Undocumented Citizens Bla,Bla

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Undocumented Citizens Bla,Bla i UNDOCUMENTED CITIZENS IN THE AGE OF LEGIBILITY: INDIFFERENCE, EXCLUSION AND THE LIMITS OF THE STATE’S WILL TO KNOW Javier Crespan Hidalgo A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2018 Committee: Joel S. Migdal, Chairperson Michael W. McCann Anthony J. Gill Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Department of Political Science ii ©Copyright 2018 Javier Crespan Hidalgo iii University of Washington ABSTRACT Undocumented Citizens in the Age of Legibility: Indifference, Exclusion and the Limits of the State’s Will to Know Javier Crespan Hidalgo Supervisory Committee Chair: Professor Joel S. Migdal Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies While the lack of identity documents has been widely discussed in the context of international migration, political scientists have generally ignored the millions of undocumented people who have never crossed an international border. They are undocumented citizens, legal citizens of the countries in which they reside who do not possess the official documents necessary to adequately establish their personal identities. At times, those lacking documents keenly feel their second class status. In other instances, the undocumented do not perceive particular deprivation and consider identity documents dispensable. Similarly, modern states, which have been presented in the academic literature as determined to enumerate, record, and document their populations, sometimes demonstrate indifference to the fact that many of their citizens remain undocumented. How can we explain this double ambivalence? Why do some states pursue remarkably erratic iv policies that combine mandatory birth registration and identity cards with documentation systems that put them beyond the reach of many citizens? Why do citizens of the same country oftentimes differ in their desire to acquire documents? I argue in this dissertation that the academic literature tends to exaggerate the enthusiasm of the modern state for documenting individual identity. That in reality, many contemporary states show little interest in building comprehensive and reliable documentation systems. I argue, moreover, that when states decide to improve their documentation systems, it often has more to do with international trends, raising revenue, electoral considerations, or empowering historically marginalized groups, than with a drive to improve the ability to monitor and control the population. I also argue that, although issues of citizenship and rights inform the evolution of documentation policies, populations considered dangerous by the incumbent state are not necessarily the preferred target of its documentation efforts. Neither is the active resistance of these populations the main reason why their members sometimes display high undocumentation levels. Rather, confronted with states and citizenship regimes not built with them in mind, suspect populations frequently face high barriers to secure identity documents that offer them little in return in terms of access to rights and services. As a result, documentation can be for them a little-known obligation, an unintuitive choice, an unreasonable investment, and a hard to achieve goal. The empirical focus of my work will be on the South American nations of Peru and particularly Bolivia. However, the arguments I develop are likely to have theoretical purchase for the study of undocumentation in other countries as well. v DEDICATION For Amy, Joaquin, and our beloved Miss Poo, who is no longer with us and I will forever miss. vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation would not have been possible without the support, friendship, guidance, and patience of many people. First and foremost, I would like to thank my wife Amy, for bearing with me all of these years. I would like to thank my parents and sister for being always there when I needed them. Also, I would like to thank my Chair, Joel Migdal, for the outstanding mentorship, and the rest of my committee members, Michael McCann, Anthony Gill, and José Antonio Lucero, for always keeping their doors open for me. I would like to thank all the wonderful people I met at the University of Washington, without whom I would have lost my sanity, in particular Yoav Duman, Josh Eastin, Stephan Hamberg, and Steve Zech. I would also like to thank al the friends at the Centro de Estudios de la Realidad Económica y Social in Cochabamba, Bolivia, in particular Rosario León and Rodrigo Gazaui, and of the Instituto de Estudios Peruanos in Lima, Peru, in particular Ricardo Cuenca. Finally, I would like to thank Miss Poo, for keeping me company throughout the years, and hanging in there just long enough to allow me to finish. Thank you wherever you are. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT iii DEDICATION v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vi CHAPTER 1: UNDOCUMENTED CITIZENS INTRODUCED 1 Some general notes about undocumented citizens 6 Undocumented citizens, stateless persons, and irregular immigrants 10 Research methods 13 A map for the road 16 CHAPTER 2: LEGIBILITY WITH AN EYEPATCH 30 The modern state and the documentation of individual identity 32 Legibility and its blind spots 40 Making dangerous populations more legible 45 Identity documents and its malcontents 49 The limits of the legibility paradigm 53 Beyond legibility: the politics of documentation 58 CHAPTER 3: INTRODUCING THE BOLIVIAN CASE 81 Some general notes on the documentation of individual identity in Bolivia 86 Documented and undocumented citizens in Bolivia: some basic numbers 92 A brief approximation to the history of the Bolivian nation-state 98 CHAPTER 4: IDENTITY DOCUMENTS FOR SECOND-CLASS CITIZENS 120 The demand for identity documents 121 viii The supply of identity documents 137 CHAPTER 5: RETHINKING STATE AND CITIZENS WITHIN THE CONFINES OF NEOLIBERALISM 166 The growing demand for identity documents 167 The contradictory supply of identity documents 198 CHAPTER 6: DEEPENING DEMAND, CHANGING SUPPLY: IDENTITY DOCUMENTS IN THE TIMES OF EVO MORALES 225 Continuity and change in the supply of identity documents 228 Expanding cash-transfer programs and the demand for identity documents 255 CHAPTER 7: UNDOCUMENTED CITIZENS IN PERU AND BEYOND 274 A brief look at identity documents in Peru 275 Undocumented citizens: where do we go from here? 328 BIBLIOGRAPHY 331 Interviews cited 331 References 334 1 CHAPTER 1: UNDOCUMENTED CITIZENS INTRODUCED “Ms. Estefanía Cu Caal, 76 years of age, from Escovial (Chiquimula) [Guatemala], has for many years longed to have a birth certificate. She had 10 children, none of which could be registered... Despite the fact that there are no witnesses of her birth left, and that her case is considered ‘difficult’, Ms. Estefanía keeps looking for a way to have her own legal existence recognized, and visits the civil registration office of Camotán once a month" (Ordóñez Bustamante and Bracamonte Bardález 2007, 20; my translation). "What is the use of signing up [registering]? I have not signed up any [of my children in the Civil Registry]; I am not signed up either, and without going to school I have raised 8 children" (resident of Tipitapa, Nicaragua; in Ordóñez Bustamante and Bracamonte Bardález 2006, 85; my translation). While the lack of identity documents has been widely discussed in the context of international migration, political scientists have generally ignored the millions of undocumented people who have never crossed an international border.1 They are undocumented citizens, legal citizens of the countries in which they reside who do not possess the official documents necessary to adequately establish their personal identities. As a consequence, they cannot exercise many of the rights formally afforded to citizens. Lacking identity documents often results in restrictions in the ability to participate in formal politics, legally own property, access the formal financial system, work in the formal economy, access the justice system, travel freely, and enjoy public services and social programs. At times, those lacking documents keenly feel their second class status, as in the case of Ms. Estefanía Cu Caal. In other instances, the undocumented do not perceive particular deprivation and consider identity documents dispensable, like the Nicaraguan man above. Similarly, modern states, which have been presented in the academic literature as determined to 1 A notable exception is the work of Kamal Sadiq (2009). Sadiq’s discussion of undocumented natives has significant common ground with my analysis of undocumented citizens. However, the focus of his book is on how illegal migrants moving between developing nations fraudulently acquire citizenship in their new countries of residence. As a result, he is only interested in undocumented citizens insofar as they underscore the gaps that frequently exist in documentation-based definition of membership, and how such gaps facilitate the citizenship claims of illegal immigrants. My focus here is on the condition of being an undocumented citizen per se. 2 enumerate, record, and document their populations,2 sometimes demonstrate indifference to the fact that many of their citizens remain undocumented. How can we explain this double ambivalence? Why do some states pursue remarkably erratic policies that combine mandatory birth registration and identity cards with documentation systems that put them beyond the reach of citizens like Ms. Cu Caal? Why do citizens of the same country oftentimes differ in their desire to acquire documents? These are the main questions I
Recommended publications
  • Indigenous Resistance Movements in the Peruvian Amazon
    City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 2-2018 The Production of Space: Indigenous Resistance Movements in the Peruvian Amazon Christian Calienes The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/2526 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] THE PRODUCTION OF SPACE Indigenous Resistance Movements in the Peruvian Amazon By Christian Calienes A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Earth and Environmental Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2018 i © 2018 CHRISTIAN CALIENES All Rights Reserved ii The Production of Space: Indigenous Resistance Movements in the Peruvian Amazon by Christian Calienes This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Earth & Environmental Sciences in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Date Inés Miyares Chair of Examining Committee Date Cindi Katz Executive Officer Supervisory Committee: Inés Miyares Thomas Angotti Mark Ungar THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT The Production of Space: Indigenous Resistance Movements in the Peruvian Amazon By Christian Calienes Advisor: Inés Miyares The resistance movement that resulted in the Baguazo in the northern Peruvian Amazon in 2009 was the culmination of a series of social, economic, political and spatial processes that reflected the Peruvian nation’s engagement with global capitalism and democratic consolidation after decades of crippling instability and chaos.
    [Show full text]
  • POLITICAL ECONOMY ANALYSIS of ENVIRONMENTAL CRIMES in PERU Preventing Illegal Gold Mining, Timber and Wildlife Trafficking in Loreto, Ucayali, and Madre De Dios
    POLITICAL ECONOMY ANALYSIS OF ENVIRONMENTAL CRIMES IN PERU Preventing Illegal Gold Mining, Timber and Wildlife Trafficking in Loreto, Ucayali, and Madre de Dios This publication was produced by the PREVENT Activity (formerly Combatting Environmental Crimes) under Task Order No. 72052719F00002 at the request of the United States Agency for International Development. This document is made possible by the support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the U.S. Government. USAID PERU - PREVENT ACTIVITY APPLIED POLITICAL ECONOMY ASSESSMENT Program Title: Prevent USAID Office: USAID/Peru Environment & Sustainable Growth Office Task Order Number: 7205271900002 Contractor: DAI Global, LLC Submitted: September 15, 2020 Authors: Thomas Moore and Claudia D’Andrea Chief of Party: Patrick Wieland CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1 INTRODUCTION 6 PURPOSE OF APEA ON ENVIRONMENTAL CRIMES 6 METHODOLOGY 7 STAKEHOLDERS 7 RESEARCH LIMITATIONS 9 GENDER EQUITY AND SOCIAL INCLUSION 10 USAID’S APEA FRAMEWORK 13 DETAILED FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS 14 FOUNDATIONAL FACTORS 14 RULES OF THE GAME 23 THE HERE AND NOW 37 DYNAMICS 46 KEY RECOMMENDATIONS 49 SUMMARY OF KEY PEA FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 51 TABLE OF KEY FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 52 CONCLUSIONS 55 ACRONYMS ACCA Amazon Basin Conservation Association AIDESEP Inter-ethnic Association for the Development of the Peruvian Amazon APEA Applied Political Economy Assessment
    [Show full text]
  • Las Dictaduras En América Latina Y Su Influencia En Los Movimientos De
    Revista Ratio Juris Vol. 16 N.º 32, 2021, pp. 17-50 © UNAULA EDITORIAL DICTATORSHIPS IN LATIN AMERICA AND THEIR INFLUENCE OF RIGHT AND LEFT MOVEMENTS SINCE THE 20TH CENTURY* LAS DICTADURAS EN AMÉRICA LATINA Y SU INFLUENCIA EN LOS MOVIMIENTOS DE DERECHA E IZQUIERDA DESDE EL SIGLO xx Juan Carlos Beltrán López José Fernando Valencia Grajales** Mayda Soraya Marín Galeano*** Recibido: 30 de noviembre de 2020 - Aceptado: 30 de mayo de 2021 - Publicado: 30 de junio de 2021 DOI: 10.24142/raju.v16n32a1 * El presente artículo es derivado de la línea Constitucionalismo Crítico y Género que hace parte del programa de investigación con código 2019 29-000029 de la línea denominada Dinámicas Urbano-Regionales, Economía Solidaria y Construcción de Paz Territorial en Antioquia, que a su vez tiene como sublíneas de trabajo las siguientes: Construcción del Sujeto Político, Ciudadanía y Transformación Social; Constitucionalismo Crítico y Género; Globalización, Derechos Humanos y Políticas Públicas, y Conflicto Territorio y Paz e Investigación Formativa. ** Docente investigador Universidad Autónoma Latinoamericana (UNAULA); Abogado, Universidad de Antioquia; Politólogo, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Sede Medellín; Especialista en Cultu- ra Política: Pedagogía de los Derechos Humanos, Universidad Autónoma Latinoamericana (UNAU- LA); Magíster en Estudios Urbano Regionales, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Sede Medellín; estudiante del Doctorado en Conocimiento y Cultura en América Latina, Instituto Pensamiento y Cultura en América Latina, A. C.; editor de la revista Kavilando y Revista Ratio Juris (UNAULA), Medellín, Colombia. ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8128-4903; Google Scholar: https://scho- lar.google.es/citations?user=mlzFu8sAAAAJ&hl=es. Correo electrónico: [email protected] *** Directora de la Maestría en Derecho y docente investigadora de la Universidad Católica Luis Amigó, investigadora de la revista Kavilando.
    [Show full text]
  • Tragadero Grande: Land, Human Rights, and International Standards in the Conflict Between the Chaupe Family and Minera Yanacocha
    Tragadero Grande: Land, human rights, and international standards in the conflict between the Chaupe family and Minera Yanacocha Report of the Independent Fact Finding Mission 28 September 2016 Mission team Tim Martin, Mission Director and Team Leader Miguel Cervantes Rodriguez, Team Member Myriam Méndez-Montalvo, Team Member Contributing author Prof. Deanna Kemp, Centre for Social Responsibility in Mining, The University of Queensland Mission website http://www.resolv.org/site-yiffm/ ii Key terms adobe house Traditional Peruvian house with walls made of a dried mixture of mud and straw, often combined with a wood frame, windows, doors and rafters. aggravated usurpation According to article 202 of the Peruvian Criminal Code, aggravated usurpation is committed when a person dispossesses another by taking the whole or part of another’s property. It includes destroying or altering boundaries, violence, threat, fraud or acts that disturb the owner’s possession or a possessor’s use of a property. campesino A peasant farmer or person living in a rural area. Campesino Community Peru’s General Law of Campesino Communities, Law No. 24656 of 1987, recognizes these communities as legal organizations, composed of families who inhabit and control defined territories, linked by ancestral, social, economic and cultural ties. choza A thatch hut widely used by campesinos in the Andean highlands of Peru. Made of local grasses, these huts provide temporary shelter for individuals or families while on the land. communal land Communal Land is the inalienable property of Campesino Communities. Communities regulate access to land by their members. According to the Law N° 26505, communal land can only be sold to a private entity by prior approval of at least two-thirds of qualified community members in a General Assembly convened explicitly for that purpose.
    [Show full text]
  • State Communications Surveillance and the Protection of Fundamental Rights in Peru
    State Communications Surveillance and the Protection of Fundamental Rights in Peru By Miguel Morachimo in collaboration with Katitza Rodríguez July 2016 1 Miguel Morachimo is a lawyer from the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru and the director of the nonprofit Hiperderecho, a Peruvian civil organization devoted to facilitating public understanding, research, promotion, and observance of human rights and freedoms in the digital world. This report was written in alliance with the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF), an international non-profit organization that has been defending freedom of expression and privacy in the digital world since 1990. We would like to thank Katitza Rodríguez, EFF's international rights director, for leading a substantial revision of this report; and Kim Carlson and David Bogado of EFF for their copyediting and formatting contributions. This report is part of a larger regional project called “Surveillance and Human Rights” that is being conducted in eight Latin American countries by EFF. “State Communications Surveillance and Protection of Fundamental Rights in Peru” by Hiperderecho and the Electronic Frontier Foundation is available under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. 2 Table of Contents Introduction............................................................................................................................. 4 I. What is State Communications Surveillance?...................................................................... 6 I.1. State Communications Surveillance
    [Show full text]
  • Performance of Banks and Microfinance in Bolivia
    POOLING VERSUS SEPARATING REGULATION: THE PERFORMANCE OF BANKS AND MICROFINANCE IN BOLIVIA UNDER SYSTEMIC SHOCKS DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marcelo Villafani‐Ibarnegaray ***** The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Claudio Gonzalez‐Vega, Adviser Professor Mario Miranda Adviser Graduate Program in Professor Joseph Kaboski Agricultural, Environmental and Development Economics i ABSTRACT Bank superintendents implement prudential regulation that simultaneously seeks protection of the stability and solvency of financial intermediaries and several dimensions of financial deepening. If they use only one instrument, a given level of safety is achieved at the expense of some intermediation. The question addressed by this dissertation are the excessive losses of intermediation efficiency from a single, uniform (pooling) regulation, which treated loan portfolios built with a traditional banking technology or with a microfinance technology as if they carried the same risk profile. Given significant differences between the two lending technologies, in their ability to match their clienteles and to recognize different risks, a differentiated (separating) set of prudential norms would contribute more to the dual goals of stability as well as financial deepening and breadth of outreach. This task is specially challenging in developing countries exposed to frequent systemic shocks. The dissertation develops a simple theoretical framework to guide regulators about the welfare shortcomings of pooling regulation, compared to separating regulation. If the risk profiles of the portfolios are different, different prudential norms should be applied. The problem for the regulator, however, is incomplete information ii about these risk profiles and the high costs of overcoming the information imperfections about their characteristics.
    [Show full text]
  • Origen Prehispánico Ejército Vencedor
    Boletin Especial * Año 7 * N° 63 * Abril 2016 Origen Ejército Vencedor y creación de una Compañía de alumnos Prehispánico Militares Durante la época incásica existieron auténticas escuelas militares, donde se forjaba el carácter y las aptitudes guerreras de los jóvenes milicianos, para que con su ejemplo pudieran conducir sus ejércitos en las luchas encarnizadas que mantenían a cabo por conservar el Imperio o para agrandarlo por intermedio de la conquista de sus armas. Para ello, los jóvenes postulantes El Ejército de Bolivia, debían pertenecer precisamente surgió en momentos a la realeza incásica con edad no heroicos e históricos, menor de 16 años, se les recluía cuando aparece la pasión en casos especiales donde sabios, por la libertad. Poco experimentados en la guerra, los tiempo después de que ejercitaban en el manejo de la fueran estancados los honda, de la macana, de la flecha movimientos sucedidos y de la lanza. Además, les enseñaban la manera de atacar y defender en Chuquisaca y La fortalezas, la manera de acometer al enemigo en los desfiladeros, haciendo Paz de 1809, abatidos rodar grandes piedras. por el ejército realista Sobre la educación física, los forzaban a rigorosos ayunos, a soportar encabezado por José las inclemencias del tiempo, colocándolos durante varias noches como Manuel Goyeneche. centinelas en los caminos o elevadas cimas de las montañas o codilleras; se Es en este momento, los ejercitaba a correr grandes distancias y a soportar todas las fatigas de que el heroico pueblo la guerra. De tal manera, que al cabo de uno o dos años de esta educación de Cochabamba y cuando los postulantes habían adquirido el habito guerrero y la destreza encabezado por los necesaria para el manejo de las armas, se celebraba en el Cuzco la fiesta patriotas Francisco llamada Huaracu, cuya acepción es la de armar caballeros, en la que con la Ribero, Esteban Arce y el concurrencia el Inca y los grandes del Imperio, se les declaraba Caballeros alférez Guzmán Quitón, de Guerra.
    [Show full text]
  • Tackling Corruption in Peru, 2011–2014 Synopsis
    BATTTLING A CANCER: TACKLING CORRUPTION IN PERU, 2011–2014 SYNOPSIS From 2000 to 2009, Peru’s justice system successfully prosecuted former president Alberto Fujimori and other high-level public officials for acts of corruption committed during the previous decade. But the country’s judicial institutions struggled to curb newer corruption networks that were operating with impunity throughout the country. Because the networks had penetrated the justice system itself, it was increasingly difficult to prosecute—let alone convict—people who had participated in briberies, kickbacks, or other schemes. In the 2011 presidential election, Ollanta Humala, whose campaign slogan was “Honesty Makes a Difference,” captured 51% of the vote and gave a boost to reformers within the country’s legal institutions. Humala joined the Open Government Partnership, strengthened Peru’s anticorruption commission, and brought together top leaders from the country’s judicial and legal institutions to improve the government’s response to corruption. In 2012, the comptroller general, the public prosecutor (attorney general), and the president of the judiciary created a new subsystem to bring to trial those officials accused of corruption. They created a new prosecutorial team and designated a specialized chamber to hear the most-complex corruption cases. At the same time, the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights strengthened its capacity to investigate and bring to trial cases involving the misuse of public resources. By 2015, several cases were in preparation, nearing trial. The fight against corruption in Peru continued to face many obstacles, however, including the perception that anticorruption efforts had lost top-level support. Blair Cameron drafted this case study based on interviews conducted in Peru in August 2015.
    [Show full text]
  • ¿Cuándo Y Porqué Bolivia Se Atrasó En Su Desarrollo? (When and Why Did Bolivia's Development Fall Behind?)
    FACTORES QUE EXPLICAN EL ATRASO DE BOLIVIA Contribución para responder a la pregunta: ¿Cuándo y porqué Bolivia se atrasó en su desarrollo? (When and why did Bolivia's development fall behind?) Por: Dr. Rolando Morales Anaya1 Ciess-Econométrica2 La Paz, diciembre 2020 Melchor María Mercado (1816-1871) 1 El autor es docente en la Universidad Mayor de San Andrés y Director de Ciess-Econométrica. Email: [email protected] 2 Avenida Hugo Ernest 7600, Bajo Seguëncoma, La Paz-Bolivia, www.ciess-econometrica.com.bo, teléfonos 591- 2787749 y 77771350 1 Agradecimientos. Agradezco a Juan Antonio Morales y a Natasha Morales E. por sus comentarios, sugerencias y observaciones realizadas a versiones preliminares de este libro que me fueron muy útiles para preparar las versiones siguientes. Agradezco igualmente a varios amigos que leyeron estas versiones y lo enriquecieron con sus comentarios. Entre éstos están: Horst Grebe, José de la Fuente, Jorge Treviño y Rodney Pereira. Por supuesto, los errores que hayan podido deslizarse me son enteramente imputables al igual que las opiniones que vierto. 2 Un ciclo muere dando lugar al nacimiento de uno nuevo al cual se le desea éxito y fortuna. 3 Contenido 1 INTRODUCCIÓN ........................................................................................................ 14 2 ATRASO Y CONVERGENCIA: BOLIVIA VERSUS AMÉRICA LATINA............ 18 Divergencia en el crecimiento económico ............................................................. 18 Convergencia en otras dimensiones ......................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Bolivia 1980-1981: the Political System in Crisis
    UNIVERSITY OF LONDON INSTITUTE OF LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES WORKING PAPERS Bolivia 1980-1981: the Political System in Crisis James Dunkerley Bolivia 1980-1981: the Political System in Crisis by James Dunkerley University of London Institute of Latin American Studies 31 Tavistock Square, London WC1H 9HA Editorial Committee Dr. George Philip Dr. Leslie Bethell Miss Daphne Rodger ISBN 0 901145 49 1 ISSN 0142-1875 Bolivia 1980-1981: the Political System in Crisis There can be little doubt that the Bolivian political system is in deep crisis. Over the last four years the country has witnessed no less than three elections, ten presidents and eight coups (both failed and successful). What is noteworthy, indeed remarkable, about this chaos is that it has continued through two periods of highly distinct and polarised forms of government: the 'democratic experiment1 of 1978 to July 1980 and the military regimes born of the harsh coup of 17 July 1980. For some months after the coup commentators sought explanations of the failure to establish a stable civil regime in the extreme weakness of the country's parliamentary tradition, the inepti- tude of the civilian political elite and the historical tendency of the armed forces to take direct control in periods when they possess the institutional capacity so to do. The radicalism of the coup, the clear intention of its leaders to emulate the examples of Chile (1973), Uruguay (1973) and Argentina (1976), and the manifest failure of the large political formations to win an unambiguous popular mandate for their parliamentary project were all construed as constituting a de- cisive end of an era.
    [Show full text]
  • Pérez-León Acevedo Final
    Reparations and Prosecutions after Serious Human Rights Violations: Two Pending Issues in Peru’s Transitional Justice Agenda Juan Pablo Pérez-León Acevedo 22 March 2010 Peru’s internal armed conflict lasted twenty years (1980-2000). The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC)1 found that 69,280 people were killed in hostilities between, on the one hand, the Maoist movement, the Shining Path, and the leftist Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement, and, on the other, the armed forces and self-defence committees. The rural population was the most severely affected as rural inhabitants accounted for 79% of the fatalities, of whom 75% spoke Quechua or another indigenous language, and 56% came from areas with economies oriented towards agriculture. The TRC attributed 55.5% of crimes to non-State actors, especially the Shining Path. The remaining 44.5% fell under actions conducted by State armed forces and self-defence committees. This essay will provide an overview of the Peruvian process of reparations and prosecutions after serious human rights violations, focusing on aspects yet to be implemented. I argue that the current legislative framework, along with practical resource conditions, are either undermining or even blocking the potential of prosecutions and reparations – in the form of accountability and redress respectively - to consolidate transitional justice in Peru. I have focused on reparations and prosecutions since they were extensively recommended and perceived by the TRC as being crucial to fulfil the transitional justice and reconciliation efforts that the TRC initiated. Additionally, many Peruvians consider the fight against impunity as crucial; indeed reparations and prosecutions are understood as intertwined in the struggle for transitional justice in Peru.
    [Show full text]
  • October 15, 2018 Secretariat of the Committee Against Torture Human
    October 15, 2018 Carta N° 403-2018 Secretariat of the Committee against Torture Human Rights Treaties Division Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights Palais Wilson – 52, rue des Pâquis CH-1201 Geneva (Switzerland) Re: Alternative Report on the Seventh Periodic Report Submitted by the Peruvian State To Whom It May Concern: The Center for the Promotion and Defense of Sexual and Reproductive Rights (PROMSEX), a feminist non- governmental organization comprising men and women seeking to contribute to the validity of the integrity and dignity of people on the access to sexual and reproductive health, justice and human security, provides additional information to the seventh periodic report submitted by the Peruvian State for its evaluation during the 65th Session of the Committee Against Torture, which will be held from November 12 to December 7, 2018 in Geneva. This report aims to provide relevant and updated information regarding sexual and reproductive rights in Peru and the situation of LGBTI persons, in connection with Articles 12, 13 and 16, with special emphasis on: a) Prosecution in cases of torture of LGBTI persons; b) Discriminatory public policies against LGBTI persons; c) Inadequate implementation of the Therapeutic Abortion Protocol; d) Forced pregnancy in girls and adolescents; and e) Criminalization of abortion in cases of rape. The report contains recommendations with respect to each of the issues presented, to be considered by the Committee, both at the time of the evaluation hearing scheduled for the 65th session, and when it issues its Final Observations. I. Articles 12 and 13 Lack of official information 1.
    [Show full text]