Question number Page number in Subject matter the question among asker’s minutes of the questions meeting Add.1

Myanmar 2 406 Fragmentation of regulatory authorities Myanmar 3 407 sps requirements & notification Trinidad and 409 Quality assurance Tobago standards eu 9 (Follow-up 15) 415 Foreign testing labs eu 10 (Follow-up 17) 416 Temporary prohibitions eu 11 (Follow-up 18) 417, 418 sps agreement eu 12 (Follow-up 13) 419 Standardisation system eu 14 (Follow-up 22) 420 Process of removing from black list eu 15 (Follow-up 23) 421 Imports of spirits eu 16 421 Imports of wines eu 27 (Follow-up 40) 427 gi protection systems Canada 449 ccc Canada 450 Foreign conformity assessment bodies

Source: Calculated by the author from World Trade Organization, Trade Policy Review Body Report.295

A total of 25 wto Members asked a total of 146 questions about food safety, accounting for about 8.5% of all questions (146/1700). Table 8.14 shows the wto Members asking questions about food safety, the number of questions asked by each of these Members and their main concerns. The most questions were asked by the eu (19), Canada (18), India (15), Australia (14), Indonesia (14) and the United States (13), the larger wto

295 Trade Policy Review Body, Minutes of the Meeting, Addendum, WT/TPR/M/300/Add.1 (9 September 2014).

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Table 8.14 wto members asking questions about food safety, number of questions and main concerns in 2014 China trade policy review296 wto member asking Number of Main concerns questions questions

Argentina 3 sps/tbt Australia 14 Standards and Conformity assessment Canada 18 National standard Chile 1 Approval system for inspection and quarantine of China Chinese Taipei 5 Standards Costa Rica 2 gis Ecuador 2 Import restrictions and Food safety standards eu 19 Fragmentation of regulatory authorities Gobierno de Colombia 6 tbt measures Iceland 1 Fish liver oil products India 15 Private standards Indonesia 14 Standards and certifications Japan 6 Notifications Korea 1 Overseas inspection report & China Food Safety Act Malaysia 3 gis Mexico 1 Voluntary and mandatory standards Myanmar 2 sps and Fragmentation of regulatory authorities New Zealand 2 National standards, Fragment/overlapping of regulators Norway 2 sps agreement, Import licensing Pakistan 1 Import licensing and restrictions Peru 4 ccc Singapore 2 Domestic standards, ccc Trinidad and Tobago 1 Quality assurance standards Turkey 8 Commercial quality control United States 13 Notification of sps, Food recall system TOTAL 25 members TOTAL 146 questions

Source: Calculated by the author from World Trade Organization, Trade Policy Review Body Report.297

296 Ibid. 297 Ibid.

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Members, who are among China’s most important trading partners. One should note that this group included two developing countries, India and Indonesia, as well as wto Members with a much higher per capita income. Fragmentation of regulatory authorities, standards and notifications contin- ued to be major concerns; a new theme was China’s food recall system, with reform now in progress; and several countries used the tpr to ask specific questions bearing on their exports.298 Administrative fragmentation of the food safety regime remained a con- stant theme, despite major Chinese institutional reforms undertaken so far. The Chinese Government has energetically and knowledgeably defended its system. For example, in response to a question by New Zealand, it pointed out correctly that

wto did not stipulate how many departments a member country should have to be responsible for measures on phytosanitation, many member countries, including the u.s., have multiple departments to be responsi- ble for sps measures, and measures of each department involve interna- tional trade…. So there is no problem of fragment / overlapping of regulators….299

Exactly the same reply was given to questions by Japan,300 the eu301 and the United States.302 Alignment also was a recurrent theme. China noted that 73.52% of its national standards were equivalent to international standards as of the end of 2013.303 Numerous questions concerned the Chinese system of standards. In a par- ticularly interesting but confusing exchange, Turkey asked whether China’s sps measures included both product safety and product quality.304 The Chinese Government indicated that China’s sps measures are ‘generally…compelling [legally binding] technical regulations and standard[s]. […A]ccording to the

298 Ibid., p. 38 (Iceland: fish liver oil products), pp. 153–154 (Norway: salmon), 309 (Indonesia: mangosteen), p. 310 (Indonesia: bird nest), p. 376 (Brazil: beef), p. 417 (eu: beef), p. 418 (eu: pork), p. 421 (eu: wine). 299 Ibid., p. 34 (Q&A 8). 300 Ibid., p. 107 (Q&A 17). 301 Ibid., p. 162 (Q&A 21). 302 Ibid., p. 205 (Q&A 32). 303 Ibid., p. 89 (Q&A 24), 341 (Q&A 3.68). 304 Ibid., p. 144 (Q&A 3.1.9).

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Food Safety Act, Article 20, food safety standard[s] should also cover the qual- ity requirements related to food safety’.305 The 2009 Act ‘stipulate[s] that qual- ity requirements related to food safety [are] included in the food safety standard and are mandatory standards[, while] quality requirements with less connection to the food safety such as the product specification, uniformity, taste have appeared in the form of recommended standards’.306 Apparently taking both mandatory and recommended measures together, the Chinese Government replied that ‘[m]ost of them are based on international standards, some of them are national, and some of them are local’.307 This exchange reveals a certain lack of communication, due partly to the rigid written ques- tion format of the tpr, and partly to the lack of a shared terminology, despite the apparent umbrella of agreed terminology in the wto Agreements. India, noting the growing influence of the private sector, asked about the existence of private standards, how they were disciplined, and in which sectors they were used.308 The Chinese Government reply identified the four types of standards and simply requested India to ‘give the definition of private stan- dard’.309 The increasing role of private standards in China, the relation to enterprise standards (for example made by State-Owned Enterprises (soes)) and the application of wto obligations to enterprise standards and private standards clearly deserves further enquiry. Another issue regarding China’s standards system concerns diversity among local standards. Australia asked about possible inconsistency and suggested that it would be ‘[p]erhaps worthwhile to establish a whole-of-government approach to transparency and stakeholder input that would be applicable to all Ministries involved in standards/regulatory development’.310 The Chinese Government noted that

China has a vast territory and great differences exist among different prov- inces in geographic environment, culture and custom, but the mandatory local standards developed by different provinces comply with wto rules…. In practice the mandatory local standards may vary in certain cri- teria but local standards shall not be in conflict with related laws, admin- istrative regulations, and standards of a higher level [where they exist: fs]

305 Ibid., p. 145. 306 Ibid., p. 145. 307 Ibid., p. 145. 308 Ibid., pp. 320–321 (Q&As 6, 8, 9). 309 Ibid., p. 321 (Q&As 6, 9). 310 Ibid., p. 342 (Q&A 3.68).

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and should not adversely affect trade. Meanwhile, the Administrative Regulation on Local Standards stipulates that in case a filed local standard breaches relevant laws and regulations, the standardization authority of the State Council together with related administrative authorities will require the local government to take corrective actions with a limited time or stop implementation of the standard.311

This candid and revealing reply highlights clearly the effect of geography, culture and demography on standards within China, indicates the complexity of the Chinese standards system, and invites further research to understand better the elaboration, implementation and effects of different types of standards in China. With regard to notification, in reply to a question by Japan, the Chinese Government pointed out that a draft national standard, regardless of its effect on trade, did not need to be notified to the wto if it was equivalent to an inter- national standard.312 The discussion concerned ‘mandatory national stan- dards’, which in wto terminology are technical regulations. However, the tbt Agreement provides that, if international standards exist, wto Members ‘shall use them…as a basis’ for their technical regulations, with specified exceptions, if the domestic law or regulation has ‘a significant effect on trade’.313 Whether ‘equivalent’ is the same as ‘based on’ is a nice question of legal interpreta- tion.314 The United States also raised questions about notification of food stan- dards, pesticide maximum residue tolerances and other measures.315 In reply, the Chinese Government provided a detailed list of measures, while offering its interpretation of the wto notification requirements by stating that

China has notified relevant measures in strict accordance with tbt/sps agreements. As of June 2014, China already notified to the wto 1,200 tbt measures and 832 sps measures. Some of [sic] measures that were not timely notified by China are in line with international standards, some slightly influence trade and others are attributed to translations of differ- ent versions or name changes to laws and regulations.316

311 Ibid., p. 342 (Q&A 3.68). 312 Ibid., p. 111 (Q&A 25). 313 Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade, 12 April 1979, 1186 u.n.t.s. 276, gatt, b.i.s.d., 26th Supp. 8 (1980), Articles. 2.4, 2.5, 2.9. 314 See generally ec – Hormones, ab Report, supra Chapter 4 note 14, paragraphs 160–166. 315 Trade Policy Review Body, Minutes of the Meeting, Addendum, WT/TPR/M/300/Add.1 (9 September 2014). 316 Ibid., p. 195 (Q&A 14).

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A related question, also by the United States, concerned China’s apparently fre- quent practice of ‘citing voluntary standards in technical regulations, thereby in effect turning these voluntary standards into mandatory standards’, but generally not notifying these voluntary standards to the wto for review and comment.317 The Chinese Government replied that China had ‘been actively performing its obligation of transparent notification and will further do a good job in tbt/sps notification’.318 This exchange raises specific legal issues with broader economic implications, both of which have undoubtedly been addressed already in the domestic law of China’s trading partners, and which merit further attention.

Discussion

tprm as an Institution The tprm deals with the institutional and normative parameters of food safety which are related directly or indirectly to trade. Following the wto mandate, it does not deal directly with unintentional (e.g. microbial) or intentional threats to food safety, unless they are evoked in conjunction with domestic legislation, international standards or risk assessment in the context of international trade. Nevertheless, its mandate is extremely wide and concerns many aspects of domestic food safety regimes, as indicated by the titles of the wto press releases for the China reviews.319 The tprm is not a negotiating forum. Nor is the tprb a mediator, an arbitra- tor or a court. The tprm combines power and interests in a heady mixture of diplomacy, power politics and more diplomacy, in which carefully phrased questions and equally carefully phrased answers convey much information and part of reality, often using legal code words or subtle legal interpretations. Nevertheless, the scope, depth, continuity and sometimes intensity of the questions indicate the importance given to the tprm by all participating wto Members. It furnishes a way of periodically seeking information, airing griev- ances, advancing criticisms, putting pressure on the country being reviewed and revisiting familiar themes, which usually, if not always, are of considerable economic interest to the Member asking the question.

317 Ibid., p. 204 (Q&A 31). 318 Ibid., p. 205 (Q&A 31). 319 Economic reform has produced impressive results but important challenges remain, World Trade Organization, Trade Policy Review: China, http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/ tpr_e/tp262_e.htm (last accessed 28 December 2014). See also World Trade Organization, Restructuring and further trade liberalization are keys to sustaining growth, available at http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/tpr_e/tp330_e.htm (last accessed 28 December 2014).

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Questions and Questioners Questioners and questions in reviews of China’s trade policy, including food safety, evolved over time. However, they also demonstrated considerable con- tinuity (see Table 8.15), which is not surprising if we consider that a small num- ber of countries, including China, dominate world trade. Numbers for questions asked are based on the tprb listing of questions; a single question may occa- sionally contain several more specific questions, so the numbers are best understood as indicators of magnitude.

Table 8.15 Evolution of questions about food safety in reviews of China’s trade policy, 2006–2014

Year of Total Number of Number of Members asking Main concerns tprm questions members questions the most questions asking about food questions safety about food safety

2006 >1,100 11 35 us 8, eu 8, Australia 7, Domestic standards, South Africa 4 labelling 2008 >900 14 95 eu 22, us 13, Canada Domestic standards, 13, Mexico 10 alignment, imports 2010 1,508 20 123 Mexico 40, Canada 19, Alignment, administra- eu 15, us 8, Brazil 8 tive organization, imports, gis 2012 >1,700 19 57 eu 11, Australia 8, Imports, alignment Indonesia 6, us 5, Brazil 5 2014 1,700 25 146 eu 19, Canada 18, Standards, administra- India 15, Australia 14, tive organization, Indonesia 14, us 13 notification

Source: Calculated by the author from wto Reports.320

320 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Report by the Secretariat, revision, WT/TPR/S/264/Rev.1 (20 July 2012); Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, People’s Republic of China, Report by the Secretariat, WT/TPR/S/161 (28 February 2006); Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, People’s Republic of China, Minutes of Meeting, Addendum 2, WT/TPR/M/161/Add.2 (11 September 2006); Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Report by the Secretariat, revision, WT/TPR/S/199/Rev.1

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The total number of questions, including but not limited to food safety, began with approximately 1,100 questions in 2006 and rose to about 1,700 questions in 2014. Questions concerning food safety fluctuated, with a high point in 2010 following the melamine scandal and the enactment of China’s first Food Safety Law in 2009. In 2006, 11 countries asked a total of 35 ques- tions (see Table 2). Food safety in the broad sense accounted for about 3% of total questions (35 of 1100). China’s major trading partners among developed countries asked almost 60% of the questions: usa 8, eu 8, Australia 7, fol- lowed by South Africa 4. The main concerns were China’s domestic standards and gis. In principle, wto law provided a foundation for the questions. For example, the wto Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (trips) provides for the protection of gis, which it defines as ‘indications which identify a good as originating in the territory of a Member, or a region or locality in that territory, where a given quality, repu- tation or other characteristic of the good is essentially attributable to its geo- graphical origin’.321 wto Members, including China, are required to provide legal means to allow interested parties to prevent misleading use of or unfair competition involving gis.322 Registration of a trademark could be refused on these grounds.323

(12 August 2008) Trade Policy Review Body Report, Trade Policy Review, China, Minutes of Meeting, WT/TPR/M/199 (24 July 2008); Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China: Report by the Secretariat, Revision, WT/TPR/S/230/Rev.1 (5 July 2010); Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China: Report by the Secretariat, Revision, WT/ TPR/S/230/Rev.1 (5 July 2010); Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting, Addendum, WT/TPR/M/230/Add.1 (22 February 2011), Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting, WT/TPR/M/264 (17 July 2012); Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting. Addendum, WT/TPR/M/264/Add.1 (22 August 2012); Trade Policy Review Body, Report by the Secretariat, WT/TPR/S/300 (27 May 2014); Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, People’s Republic of China, Minutes of Meeting, WT/TPR/M/161 (19 and 21 April 2006); Trade Policy Body, Trade Policy Review, Report by China, WT/ TPR/G/230 (26 April 2010), except the figure of >900 for Total Questions in 2008 is from Rongzhen Yang, ‘Research of China’s Participation in the wto Trade Policy Review Process’, Indiana University. rccpb, Working Paper No. 8, 2011. 321 wto Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (trips Agreement), Article 22(1), in World Trade Organization The Legal Texts: The Results of The Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1999) p. 329. 322 Ibid., Article 22(2). 323 Ibid., Article 22(3).

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In 2008, questioners increased slightly and questions about food safety mat- ters almost tripled as 14 countries asked a total of 95 questions With one important exception, most questions were asked by China’s major trading partners among developed countries: ec [now eu] 22, usa 13 and Canada 13 asked more than 50% of questions. However, Mexico, for whom China is the most important market outside nafta, asked more than 10% of questions (10); this was the first time that a developing country joined the ranks of major questioners. Note that the ec in 2008 comprised 27 countries, each of which is separately a wto Member. In voting, ec votes are equal to the number of ec Member States. However the ec usually replaces the ec Member States in wto meetings; in the table the ec is counted as one unit. In 2010, compared to 2006, the number of questions about food safety tri- pled from 35 to 123. Those who asked questions were again among China’s main trading partners, with the addition of Mexico. Mexico asked the most questions (40) and indeed almost one-third of the questions (40 of 123), mainly about market access. It also joined with the other nafta countries, the us and Canada, in asking a joint question. Among major developed countries, Canada led with 19, followed closely by the eu with 15, whereas the usa tied with Brazil with 8 questions. Their main preoccupations were the types of technical regu- lations and standards used in China, alignment, transparency of China’s sps measures, the multiplicity or fragmentation of administrative authorities deal- ing with food safety regulation, the 2009 Food Safety Law, geographical indica- tions, and import measures and export measures. In 2012, compared to 2010, there was a decline in the use of the Review to gather information from the Chinese Government. Approximately the same number of wto Members asked questions as in 2010 (2010: 20, 2012: 19), though there was a slight change in the identity of the specific Members asking ques- tions. However, it is striking that there was a considerable decrease in the num- ber of questions (2010: 123, 2012: 57). The decline in the number of questions is mainly due to the fact that two members of nafta, Canada and particularly Mexico, asked far fewer questions in 2012 than in 2010 (Canada 2 in 2012 as compared to 19 in 2010, Mexico 2 in 2012 as compared to 40 in 2010). Three years after the enactment of the 2009 Food Safety Law, the Chinese regulatory sys- tem and the Chinese Government’s position were well-known to most, if not all, wto Members, notably regarding import and export, administrative organization, types of standards, alignment and gis. Larger Members contin- ued to persuade China to make reforms. Some Members, such as the eu, con- tinued to seek more details about Chinese policies. Others, such as the us, were more involved in seeking solutions to outstanding issues by means of its bilateral relations with China. Members such as Mexico and others were

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 471 mainly concerned with import procedures, but they already knew the basic policies, institutions and rules concerning access to China’s large market. It is possible that some issues were also aired within the context of nafta. In 2014, the first wto Review of China’s trade policy since the election of the new leadership in China, all wto Members recognised the tremendous achievements of the Chinese Government, its continuing domestic reforms, the importance of China in the world trade, and its significance for the wto multilateral system.324 Forty-five delegations intervened in the discussion on 1 July 2014, most taking the 7 minutes maximum time for each Member.325 Thirty-one Members submitted a total of 1,700 written questions.326 As the Discussant pointed out, ‘[i]f not a new record for the tprb, it surely must be among the most extensive exchanges that have occurred in this important body’.327

Subject Matter Table 8.16 indicates the evolution of main subjects of questions in the reviews from 2006 to 2012. Questions came principally from China’s main trading partners, whether developed country trading partners (us, eu, Canada, Australia) or the leading brics (South Africa, Mexico, Brazil). In the early years, wto Members sought basic facts about how the Chinese food safety system functioned, though some, for example the us or the eu, asked precise questions based their companies’ specific experiences of access to the Chinese market. Later, the questions fre- quently became more wide-ranging. From 2006 to 2012, the most frequent topics of questions have been alignment (39 questions), types of standards (24), admin- istrative organisation (25), transparency (16), ccc (14), imports (59), gis (31) and dairy products (5). In 2014 the types, diversity and application of standards assumed great importance, and questions regarding alignment declined, prob- ably because the Chinese Government had clearly defined its policy and legal position. Transparency and certification remained important, while the recall system, now in reform, attracted special interest for the first time. The main factors leading to these changes would appear to be an increase in knowledge due to changes in questioners, for example, increased participation by develop- ing countries led to more questions about import, increased knowledge due to

324 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Minutes of the Meeting, WT/ TPR/M/300 (26 August 2014), pp. 59–60, paragraphs 5.32–5.36. 325 Ibid., p. 59, paragraph 5.30. 326 Ibid., p. 56, paragraph 5.2, p. 2, paragraph 1.3. 327 Ibid., p. 59, paragraph 5.30.

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Table 8.16 Main subjects of questions in reviews of China’s trade policy, 2006–2014

Subject Matter 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 Total

Types of standards 0 16 6 2 50 74 Alignment 2 19 10 8 3 42 Administrative 0 9 14 2 8 33 organisation Transparency 1 8 4 3 10 26 ccc 1 6 3 4 17 31 Imports 2 8 21 28 13 72 gis 9 9 10 3 10 41

Source: Calculated by the author from wto Reports.328 previous reviews, and food crisis and law reform, for example, the melamine crisis and enactment of the 2009 Food Law. Throughout the period, each Member asked questions from its own perspective and interests. Reflecting the rapid development of China’s role in world trade, the Secretariat Reports, Chinese Government Reports

328 Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Report by the Secretariat, revision, WT/TPR/S/264/Rev.1 (20 July 2012); Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, People’s Republic of China, Report by the Secretariat, WT/TPR/S/161 (28 February 2006); Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, People’s Republic of China, Minutes of Meeting, Addendum 2, WT/TPR/M/161/Add.2 (11 September 2006); Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Report by the Secretariat, revision, WT/TPR/S/199/Rev.1 (12 August 2008) Trade Policy Review Body Report, Trade Policy Review, China, Minutes of Meeting, WT/TPR/M/199 (24 July 2008); Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China: Report by the Secretariat, Revision, WT/TPR/S/230/Rev.1 (5 July 2010); Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China: Report by the Secretariat, Revision, WT/ TPR/S/230/Rev.1 (5 July 2010); Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting, Addendum, WT/TPR/M/230/Add.1 (22 February 2011), Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting, WT/TPR/M/264 (17 July 2012); Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, China, Record of the Meeting. Addendum, WT/TPR/M/264/Add.1 (22 August 2012); Trade Policy Review Body, Report by the Secretariat, WT/TPR/S/300 (27 May 2014); Trade Policy Review Body, Trade Policy Review, People’s Republic of China, Minutes of Meeting, WT/TPR/M/161 (19 and 21 April 2006) Trade Policy Body, Trade Policy Review, Report by China, WT/TPR/G/230 (26 April 2010) except the figure of >900 for Total Questions in 2008 is from Rongzhen Yang, ‘Research of China’s Participation in the WTO Trade Policy Review Process’, Ind. Univ. rccpb, Working Paper No. 8, 2011 (hereafter Yang, ‘Participation’).

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 473 and discussions and questions tended to become increasingly detailed, indeed legalistic. For example, it would appear that wto Members increas- ingly put their concerns in the form of leading questions, which, together with more or less detailed comments, tended to suggest relevant answers. The decline in questions about types of standards is likely to be due to the fact that now the Chinese standards system is better known to China’s trading partners. Alignment of domestic standards with international standards, however, has remained a major concern, and the diversity of local standards and the role of private standards emerged as new con- cerns. Increasing questions about transparency, administrative organisa- tion and imports are doubtless a reflection of the increasing openness of the Chinese domestic market, together with concerns with remaining bar- riers to market access, while concerns about local diversity and private standards reflect the greater decentralisation of Chinese government and the increasing role of the private sector, including foreign companies, in the economy. These questions are often put in terms of concerns for the wto sys- tem. In addition to being phrased in systemic terms, they are systemic concerns also in the sense that playing for principles is often the best strategy for dominant players in the market.329 Changes in types of ques- tion are also correlated more or less directly with changes in the identity of the Member asking the questions; an example is the role of Mexico. The increase in questions about dairy products reflected the melamine crisis. Questions about administrative organisation, which all focus on the fragmentation of administrative authority and responsibility in the field of food safety regulation as a whole, have also increased dramati- cally. The tpr appears to have contributed, however, to increased inter- departmental cooperation among Chinese administrative authorities.330 During the period from 2006 to 2014, the replies of the Chinese Government grew increasingly sophisticated, testifying not only to the rapid development of a very complete and complex institutional and normative system for food safety matters in China but also to an increas- ing knowledge on the part of Chinese Government officials in dealing with the wto institutions, the interpretation of wto law and the tprm in particular.

329 Marc Galanter, ‘Why the “Haves” Come out Ahead: Speculations on the Limits of Legal Change’, Law & Society Review, 9 1974, pp. 95, 123. 330 Yang, ‘Participation’, supra note 328, p. 15.

474 chapter 8

Conclusion

China has made tremendous strides since the 1995 Food Hygiene Law in improving its system of food safety regulation, including the revised Food Law recently adopted by the National People’s Congress. Institutional reforms are still continuing. For example, in 2013 the China Food and Drug Administration (cfda) replaced the sfda; and the National Health and Family Planning Commission (nhfpc) became responsible for evaluation food safety, through the National Centre for Food Safety Risk Assessment (ncfsra) and for formu- lating food safety standars. For wto Members, including China, the tprm represents an invaluable process of mutual learning. It enables wto Members to garner much more information about other Members’ trade policy and practices than it might obtain in other ways, even though the Member whose trade policy is being reviewed may couch its replies in terms of standardised responses, give very short answers, simply refer to already published legislation, other documents or websites, or otherwise avoid answering a question directly. The tprm can spread best practices, contribute to alignment on the basis of international norms, put pressure on Members to address specific problems in national sys- tems of food safety regulation and create the preconditions for regulating food safety in a more coherent, more effective way. It does not create legal rights or obligations. A reply to a question in the tpr cannot in itself be the subject of wto dispute settlement procedures, even though the tprb, exercising a ‘cre- ative function’, may make ‘implicit judgments, however weak, that the country has or has not complied with [wto] rules’,331 and even though an empirical study of the trade policy reviews of Canada, the us and Mexico found that ‘the tprm is a good predictor of member sentiment, in the sense that issues that dominate tprs tend also to be challenged at the dsm [wto Dispute Settlement Mechanism]’.332 Within the wto framework, the tprm is therefore a relatively risk-free forum, despite the assumed interest of Members in controlling the type and amount of information which they provide. It can, should and does serve as a

331 Mavroidis, ‘Surveillance’, supra note 43. 332 Marc D. Froese, ‘Trade Policy Review and Dispute Settlement at the wto’, in Handbook of the International Political Economy of Trade (David A. Deese ed., 2014), p. 369. See also Julien Chaisse & Debashis Chakraborty, ‘Implementing wto Rules through Negotiations and Sanctions: The Role of Trade Policy Review Mechanism and Dispute Settlement System’, University of Pennsylvania Journal of International Economic Law, 28, 2007, 153.

Multilateral Monitoring Of Chinese Food Safety Law 475 vehicle of social change toward improved regulation of food safety and public health in the interest of all citizens. In this sense, social change encompasses legislative reform, implementation of law, public and professional education and compliance with law. In the field of food safety regulation, as in other fields, we need to envisage social change as ‘a continuous process, not as a fixed stage of affairs’ and as ‘involv[ing] conflict, negotiation, compromise and mutual adjustment’.333 In this respect, the wto tprm can contribute to improvement of food safety regulation in China. We can draw several conclusions from this brief review. First, the tprm reviews of China’s trade policy exemplify relations between different sites of governance. Second, the structural features of the tprm shape its relations with China, and structural features of China shape China’s relations with the tprm, for example with regard to transparency and access to information. Third, the tprm provides a means of encouraging and stimulating the reviewed Member to provide information, engage in peer discussion of common issues and attempt to channel desired reforms in a contextually acceptable direction. Fourth, the tpr may appear to be heated at times, but its effectiveness relies on discussion and peer pressure, not on legal challenges or on third-party dispute settlement institutions. Fifth, relations between the tprm and China are reciprocal in their effects. This kind of ‘structural reform’334 is a common fea- ture of legal pluralism. Within the tprm, China’s major trading partners, act- ing within and therefore limited by this specific multilateral forum, often seek to promote reform of Chinese policies, institutions and laws. As this chapter has suggested, nowadays China consents and cooperates, within limits, in its own changes.335 This is broadly consistent with the conclusions of Daly’s research on more than 90 tprs of Asia-Pacific countries during a 20-year period,336 and Valdés’ study of tprs in the western hemisphere between 1989 and 2009.337

333 Francis Snyder, ‘The Effectiveness of European Community Law: Institutions, Processes, Tools and Techniques’, Modern Law Review, 56, 1993, 19–56 at, 26. 334 Ibid., at 36. 335 Compare with Jonathan Spence, To Change China: Western Advisor in China (Penguin Books, London, 1980) (giving numerous examples in which Chinese did not consent to, did not cooperate in or resisted changes suggested, encouraged or enforced by outsiders). 336 Michael Daly, ‘Evolution of Asia’s Outward-Looking Economic Policies: Some Lessons from Trade Policy Reviews’, wto, Economic Research and Statistics Division, Working Paper ersc-2011-12, 2011, p. 50 http://www.wto.org/english/res_e/reser_e/ersd201112_e.pdf. 337 Raymond Valdés, ‘Lessons from the First Two Decades of Trade Policy Reviews in the Americas’, wto, Economic Research and Statistics Division, Working Paper ersc-2010-15, 2010, http://www.wto.org/english/res_e/reser_e/ersd201015_e.pdf.

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China and its trading partners within the wto are changing China together, again with limits, perhaps because of China’s increasing openness, perhaps because the utility of international, transnational or even foreign law, stan- dards and best practice in the context of food safety regulation in China, and perhaps most of all because China is committed to the wto and the multilat- eral forum of the tprm.

Chapter 9 Conclusion

This book analysed the making of transnational food safety law in China. Drawing on several disciplines, it aimed to make three principal arguments. First, modern food safety law in China, as in many other countries, was born from a food safety crisis. Second, the crisis resulted in partial transnationalisa- tion of Chinese rules and institutions concerned with food safety regulation. Third, the process of transnationalisation involved an increasing engagement with multilateral sites of governance, in particular international standards- setting bodies and the World Trade Organisation (wto) and their transna- tional normative repertoire; further research is required to consider China’s growing links regarding food safety with its main trading partners, notably the European Union and the United States.1 The account ranged from the early 2000s infant formula scandal, to subse- quent reform of law, administrative regulations and similar norms and the development and evolution of food safety standards and the politics and set- ting of new dairy standards; though the structures and relations of transna- tional sites of food safety regulation, wto consultations involving food safety

1 The basic us food law is fda Food Safety Modernization Act, Public Law 111-353-Jan. 4, 2011, 124 Stat. 3885, http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/PLAW-111publ353/pdf/PLAW-111publ353.pdf, last accessed 6 February 2015. For commentary see Ron Knutson and Luis Ribeira, ‘Provisions and Economic Implications of fda’s Food Safety Modernization Act’, Agriculture and Food Policy Center, Department of Agricultural Economics, Texas AgriLife Research, Texas AgriLife Extension Service, Texas A&M University, January 2011, available at https://www.afpc.tamu .edu/pubs/1/554/IP%2011-01.pdf, last accessed 6 February 2016. A useful introduction to us food safety law is Neil D. Fortin, Food Regulation: Law, Science, Policy and Practice (John Wiley & Sons Inc., Hoboken, nj, 2009).The basic eu food law is Regulation (ec) No 178/2002 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 28 January 2002 laying down the general princi- ples and requirements of food law, establishing the European Food Safety Authorityand lay- ing down procedures in matters of food safety, ojec, 1 February 2002, L31/1. See also Regulation (ec) No 882/2004 of the European Parliament and the Council of 29 April 2004 on official controls performed to ensure the verification of compliance with feed and food law, animal health and animal welfare rules, ojeu, 30 April 2004, L165/1. For commentary, see Caoimhin Macmaiolin, eu Food Law: Protecting Consumers and Health in a Common Market (Hart Publishing, Oxford, 2007); Alberto Alemanno and Simone Gabbi (eds), Foundations of eu Food Law and Policy: Ten Years of the European Food Safety Authority (Ashgate, Farnham, Surrey, new edition 2014); Bernd van der Meulen, eu Food Law Handbook (Wageningen Academic Publishers, Wageningen, 2014). On eu-China relations concerning food safety, see relevant documents in Snyder, Basic Documents, supra Chapter 2 note 23.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi 10.1163/9789004306929_010

478 Chapter 9 and the use international standards in wto case law; and finally full circle to multilateral monitoring of Chinese food safety regulation in the wto Trade Policy Review Mechanism. Chinese food safety law is not, however, simply a copy or transposition of transnational norms. Domestic institutions embed- ded in the Chinese party-state and Chinese society conditioned and shaped responses to food crisis, the principal features of the resulting food law and related norms and institutions, and Chinese adoption and adaptation of the transnational normative repertoire of food safety regulation. The following paragraphs summarise the major findings of the book. Following a brief Introduction in Chapter 1, Chapter 2 set the stage for our exploration of the making of modern Chinese food safety law. It presented an extended case study of the melamine crisis. Taking a broad, contextual per- spective, it identified three worlds of melamine: the world of multinational companies and international competition; the world of domestic industrial structure, economy and society; and the world of government, law and regula- tion. These worlds had different leitmotifs, which, respectively, were profit, greed and the preservation of social stability. The chapter argued that the con- vergence or collision of these three semi-autonomous social fields resulted in the melamine crisis. Their intersection transmitted world prices to domestic Chinese markets, brought together separate markets for fertilisers and dairy products, and widened and restructured the range of opportunities and resources available to Chinese industry and government. As illustrated by the Sanlu-Fonterra joint venture, the melamine crisis cre- ated new, unexpected regulatory challenges concerning food safety regulation for the Chinese party-state. In the short run, the system of food hygiene regula- tion which then was in place proved to be unable to control the search for organisational profit or the indulgence of individual greed. In the longer term, at least in principle, stability won when, beginning in early September 2008, the highest level of the party-state took charge. The results were shaped deci- sively by the main features of China’s domestic institutions, namely adminis- trative fragmentation and a system of dual rule involving the role of the cpc and tensions between vertical and horizontal relations. The chapter illustrated the conditions under which new forms of food safety regulation may emerge, revealed the constraints within which improvements in public health and con- sumer protection may develop and illuminated the operation of China’s insti- tutions during a period of social crisis. Chapter 3 and Chapter 4 showed how the the melamine crisis contributed to reshaping the normative universe regarding food safety regulation in China. Chapter 3 traced the emergence of modern Chinese food safety law. Informed by the overriding objective of preserving social stability, the State Council on

Conclusion 479

17 September 2008 set down four main priorities: to ensure the quality of dairy products and reassure the public, to restructure the dairy sector, to repair dam- age if possible and sanction offenders, and to unify to a greater extent than previously the regulation of food safety. In each area, the Party and the govern- ment gave special importance to law, including administrative and legal insti- tutions, norms and dispute resolution processes. A major result of Party and government policies was the enactment in 2009 of China’s first Food Safety Law. The chapter analysed the 2009 Food Safety Law from three interrelated yet distinct perspectives: first, as shaped by the meta- policy of preserving social stability, second as part of a set of more specific poli- cies, norms (including laws, administrative regulations and other rules) and legal and administrative processes and third from a classic legal perspective which focused on the text of the legislation and the implementing regulation. From the normative standpoint, the 2009 Food Safety Law represented a sig- nificant conceptual break with the 1995 Food Hygiene Law. From the institu- tional standpoint, it was shaped significantly by the State Council’s meta-policy and more specific policies and yet it demonstrated considerable continuity with the Food Hygiene Law in its pattern of institutional fragmentation, largely remaining to the segmented pattern of institutional responsibilities mandated by the 2004 State Council Decision about Further Strengthening Food Safety. The chapter argued that the text and the context of the Food Safety Law should both be taken seriously, that the 2009 Food Safety Law was shaped by the Chinese party-state’s meta-policy and that the text is best understood as part of a policy package, rather than on its own. Debates about consolidation and the treatment of small workshops exemplified the argument. The melamine crisis created a dramatic loss of public trust in food safety regulation. It provoked increasing interest within China in drawing on foreign experience and practice, particularly in the context of the gradual impact of Chinese accession to the wto. Accession began in 2001, and adaptation to membership was still underway when the melamine scandal occurred. wto membership altered the international legal context in which national food safety regulation took place. The melamine crisis served as a powerful stimu- lant for the transnationalisation of the Chinese regulatory regime for food safety, including legislation, administrative regulations and standards. The loss of public trust in food safety regulation contributed to the opening up of the Chinese market for dairy products, an increase of dairy imports including par- allel imports, and an increase in foreign investment. These factors augmented the market share of foreign and foreign-invested producers and processors, which in turn reinforced the turn to foreign products and tended to reinforce the government-led restructuring of the dairy sector.

480 Chapter 9

Building on the analysis of the melamine crisis, Chapter 4 examined how the crisis stimulated a rapid but partial transnationalisation of Chinese dairy standards. It emphasized the types of domestic standards, the changing rela- tionship between domestic standards and international standards, and the participation of private actors in setting governmental standards. The legal framework for food safety standards in China was established long before the melamine crisis, but the crisis provided a decisive stimulus to reform of stan- dards for many dairy products, raw milk and melamine. Previously, there were no standards directly concerning melamine in infant formula; other possibly relevant standards were not enforced. Adequate testing procedures did not seem to exist, or if they existed, they were not used. The 2009 Food Safety Law brought crucial institutional and normative changes, in particular increased centralization of responsibility, greater supervision of the application of rules and a new legislative framework for the revision of standards. In discussing the role of business in setting standards,, the chapter demon- strated the extent to which food safety standards, as any standards, are a double-edged sword: on the one hand, they are intended to ensure product quality and safety; on the other hand, they serve as barriers to entry into the market. Close relations between government and business raised potential dilemmas of market access and regulatory capture. Debates focused on very technical issues such as protein level, bacteria count, determination of melamine content and maximum level for melamine in raw milk. However, they also mobilised factions running from individual companies to trade asso- ciations, to governmental organisations and specific ministries in different xitong, and even an international trade association. In China, the debate about dairy standards for small workshops symbolised a turning point in the transnationalisation of food safety regulation. This and other debates about the Food Safety Law and reform of the standards system were also imbricated in a tension between two levels of central government policy; on the one hand, a more concrete level, encompassing the more spe- cific, more short-term objectives of reassuring the public, ensuring product quality and restructuring the dairy sector, and, on the other hand, a more abstract meta-level, referring to the continuing, overriding objective of the Chinese party-state of preserving social stability. These debates focused on domestic policies, rules and politics, and they were expressed in the language of food safety regulation. However they also involved, expressly or implicitly, many competing views of the objectives, pace and even the role and legitimacy of transnationalisation. High-level compromise served to manage controver- sial changes in rules, to preserve market access for small as well as large pro- ducers, at least in the short run, and to steer the process of transationalisation.

Conclusion 481

The transnationalisation of Chinese food safety law and dairy standards remained firmly embedded in the Chinese context, while at the same time it provoked vigorous debate about the relationship between domestic and inter- national standards, known as alignment. Almost inevitably, the making of transnational food safety law involves increasing relations between a specific wto Member, such as China, and mul- tilateral sites of governance. Chapter 5 therefore shifted focus to examine the principal multilateral sites of food safety regulation. It concentrated on the fao, the who, infosan, the wto and four major international standards- setting bodies: the Codex Alimentarius Commission, the World Organisation for Animal Health (oie), the International Plant Protection Convention (ippc) and the International Organisation for Standardisation (iso). The chapter sketched the history, structure, functions, and normative roles of each institu- tion, its relations with other international, inter-governmental or other organi- zations and its relations if any with China before and after the melamine crisis. It also noted the existence of numerous other, regional and national sites of governance concerned with food safety. The chapter argued that the melamine crisis was a watershed in China’s links with international food safety institutions. It is important to avoid over- emphasis on any single event, and it is essential to recognise that the seeds of the transnationalisation of food safety regulation already existed in China. At the same time, however, it is necessary to understand the profound effects, both short-term and long-term, of the melamine crisis on future institutional and normative reforms, of the social setting in which these reforms occurred and of the paradigm change in the way of thinking about food safety regula- tion in China. The crisis resulted in a dramatic increase in relations between China and other sites involved in food safety regulation. These relations in turn supported and reinforced the transnationalisation of Chinese food safety regime, thus demonstrating that the structural dimension and the relational dimension of a site of governance mutually influence and condition each other. The chapter laid a foundation for the subsequent discussion of the role of the wto in the globalisation of national food safety standards, the use of international standards in wto dispute settlement and relations between the wto tprm and China with regard to food safety. Chapter 6 began by noting that globalisation has irrevocably altered the world of food safety. Globalisation has also altered irrevocably the world of food safety regulation, as earlier chapters demonstrated. Today, food safety standards are a subject of worldwide concern, regardless of whether the stan- dards are national or international in origin. With this in mind, Chapter 6 ana- lysed the effects of wto dispute settlement on the globalisation of national

482 Chapter 9 food safety standards. It asked: whose food safety standards are globalised? It analyzed all wto cases up to now which arose under wto agreements other than or in addition to the sps or tbt Agreements and which were not directly concerned with relations between the wto and international standards bod- ies. Cases were divided into five categories according to the phase of the food chain concerned in the dispute: pre-importation and treatment methods, import bans – procedures, import bans – health and quality standards, testing and inspection, and shelf life. The chapter also considered which wto Members were involved and how, the ways in which disputes were resolved, who won the cases, and the implications for the globalization of food safety rules and practices. Virtually all such cases were settled, withdrawn or reached stalemate during consultation; in only a very few cases was a panel established. Complainants always won, and except when the case went to a panel, the winner was of equal or higher income category than the respondent. This means that, at least if a dispute brought to the wto ends at the consultation stage, the food safety standards which are most likely to be globalized are those of the complainant. This point is very significant for China (and other wto Members), because, as the chapter demonstrated, that the wto dispute settlement system deals with food safety more frequently than is sometimes thought. If we are interested in the role of the wto in regulating food safety, we cannot limit our attention to the relatively small number of high-profile wto cases which deal with interna- tional standards. Indeed, the cases examined in Chapter 6 constitute the ‘hidden jurispru- dence’ of the wto in three different senses; each sense reflects a different meaning of the term ‘jurisprudence’ as currently used in English-language legal scholarship. First, they are not high-profile cases well-known to the pub- lic. They do not reach the upper levels of the wto dispute settlement system, and indeed they rarely proceed to the panel stage. Instead, most disputes are resolved, or at least concluded, by bilateral negotiations, sometimes between very unequal parties, rather than by decisions taken by a third party on the basis of multilaterally agreed rules. Both complainants and respondents ini- tially justify their position in terms of compatibility with wto law, but consul- tations do not result in any clearly articulated normative outcome and the ‘shadow’ of wto law is much less menacing than in domestic courts. Second, these cases represent the ‘hidden jurisprudence’ of the wto in the sense of its basic philosophy or orientation regarding food safety. Food safety is treated as simply another trade issue, rather than as a distinct subject matter with implications far beyond trade. Complainants use the wto dispute settle- ment mechanism to export and if possible impose their national standards

Conclusion 483 and practices, thus reflecting a distribution of power which, if ever legitimate, is becoming less and less appropriate in the contemporary world. Third, these cases may have value in setting precedents in the sense of practices, perhaps even best practices, to which other wto Members will look for guidance in the future. However, a mutually agreed solution, or other pre-panel settlement, does not necessarily resolve questions of the interpretation and application of wto law. Nor does it decide which of the two parties’ view of the law is legally correct. Several important points follow from this analysis. First, countries, includ- ing China, which now are developing a complete system of food safety stan- dards, should pay special attention to the consultation phase of wto dispute settlement and participate in relevant consultations as much as possible. Second, in addition to aiming to settle disputes in non-litigious ways so far as possible, such countries are well-advised to develop a proactive, conscious strategy about the use of wto law and wto institutions as part of their normal trade policy. Third, the globalization of local food safety standards through a dispute settlement mechanism designed to settle trade disputes is not an appropriate way to determine which standards should regulate food safety in an increasingly integrated, yet inescapably diverse global food economy. We need a broadly based, pluralistic, participative, effective, and accountable global food safety agency. The following chapter, Chapter 7, confirmed that complainants usually won even in high-profile wto food safety cases. It concentrated primarily, however, on cross-references, meaning the ways in which wto dispute settlement insti- tutions use international food safety standards produced by international standards-setting bodies. The chapter outlined the legal bases in the sps and tbt Agreements on which wto institutions, working within the framework of wto norms, are able legitimately to cross-refer to the norms produced by non- wto institutions. Then it analysed in detail two groups of leading cases in chronological order. A first group introduced basic concepts, and a second group that dealt with more complex issues. Using this empirical evidence, the chapter aimed to assess what role international food safety standards played in wto case law and to determine whether wto law on food safety constituted a single, coherent, overarching set of norms or, on the contrary, formed part of legal pluralism in the field of transnational food safety regulation. The cases involved a small number of international standards bodies and organisations, namely who, Codex, oie and ippc. Most of the cases con- cerned agricultural products (including beef and poultry) or fishery products. Highly developed countries, which are among the leaders in developing inter- national food safety standards, sought actively to enforce or defend their

484 Chapter 9 standards. The complainant almost always won, and in all cases, the complain- ant was able to enforce its view of the meaning and application of relevant international standards, at least in determining the extent to which the stan- dards were recognized by the Appellate Body. Early cases set out certain basic concepts: the standard for reviewing wto Members’ food safety measures, risk assessment, alignment, the precautionary principle and the role of experts. Subsequent cases dealt with these in more detail, for example with the proce- dures of risk assessment, but they also concerned more overtly political issues, such as whether consensus is required for adoption of international standards, the obligation of wto Members to review their standards and revise them in the light of changing international standards, the role of international stan- dards bodies in interpreting technical terms, international standards as evi- dence, relevance of international standards to domestic food safety policy objectives, and regionalization. The wto dispute settlement system is a privileged locus for the intersection of a network of international and national institutions and norms. On the basis of the wto sps and tbt Agreements, it determines, in principle, the sig- nificance of international standards in transnational and national food safety regulation and the extent to which international standards trump national food safety standards. However, it does not treat international standards as legally binding norms. Instead, it treats them as a source of authoritative defi- nitions of technical concepts, a set of interpretative guidelines, a justification for findings about evidence or an expression of international consensus based on scientific evidence. Moreover, wto law on food safety does not amount to a single, coherent, overarching set of norms. On the contrary, it is part and parcel of transnational food safety regulation, in which norms, institutions and dispute settlement processes from different sites of governance are intimately connected. wto dispute settlement institutions decide high-level disputes, confirm and articulate basic principles and serve as a node in connecting sites of governance in regulating food safety. They help to structure the transna- tional legal and social field of food safety regulation. Coming full circle, Chapter 8 returned to food safety regulation in China, but now placing it squarely within the context of the wto and debates about international standards. It analysed the ways in which Chinese food safety regulation has been scrutinized within the framework of the wto Trade Policy Review Mechanism (tprm) by the wto Secretariat and wto Members in the form of the Trade Policy Review Body (tprb). The tprm reviews periodically the trade policies of all wto Members, including but not only food safety regu- lation affecting international trade. China’s trade policy is reviewed every two years. The chapter examined closely the reviews of China’s trade policy in

Conclusion 485

2006, 2008, 2010, 2012 and 2014. It focused in particular on food safety law and types of standards, alignment of domestic standards with international stan- dards, the role of different domestic institutions, transparency and notification of food safety measures under the sps and tbt Agreements, import and export, and geographical indications (gis). For wto Members, including China, the tprm represents an invaluable process of mutual learning. It provides a means of encouraging and stimulat- ing the reviewed Member to provide information, engage in discussion of common issues and attempt to channel desired reforms in a wto-compatible direction. The tpr may appear to be heated at times, but its effectiveness relies on discussion and peer pressure, not on legal challenges or on third-party dis- pute settlement institutions. Hence the tpr is a relatively risk-free forum, despite the assumed interest of Members in controlling the type and amount of information which they seek or provide. It can, should and does serve as a vehicle of social change toward improved regulation of food safety and public health in the interest of all citizens. In this respect, the wto tprm can contrib- ute to improvement of food safety regulation in China. The tprm reviews of China’s trade policy exemplify relations between the two sites of governance, the basic elements of global legal pluralism, in two different respects. The first is really internal to a site. The structural features (institutions, norms and dispute settlement processes) of a site of governance, for example the tprm or China, shape its relations with other sites, for exam- ple China or the tprm, respectively. This type of relationship, which is internal to site A, may be abbreviated as [structures of A→relations of A] when A denotes a site of governance and→is taken to mean ‘conditions, shapes or determines’. The melamine crisis demonstrated that this interconnection between the structural dimension and the relational dimension of a site of governance, such as the Chinese party-state, is mutually conditioning and dynamic. This first interconnection, which is internal to a site of governance, con- trasts with a second type of relationship, which cuts across the boundaries of sites. The relations of one site, for example tprm or China, with other sites, for example China or the tprm, help to shape the structural features, namely institutions, norms and dispute settlement processes, of the latter site. This is really a connection between two distinct but increasingly intertwined sites of governance. It may be abbreviated as [relations between A (or B) and B (or A)→structures of B (or A)], if A and B denote different sites of governance and→is taken to mean ‘conditions, shapes or determines’. This scenario is a rep- resentation of a form of transnationalisation of law. The representation is not limited of course to relations between the wto and China. Nor does it signify

486 Chapter 9 that B, in the representation [relations between A and B→structures of B] is a mere recipient: far from it. This is a very important point, which is not always given sufficient weight in studies of transnational law. Relations between A and B are mutually conditioning and reciprocal. Indeed, the internal structures of B condition, shape or determine B’s relations with A; structures include institutions, norms and dispute settlement processes. This book demonstrated clearly that the important initiatives taken by China’s domestic institutions, notably the cpc, the State Council and the npc had a fundamental effect on the transnationalisation of Chinese food safety regulation. The creation of transnational law, such as transnational food safety law, involves mutual struc- tural reform, which is a common feature of global legal pluralism. China’s eco- nomic reform, standing in the world, increasing openness regarding food safety regulation, relevance of international, transnational or even foreign law, standards and best practices, and China’s commitment to achieving food safety mean that China and its wto trading partners are changing food safety regula- tion in China together. This book is a study of contemporary history. It has been concerned mainly with the recent past. Nevertheless, it may hold some lessons for the present and the future. China has made tremendous achievements in a short time in setting up a legal framework and institutional infrastructure to ensure food safety. Currently the Chinese party-state is engaged in a continuing, impressive reform of food safety policy, law, standards, institutions and public education.2 On 30 January 2012, the Ministry of Health issued a draft 12th Five-Year Plan on National Food Safety Standards.3 Six months later, seven ministries and other organisations concerned with food safety jointly released the final version of the Plan, which noted progress, set goals, identified problems and restraints,

2 See Chenhao Jia and David Jukes, ‘The National Food Safety Control System of China: A Systematic Review’, Food Control, 32, 2013, pp. 236–245 at 242, who mention the 2011 State Council Food Safety Committee published a ‘Food Safety Promotion Education Works Programme (2011–2015)’. The website they indicate as a source seems no longer to be avail- able. They also note (at 242) the creation in 2009 of a unified food safety information release system but remark that the update of information ‘is not timely and complete’. 3 See usda Foreign Agricultural Service, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain), ‘People’s Republic of China, 12th Five Year Plan for National Food Safety Standard – Final’, prepared by Melinda Meador and Ma Jie, gain Report No. 12041, 28 June 2012, available at http://gain.fas.usda.gov/Recent%20GAIN%20Publications/12th%20Five%20Year%20 Plan%20for%20National%20Food%20Safety%20Standard-final_Beijing_China%20-%20 Peoples%20Republic%20of_6-28-2012.pdf, last accessed 17 February 2015.

Conclusion 487 set out basic principles and identified objectives.4 On 28 June 2012, the State Council reviewed progress in food safety regulation since enactment of the 2009 Food Safety Law. Its Notice of the General Office on Issuing National Food Safety Supervision System Plan for 2012–2017 contained a more specific National Food Safety Supervision System Plan for 2012–2017.5 The State Council committed itself to major institutional improvements by 2017, including estab- lishing coordination mechanisms, improving standards, organizing risk assess- ment, improving testing, organizing a system of traceability and improving awareness, knowledge and management capacity among businesses and the general public.6

4 People’s Republic of China. 12th Five Year Plan for National Food Safety Standard – final, United States Foreign Agricultural Service, Global Agricultural Information Network, Gain Report Number 12041, 28 June 2012 (informal translation), available at http://gain.fas .usda.gov/Recent%20GAIN%20Publications/12th%20Five%20Year%20Plan%20for%20 National%20Food%20Safety%20Standard-final_Beijing_China%20-%20Peoples%20 Republic%20of_6-28-2012.pdf, last accessed 17 February 2015. 5 Notice of the General Office on Issuing National Food Safety Supervision System Plan for 2012–2017: 国务院办公厅关于印发国家食品安全监管体系‘十二五’规划的通知 Guówùyuàn Bàngōngtīng Guānyú Yìnfā Guójiā Shípǐn ānquán Jiānguǎn Tǐxì ‘Shí’èrwǔ’ Guīhuà Dē Tōngzhī, Notice of the General Office of the State Council on Issuing National Food Safety Supervision System Plan for 2012–2017, 28 June 2012, available at pkulaw.cn, CLI.2.1796731, last accessed 6 February 2015. The specific document is 国家食品安全监管 体系‘十二五’规划 National Food Safety Supervision System Plan for 2012–2017, Guójiā Shípǐn ānquán Jiānguǎn Tǐxì ‘Shí’èrwǔ’ Guīhuà. See also Mark Astley, ‘China unveils latest five year food safety plan’, FoodQualityNews.com, 19 June 2012, available at http://www.food qualitynews.com/Regulation-and-safety/China-unveils-latest-five-year-food-safety-plan, last accessed 11 February 2015. 6 Notice of the General Office on Issuing National Food Safety Supervision System Plan for 2012–2017, Parts 2 and 3: 国务院办公厅关于印发国家食品安全监管体系‘十二五’ 规划的通知 Guówùyuàn Bàngōngtīng Guānyú Yìnfā Guójiā Shípǐn ānquán Jiānguǎn Tǐxì ‘Shí’èrwǔ’ Guīhuà Dē Tōngzhī, Notice of the General Office of the State Council on Issuing National Food Safety Supervision System Plan for 2012–2017, 28 June 2012, available at pku- law.cn, CLI.2.1796731, last accessed 6 February 2015. See also Xinhuanet News, ‘China’s National Food Safety Supervision System for 2012–2017 Came into Force’ [Zhongguo Guojia Shipin Anquan Jianguan Tixi Shierwu Guihua Shishi] (only available in Chinese), available at http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2012-07/12/c_112424329.htm, last accessed 23 February 2015. See also Melinda Meador and Ma Jie, ‘The Food Safety Management System of China’, usda Foreign Agricultural Services, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain), gaiin Report Number CH13020, 26 April 2013, available at http://gain.fas.usda.gov/Recent%20 GAIN%20Publications/The%20Food%20Safety%20Management%20System%20in%20 _Beijing_China%20-%20Peoples%20Republic%20of_4-26-2013.pdf, last accessed 6 February 2015.

488 Chapter 9

Institutional reforms have gradually established a more centralized, coher- ent system of food safety regulation. A Food Safety Risk Assessment Expert Commission was established in 2009.7 The Food Safety Committee (fsc) was established in 2010,8 bringing together the Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Health, aqsiq, Ministry of Commerce, saic and the State Food and Drug Administration (sfda). Planning for a new standards body and a new risk assessment body began before May 2009.9 The Food Safety Standards Examination Commission was established in 2010.10 The National Center for Food Safety Risk Assessment (ncfsra) was established in 2011.11

7 Food Safety Risk Assessment Expert Commission: 国家食品安全风险评估专家委员 会, Guójiā Shípǐn Ānquán Fēngxiǎn Pínggū Zhuānjiā Wěiyuánhuì. See http://www .chinanews.com/gn/news/2009/1208/2007116.shtml [in Chinese, not available in English], last accessed 11 February 2015. It was based on the 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 13, para- graphs 1, 2. For its Chapter, see Notice of the General Office of the Ministry of Health on Distributing the Charter of Food Safety Risk Assessment Expert Commission (in Chinese, no English version available), available at Chinalawinfo, CLI4, 155382. 8 Food Safety Committee: 国务院食品安全委员会, Guówùyuàn Shípǐn Ānquán Wěiyuánhuì. Notice of the State Council on Establishing the Food Safety Committee of the State Council, No. 6 (2010) of the State Council, 国务院关于设立国务院食品安全 委员会的通知 [现行有效], 【法宝引证码】CLI.2.127010(en), 2 June 2010. The legal basis of the Notice was the 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 4. ‘Weiyuanhui’ is translated sometimes as committee, sometimes as commission. 9 Ministry of Health, ‘National food safety standards and risk assessment committee are in the pipeline’ [in Chinese, with Google translation], HC360.com, 31 May 2009, available at http://info.food.hc360.com/2009/05/311347140673.shtml, last accessed 11 February 2015. 10 Food Safety Standards Examination Commission: 食品安全国家标准审评委员会, Shípǐn Ānquán Guójiā Biāozhǔn Píngshěn Wěiyuánhuì: Notice of the Ministry of Health on Establishing the First Food Safety Standards Examination Commission [Shipin Anquan Guojia Biaozhun Pingshen Weiyuanhui]; Notice of the Ministry of Health on Issuing the Charter of the Food Safety Law of the People’s Republic of China. Both were based on the 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 23. 11 Centre for Food Safety Risk Assessment: 国家食品安全风险评估中心, Guójiā Shípǐn Ānquán Fēngxiǎn Pínggū Zhōngxīn. Letter of Confirming and Recording the Charter of the Centre for Food Safety Risk Assessment (Bian Zong Han Zi [2011] No. 451). This document may be an internal document and not available to public, either in Chinese or in English.. It appears in another document: ‘Notice of the General Office of the Ministry of Health on the Issue Concerning Delegating the Centre for Food Safety Risk Assessment to undertake certain obligations including the Secretariat of the Food Safety Standards Examination Commission’, (promulgated and came into force on 20 January 2012) CLI.4.166302, Chinalawinfo. The legal basis was the 2009 Food Safety Law, Articles 11 and 13. The NCFSRSA website is http://www.cfsa.net.cn/, last accessed 11 February 2015.

Conclusion 489

2013 was a year of great institutional change. The State Council Notice of the General Office on Issuing the Provisions on the Main Functions, Internal Bodies and Staffing of China National Food and Drug Administration12 set out basic reforms. In January, central government established a new monitoring system to monitor throughout the country about twenty kinds of food prod- ucts, including baby formula.13 The National People’s Congress created the new China Food and Drug Administration (cfda) in March 2013.14 The cfda integrated the functions and duties of the State Council Food Safety Committee

12 Notice of the General Office of the State Council on Issuing the Provisions on the Main Functions, Internal Bodies and Staffing of China National Food and Drug Administration. (in Chinese, no English version) (Only Chinese Version) (国务院办公厅关于印发国家 食品药品监督管理总局主要职责内设机构和人员编制规定的通知, Guówùyuàn Bàngōngtīng Guānyú Yìnfā Guójiā Shípǐn Yàopǐn Jiāndū Guǎnlǐ Zǒngjú Zhǔyào Zhízé Nèishè Jīgòu Hé Rényuán Biānzhī Guīdìng Dē Tōngzhī), promulgated by Order No. 109 of the General Office of the State Council and came into effect on 26 March 2013, CLI.2.201182, Chinalawinfo. The name of the document has also been translated as Key Responsibilities, Internal Structure and Staffing of the China Food and Drug Administration: Linhai Wu and Dian Zhu, Food Safety in China: A Comprehensive Review (crc Press, Boca Raton, fl, 2015), p. 206. 13 Notice on Issuing the 2013 Plan of China Food Safety Risk Monitoring 关于印发2013年 国家食品安全风险监测计划的通知, Guānyú Yìnfā 2013nián Guójiā Shípǐn Ānquán Fēngxiǎn Jiāncè Jìhuà Dē Tōngzhī: Order No. 131 of the General Office of the Ministry of Health on 29 October 2012, available at http://www.byswsj.com.cn/gwfb/ShowArticle .asp?ArticleID=963, last accessed on 12 February 2015. See also Zhang Jinran, ‘High hopes for new food safety monitoring’, China Daily, 15 March 2013, available at http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/epaper/2013-03/15/content _16311463.htm, last accessed 11 February 2015. 14 China National Food and Drug Administration (国家食品药品监督管理总局, Guójiā Shípǐn Yàopǐn Jiāndū Guǎnlǐ Zǒngjú) , Notice of the General Office of the State Council on Issuing the Provisions on the Main Functions, Internal Bodies and Staffing of the China National Food and Drug Administration [in Chinese; no English version available]; Notice of the State Council on the Setup of Institutions (2013) [cfda is a sub-branch under the direct control of the State Council, hence it follows rules of the State Council for estab- lishing institutions]; National People’s Congress, Decision of the First Session of the Twelfth National People’s Congress on the Plan for Restructuring the State Council and Transforming Functions [Effective], 第十二届全国人民代表大会第一次会议关于 国务院机构改革和职能转变方案的决定 [现行有效], issued 14 March 2013 [estab- lishment of cfda is part of the institutional restructuring of the State Council]. See also Dan Stanton, ‘China’s fda: New Name, New Ministerial Level’, in-PharmaTechnologist. com, 28 March 2013, available at http://www.in-pharmatechnologist.com/Regulatory -Safety/China-s-FDA-New-Name-New-Ministerial-Level, last accessed 11 February 2015.

490 Chapter 9 and of the State Food and Drug Administration,15 those of aqsiq concerning supervision and administration of food safety regulation and those of the saic concerning supervision and administration of food safety concerning circula- tion. A new National Health and Family Planning Committee (nhfpc) became responsible for the evaluation of food safety risks and formulation of stan- dards; the National Center for Food Safety Risk Assessment Center (ncfsra) is now directly under the nhfpc. The nhfpc is one of the ministries or com- missions directly under the State Council; and the cfda is one of the adminis- trations or bureaus under ministries or commissions; the Food Safety Commission is an internal organ of the State Council.16 The Ministry of Agriculture remained responsible for supervision and administrative of qual- ity safety of agricultural products; it also took over the former duties of the Ministry of Commerce on supervising and administering live pig slaughter houses.17 In principle at least, the reforms went some way to ending the previ- ously fragmented system of food safety regulation.18 In May 2013 the Supreme

15 On the sfda, see Dali L. Yang, ‘Regulatory Learning and Its Discontents in China: Promise and Tragedy at the State Food and Drug Administration’, revised version of paper pre- pared for the conference on Pushing Back on Globalization: Local Asian Perspectives on Regulation, 28–30 November 2007, Melbourne, available at https://daliyang.files.word- press.com/2013/09/sfda.pdf, last accessed 11 February 2015. The paper was published later as Dali Yang, ‘Regulatory Learning and Its Discontents in China: Promise and Tragedy at the State Food and Drug Administration’, in John Gillespie and Randall Peeren­ boom (eds), Regulation in Asia: Pushing Back Globalization (Routledge, London, 2009), pp. 139–162. 16 I am grateful to Lu Yi for this summary. 17 National People’s Congress, Decision of the First Session of the Twelfth National People’s Congress on the Plan for Restructuring the State Council and Transforming Functions [Effective], 第十二届全国人民代表大会第一次会议关于国务院机构改革和职能 转变方案的决定 [现行有效], issued 14 March 2013, Article 3, available at http://www .lawinfochina.com/display.aspx?id=13772&lib=law&SearchKeyword=&SearchCKeyw ord=, last accessed 23 February 2015. 18 Linhai Wu and Dian Zhu, Food Safety in China: A Comprehensive Review crc Press, Bica Raton, fl, 2015, pp. 206–214. For comments, see Melinda Meador and Ma Jie, ‘The Food Safety Management System of China’, usda Foreign Agricultural Services, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain), gaiin Report Numbr CH13020, 26 April 2013, available at http://gain.fas.usda.gov/Recent%20GAIN%20Publications/The%20Food%20 Safety%20Management%20System%20in%20_Beijing_China%20-%20Peoples%20 Republic%20of_4-26 -2013.pdf, last accessed 6 February 2015; Brunswick Group, ‘China’s 12th National People’s Congress: A Review of the First Plenary Session of the 12th National People’s Congress and the leadership team who will govern China for the next ten years’, 17 March 2013, pp. 12, 15, available at http://www.brunswickgroup.com/media/28900/ china-review-npc-meeting-2013.pdf, last accessed 6 February 2015.

Conclusion 491

People’s Court issued a judicial interpretation setting forth new guidelines for handling criminal cases involving food safety incidents.19 On 29 October 2013, cfda released a revised draft of a new Food Safety Law,20 and subsequently the National People’s Congress on 1 July 2014 pub- lished the Food Safety Law draft for public comments.21 A second draft of the proposed new Food Safety Law was released to public comment in January 2015.22 On 24 April 2015, the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress at its 14th Session adopted the new Food Safety Law, amending

19 Interpretation of the Supreme People’s Court and the Supreme People’s Procuratorate on Several Issues concerning the Application of Law in the Handling of Criminal Cases of Jeopardizing Food Safety [Effective] (Interpretation No. 12 [2013] of the Supreme People’s Court ) (Adopted at the 1,576th session of the Judicial Committee of the Supreme People’s Court on 28 April 2013, and the 5th session of the Twelfth Procuratorial Committee of the Supreme People’s Procuratorate on 28 April 2013) (Issued and came into force on 4 May 2013), CLI.3.200527(EN), Chinalawinfo. See Bai Yang (editor), ‘China gives judicial inter- pretation for food safety cases’, CCTV.com.English, 3 May 2013, available at http://english .cntv.cn/program/china24/20130503/106489.shtml, last accessed 6 February 2015;[no author listed] ‘New Punishment Guidelines Issued for Food Safety Violators’, The , Friday, 3 May 2013, available at http://www.ctvnews.ca/health/health -headlines/new-punishment-guidelines-issued-for-chinese-food-safety-law-violators -1.1265190, last accessed 6 February 2015. 20 u.s. – China Health Products Association, ‘China’s New Food Safety Law Draft’, translated by Alice Yang, 29 October 2013, available at http://uschinahpa.org/wp-content/ uploads/2012/01/2013-10-29-China-Food-Safety-Draft.pdf, last accessed 6 February 2015. 21 People’s Republic of China, Food Safety Law (Draft for Public Comments) (unofficial translation prepared by Andrew Anderson-Sprecher and Ma Jie), usda Foreign Agricultural Service, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain), People’s Republic of China, gain Report Number CH14036, 21 July 2014, available at http://gain.fas.usda .gov/Recent%20GAIN%20Publications/Food%20Safety%20Law%20%28Draft%20 for%20Public%20Comments%29_Beijing_China%20-%20Peoples%20Republic%20 of_7-21-2014.pdf, last accessed 6 February 2015; People’s Republic of China, Food Safety Law Draft for Comment (Compared with the 2009 Food Safety Law), prepared by M. Meador and Ma Jie, usda Foreign Agricultural Service, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain), People’s Republic of China, gain Report Number 13064, 8 November 2013, available at http://gain.fas.usda.gov/Recent%20GAIN%20Publications/Food%20 Safety%20Law%20Draft%20for%20Comment%20_Beijing_China%20-%20Peoples%20 Republic%20of_11-8-2013.pdf, last accessed 6 February 2015. 22 Covington and Burling, ‘China Releases Second Draft Food Safety Law for Public Comment’, 6 January 2015-, available at www.cov.com. I am grateful to José Carlos Matias dos Santos for bringing this document to my attention.

492 Chapter 9 the 2009 Food Safety Law.23 The new Food Safety Law entered into effect on 1 October 2015. Concerning institutions, in a redistribution of functions, the cfda is to be responsible for overall food safety coordination and for regulating food pro- duction and trading activities; the Ministry of Health is to be responsible for risk assessment and together with the cfda for the formulation of food safety standards; aqsiq is to be responsible for regulating food import and export activities; and the Ministry of Public Security is to be responsible for organiz- ing investigation work of food safety crime cases.24 The Ministry of Health together with the cfda and the National Risk Assessment Center are to formu- late and enforce a national surveillance plan on food safety risks, which was done in September 2011;25 similar provisions apply at the level of provinces, autonomous regions and municipalities directly under central government.26

23 See ‘The amended Food Safety Law adopted’, at http://www.lawinfochina.com/search/ SearchNews.aspx. For comment, see Keller and Heckman, ‘China Passes Sweeping Amendment to Food Safety Law: The Most Stringent to Date’, 28 April 2015, available at https://www.khlaw.com/China-Passes-Sweeping-Amendment-to-Food-Safety -Law-The-Most-Stringent–To–Date, last accessed 7 May 2015; Huang Jianwen, ‘Selected Highlights of the Amended prc Food Safety Law’, King and Wood, 29 April 2015, available at http://www.chinalawinsight.com/2015/04/articles/healthcare/selected-highlights-of- the-amended-prc-food-safety-law, last accessed 7 May 2015. For a comparative analysis of the 2009 Food Safety Law and the new Law, see Echo Cao, ‘China Food Safety Law: Comparative Analysis on the New and Old Versions’, available at https://food.chemlinked .com/expert-article/china-food-safety-law-comparative-analysis-new-and-old-versions, last accessed 12 May 2015. 24 usda Foreign Agricultural Services, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain), People’s Republic of China, Food Safety Law Draft for Comment (Compared with the 2009 Food Safety Law), Article 1(5), prepared by M. Meador and Ma Jie, gain Report Number 13064, 8 November 2013, available at http://gain.fas.usda.gov/Recent%20GAIN%20 Publications/Food%20Safety%20Law%20Draft%20for%20Comment%20_Beijing _China%20-%20Peoples%20Republic%20of_11-8-2013.pdf, last accessed 6 February 2015. 25 ‘卫生部办公厅关于印发2011年国家食品安全风险监测督查工作方案的通知 (卫 办监督函 [2011]813号) [Notice of the General Office of the Ministry of Health on Issuing the 2011 Monitoring and Surveillance Working Plan of National Food Safety Risk (Wei Ban Jian Du Han, No. 813 of 2011)] (Promulgated and came into force on 5 September 2011) (only available in Chinese), CLI.4.159114, Chinalawinfo’. 26 usda Foreign Agricultural Services, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain), People’s Republic of China, Food Safety Law Draft for Comment (Compared with the 2009 Food Safety Law), Article 12, prepared by M. Meador and Ma Jie, gain Report Number 13064, 8 November 2013, available at http://gain.fas.usda.gov/Recent%20GAIN%20 Publications/Food%20Safety%20Law%20Draft%20for%20Comment%20_Beijing _China%20-%20Peoples%20Republic%20of_11-8-2013.pdf, last accessed 6 February 2015.

Conclusion 493

The Ministry of Health remains responsible for organizing food safety risk assessment,27 issuing any necessary food safety alerts28 and developing and publicizing national food safety standards.29 The Ministry of Health together with the Ministry of Agriculture are responsible for developing testing proce- dures for slaughtering livestock and poultry.30 The Ministry of Agriculture remains responsible for quality and safety management of primary agricul- tural products for consumption; unless otherwise provided in the new Food Safety Law, such products remain governed by the Law on the Quality and Safety of Agricultural Products.31 The amended Food Safety Law prohibits the use of highly toxic pesticides, establishes requirements for e-commerce food

27 usda Foreign Agricultural Services, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain), People’s Republic of China, Food Safety Law Draft for Comment (Compared with the 2009 Food Safety Law), Article 14, paragraph 2, Article 15, prepared by M. Meador and Ma Jie, gain Report Number 13064, 8 November 2013, available at http://gain.fas.usda.gov/ Recent%20GAIN%20Publications/Food%20Safety%20Law%20Draft%20for%20 Comment%20_Beijing_China%20-%20Peoples%20Republic%20of_11-8-2013.pdf, last accessed 6 February 2015. 28 usda Foreign Agricultural Services, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain), People’s Republic of China, Food Safety Law Draft for Comment (Compared with the 2009 Food Safety Law), Article 18, prepared by M. Meador and Ma Jie, gain Report Number 13064, 8 November 2013, available at http://gain.fas.usda.gov/Recent%20GAIN%20 Publications/Food%20Safety%20Law%20Draft%20for%20Comment%20_Beijing _China%20-%20Peoples%20Republic%20of_11-8-2013.pdf, last accessed 6 February 2015. 29 usda Foreign Agricultural Services, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain), People’s Republic of China, Food Safety Law Draft for Comment (Compared with the 2009 Food Safety Law), Article 23, paragraph 1, prepared by M. Meador and Ma Jie, gain Report Number 13064, 8 November 2013, available at http://gain.fas.usda.gov/Recent%20 GAIN%20Publications/Food%20Safety%20Law%20Draft%20for%20Comment%20 _Beijing_China%20-%20Peoples%20Republic%20of_11-8-2013.pdf, last accessed 6 February 2015. 30 usda Foreign Agricultural Services, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain), People’s Republic of China, Food Safety Law Draft for Comment (Compared with the 2009 Food Safety Law), Article 23, paragraph 2, prepared by M. Meador and Ma Jie, gain Report Number 13064, 8 November 2013, available at http://gain.fas.usda.gov/Recent%20 GAIN%20Publications/Food%20Safety%20Law%20Draft%20for%20Comment%20 _Beijing_China%20-%20Peoples%20Republic%20of_11-8-2013.pdf, last accessed 6 February 2015. 31 usda Foreign Agricultural Services, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain), People’s Republic of China, Food Safety Law Draft for Comment (Compared with the 2009 Food Safety Law), Article 2, paragraph 2, prepared by M. Meador and Ma Jie, gain Report Number 13064, 8 November 2013, available at http://gain.fas.usda.gov/Recent%20 GAIN%20Publications/Food%20Safety%20Law%20Draft%20for%20Comment%20

494 Chapter 9 providers, requires labelling for genetically modified food, facilitates approval of health foods, requires registration for infant formula and increases substan- tially criminal, administrative and civil sanctions for food safety violations. Assuming it is implemented effectively, the amended Food Safety Law prom- ises to consolidate improvements since 2009 and to introduce major changes in food safety regulation in China. Despite these significant reforms, challenges remain.32 We can formulate them as 7+3: seven traditional challenges and three new challenges. The seven traditional challenges in food safety regulation are to ensure a predictable and functioning set of food safety institutions; to provide consistent, coherent and effective laws and regulations; to reinforce and improve the system of stan- dards; to bring small enterprises under the food safety umbrella; to facilitate transparency, information sharing and public participation; to improve train- ing, public education and the integrity of participants in the food chain; and to restore public trust in Chinese food safety regulation. The three new challenges are to ensure food quality;33 to construct effectively the relationship between food safety policy and environmental policy;34 and to manage technological

_Beijing_China%20-%20Peoples%20Republic%20of_11-8-2013.pdf, last accessed 6 February 2015. 32 See for example Wenran Jiang, ‘ The Impact of the Chinese Development Model on Food Safety’, in Wayne Ellefson, Lorna Zach and Darryl Sulliver (eds), Improving Import Food Safety (Wiley-Blackwell, Oxford, 2013), pp. 45–64 at 57–60; Yuanyuan Shen, ‘The Development of and Challenges Facing Food Safety Law in the People’s Republic of China’, in Wayne Ellefson, Lorna Zach and Darryl Sulliver (eds), Improving Import Food Safety (Wiley-Blackwell, Oxford, 2013), pp. 151–194 at 181–187; Forum on Health, Environment and Development (FORHEAD), Working Group on Food Safety, ‘Food Safety in China: A Mapping of Problems, Governance and Research’, FORHEAD and ssrc, February 2014, available at http://www.sainonline.org/SAIN-Website%28English%29/ pages/News/FOOD%20SAFETY%20IN%20CHINA%20A%20MAPPING%20OF%20 PROBLEMS,%20GOVERNANCE%20AND%20RESEARCH.pdf, last accessed 11 February 2015. 33 See for example Arthur P.J. Mol, ‘Governing China’s Food Quality through Transparency: A Review’, Food Control, 43, 2014, pp. 49–56. 34 The scale of this challenge is suggested by He Guangwei, ‘In China’s Heartland, A Toxic Trail Leads from Factories to Fields to Food’, E360 Special Report ii, Environment 360, Yale University School of Forestry and Environmental Studies, available at http://e360.yale. edu/feature/chinas_toxic_trail_leads_from_factories_to_fo od/2784/, last accessed 6 February 2015; and Tony Zhang, Ivan Han and Jinling Wu, ‘Soil pollution remediation: Guangdong digs into soil remediation; opportunities for monitoring, chemical and envi- ronmental firms’, XportReporter in partnership with International Labmate Ltd,

Conclusion 495 changes (health foods, novel foods, gmos, nanotechnology) effectively and in the public interest.35 Meeting these challenges requires bold initiatives. In defining a strategy, primary emphasis should be put on basic principles. China’s food safety system should continue to be based on several clearly articulated principles, some of which are only recently adopted: (a) national strategy, goals and substantive principles, (b) focus on prevention, (c) traceability, (d) enterprise responsibil- ity, (e) local enforcement, (f) strategic alignment with international standards and (g) diversity, experimentation and adaptation. Risk management should be based on a precautionary principle. Recent legal and administrative reforms go some way to meeting these objectives. The State Council’s National Food Safety Supervision System Plan for 2012–2017 provides a basis for a dedicated national food safety strategy. Such a strategy would set down goals, means, benchmarks and procedures for the short term (1–4 years), medium term

16 January 2014, available at file:///C:/Users/PO STE1/Downloads/soil_pollution_remedia- tion%20(2).pdf, last accessed 6 February 2015. See also McBeath and McBeath, Environment, supra note 569. 35 On gmos, see for example United States Library of Congress, Research & Reports, Legal Topics, ‘Restrictions on Genetically Modified Organisms: China’, available at http://www. loc.gov/law/help/restrictions-on-gmos/china.php, last accessed 17 February 2015; Jennifer H. Zhao and Peter Ho, ‘A Developmental Risk Society? The Politics of Genetically Modified Organisms (gmos) in China’, International Journal of the Environment and Sustainable Development, 4, 4, 2005, pp. 370–394; David Talbot, ‘China’s gmo Stockpile’, mit Technology Review, 21 October 2014, available at http://www.technologyreview.com/featured- story/531721 /chinas-gmo-stockpile/, last accessed 17 February 2015. On nanotechnology, see for example World Health Organization, ‘fao/who Expert Meeting on the Application of Nanotechnologies in the Food and Agricultural Sectors: Potential Food Safety Implications’, (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations and World Health Organization, Rome, 201), available at http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/ 2010/978924156393 2_eng.pdf, last accessed 17 February 2015; Darryl S.L. Jarvis and Noah Berger, ‘Regulation and Governance of Nanotechnology in China: Regulatory Challenges and Effectiveness’, European Journal of Law and Technology, 2, 3, 2011, pp. 1–11; Michael Berger ‘Nanotechnology in Agriculture’, Nanowerk, posted 25 August 2014, available at http://www.nanowerk.com/spotlight/spotid=37064.php, last accessed 17 February 2015; Joachim Weiss, Paul Takhistov and Julien McClements, ‘Functional Materials in Food Nanotechnology’, Journal of Food Science, 71, 9, 2006, pp R107-R116; Chi-Fai Chau, Shiuan-Huai Wu and Gow-Chin Yen, ‘The Development of Regulations for Food Nanotechnology’, Trends in Food Science and Technology, 18,2007, pp. 269–280; See gen- erally Vladimir Murashov and John Howard (eds), Nanotechnology Standards (Springer, New York, 2011).

496 Chapter 9

(5–9 years) and long term (10 years or more). Eventually, a national Food Law, embracing hygiene, food safety and food quality, should be adopted to replace the current Food Safety Law. Taking a broad view to embrace the challenges of 7+3, the strategy would provide a solid basis for ensuring safe and healthy food for present and future generations. China can both learn from and teach other countries.

Appendix 1 Table of Treaties and Related Documents

Non-WTO Multilateral Treaties North American Free Trade Agreement between the Government of Canada, the Government of the United Mexican States and the Government of the United States of America, Article 713(1) 276 Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (tfeu) Article 105 329 Article 258 329 Article 259 329 United Nations Charter, Article 57 248 United Nations General Assembly, Resolution 39/348 263 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (vclt) vclt, Article 31 335, 337, 368, 393

gatt and wto Agreements Agreement on Safeguards Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures Articles 1 22 Articles 2 22 Articles 3 22 Agreement on the Application of Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (sps) sps, Preamble 183, 260, 338, 339 sps, Preamble, 1th, 4th, 5th, 6th and 7th recitals 183 sps, Annex A 181m 182, 259, 260, 261, 267, 269, 338, 339, 345, 347, 348, 351, 352, 362, 363, 366, 369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 376 sps, Annex A(2) 267 sps, Annex A: Definitions 260, 261, 269 sps, Annex A, paragraph 4 347, 366 sps, Annex A, paragraph 5 351, 373 sps, Annex A (1), paragraph 1 338 sps, Annex A (1), paragraph 2 338 sps, Annex B 185, 186, 210, 297, 303, 362 sps, Annex B (1) 297 sps, Annex B (3) 186 sps, Annex B (6) 185

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi 10.1163/9789004306929_11

498 Appendix 1: Table of Treaties and Related Documents

sps, Annex B (7) 185 sps, Article 1 182 sps, Article 1.1 260 sps, Article 1.4 259 sps, Article 2.1 259 sps, Article 2.2 259, 261 sps, Article 2.3 261, 299 sps, Article 2.4 261 sps, Article 3.1 194, 261, 264, 351, 353, 354, 387 sps, Article 3.2 259, 396 sps, Article 3.3 184, 261, 351, 353, 354, 387 sps, Article 3.4 259 sps, Article 4.1 261 sps, Article 5 184, 210, 294, 310, 351, 352, 354 sps, Article 5.1 298, 345, 346, 347, 348, 349, 352, 354, 355, 363, 364, 365, 366, 375, 376, 377 sps, Article 5.7 261, 262, 265, 304, 357, 358, 363, 371 sps, Article 7 185, 297 sps, Article 10 262 sps, Article 14 262 Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (tbt) tbt, Preamble 183, 341 tbt, Article 1 182 tbt, Article 1.1 341 tbt, Article 1.2 259 tbt, Article 1.5 182, 259 tbt, Article 2.2 194, 264 tbt, Article 2.3 342 tbt, Article 2.4 194 tbt, Article 2.5 185, 260 tbt, Article 2.6 260, 342 tbt, Article 2.9 343 tbt, Article 2.10 196 tbt, Article 2.12 196, 383 tbt, Article 3.2 343 tbt, Article 4.1 194, 196, 343, 344 tbt, Article 4.2 344 tbt, Article 10 196 tbt, Annex 1 259, 341, 342, 361

Appendix 1: Table of Treaties and Related Documents 499

tbt, Annex 1.1 342 tbt, Annex 1.2 267, 359, 361 tbt, Annex 1.2 Explanatory Note 266 tbt, Annex 3 194 Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (trips) trips, Article 22(1) 259, 469 trips, Article 22(2) 259, 469 trips, Article 23 259, 469 General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (gatt) (1947, 1994) gatt, Article i 258, 299 gatt, Article ii 258 gatt, Article iii 258 gatt, Article x:1 297 gatt, Article xi 258 gatt, Article xi:2(a) 258 gatt, Article xi:2(b) 258 gatt, Article xi:2(c) 258 gatt, Article xx(b) 258 gatt, Article xxii 290, 311 gatt, Article xxiv 258 General Agreement on Trade in Services (gats) gats, Article xiv (b) 258 wto Protocol on the Accession of China 397, 398, 399, 400, 401 paragraph 1(2) 423 paragraph 2A1 423 paragraph 2A2 423 Understanding on Rules and Procedures Governing the Settlement of Disputes (dsu) dsu, Article 3.5 297, 320, 329 dsu, Article 3.6 296 dsu, Article 3.7 286, 288, 329 dsu, Article 4.11 290, 320 dsu, Article 4.2 295 dsu, Article 4.5 329 dsu, Article 4.7 312 dsu, Article 6.1 305 dsu, Article 10 330, 344 dsu, Article 12 110 Decision on the Implementation of Article 4 of the Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures, 23 July 2004, revised version 298

500 Appendix 1: Table of Treaties and Related Documents

Bilateral Treaties Agreement between the Department of Health and Human Services of the United States of America and the General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine of the People’s Republic of China on the Safety of Food and Feed 39, 178 Agreement between the United States of America and the People’s Republic of China on China’s wto Accession 196, 401 Memorandum of Understanding between United States Food and Drug Administration and China’s Center for Food Safety Risk Assessment regarding coop- eration to enhance activities of mutual interest 425, 488, 490 Memorandum of Understanding on Administrative Co-operation Arrangements between the European Commission’s Directorate General for Health and Consumer Protection (dg-sanco) and the Administration for Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine of the People’s Republic of China 178 Sino-eu Agreement on China’s Accession to the wto: Results of the Bilateral Negotiations 196, 401

Other Agreements and Documents Agreement between the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations and the World Health Organisation 248 Agreement between the World Health Organisation and the Office International des Epizooties 247 International Code of Marketing of Breast-Milk Substitutes, Article 10.2 249

Appendix 2 Table of Constitutions and Statutes of International Organisations

Statutes of the Codex Alimentarius Commission Article 5 269 Article 6 269 Article 7 269

World Health Organisation Constitution 245 Article 1 246 Article 2 246 Article 2(b) 246 Article 3 245 Article 8 245 Article 9 246 Article 18(h) 247 Article 19 246 Article 20 247 Article 21(d) 247 Article 22 247 Article 23 247 Article 24 247 Article 38 246 Article 69 248 Article 70 248 Article 71 248 Article 72 248

Appendix 3 Table of Legislation and Regulations

Legislation of the European Union [previously European Economic Community (eec) or European Community (ec)]

Commission Regulation (eu) No 1035/2010 34 Council Regulation (eu) No. 457/2011 35 Council Regulation (eec) No. 2136/89 266, 358 Regulation (ec) No 178/2002 176, 302, 380, 477 Regulation (ec) No 882/2004 242, 477 Regulation (ec) No 1907/2006 39

Legislation and Administrative Regulations of the People’s Republic of China

Legislation Agriculture Law of the People’s Republic of China (Adopted at the Second Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Eighth National People’s Congress on July 2, 1993, pro- mulgated by Order No.6 of the President of the People’s Republic of China on July 2, 1993, and effective as of July 2, 1993), Article 34 194, 502 Civil Procedure Law of the People’s Republic of China, (Adopted at the 4th Session of the Seventh National People’s Congress on 9 April 1991; amended for the first time in accordance with the Decision on Amending the Civil Procedure Law of the prc as adopted at the 30th 140, 149 Civil Procedure Law of the People’s Republic of China (Session of the Standing Com­ mittee of the Tenth National People’s Congress on 28 October 2007; and amended for the second time in accordance with the Decision on Amending the Civil Procedure Law of the prc as adopted at the 28th Session of the Standing Committee of the Eleventh National People’s Congress on 31 August 2012) (Promulgated by the Order No. 59 of the President of the prc and came into effect on 31 August 2012), CLI.1.183386(en), Chinalawinfo (cp) cp, Article 18 140 cp, Article 123 153 Decision of the First Session of the Twelfth National People’s Congress on the Plan for Restructuring the State Council and Transforming Functions [Effective], National People’s Congress, 第十二届全国人民代表大会第一次会议关于国务院机构改革和职 能转变方案的决定 [现行有效], issued 14 March 2013

Appendix 3: Table of Legislation and Regulations 503

Article 3 490 Equity Joint Venture Law (1979, 1990 revision) 43 Food Hygiene Law of the People’s Republic of China, promulgated by Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress on 19 November 1982, effect on 1 July 1983 Food Hygiene Law of the People’s Republic of China (1995), Adopted at the 16th Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Eighth National People’s Congress on October 30, 1995, promulgated by Order No. 59 of the President of the People’s Republic of China on October 30, 1995, and effective as of the date of promulgation)(Repealed by the 2009 Food Safety Law on June 1, 2009) Article 1 157 Article 3 86, 158 Article 4 158 Article 6 158 Article 7 159 Article 9 158 Article 11 159 Article 32 159 Article 33 159 Article 39 159, 160 Article 43 160 Article 49 159 Article 54 158, 159 Food Safety Law (Adopted at the 7th Session of the Standing Committee of the 11th National People’s Congress of the prc on 28 February 2009)(promulgated by Order No. 9 of the President of the People’s Republic of China on 28 February 2009 and effective as of 1 June 2009)), CLI.1.113981(en), Chinalawinfo. (2009 Food Safety Law) 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 2 164 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 4 488 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 5 164 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 11 167, 488 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 12 168 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 13 168, 488 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 18 204 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 19 204, 207 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 20 204, 205 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 21 205 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 22 205 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 23 205, 488 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 24 206

504 Appendix 3: Table of Legislation and Regulations

2009 Food Safety Law, Article 25 207 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 27 168, 207 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 28 168 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 29 165, 166 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 30 167 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 31 167 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 32 167 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 33 167 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 36 168 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 37 168 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 39 168 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 41 168 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 42 169 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 43 169 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 45 169 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 46 170 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 47 170 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 52 172 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 53 170 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 56 167 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 60 168 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 62 170, 207 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 63 170, 207 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 64 170 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 68 170 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 70 170 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 71 170, 171 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 72 171 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 73 171 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 74 171 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 75 171 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 77 171 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 81 171 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 82 171 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 84 171 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 85 171, 172, 207 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 87 169, 172 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 89 172 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 95 172 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 96 172, 173

Appendix 3: Table of Legislation and Regulations 505

2009 Food Safety Law, Article 97 173 2009 Food Safety Law, Article 98 173 Frontier Health and Quarantine Law of the People’s Republic of China, (Adopted at the 18th Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Sixth National People’s Congress on December 2,1986; and amended in accordance with the Decision on Amending the Frontier Health and Quarantine Law of the People’s Republic of China adopted at the 31st Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Tenth National People’s Congress on December 29, 2007) 38 Law of the People’s Republic of China on Agricultural Product Quality Safety (amended and adopted at the 21st Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Tenth National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China on 29 April 2004, in effect as of 1 November 2006), Article 1 157 Law of the People’s Republic of China on Protection of Consumer Rights and Interests, adopted at the Fourth Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Eighth National People’s Congress on 31 October 1993, and takes effect as of 1 January 1994 160 Law on Civil Servants, (Adopted at the 15th Session of the Standing Committee of the Tenth National People’s Congress on 27 April 2005, promulgated and came into force as of 1 January 2006) 85 Organic Law of the People’s Courts of the People’s Republic of China, adopted at the Second Session of the Fifth National People’s Congress on 1 July 1979, promulgated by Order No.3 of the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress on July 5, 1979 and effective as of January 1, 1980; amended according to the Decision Concerning the Revision of the Organic Law of the People’s Courts of the People’s Republic of China adopted at the Second Meeting of the Sixth National People’s Congress on September 2, 1983 (olpc) olpc, Article 33 118 Organic Law of the People’s Courts of the People’s Republic of China (olpc) (Adopted at the Second Session of the Fifth National People’s Congress on 1 July 1979 and 3rd revised as adopted at the 24th meeting of the Standing Committee of the 10th National People’s Congress of the prc on 31 October 2006) (promulgated by the Order No. 59 of the President of the prc and came into effect on 31 October 2006), CLI.1.81825(en), Chinalawinfo, Article 24 140 Product Quality Law of the People’s Republic of China, Adopted at the 30th Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Seventh National People’s Congress on 22 February 1993 160 Provisional Regulations on the Resignation of Leading Cadres of the Party and Government, (No.13 [2004] of the General Office of the cccpc, promulgated and came into force on 8 April 2004) and incorporated into the Law on Civil Servants (Adopted at the 15th Session of the Standing Committee of the Tenth National

506 Appendix 3: Table of Legislation and Regulations

People’s Congress on 27 April 2005, promulgated and came into force as of 1 January 2006) 85 全国人民代表大会常务委员会关于加强法律解释工作的决议 [Resolution of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress Providing an Improved Interpretation of the Law] [Quánguó Rénmín Dàibiǎo Dàhuì Chángwù Wěiyuánhuì Guānyú Jiāqiáng Fǎlǜ Jiěshì Gōngzuò Dē Juéyì], Article 3, adopted at the 19th Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Fifth National People’s Congress on 10 June 1981, reprinted in The Laws of the People’s Republic of China 1979–1982 (compiled by the Legislative Affairs Commission of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China) (Foreign Languages Press, Beijing 1987) (scnpc 1981 Resolution) scnpc 1981 Resolution, Article 1 118 scnpc 1981 Resolution, Article 2 118 scnpc 1981 Resolution, Article 3 118, 119 scnpc 1981 Resolution, Article 4 119 Standardization Law of the People’s Republic of China (adopted at the Fifth Meeting of the Standing Committee of the Seventh National People’s Congress on December 29, 1988, promulgated by Order No. 11 of the President of the People’s Republic of China on December 29, 1988, and effective as of April 1, 1989 (Standardization Law) Standardization Law, Article 1 188 Standardization Law, Article 4 191 Standardization Law, Article 5 189 Standardization Law, Article 6 189 Standardization Law, Article 7 191, 204 Standardization Law, Article 11 191 Standardization Law, Article 13 191 Standardization Law, Article 14 191 Standardization Law, Article 20 191 Standardization Law, Article 24 192

Administrative Regulations

By the State Council Administration Statute for National Standardization中华人民共和国国际标准化管理 条例 187 Administration Statute of Technical Standards for Product of Industry, Agriculture, and for Project Reconstruction (gongnongye chanpin he gongcheng jianshe jishubi- aozhun guanlibanfa), Nov. 1962, article 14 187

Appendix 3: Table of Legislation and Regulations 507

Criminal Law of the People’s Republic of China, (adopted by the Second Session of the Fifth National People’s Congress on 1 July 1979 and amended by the Fifth Session of the Eighth National People’s Congress on 14 March 1997), CLI.1.17010(en), Chinalawinfo, Article 143 117 Article 144 117, 138 Decision of the State Council about Further Strengthening Food Safety, issued on 9 January 2004, effective date 9 January 2004, (No. 23 [2004] of the State Council) CLI. 2.55522(en),Chinalawinfo 111, 115 Equity Joint Venture Law Implementing Regulations (Promulgated by the State Council on Sep. 20, 1983 Amended by the State Council on Jan.15 1986, Dec.21, 1987 Amended by the State Council according to the Decision of the State Council on Amending the Regulations for the Implementation of the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Joint Ventures Using Chinese and Foreign Investment on July 22, 2001, Amended by the State Council on February 19, 2014 according to the Decision of the State Council on Repealing and Amending Some Administrative Regulations) 43 Import and Export (General)(Amendment) Regulation 2013 (with effect from 1 March 2013) – Quantity of Powdered Formula for Persons Departing from Hong Kong 133 Notice of the General Office of the State Council on Issuing the Provisions on the Main Functions, Internal Bodies and Staffing of China National Food and Drug Administration. (国务院办公厅关于印发国家食品药品监督管理总局主要职责内设 机构和人员编制规定的通知, Guówùyuàn Bàngōngtīng Guānyú Yìnfā Guójiā Shípǐn Yàopǐn Jiāndū Guǎnlǐ Zǒngjú Zhǔyào Zhízé Nèishè Jīgòu Hé Rényuán Biānzhī Guīdìng Dē Tōngzhī), promulgated by Order No. 109 of the General Office of the State Council and came into effect on 26 March 2013, CLI.2.201182, Chinalawinfo 489 Notice of the General Office on Issuing National Food Safety Supervision System Plan for 2012–2017: 国务院办公厅关于印发国家食品安全监管体系‘十二五’规划的 通Guówùyuàn Bàngōngtīng Guānyú Yìnfā Guójiā Shípǐn ānquán Jiānguǎn Tǐxì ‘Shí’èrwǔ’ Guīhuà Dē Tōngzhī, Notice of the General Office of the State Council on Issuing National Food Safety Supervision System Plan for 2012–2017, 28 June 2012 487 Notice of the State Council on Establishing the Food Safety Committee of the State Council, No. 6 (2010) of the State Council 国务院关于设立国务院食品安全委员会的通 知 [现行有效], 【法宝引证码】CLI.2.127010(en), 2 June 2010 488 Regulations for the Implementation of the Standardization Law of the People’s Republic of China (promulgated by Decree No. 53 of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China on April 6, 1990 and effective as of the date of promulgation) (Standardization Law Implementing Regulations) Standardization Law Implementing Regulations, Article 3 192 Standardization Law Implementing Regulations, Article 4 192

508 Appendix 3: Table of Legislation and Regulations

Standardization Law Implementing Regulations, Article 6 193 Standardization Law Implementing Regulations, Article 7 193 Standardization Law Implementing Regulations, Article 8 193 Standardization Law Implementing Regulations, Article 9 193 Standardization Law Implementing Regulations, Article 11 193 Standardization Law Implementing Regulations, Article 12 193 Standardization Law Implementing Regulations, Article 13 193 Standardization Law Implementing Regulations, Article 14 193 Standardization Law Implementing Regulations, Article 15 193 Standardization Law Implementing Regulations, Article 17 193 Standardization Law Implementing Regulations, Article 18 193 Standardization Law Implementing Regulations, Article 25 194 Standardization Law Implementing Regulations, Article 28 194 Standardization Law Implementing Regulations, Article 29 194 Standardization Law Implementing Regulations, Article 32 194 Standardization Law Implementing Regulations, Article 33 195 Standardization Law Implementing Regulations, Article 34 195 Regulation on Food Hygiene Administration, promulgated by State Council on 27 August 1979 156 Regulation on the Implementation of the Food Safety Law of the People’s Republic of China (Decree of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China, No. 557, adopted at the 73rd State Council executive meeting on July 8, 2009, promulgated on 20 July 2009, effective as of 20 July 2009) (2009 Food Safety Law Implementing Regulation) 2009 Food Safety Law Implementing Regulation, Article 2 173, 208 2009 Food Safety Law Implementing Regulation, Article 5 173, 209 2009 Food Safety Law Implementing Regulation, Article 12 173, 208 2009 Food Safety Law Implementing Regulation, Article 15 173, 209 2009 Food Safety Law Implementing Regulation, Article 17 173, 209 2009 Food Safety Law Implementing Regulation, Article 18 174, 208 2009 Food Safety Law Implementing Regulation, Article 19 174, 208 2009 Food Safety Law Implementing Regulation, Article 33 174 2009 Food Safety Law Implementing Regulation, Article 39 174 2009 Food Safety Law Implementing Regulation, Article 40 175, 209 2009 Food Safety Law Implementing Regulation, Article 44 175 2009 Food Safety Law Implementing Regulation, Article 49 175 2009 Food Safety Law Implementing Regulation, Article 53 175 2009 Food Safety Law Implementing Regulation, Article 57 175 2009 Food Safety Law Implementing Regulation, Article 63 173, 209 Regulation on the Supervision and Administration of the Quality and Safety of Dairy Products tba. (Order No.536 of the State Council of the prc) (Adopted at the

Appendix 3: Table of Legislation and Regulations 509

28th executive meeting the State Council on 6 October 2008) (Promulgated and came into force on 9 October 2008), CLI.2.109190(en), Chinalawinfo. (qsdp Regulation) qsdp Regulation, Article 1 115 qsdp Regulation, Article 3 115 qsdp Regulation, Article 4 115 qsdp Regulation, Article 6 116, 226 qsdp Regulation, Article 7 116 qsdp Regulation, Article 9 116 qsdp Regulation, Article 12 122 qsdp Regulation, Article 20 122 qsdp Regulation, Article 24 116, 226 qsdp Regulation, Article 28 122 qsdp Regulation, Article 30 116 qsdp Regulation, Article 31 117 qsdp Regulation, Article 34 122 qsdp Regulation, Article 40 117 qsdp Regulation, Article 44 117 qsdp Regulation, Article 45 226 qsdp Regulation, Article 54 226 qsdp Regulation, Article 55 226 qsdp Regulation, Article 56 118, 226 中华人民共和国标准法实施条例 [Regulations for the Implementation of the Standardisation Law of the People’s Republic of China] (promulgated by Decree No. 53 of the St. Council, 6 April 1990, effective as of the date of promulgation) Article 4 412, 413, 438 乳制品安全监督管理条例 [Regulation on the Supervision and Administration of the Quality and Safety of Dairy Products] [Rǔpǐn Zhìliàng Ānquán Jiāndū Guǎnlǐ Tiáolì] (adopted at the 28th executive meeting the State Council on 6 October 2008 and promulgated and came into force by State Council Order No. 536 on 9 October 2008) CLI.2.109190(en) Chinalawinfo. 115, 436

By Departments of the State Council Administrative Measures for National Food Safety Standards (adopted at the executive meeting of the Ministry of Health on 20 September 2010, promulgated on 20 October 2010, effective as of 1 December 2010 (2010 Measures for National Food Safety Standards) 2010 Measures for National Food Safety Standards, Article 1 209 2010 Measures for National Food Safety Standards, Article 2 209 2010 Measures for National Food Safety Standards, Article 3 209 2010 Measures for National Food Safety Standards, Article 4 210 2010 Measures for National Food Safety Standards, Article 6–37 210 2010 Measures for National Food Safety Standards, Article 41 210

510 Appendix 3: Table of Legislation and Regulations

进口食品境外生产企业注册管理规定 [Administrative Measures for Registration of Overseas Manufacturers of Imported Food] (promulgated by the State Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine, June 21, 2011, effective 1 May 2012). 446 Administrative Measures for the Packaging and Marking of Agricultural Products (deliberated and adopted at the 25th executive meeting of the Ministry of Agriculture on 30 September 2006, promulgated on 17 October 2006, in effect as of 1 November 2006), Articles 9, 10, 11. 157 Administrative Measures for the Production and Purchase of Fresh Milk (adopted at the 8th Standing Meeting of the Ministry of Agriculture on 4 November 2008, and promulgated by Order No. 15 of the Ministry of Agriculture and came into effect on 7 November 2008), CLI.4.110498(en), Chinalawinfo. (ppfm Measures) ppfm Measures, Article 4 120 ppfm Measures, Article 5 120 ppfm Measures, Article 6 120 ppfm Measures, Article 16 125 ppfm Measures, Article 17 125 ppfm Measures, Article 18 125 ppfm Measures, Article 19 125 ppfm Measures, Article 20 125 ppfm Measures, Article 22 125 ppfm Measures, Article 24 126 ppfm Measures, Article 32 120 ppfm Measures, Article 33 120 ppfm Measures, Article 37 120 2007 Administrative Provisions on Food Labeling, deliberated and adopted at the executive meeting of the General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine on 24 July 2007, promulgated by Order No. 102 of the General Administration of Quality Inspection, Supervision and Quarantine on 1 September 2008, effective 1 September 2008), Article 7, 8 169 Administration Statute for Adopting International Standards (probation), promul- gated by National Economic Commission, State Scientific and Technological Commission and National Standardization Administration on March 17, 1982 187 Administration Statute for Adopting International Standards, promulgated by National Standardization Administration on March 27, 1984 188 强制性产品认证管理规定 [Compulsory Product Certification Management Regulation] (issued by Circular No. 53 of aqsiq, 26 May 2009 and effective on 1 September 2009) 424 国家质量监督检验检疫总局关于废止《产品免于质量监督检查管理办法》的决 定(总局令第109号)[Decision of the General Administration of Quality Supervision,

Appendix 3: Table of Legislation and Regulations 511

Inspection and Quarantine on Repealing the Measures for the Administration of the Exemption of Products from Quality Supervision and Inspection] (Zong Ju Ling No. 109) (promulgated and came into effect on 18 September 2008), CLI.4.108639 Chinalawinfo 113, 225 Measures for the Administration of Adoption of International Standards and Advanced Foreign Standards promulgated by the former State Bureau of Technology Supervision on Dec. 13, 1992 196 Measures for the Administration of Exempting Products from Quality Supervision and Inspection, adopted after deliberation at the Executive Meeting of the State General Administration for Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine on 21 November 2001 and promulgated for implementation) (Order of the State General Administration for Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine (No.9)) (repealed on 18 September 2008), CLI.4.38219(en) Chinalawinfo, Article 8 112–113 Provisions on the Administration of Food Recall (deliberated and adopted at the executive meeting of the General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine, 24 July 2007, promulgated and effective as of 27 August 2007) (Food Recall Provisions 2007) Food Recall Provisions 2007, Article 4 161 Food Recall Provisions 2007, Article 5 161 Food Recall Provisions 2007, Article 18 161 Food Recall Provisions 2007, Article 19 161 Food Recall Provisions 2007, Article 25 161 Food Recall Provisions 2007, Article 34 161 Food Recall Provisions 2007, Article 35 161 Food Recall Provisions 2007, Article 36 161 Ministry of Health, Ministry of Industry and Information Technology, Ministry of Agriculture, Trade Mark Office of the State Administration for Industry and Commerce, General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine of the People’s Republic of China, ‘Announcement (25 November 25 2008) 235–236 Ministry of Health, Ministry of Industry and Information Technology, Ministry of Agriculture, Trade Mark Office of the State Administration of Industry and Commerce, General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine of the People’s Republic of China, ‘Announcement (2011) 238 Measures of the National Development and Reform Commission for the Practice of Temporary Price-Intervention Measures on Some Important Commodities and Services, (issued by State Development and Reform Commission, Order of the National Development and Reform Commission (No.58))(Promulgated and came into force on January 15th, 2008) 54–55 Measures for the Administration of Alcohol Circulation (2006), Article 14 169

512 Appendix 3: Table of Legislation and Regulations

Measures for the Supervision and Administration of the Inspection and Quarantine of Imported and Exported Meat Products (2011), Article 21 169 Measures for the Administration of Adoption of International Standards, promul- gated 12 April 2001, effect as of 12 April 2001 (Measures on International Standards) Measures on International Standards, Article 1 196 Measures on International Standards, Article 3 197 Measures on International Standards, Article 4 199 Measures on International Standards, Article 5 199 Measures on International Standards, Article 6 199 Measures on International Standards, Article 8 199 Measures on International Standards, Article 11 199 Measures on International Standards, Article 12 199, 200 Measures on International Standards, Article 13 200 Measures on International Standards, Article 17 200 Measures on International Standards, Article 22 197 Measures on International Standards and Part of the Guidance of Standardization Work, Rules on Adoption of International Standards, The number of the standard, gb19301-2010 228 National Food Safety Standard for Good Manufacturing Practices for Dairy Products 227 National Food Safety Standard for Infant Formulas 227 National Food Safety Standard for Follow-up Formulas 227 National Food Safety Standard for Milk Powder, gb 19644–2010 227 National Food Safety Standard for Raw Milk, gb 19301–2010 228 National Food Safety Standard, Good Manufacturing Practice for Powdered Formulae for Infants and Young Children, (食品安全国家标准, 粉状婴幼儿配方食品 良好生产规范) gb 23790–2010 228 National Food Safety Standard for Good Manufacturing Practice for Powdered Milk Formula for Infants and Young Children 228 国家质量监督检验检疫总局关于公布《进口食品境外生产企业注册实施目录》 的公告 [Notice concerning Publish the ‘Implementation Catalogue for Registration of Overseas Manufacturers of Imported Food’] (promulgated by the aqsiq, 7 May 2012) 446 Notice of the General Office on Issuing National Food Safety Supervision System Plan for 2012–2017: 国务院办公厅关于印发国家食品安全监管体系‘十二五’ 规划的通Guówùyuàn Bàngōngtīng Guānyú Yìnfā Guójiā Shípǐn ānquán Jiānguǎn Tǐxì ‘Shí’èrwǔ’ Guīhuà Dē Tōngzhī, Notice of the General Office of the State Council on Issuing National Food Safety Supervision System Plan for 2012–2017, 28 June 2012 487

Appendix 3: Table of Legislation and Regulations 513

Notice of the Ministry of Health on Establishing the First Food Safety Standards­ Exam­ ination­ Commission [Shipin Anquan Guojia Biaozhun Pingshen Wei­yuanhui] 488 Notice of the Ministry of Health on Issuing the Charter of the Food Safety Law of the People’s Republic of China 488 Notice of the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology on Inspecting and Rectifying Dairy Processing Enterprises, (Gong Xin Ming Dian [2008] No.3, (工业和信 息化部关于开展奶制品加工企业检查和整顿工作的通知(工信明电[2008]3号)), pro- mulgated by telegram on 19 September 2008 225 Notice of the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology on Immediately Inspecting the Production, Sales and Usage of Melamine (Gong Xin Ming Dian [2008] No. 2, (工业和信息化部关于立即开展对三聚氰胺生产、销售和使用情况进行检查的 通知(工信明电[2008]2号)) promulgated by telegram on 18 September 2008 225 Notice on Further Reforming and Improving the Public Hygiene Surveillance and Legal Enforcement System, promulgated by Ministry of Health in March 1996. 157 Notice on Issuing ‘Some Opinions on Promoting the Adoption of International Standards’, issued 23 July 2002, effective as of 23 July 2002 (Notice on International Standards) Notice on International Standards, Paragraph i 201 Notice on International Standards, Paragraph ii 201 Notice on International Standards, Paragraph iii. 201 Notice on International Standards, Paragraph vii 201 Notice on Issuing the 2013 Plan of China Food Safety Risk Monitoring (关于印发 2013年国家食品安全风险监测计划的通知, Guānyú Yìnfā 2013nián Guójiā Shípǐn Ānquán Fēngxiǎn Jiāncè Jìhuà Dē Tōngzhī: Order No. 131 of the General Office of the Ministry of Health on 29 October 2012. 489 Notice on Strengthening Production Licensing of Dairy Products (国家质量监督检 验检疫总局关于加强乳制品生产许可工作的通知) (issued by aqsiq No. 757, Oct. 12, 2008), CLI.4.112933 Chinalawinfo. (Order of the Department of Supervision on Food Production of the State General Administration for Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine No. 757 of 2008) 113, 436 Notice To Further Strengthen The Work Of Supervising And Inspecting The Milk Products’ [Zhijian Zhongju Fachu Tongzhi: Jinyibu Jiaqiang Ruzhipin Jiandu Jianyan Gongzuo] [only available on Chinese] 114 Plan for Developing Food Standards 2004–2005, prepared by the National Development and Reform Commission, the MoA, the Ministry of Commerce, the MoH, aqsiq, the State Food and Drug Administration, China National Light Industry Council and China General Chamber of Commerce, and promulgated in 2005 202 Provisions on Food Hygiene Supervision and Administration at Entry/Exit Ports, (adopted through discussion at the executive meeting of the General Administration

514 Appendix 3: Table of Legislation and Regulations of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine on 31 December 2005, promulgated by Order No. 86 of the General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine on 1 April 2006, entry into force 1 April 2006) 38 Provisions of the People’s Republic of China on Sanitation of Food for Export (For Trial Implementation) (Promulgated by the State Administration of Import and Export Commodity Inspection and the Ministry of Public Health of the People’s Republic of China on July 16, 1984), with effect from 1 January 1985) 37 Provisions on the Environmental Administration of New Chemical Substances in China (2010), Order No. 7 of the Ministry for Environmental Protection (mep), Issued on: 30 December 2009, Date of Entry into Force: 15 October 2010, Updated by cirs [Chemical Regulation and Inspection Service] 40 Rules on Supervision of Dairy Products Producing Enterprises on Their Imple­ men­tation of Quality Safety Responsibilities [Rǔzhìpǐn Shēngchǎn Qǐyè Luòshí Zhìliàng Ānquán Zhǔtǐ Zérèn Jiāndū Jiǎnchá Guīdìng] (乳制品生产企业落实质量 安全主体责任监督检查规定) (promulgated by aqsiq, Sep. 27, 2009), CLI.4.125957, Chinalawinfo 114, 436 Scenario Plan for Market Supervision in the Administration of Industry and ­Com­merce System, ((Gongshangban Zi No. 86) (《工商行政管理系统市场监管应急预案》), issued by the State Administration of Industry and Commerce (saic) on 29 June 2005 88

Others

Measures for the Administration of Famous-Brand (Agricultural) Products of Guangdong Province, promulgated 17 March 2003, effective as of 17 March 2003, now expired (Guangdong Famous Brand Measures) Guangdong Famous Brand Measures, Article 2 222 Guangdong Famous Brand Measures, Article 9(1) 222 Guangdong Famous Brand Measures, Article 12 222 Guangdong Famous Brand Measures, Article 20 222 Guangdong Famous Brand Measures, Article 21 222 Guangdong Famous Brand Measures, Article 23 222 Guangdong Famous Brand Measures, Article 26 222 Guangdong Famous Brand Measures, Article 30 222 National Development and Reform Commission and Ministry of Industry and Information Technology, 12th Five-Year Plan for the Food Industry 124 National Food Safety Supervision System Plan for 2012–2017, Guójiā Shípǐn ānquán Jiānguǎn Tǐxì ‘Shí’èrwǔ’ Guīhuà (国家食品安全监管体系‘十二五’规划) 487

Appendix 3: Table of Legislation and Regulations 515

Provisions on the Supervision over and Administration of the Quality Safety of Export Agricultural Products, adopted on 14 August 2006 at the 73rd executive meeting of the People’s Government of Shandong Province by Order No. 189, promulgated on 18 October 2006, with effect as of 1 December 2006 (Shandong Quality Agricultural Export Provisions) Shandong Quality Agricultural Export Provisions, Article 2 223 Shandong Quality Agricultural Export Provisions, Article 3 224 Shandong Quality Agricultural Export Provisions, Article 6 224 Shandong Quality Agricultural Export Provisions, Article 7 224 北京市人民政府办公厅关于印发北京市食品安全行动计划(2011–2015年)及重点工 作任务分解方案的通知(京政办发【2011】43) 213 People’s Republic of China, 12th Five Year Plan for National Food Safety Standard – final, United States Foreign Agricultural Service, Global Agricultural Information Network, Gain Report Number 12041, 28 June 2012 (informal translation) 487 People’s Republic of China, Food Safety Law (Draft for Public Comments) (unoffi- cial translation prepared by Andrew Anderson-Sprecher and Ma Jie), usda Foreign Agricultural Service, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain), People’s Republic of China, gain Report Number CH14036, 21 July 2014 491 Regulations of cpc on Discipline Regulations, Article 28 137 Report of the Ministry of Health on the National Hygiene Executive Conference and the Second National Hygiene Conference, passed at the 167th Session Meeting of Government Administration Council of the Central People’s Government 156 usda Foreign Agricultural Services, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain), People’s Republic of China, Food Safety Law Draft for Comment (Compared with the 2009 Food Safety Law), prepared by M. Meador and Ma Jie, gain Report Number 13064, 8 November 2013 Article 1(5) 492 Article 2 493 Article 12 492 Article 14 493 Article 15 493 Article 18 493 Article 23 493 usda Foreign Agricultural Services, Global Agricultural Information Network (gain), People’s Republic of China, Ministry of Health, Circular on the Relevant Issues on Implementation of the Food Safety Law, unofficial translation, gain Report Number CH9078, 28 September 2009 120–121

516 Appendix 3: Table of Legislation and Regulations

Legislation of the United States fda Food Safety Modernization Act 242, 477 United States Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agricultural Service, 2009 Regulation Reports 229

Legislation of New Zealand

hm Revenue & Customs, Common Agricultural Policy import procedures and spe- cial directions for goods, Section 5.41 New Zealand butter 290

Appendix 4 Table of Standards

Codex Alimentarius Commission, Code of Hygienic Practice for Bottled/Packaged Drinking Waters (other than Natural Mineral Waters), cac/rcp 48–2001 ———, Codex Stan 94, Article 6.1.1(ii) 359, 360 ———, CX/GP96/3 354 ———, General Standard for Contaminants and Toxins in Food and Feed, codex stan 193–1955 237, 272 ———, General Standard for the Labelling of Prepackaged Foods, Codex stan 1–1985 (Rev. 1–1991), Article 4.5 378 ———, Standard on Labelling of Prepackaged Foods (codex stan 1–1985) 311 Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations (fao), International Standard for Phytosanitary Measure No. 11, Pest Risk Analysis for Quarantine Pests Including Analysis of Environmental Risks (fao, Rome 2004) 370, 371 ———, International Standards for Phytosanitary Measures Part I – Import Regulations, Guidelines for Pest Risk Analysis, Food and Agriculture Organisation Secretariat, 1996 358 International Organisation for Standardisation, iso/ts 15495/idf/rm 230:2010 236, 237, 272 International Plant Protection Convention (ippc), Secretariat of the International Plant Protection Convention, International Standards for Phytosanitary Measures, ispm 10 Requirements for the Establishment of Pest Free Places of Production and Pest Free Production Sites (1999) (fao, Rome 2011) 362–363, 372–373 ———, Secretariat of the International Plant Protection Convention (ippc), International Standards for Phytosanitary Measures, ispm 2 Guidelines for Pest Risk Analysis (1995) (fao, Rome 2006) 372 ———, Secretariat of the International Plant Protection Convention (ippc), International Standards for Phytosanitary Measures, ispm 2 Framework for Pest Risk Analysis (2007) (fao, Rome, 2011) 362 ———, Secretariat of the International Plant Protection Convention (ippc), International Standards for Phytosanitary Measures, ispm 4 Requirements for the Establishment of Pest Free Areas (1995) (fao, Rome 2011) 372 ———, Secretariat of the International Plant Protection Convention (ippc), International Standards for Phytosanitary Measures, ispm 11 Pest Risk Analysis for Quarantine Pests (2013), (fao, Rome 2014) 362, 372 ———, Secretariat of the International Plant Protection Convention (ippc), International Standards for Phytosanitary Measures, ispm 22 Requirements for the Establishment of Areas of Low Pest Prevalence (2005) (fao, Rome 2011) 373

518 Appendix 4: Table of Standards

People’s Republic of China, aqsiq and the National Standards Commission, Rapid Determination of Melamine in Raw Milk High Performance Liquid Chromatography Method *GB/T 22400–2008 234 ———, aqsiq, Milk, milk products and infant formulae – Guidelines for the quan- titative determination of melamine and cyanuric acid by lc-ms/ms, iso/ts 15495 |idf/rm 230:2010 272 ———, Code of China, GB/T 20000.1-2002 Guide for standardization – Part 1: Standardization and related activities – General vocabulary (English) 189 ———, Code of China, Standards, Professional Classification 205 World Organisation for Animal Health, oie Aquatic Animal Health Code 345, 346, 348, 349

Appendix 5 Table of Cases

wto Cases

Consultations Australia – Measures Affecting the Importation of Salmonids, DS21 344 Australia – Certain Measures Affecting the Importation of Fresh Fruit and Vegetables, DS270 295, 296 Australia – Quarantine Regime for Imports, DS287 290 Canada – Measures Affecting the Importation of Milk and the Exportation of Dairy Products, DS103 279 Canada – Measures Affecting Dairy Exports, DS113 279 Chile – Provisional Safeguard Measure on Certain Milk Products, DS351 278 Chile – Definitive Safeguard Measures on Certain Milk Products, DS356 279 China – Grants, Loans and Other Incentives, DS387 223 China – Grants, Loans and Other Incentives, DS388 223 China – Anti-Dumping and Countervailing Duty Measures on Broiler Products from the United States, DS427 291 China – Measures Relating the Exportation of Rare Earths, Tungsten and Molybdenum, DS431, DS432, DS433 282 Croatia – Measures Affecting Imports of Live Animals and Meat Products, DS297 303 European Communities – Measures Affecting Butter Products, DS72 289 European Communities – Certain Measures Affecting Poultry Meat and Poultry Meat Products from the United States, DS389 291 Indonesia – Importation of Horticultural Products, Animals and Animal Products, DS455 299, 322 Indonesia – Importation of Horticultural Products, Animals and Animal Products, DS465 300, 322 Indonesia – Importation of Horticultural Products, Animals and Animal Products, DS466 300,322 Indonesia – Importation of Horticultural Products, Animals and Animal Product, DS477 300, 322 Indonesia – Importation of Horticultural Products, Animals and Animal Products, DS478 300, 322 Korea – Measures Concerning Inspection of Agricultural Products, DS3 307, 308 Korea – Measures Concerning the Shelf-Life of Products, DS5 309, 310, 311 Korea – Measures Concerning Bottled Water, DS20 285, 312, 313 Korea – Measures Concerning Inspection of Agricultural Products, DS41 307, 308

520 Appendix 5: Table of Cases

Korea – Measures Affecting the Importation of Bovine Meat and Meat Productsfrom Canada, DS391 304 Mexico – Certain Measures Preventing the Importation of Black Beans from Nicaragua, DS284/1 297 Romania – Import Prohibition on Wheat and Wheat Flour, DS240 301, 302 Russian Federation – Measures on the Importation of Live Pigs, Pork and Other Pig Products from the European Union, DS475 306 Slovak Republic – Measures Concerning the Importation of Dairy Products and the Transit of Cattle, DS133 294 Turkey – Certain Import Procedures for Fresh Fruit, DS237 295 Turkey – Import Ban on Pet Food from Hungary, DS 256 302, 303 United States – Measures Affecting Imports of Poultry Products, DS100 294 United States – Certain Measures Affecting Imports of Poultry from China, DS392 297 United States – Certain Measures Affecting the Import of Cattle, Swine and Grain from Canada, DS144 294, 295 United States – Measures Affecting the Importation of Animals, Meat and Other Animal Products from Argentina, DS447 304, 305, 322 United States – Measures Affecting the Importation of Fresh Lemons, DS448 305, 306 Panel Reports Australia – Measures Affecting Importation of Salmon, DS18 274, 345, 346 Australia – Measures Affecting Importation of Salmon, Recourse by Canada to Article 21.5 of the dsu, DS18 348 Australia – Measures Affecting the Importation of Apples from New Zealand, DS367 377 Brazil – Measures Affecting Desiccated Coconut, DS22 285 Canada/United States – Continued Suspension of Obligations in the ec – Hormones Dispute, DS320, DS321 355 China – Anti-dumping and Countervailing Duty Measures on Broiler Products from the United States, DS427 291, 322 European Communities – United Kingdom Application of eec Directives to Importation of Poultry from the United States, Report of the [gatt] Panel, Adopted on 11 June (1981, L/5155 – 28S/90) 291 European Communities – Trade Descriptions of Scallops, DS7 283 European Communities – Trade Descriptions of Scallops, DS12, DS14 283 European Communities – Regime for the Importation, Sale and Distribution of Bananas, DS27 320 European Communities – Measures Concerning Meat and Meat Products (Hormones), DS26, DS48 182 European Communities – Measures Affecting Asbestos and Asbestos-Containing Products, DS135 265 European Communities – Trade Description of Sardines, DS276 358

Appendix 5: Table of Cases 521

European Communities – Measures Affecting the Approval and Marketing of Biotech Products, DS291, DS292, DS293 182, 366 India – Measures Concerning the Importation of Certain Agricultural Products, DS430 384 Japan – Measures Affecting Agricultural Products, DS76 275 Japan – Measures Affecting the Importation of Apples, DS245 362 Korea – Taxes on Alcoholic Beverages, DS75, DS84 320 Russian Federation – Measures on the Importation of Live Pigs, Pork and Other Pig Products from the European Union, DS475 388 United States – Continued Suspension of Obligations in the ec – Hormones Dispute, DS320 354 United States – Certain Country of Origin Labelling (cool) Requirements, DS384, DS386 378 United States – Certain Measures Affecting Imports of Poultry from China, DS/392 291 United States – Measures Affecting the Production and Sale of Clove Cigarettes, DS406 182, 381

Appellate Body Reports

Australia – Measures Affecting Importation of Salmon, DS18 346 Australia – Measures Affecting the Importation of Apples from New Zealand, DS367 371, 377 China – Measures Affecting Imports of Auto Parts, DS339, DS340, DS342 282 China – Measures Related to the Exportation of Various Raw Materials, DS394, DS395, DS398 282 European Communities – Measures Concerning Meat and Meat Products (Hormones), DS26, DS48 184 European Communities – Anti-Dumping Duties on Imports of Cotton-Type Bed Linen from India, DS141 329 European Communities – Trade Description of Sardines, DS231 266, 358 Japan – Measures Affecting Agricultural Products, DS76 358 Japan – Measures Affecting the Importation of Apples, DS245 362 Korea – Measures Affecting Imports of Fresh, Chilled or Frozen Beef, DS161, DS169 266 Mexico – Anti-Dumping Investigation of High Fructose Corn Syrup from the United States, Recourse to Article 21.5 dsu, DS132 286 United States – Certain Country of Origin (cool) Requirements, DS384, DS386 380 United States – Measures Affecting the Production and Sale of Clove Cigarettes, DS406 384

522 Appendix 5: Table of Cases

Article 21.3(c) and Article 22.6 Arbitrations

China – Countervailing and Anti-dumping Duties on Grain Oriented Flat-Rolled Electrical Steel from the United States, DS414 89, 378 European Communities – Measures Concerning Meat and Meat Products (Hormones), DS48 354 European Communities – Measures Concerning Meat and Meat Products (Hormones), DS26 182 Japan – Measures Affecting the Importation of Apples, DS245 365, 366 United States – Certain Country of Origin (cool) Requirements, DS384, DS386 Other 380 Conciliation, us/eec Negotiation on Poultry, Establishment of Panel (12S/65) and Panel on Poultry, Report of Panel (L/2088), (bisd 125/65) 291

Judgments of the European Court of Justice

Case 68/86 United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland v Council of the European Communities [1988] ecr 855 350 Case 376/86 Distrivet v Council of the European Communities [1988] ecr 209 350 Case 34/88 Coopérative agricole de l’Anjou et du Poitou and others v Council of the European Communities [1988] ecr 6265 350 Case 160/88 Fédération européenne de la santé animale and others v Council of the European Communities [1988] ecr 6399 350 Case 160/88R Fédération européenne de la santé animale and others v Council of the European Communities [1988] ecr 4121 350 Case C-331/88R R. v Secretary of State for Health ex parte Fedesa and others [1990] ecr I-4023 350

Judicial Decisions of the People’s Republic of China

People’s Procuratorate of Shijiazhuang Municipality v. Shijiazhuang Sanlu Group Co. Ltd. and related persons (Higher Court of Hebei Province) 43, 139

Judicial Decisions of the United States

Harlan Land Company, et al. vs. United States Department of Agriculture, et al., Case #CV-F-00-6106-REC/LJO (D. Ariz. Sept. 27, 2001) 306

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Author Index

Alldrick, A. 84, 100, 117, 176, 216 Mahiou, A. 15, 155, 246, 247, 282, 338 McGregor, R. 29, 42–45, 58, 62, 81, 84, 142 Bachman, D. 66–68, 72 Mertha, A. 63, 64, 69, 70, 72, 75, 77, 90 Bo, Z. 95, 97, 98 Moore, T.G. 105, 220 Braithwaite, J. 215, 273, 278 BrØdsgaard, K.E. 42, 62–64 Naughton, B. 44, 45 Burns, J.P. 43, 53, 56–58, 83, 88, 135, 158 Nicoll, G. 30, 42, 44, 58, 79, 83, 88, 101, 128, 129, 148, 150, 152 Caijing Magazine 43, 45, 48, 55, 57, 58, 78, 84, 136, 146, 149 Oksenberg, M. 19, 65, 69 Chan, G. 152, 165, 166, 177, 257, 260, 278 Ortolano, L. 61, 65, 66, 70, 71, 73 Chan, L.-H. 152, 165, 166, 177, 257, 260, 278 Otto, J.M. 87, 108, 113, 119 Chen, J. 87, 108, 113, 119 Corne, P.H. 87, 113 Pei, X. 84, 100, 117, 176, 216 Peters, G. 43, 53, 56–58, 83, 88, 135, 158 Dougan, M. 67, 69, 70, 73 Polak, M.V. 87, 108, 113, 119 Drahos, P. 215, 273, 278, 291 Schepel, H. 184, 215 Fu, J. 30, 42, 44, 58, 79, 83, 88, 107, 128, 129, Schurmann, F. 65, 68, 72 148, 150, 152 Sheng, Y. 29, 90 Shirk, S.L. 62, 65, 81, 112 Giorgi, L. 84, 100, 117, 176, 216 Sinkule, B.J. 61, 65, 66, 70, 71, 73 Snyder, F. 3–5, 11, 13–15, 39, 75, 155, 179, 217, Huang, W. 84, 100, 117, 176, 216 219, 220, 245–247, 252, 254, 261, 263, Huang, Y. 73, 102, 157, 160 266, 270, 272, 281, 282, 286, 291, 293, 332–334, 337–340, 398, 405, 406, 428, Keller, F.B. 97, 98, 496 479, 481 Kennedy, S. 191, 202, 220, 243 Klein, K.K. 46, 48, 50, 54, 57–59, 78, 100, 102, Tandon, A. 84, 100, 117, 176, 216 113, 126, 240 Wang, R. 17 Lampton, D. 45, 61, 62, 69–71, 73, 88–90, 106, Wang, X. 43, 53, 56–58, 83, 88, 135, 158 142 Webber, M. 49, 53 Lee, P.K. 152, 165, 166, 177, 257, 260, 278 Lieberthal, K. 19, 45, 61–63, 65–71, 73, 88–90, Xiao, P. 191, 194, 195, 206–209 106, 142, 219 Xiu, C. 46 Li, J. 28, 41, 43, 44, 46–48, 50, 51, 53, 55–58, 77, 79, 82, 83, 87–91, 101, 102, 135, 150, 158 Yang, R. 84, 100, 117, 176, 216 Lin, C.-F. 246, 256, 260 Liu, C. 39, 43, 46, 85, 142 Zheng, Y. 42, 62–67, 142, 219 Li, Y. 87, 108, 113, 119 Zhu, S. 64, 65

Subject Index

Abbott 85, 132, 133, 181, 182 Bilateral Agreement on Food Safety Accession of China to wto 401, 403 (us–China) 38–39 Additives 55, 100, 158–159, 168–172, 174, 185, Bird flu. See Avian influenza 208–209, 211, 213, 225, 227, 229, 238, 239, Bottled water 288, 289, 291–293, 312, 242, 252, 264, 265, 273–274, 342, 343, 316, 317 355, 357, 362, 374, 375, 385, 445, 447, Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy 449, 454, 455, 457, 460, 463 (bse) 176, 253, 254, 306, 307, 454 Administration for Quality Supervision, Brazil 15, 301, 309, 310, 358, 360, 362, 366, Inspection and Quarantine 369, 383, 385, 389, 394, 395, 411, 419, 430, (aqsiq) 75–77, 84–88, 90, 92, 96, 101, 437, 438, 440, 445, 446, 448–450, 452, 112–115, 136, 145, 160, 161, 165, 177, 178, 196, 458, 468, 472, 474, 475, 522 197, 200–202, 205, 206, 209, 213, 229, Bright Dairy 50, 85, 123, 127, 130–131, 179, 180, 237–239, 408, 418, 419, 427–429, 434, 435, 218, 220, 221, 223, 234, 244 440, 444, 450, 451, 455, 457, 492, 494, 496, bse. See Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy 514, 516–518, 521 (bse) Administrative compensation. See Butter 288, 293, 294, 520, 521 Compensation Administrative Measures for National Food Canada 37, 128, 222, 227, 238, 240, 269, 274, Safety Standards (2010) 213–214, 513 288–290, 292, 294, 297, 298, 303, 304, Aggressive legalism 335, 336 306–308, 312, 316–318, 330, 332, 348–355, Alignment 7, 8, 184, 185, 201, 267, 348, 353, 358, 359, 363, 370, 371, 374, 382–384, 394, 359, 365, 393–395, 410–413, 417, 411, 414, 415, 421–424, 433, 434, 437, 438, 420–422, 424, 429, 431, 433–435, 438, 446, 448, 450, 452, 456, 463, 466, 467, 441, 445–448, 453, 460, 461, 465, 468, 472, 474, 475, 478, 504, 521, 522 472, 474–478, 485, 488, 489, 499 cbd. See Convention on Biological Diversity Anti-dumping 5, 16, 30–36, 57, 89, 104, 283, (cbd) 290, 295, 326, 333, 335, 382, 403, 521–524 cdia. See China Dairy Industry Association apec Food Safety Cooperation Forum 280 (cdia) Argentina 303, 306, 308–310, 317, 318, 325, Central Political and Legal Commission 326, 330, 370, 371, 373, 383, 389, 394, (of the cpc) 142, 143 395, 422–424, 436–438, 441, 446, 448, cfda. See China Food and Drug 452, 460, 467 Administration (cfda) Arla Foods 29, 127 cfs. See Commission on Food Safety (cfs) Armillarisin 154 Chen Zhu 89, 92, 98 Asahi 131, 181 China 2, 9, 108, 184, 245, 284, 339, 398, 481 Assertive legalism 334–336 China Dairy Industry Association Australia–Apples 375–382, 394, 396 (cdia) 123–124, 220–223 Australia–Salmon 278, 348–353, 370, 378, China Famous Brands 226 394, 396 China Food and Drug Administration Avian influenza 389 (cfda) 457, 478, 493–496 China Hazard-free Action Plan 418 Baby formula. See Infant formula China Legislative Information System 456 Bankruptcy 111, 127–130, 147, 148, 152, 162 China Mengniu Dairy Company Limited 50 Beidalaban 49 China National Accreditation Service Beijing Sanyuan Foods Co. Ltd. 128 (cnas) 450

576 Subject Index

China National Offshore Oil Corporation Measures for the Supervision and (cnooc) 19, 20, 23–27, 52, 57 Administration of Inspection and China National Offshore Oil Corporation Quarantine of Import and Export Chemical Ltd. (cnoocc) 19, 20, 23–25, 52 Dairy Products 454–455 China–us Agreement on China’s wto Measures for the Supervision and Accession 200 Administration of Inspection and Chinese law Quarantine of Import and Export Meat Civil Procedure Law 148, 153, 506 Products 454–455 Food Hygiene Law (see Food Hygiene Law Chinese Taipei 301, 303, 304, 310, 358, 366, (1995)) 369, 370, 376, 383, 394, 414, 415, 420, Food Safety Law (see Food Safety Law (2009)) 424, 460, 461, 467 Law on Agriculture 75, 418 cicd. See Council for International Law on Animal Disease Prevention 75, 418 Congresses of Dipterology (cicd) Law on Frontier Health and cnas. See China National Accreditation Quarantine 75, 418, 455 Service (cnas) Law on Import and Export Commodity cnooc. See China National Offshore Oil Inspection 75, 418, 455 Corporation (cnooc) Law on the Entry and Exit of Animals and cnoocc. See China National Offshore Oil Plant Quarantine 75, 418 Corporation Chemical Ltd. (cnoocc) Law on the Quality and Safety of Code of Good Practice (tbt). See wto Agricultural Products 164, 497 Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade Chinese People’s Political Consultative Codex Alimentarius Commission (cac/ Committee 42 Codex) Chinese regulations Codex Stan 94, 363, 364, 520 Regulations on Implementation of the Codex Standard for Food Additives 375 Law on Entry and Exit Animal and Codex Standard for Processed Cereal- Plant Quarantine 454–455 based Foods for Infants and Regulations on the Administration of Feed Children 375 and Feed Additives 454–455 Codex Stan 1-1985, General Standard Regulations on the Control of for the Labelling of Prepackaged Pesticides 454–455 Foods 382, 520 Regulations on the Control of Veterinary Colombia 227, 274, 363, 383, 385, 389, 394, Drugs 454–455 395, 446, 448, 457, 460, 467 Chinese rules and administrative measures Commission on Food Safety (cfs) 48 Administrative Measures for Registration Communist Party of China (cpc) 5, 14, 24, of Foreign Manufacturers of Imported 42, 62–64, 66, 73, 79, 81–83, 88–90, Food 450 92–96, 98, 99, 104–106, 108, 109, 135–137, Administrative Measures on the Safety of 143, 145, 149, 153, 154, 162, 218, 219, 482, Import and Export Food 454–455 490, 519 Measures for the Prevention and Treatment Communist Youth League (cyl) 97 of aids at Frontier 454–455 Compensation 109, 111, 129, 134, 137, 138, 144, Measures for the Supervision and 147–153, 162, 172, 173, 199 Administration of Inspection and Confidence. See Trust Quarantine of Import and Export Consolidation 74, 117, 121, 125, 127, 130, 165–167, Aquatic Products 454–455 172, 179, 209, 216, 217, 219, 221, 222, 224, Measures for the Supervision and 225, 267, 288, 352, 440, 457, 483, 498 Administration of Inspection and Consultations (wto) 282–337 Quarantine of Import and Export Convention on Biological Diversity Cosmetic Products 454–455 (cbd) 371–373, 428, 431, 432

Subject Index 577

Council for International Congresses of Factions Dipterology (cicd) 378 Base-Type Dairy Faction 219, 221, 236 cpc. See Communist Party of China (cpc) City Dairy Faction 220, 221, 224 Criminal Law (cl) 117, 138, 139, 143, 171, 195, fao Guidelines for Pest Risk Analysis 362 196, 230, 510 Fonterra 18, 29, 30, 43, 45, 49, 50, 52–54, Criminal prosecution 111, 138, 139, 146–147, 173 58, 78–82, 105, 106, 128–130, 133, Criminal sanctions 138, 139, 172 143–145, 147, 150, 151, 182, 222, 277, cyl. See Communist Youth League (cyl) 293, 482 Food and Agriculture Organization of the Dairy Association of China 123, 218, 219 United Nations (fao) 241 Dairy Association of Inner Mongolia Food and Drug Administration (fda) of the Autonomous Region 234 United States 37, 38, 59, 158, 236, 240, Dairy Association of Western 246, 384, 429, 504 China 233–234 Food Hygiene Law (1995) 6, 86, 110–111, Dairy chain 55, 222 157–163, 176, 198, 405, 478, 483, 506 Dairy farm 41, 46, 54, 57, 85, 86, 99, 121–124, Food Safety Commission 165, 176, 281, 494 128, 129, 146, 222, 235 Food Safety Committee (China) 164, Dairy villages. See Milk collection stations / 492, 511. See also Food Safety milk stations Commission Danone 133, 182 Food Safety Law (2009) 6, 38, 86, 109–111, Dilemma of market access 216, 484 162–173, 175, 176, 183, 185, 206–214, 217, Dilemma of regulatory capture 216, 484 243, 245, 261, 398, 428, 439, 440, 444, Docketing 153, 154 445, 454, 474, 483, 484, 491–493, dsm Melamine 17–19, 24, 25, 34 495–497, 506–508, 512, 519 dsm Stamicarbon 19 Food Safety Law (2015) 37 Dual rule 5, 68, 71, 72, 106, 482 Food Safety Modernization Act (us) 246, 481 Dumex 85, 131, 180 Food safety regulation 2–8, 10–13, 15, 16, 73–86, 90, 91, 104–106, 109, 112, ec–Biotech Products 370–375, 377, 394, 396 120, 124, 136, 157, 160, 166, 175, 177, ec–Hormones 202, 267–269, 343, 353–360, 178, 183, 228, 233, 245–281, 284–286, 367, 373, 390, 394, 522, 523 338, 339, 353, 359, 370, 375, 393, ec–Sardines 362–366, 383, 394 397–400, 407–408, 440, 442, efma. See European Fertilisers 443, 454, 474, 477–485, 487–492, Manufacturers Association (efma) 494, 498 Egypt 24, 33, 432, 438, 440 Food Safety Risk Assessment Expert Emergencies. See national food crises Committee (China) 492 Entry and exit system 75, 418 Fragmentation 5, 69, 73–76, 87, 90, 91, 99, Environment. See environmental policy 106, 111, 114, 116, 125, 157, 164 Environmental policy 61, 65, 70–72, 418, 498 Fragmented authoritarianism 14, 68, 69, Equivalence 264, 265, 302, 411, 435 72–74, 106, 109, 162, 166 eu Food Law 285, 306, 359 Fresh fruit 274, 297, 299–300, 326, European Community 521, 522 ec Directive 2001/18 on the deliberate Fuyang 51, 55, 162 release of gmos into the environment 371 gad. See Global Antidumping Database ec Regulation 258/97 on novel foods and (gad) novel ingredients 371 Gao Qiang 89–90, 92, 96 European Fertilisers Manufacturers gatt. See General Agreement on Tariffs and Association (efma) 33 Trade (gatt)

578 Subject Index

General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade iec. See International Electrotechnical (gatt) 186, 196, 198, 227, 261–263, 265, Commission (iec) 269, 270, 282, 283, 289, 290, 294, 295, ihr. See International Health Regulations 298–312, 314, 315, 322, 323, 334, 343, 349, (ihr) 350, 353, 354, 363, 364, 366, 369, 371, 382, Implementing Regulation. See Regulation on 389, 390, 392, 406, 470, 503, 523 the Implementation of the Food Safety Genetically Modified Organisms (gmos) 75, Law 371, 414, 415, 418, 419, 499 Import bans-health and quality stan- Geographical indications (gis) 8, 262–263, dards 287, 305–310, 486 414–415, 422–425, 428–434, 438, Import bans-procedures 287, 296–305 444–446, 448, 451, 452, 460, 462, 463, India 465, 467, 472–476, 489 India Livestock Importation Act 1898, 388 ghp. See Good Hygienic Practice (ghp) India-Agricultural Products 388–393 Global Antidumping Database (gad) 31, Indonesia 33, 256, 297, 303–305, 318, 326, 32, 34 385–388, 395, 397, 447, 448, 463, 464, Global food safety agency 287, 337, 487 466–468, 472, 522 Globalisation 2, 3, 5, 7, 13, 29, 62, 72, 90, Infant formula 9, 44, 51, 59, 83, 85, 87, 126, 282–337, 485 130, 132–134, 138, 158, 177, 179–183, 231, Global legal pluralism 2–5, 13, 339, 398, 400, 239–243, 275–276, 481, 484, 498, 516, 521 489, 490 infosan. See International Food Safety Global Strategy for Food Safety (who) 254, Authorities Network (infosan) 255 Inspection 7, 37–40, 48, 53, 54, 59, 60, 74, 75, gmos. See Genetically Modified Organisms 77, 79, 84, 86, 87, 98–100, 103, 105, (gmos) 112–114, 120, 122, 123, 125, 126, 140, Good Hygienic Practice (ghp) 224 159–161, 163, 166–170, 174, 178, 196, 200, Guangzhou Dairy Association 221, 233 205, 225–229, 233, 237, 239, 240, 242, 259, 274, 287, 296, 301, 304, 309–313, 317, haccp. See Hazard Analysis Critical Control 325, 342, 349, 369, 405, 416, 418–420, Point (haccp) 424, 427, 429, 431, 434–438, 440, 450, Hainan Island 19, 23 452, 454, 455, 457, 458, 460, 467, 486, Harmonised System (hs) 21, 22, 314, 386 504, 513–518, 522 Hazard Analysis Critical Control Point Institutional bias 320 (haccp) 116, 124, 224, 418 Integrated Supply Chain Management Hebei Province 29, 41, 44, 58, 75, 78, 84, 89, (icm) 224, 225 134, 140, 142, 524 Intermediate People’s Court (Shijiazhuang). Hebei Province Higher People’s Court 142 See Shijiazhuang Intermediate People’s Hebei Province Party Committee 42 Court Hidden jurisprudence 7, 284, 285, 331, 332, International Agency for Research on Cancer 337, 486 (iarc) 356 Hong Kong 29, 127, 130, 133, 134, 144, 182, 183, International Aquatic Animal Health 240, 427, 437–438, 458, 510 Code 278, 349, 394 Hong Kong Small Claims Tribunal 144 International Dairy Federation (idf) 215, Horticultural products 297, 303, 304, 522 221–225, 240, 272, 275–277, 520, 521 hs. See Harmonised System (hs) International Electrotechnical Commission (iec) 201, 271 iarc. See International Agency for Research International Food Safety Authorities on Cancer (iarc) Network (infosan) 6, 177, 178, 246, idf. See International Dairy 255–261, 485 Federation (idf) International Forum for Food Safety 280

Subject Index 579

International Health Regulations (ihr) 259, Korea 95, 256, 270, 288–293, 301, 303, 260 306–318, 324, 330, 383, 422, 424, 430, International Organization for Animal Health 431, 438, 458, 460, 467, 522–524 (oie) 6, 248, 251, 271 Kuai 63, 64, 69–71, 73, 76, 86, 107, 108, 197 International Plant Protection Convention (ippc) Labelling 75, 170, 187, 202, 253, 263, 274, 276, ippc 1994 Guidelines for Pest Risk 287, 313, 315, 342, 382–384, 414, 415, Analysis 376 417–420, 422, 423, 428, 444, 447, 472, ippc International Standard for 498, 520, 523 Phytosanitary Measures (ispm) No 2 on Law on Public Health Emergencies 138–139 Guidelines for Pest Risk Analysis 376 Lawyers 129, 139, 143, 147, 148, 155, 256, 282, ippc International Standard for 285, 287, 324, 332, 399 Phytosanitary Measures (ispm) No 11 Leadership relations 68–71, 76–78, 91, 106, on Pest Risk Analysis for 108, 109, 162 Quarantine 376 Leading Small Group (lsg) of the State ippc International Standard for Council 88 Phytosanitary Measures (ispm) No 22 on Legal liability 171, 173, 198, 211 Requirements for the Establishment of Legal pluralism 2–5, 13, 15, 62, 179, 245, 247, Areas of Low Pest Prevalence 376–377 266, 286, 332, 337, 339, 340, 398, 400, ippc International Standard for 428, 479, 487, 489, 490 Phytosanitary Measures (ispm) No 4 Leitmotif 14, 15, 41, 60, 73, 103–106, 152, 482 on Requirements for the Establishment Levels of analysis 104 of Pest Free Areas 376 Local protectionism 53–55, 90 ippc International Standard for Phytosanitary Measures (ispm) No 10 Macau 133, 182, 183, 227, 427 on Requirements for the Establishment Malaysia 32, 127, 256, 274, 414, 415, 432, 438, of Pest-Free Places of Production and 465, 467 Pest Free Production Sites 366–367 Managed justice 111, 134–137, 152 International Standardization Organization Marrakesh Agreement 406 (iso) 200–202 Mead Johnson 131–133, 180–182 International standards, passim 2, 100, 116, Measures for the Administration of Adoption 184, 247, 284, 338, 401, 481 of International Standards (2001) 199– International Telecommunications Union 204, 515 (itu) 201, 202, 412 Measures on Exemption of Inspection to International Trade Commission of the Food Products 113, 229 United States 31 Media 19, 25, 26, 30, 32, 33, 52, 56, 78–82, ippc 1994 Guidelines for Pest Risk Analysis 376 84, 85, 88, 91, 97, 102, 106, 111–115, 120, iso. See International Standardization 124, 128, 140, 142, 143, 146, 148, 149, 154, Organization (iso) 162, 170, 179, 222, 228, 229, 231, 236, 241, itu. See International Telecommunications 244, 260, 261, 267, 275, 276, 280, 289, Union (itu) 299, 323, 327, 409, 471, 495, 498, 499, 517 Japan–Agricultural Products 279, 360–362, Melamine 2, 5, 6, 9–108, 111–114, 117, 122, 123, 366 126–134, 136, 138–163, 173, 175–177, Japan–Apples 366–370, 394, 396 179–185, 190, 206–212, 215, 216, 218, 221, Joint action 148, 150 222, 224, 226, 228, 229, 236–245, 260, Joint venture 16–30, 43, 49, 50, 52, 54, 57, 58, 261, 273, 275, 277, 302, 398, 426, 439, 78, 104–106, 127, 129, 131, 145, 181, 222, 445, 449, 473, 476, 477, 482–485, 489, 402, 482, 506, 510, 538 517, 521

580 Subject Index

Melamine scandal 2, 16, 39, 40, 80, 108, 111, Mutually agreed solution 287, 288, 290, 292, 122, 126–128, 130–134, 136, 139, 143, 145, 293, 297, 299, 306–308, 312, 314–317, 147, 149, 151–152, 154, 162, 163, 180–182, 322, 324, 327, 333, 359, 487 228, 273, 445, 449, 473, 483 Melamine standards 229, 236–243, 275 National Development and Reform Mengniu Dairy Company Ltd,. See China Commission (ndrc) 54, 55, 88, 94, Mengniu Dairy Company Limited 96, 124, 126, 169, 205, 206, 220–221, 515, Menu Foods 37, 38 517, 518 Meta-policy. See Social stability National food crises 170 Mexico 226, 227, 274, 280, 290, 297, 300, 301, National Health and Family Planning 318, 329, 330, 358, 370, 382–385, 394, Committee (nhfpc) 478, 494 395, 412, 414, 415, 420, 422, 424, 429, National People’s Congress (npc) 37–38, 62, 434–436, 438, 447–449, 453, 461, 467, 85, 86, 89, 109, 117–119, 138, 140, 149, 153, 472, 474, 475, 477, 478, 522, 524 156, 157, 160, 162, 192, 198, 229, 230, 458, Milk collection stations / milk stations 46, 478, 490, 493–495, 505–510 48–50, 52–55, 57, 79, 86, 101, 111, 114, 123, National People’s Congress Standing 125–126, 129, 146, 231 Committee. See National People’s Milk powder 30, 41, 44, 47, 50, 51, 53, 57, 58, Congress 79, 83, 85–88, 98, 102, 126–129, 133, 134, National Risk Assessment Center 496 140, 141, 150, 152, 177, 179, 182, 183, 221, National Standard Testing Method of 229, 231, 232, 244, 260, 430, 516 Melamine in Raw Milk and Dairy Ministry of Agriculture (moa) 44, 48, 71, Products 237 74–77, 86–88, 91, 92, 96, 114, 115, 119, 120, ndrc. See National Development and Reform 125, 126, 136, 157, 164, 167, 174, 198, 202, Commission (ndrc) 206, 207, 209, 213, 219, 230, 238, 239, 242, Nestle 132, 133, 181, 182, 218 299, 305, 360, 408, 418, 419, 428, 429, New Zealand 18, 29, 30, 53, 58, 78–82, 84, 444, 451, 457, 492, 494, 497, 513–515, 517 103, 106, 128–130, 143, 144, 147, 151, 182, Ministry of Commerce (moc) 21, 34, 75–77, 227, 240, 274, 275, 283, 288, 293, 294, 89, 114, 167, 191, 205, 206, 220, 408, 416, 297, 303–305, 313, 316–318, 326, 330, 354, 492, 494, 517 355, 358, 366, 369, 370, 375–379, 381, Ministry of Foreign Affairs 80, 88, 93, 97 383, 393, 411, 417, 434, 438, 447, 448, 460, Ministry of Health 75, 77, 83, 84, 86–92, 96, 467, 468, 520, 522, 523 114, 120, 136, 156–160, 164, 165, 167, 168, nhfpc. See National Health and Family 170, 171, 175, 177, 197, 198, 202, 209–214, Planning Committee (nhfpc) 217, 231–234, 238, 239, 242, 243, 257, 259, Nitrogen 10, 21, 24, 25, 32, 55, 56, 100, 140, 141, 260, 281, 408, 418, 440, 444, 445, 449, 237 457, 490, 492, 493, 496, 497, 513, Nomenklatura 63, 135 515–517, 519 Notice on International Standards Ministry of Industry and Information (2002) 204–206, 517 Technology 88, 113, 114, 124, 126, 127, 169, Notification 8, 22, 33, 34, 163, 170, 189, 214, 228, 229, 238, 239, 242, 515–518 267, 299, 314, 315, 317, 377, 389, 402, 404, Ministry of Public Health. See Ministry of 408, 409, 411, 419, 426, 436–439, 445, Health 449, 452, 453, 456, 460–463, 465–468, Ministry of Public Security 88, 91, 94, 96, 470–472, 489 114, 496 npc. See National People’s Congress (npc) Montreal Protocol on Substances That Deplete the Ozone Layer 361 oci. See Orascin Construction Industries Multilateral monitoring. See wto Trade (oci) Policy Review Mechanism oie Guidelines for Risk Assessment 350

Subject Index 581 oie Terrestrial Animal Health Code 389, Propaganda Department of the cpc 88 395 Protein 9, 38, 41, 51, 55–58, 100–101, 104, 140, Olympics 60, 81, 82, 94, 96, 98 141, 146, 147, 215, 232, 233, 235, 237, 243, Orascin Construction Industries 484, 556 (oci) 23–25, 34 Provisions on the Administration of Food Organisation international des epizooties Recall 138, 160, 515 (oie). See International Organization for Animal Health Qingdao Shengyuan Milk Company Ltd. 130–131, 180 Parallel imports 133, 177, 182, 183, 430, 483 Qinghua Clique 97 Party-state 5, 10, 11, 15, 60–66, 68, 73, 76, 86, 105, 106, 109, 134, 139, 148, 153–155, 162, Rapid Determination of Melamine in Raw 176, 185, 192, 482–484, 489, 490 Milk High Performance Liquid Peru 270, 271, 287, 363, 370, 383, 394, 434, Chromatography Method 238, 521 438, 447, 448, 456, 464, 467 reach. See Registration, Evaluation, Pesticide 179, 208, 209, 225, 227, 232, 236, Authorisation and Restriction of 244, 252, 273, 274, 343, 374, 418, 455, 470, Chemicals (reach) 497 Recall. See Provisions on the Administration Pests 185, 186, 264, 265, 342, 351, 361, 362, of Food Recall 366–369, 373–380, 394, 395, 436, Registration, Evaluation, Authorisation 520–521 and Restriction of Chemicals (reach) Pet food 36–38, 41, 136, 236, 306, 307, 354, 39, 40 522 Regulation on the Implementation of the Petrochina 19, 20 Food Safety Law 173, 212, 511–512 Philippines 127, 256, 294, 297, 299, 300, 318, Regulation on the Supervision and 325, 326, 329, 330, 413, 415, 420, 422, 424, Administration of the Quality and Safety 425 of Dairy Products (qsdp Regulation) 111, Politburo (of the cpc) 62, 63, 89, 91–92, 94 115–119, 122, 169, 230, 440, 512, 513, 515 Political Bureau Standing Committee 68 Restructuring,. See Consolidation Politics of dairy standards 215–221 Right to trade 21, 426 Polycentric problem 11 Risk analysis 215, 224, 259, 278, 309, 349, Poultry 209, 288, 294–299, 301, 302, 326, 330, 350, 352, 357, 361, 362, 366, 369, 337, 389, 392, 393, 395, 435, 449, 450, 374–377, 380, 395, 520 487, 497, 521–524 Risk assessment 165, 168, 169, 174, 188, ppfm Measures 111, 119–121, 125, 230, 231, 514 210, 213–215, 224, 252, 254, 265, 268, pra Guidelines. See ippc 1994 Guidelines for 294, 302, 303, 307, 314, 342, 343, Pest Risk Analysis 348–353, 356–360, 362, 366–370, Precautionary principle 266, 268, 269, 348, 379–381, 391, 393–396, 409, 411, 425, 353, 359, 360, 362, 373, 393, 394, 488, 429, 450, 457, 471, 478, 488, 491, 492, 499 494, 496, 497, 504 Pre-importation production and treatment Rules of origin 403, 430, 434, 438 methods 287–295, 325 Presidential Proclamation No. 5759 of 24 saic. See State Administration for Industry December 1987 (us) 354 and Commerce (saic) Princelings 97 Sanlu, passim 18, 111, 217, 260, 482, 524 Product Quality Law (pql) 138, 148, 160, 451, Sanlu model 45–51, 105 509 Sanyuan. See Beijing Sanyuan Foods Co. Ltd. Professional relations 14, 68, 70, 71, 76, 78, Settlement, mode of in wto 83, 86, 91, 106, 108, 109, 149, 162, 166, 174 consultations 321–332

582 Subject Index

Shandong Province 131, 181, 227, 518 local 2, 174, 193, 195, 197, 201, 207, 210, 212, Shanghai Dairy Corporation. See Bright Dairy 214, 217, 282, 417, 426, 427, 444, 460, 465, Shanghai Gang 97–98 469–470, 477 Shelf-life 287, 312–317, 325, 486, 522, 540 national, passim 7, 84, 100, 116, 117, 120, Shijiazhuang 29, 30, 41–44, 48, 75–79, 81–83, 125, 136, 170, 172, 174, 185, 193–195, 197, 90, 128, 129, 135–136, 139–142, 145–148, 201, 206, 207, 209–212, 214, 219, 230–233, 152, 158, 524 237–240, 243, 263, 267, 270, 276, 279, Shijiazhuang City [Municipal] Party 332, 353, 360, 365, 410, 412, 417–419, 421, Committee 135, 145 427, 430, 438–442, 449, 453, 460, 463, Shijiazhuang Intermediate People’s 465, 467, 468, 470, 486, 521 Court 140, 142, 146, 148 State Administration for Industry and Shijiazhuang People’s Procuratorate 140 Commerce (saic) 75–77, 88, 90, 91, 94, Shuanggui (double designation) 137 96, 114, 115, 136, 160, 176–177, 238, 239, 408, Sino–eu Agreement on China’s Accession to 418, 451, 457, 492, 494, 515, 518 the wto 200, 405, 504 State Council (of the People’s Republic of Sinopec 18–20 China) 122, 510 Site of governance 4, 5, 245, 281, 338, 353, State Council Decision about Strengthening 398, 400, 485, 489 Food Safety (2004) 74, 111, 115, 440, 483, 510 Small businesses. See Small workshops State Council Executive Meeting 17 Small workshops 6, 110, 166–167, 175, 216, September 2008 91–95 217, 234, 256, 483, 484 State Council National Food Safety Smuggling 134–135, 183, 302 Supervision System Paln (2012–2017) 491, Social field 12, 15–17, 36, 40, 41, 50, 51, 499, 511 103–104, 339, 397, 399, 482, 488 State Council Notice of the General Office on Social stability 5, 15, 60–62, 66, 73, 78, 106, Issuing National Food Safety Supervision 108–110, 134, 148, 152–155, 162, 166, 167, System Plan (2012–2017) 491, 511, 516 185, 482–484 State Council Notice of the General Office on sps Agreement. See wto Agreement on Issuing the Provisions on the Main Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (sps Functions, Internal Bodies and Staffing of Agreement) China National Food and Drug Standard Bureau 191 Administration 493, 510–511 Standardization Administration of China State Council Notice on Enhancing the (sac) 175, 197, 202, 206, 207, 232, 237, 275, Verification of Official English Translation 280, 334, 417–419, 425, 427–428, 457–458 of Administrative Regulations 458 Standardization Law (1998) 192–196, State Food and Drug Administration 509–510 (sfda) 75, 77, 87, 136, 158, 206, 213–214, Standardization Law Implementing 408, 418, 444, 457, 492–494, 517 Regulations (1990) 196–199, 439, 511 State-owned enterprises (soes) 19, 20, 27, Standards 43, 46, 155–156, 205, 427, 447, 448, 469 enterprise 173, 191–193, 197, 206, 207, 209–212, 416, 417, 426, 427, 464, 469 Taiwan. See Chinese Taipei international, passim 2, 100, 116, 184, 247, Tanghang City 44 283, 338, 401, 481, 514 tbt Agreement. See wto Agreement on international standards, cross-reference Technical Barriers to Trade (tbt to 7, 339–340 Agreement) international standards, relation to Testing and inspection 7, 287, 310–312, 317, domestic standards (see Alignment) 325, 486 international standards, wto cases Thailand 256, 300, 303, 304, 370, 413, 415, involving 7, 277, 284, 338–397, 487 420, 424, 447, 448

Subject Index 583

Three worlds of melamine 5, 9–108, 482 World Health Organization (who) Tian, Wenhua 42, 45, 78, 81, 82, 85, 134–136, who Constitution 249–253 138–146, 155, 220 who Framework Convention on Tobacco Tiao 63–64, 69–71, 73, 76, 107, 197 Control (fctc) 385, 386, 388, 397 tprb. See wto Trade Policy Review Body World Trade Organization (wto) 3, 11, 163, (tprb) 184, 246, 282, 338, 398, 481 tprm. See wto Trade Policy Review wto Agreement on Agriculture (AoA) 227, Mechanism (tprm) 283, 295, 298, 302–304, 307, 312, 314, Traceability 168, 169, 227–228, 279, 491, 499 366, 369, 371 Trade Policy Review Mechanism. See wto wto Agreement on Sanitary and Trade Policy Review Mechanism Phytosanitary Measures (sps Transnationalisation 2–6, 10, 15, 17, 29, 105, Agreement) 7, 163, 185–190, 196, 202, 210, 177, 184–245, 247, 481, 483–485, 214, 248, 253, 261, 263–268, 271, 273, 277, 489–490 283–284, 294, 295, 298–302, 306, 307, 309, Transnational law 2–3, 11, 246, 490 310, 312, 314, 341–346, 349–352, 355–359, trm. See wto Transitional Review 361, 367, 368, 370, 373–375, 377, 378, 380, Mechanism (trm) 389–393, 396, 401–403, 405, 425, 461, 462, Trust 2, 6, 106, 130, 144, 179, 214, 278, 483, 498 466, 467, 470 wto Agreement on Technical Barriers to United States Trade (tbt Agreement) 7, 8, 185–192, United States Farm Bill (2002) 382 196, 200, 202, 203, 210, 233, 261, 263, United States Farm Bill (2008) 382 267–271, 283–285, 298, 312, 331, 344–348, United States Federal Food, Drug and 355, 363–366, 368, 371, 396, 401–405, 439, Cosmetic Act (ffdca) 385 453, 470, 486–489 United States Marketing Act of 1946 382 wto dispute settlement United States Tobacco Products Scientific China in 7, 399, 479, 489 Advisory Committee 386 consultations 284, 289–290, 292, 293, United States–China Joint Commission on 334–336, 487 Commerce and Trade 437 General Council 399 United States–China Strategic and Economic panel and Appellate Body 323, 338–339, Dialogue 437 341, 346, 348, 351, 353, 355, 362, 363, 369, United States–Clove Cigarettes 186, 375, 381, 393, 396, 397 384–388, 393, 395–397, 523, 524 wto Protocol on the Accession of the United States–Country of Origin Labelling People’s Republic of China 21, 22, 401 (cool) 382–384, 394, 523, 524 wto Trade Policy Review Body (tprb) 406, Urea 9–10, 17–19, 21–23, 26–28, 31–35 413–415, 420–423, 430, 432, 434, 445–447, 460, 462, 464, 466, 475, 478, vclt. See Vienna Convention on the Law of 488 Treaties (vclt) wto Trade Policy Review Mechanism (tprm) Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties 2006 Review of China’s Trade (vclt) 339–342, 397 Policy 408–415 2008 Review of China’s Trade Wandashan Dairy Company Ltd. 130–131, 180 Policy 415–426 wha. See World Health Assembly (wha) 2010 Review of China’s Trade White Paper on Food Safety (State Policy 426–442 Council 2007) 121, 162 2012 Review of China’s Trade who. See World Health Organization (who) Policy 442–453 World Health Assembly (wha) 249–252, 2014 Review of China’s Trade 254, 256–258 Policy 453–471

584 Subject Index wto Transitional Review Mechanism Yaron, Lior 234–235 (trm) 402–406, 428 Yashili 86, 132, 148, 180, 181 wto Working Party on the Acccession of Yili Group 29, 50, 127 China 21–23, 401 Wyeth 85, 131, 132, 180, 181 Zhao Lianhai 151, 152 Zhèngchu duomén 74, 106, 440 Xìtong 66–71, 73, 89, 142, 219, 243, 484 Xuzhou Anying Biologic 37–38