Brexit and Gibraltar
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Application for Gibraltarian Status (Section 9)
H.M. GOVERNMENT OF GIBRALTAR Civil Status and Registration Office Joshua Hassan House 3 Secretary’s Lane Gibraltar APPLICATION FOR GIBRALTARIAN STATUS SECTION 9 OF THE GIBRALTARIAN STATUS ACT BEFORE USING THIS FORM READ THE GUIDANCE NOTES AT THE BACK PLEASE COMPLETE EACH SECTION OF THE FORM IN BLOCK LETTERS AND IN BLACK INK Applicant’s Details (to be filled by all applicants) Surname First Names Date of Birth D D M M Y Y Place of Birth Nationality (tick as appropriate) British British Overseas Territories Citizen Marital Status Date of Naturalisation (if applicable) Address Date of Marriage or Civil Partnership (if applicable) Telephone No. Current Employment email Date of first arrival in Gibraltar Length of residence in Gibraltar Years Family Details Does he/she live in Name Nationality Date & Place of Birth Gibraltar Spouse Yes No Child (1) Yes No Child (2) Yes No Child (3) Yes No Child (4) Yes No Are any of the family members listed above Registered Gibraltarians? Yes No If yes, please give details – DECLARATION I confirm that it is my intention to make my permanent home in Gibraltar. The information given on this form is true to the best of my knowledge and belief. I understand that it is a criminal offence to give false information and that I may be prosecuted and fined £1,000, or sent to prison for six months, or both, if I include, or cause to be included, information which I know is false or do not believe to be true. I also understand that the Civil Status and Registration Office holds and uses data in accordance with the Data Protection Act 2004. -
The Hon J J Bossano, Chief Minister
Mr Chairman, Thank you once again for giving me the opportunity to address the Special Committee on behalf of the people of Gibraltar. I would like first to take this opportunity to place on record my appreciation for the warmth of the reception I had from your predecessor, His Excellency, Ambassador Renagi Renagi Lohia, on my first appearance before this Committee in 1992 and indeed on my second one in 1993. I can assure the Committee that I was made to feel at home and amongst friends from the first day that I came. That encouraged me to look to this Committee – and it encouraged the people of Gibraltar to look to this Committee – as the forum where we could express our deep seated feelings on having our right as a colonial people recognised and vindicated. I should like to say that I have reported this back in Gibraltar faithfully. Indeed the text of my presentation and my appearance before the Special Committee has been transmitted over Gibraltar television and widely covered by our own press. In doing this, I believe we have been making a small contribution towards the fulfilment of Resolution 43/46 of the 22 November 1988 of the General Assembly on the dissemination of information on decolonisation which called for the widespread and continuous publicity to be given to the work of the United Nations in the field of decolonisation and in particular to the work of the Special Committee. A Resolution, of course, which the administering power voted against, but which the territorial Government in Gibraltar fully supports. -
The Sovereignty of the Crown Dependencies and the British Overseas Territories in the Brexit Era
Island Studies Journal, 15(1), 2020, 151-168 The sovereignty of the Crown Dependencies and the British Overseas Territories in the Brexit era Maria Mut Bosque School of Law, Universitat Internacional de Catalunya, Spain MINECO DER 2017-86138, Ministry of Economic Affairs & Digital Transformation, Spain Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London, UK [email protected] (corresponding author) Abstract: This paper focuses on an analysis of the sovereignty of two territorial entities that have unique relations with the United Kingdom: the Crown Dependencies and the British Overseas Territories (BOTs). Each of these entities includes very different territories, with different legal statuses and varying forms of self-administration and constitutional linkages with the UK. However, they also share similarities and challenges that enable an analysis of these territories as a complete set. The incomplete sovereignty of the Crown Dependencies and BOTs has entailed that all these territories (except Gibraltar) have not been allowed to participate in the 2016 Brexit referendum or in the withdrawal negotiations with the EU. Moreover, it is reasonable to assume that Brexit is not an exceptional situation. In the future there will be more and more relevant international issues for these territories which will remain outside of their direct control, but will have a direct impact on them. Thus, if no adjustments are made to their statuses, these territories will have to keep trusting that the UK will be able to represent their interests at the same level as its own interests. Keywords: Brexit, British Overseas Territories (BOTs), constitutional status, Crown Dependencies, sovereignty https://doi.org/10.24043/isj.114 • Received June 2019, accepted March 2020 © 2020—Institute of Island Studies, University of Prince Edward Island, Canada. -
ECON Thesaurus on Brexit
STUDY Requested by the ECON Committee ECON Thesaurus on Brexit Fourth edition Policy Department for Economic, Scientific and Quality of Life Policies Authors: Stephanie Honnefelder, Doris Kolassa, Sophia Gernert, Roberto Silvestri Directorate General for Internal Policies of the Union July 2017 EN DIRECTORATE GENERAL FOR INTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT A: ECONOMIC AND SCIENTIFIC POLICY ECON Thesaurus on Brexit Fourth edition Abstract This thesaurus is a collection of ECON related articles, papers and studies on the possible withdrawal of the UK from the EU. Recent literature from various sources is categorised, chronologically listed – while keeping the content of previous editions - and briefly summarised. To facilitate the use of this tool and to allow an easy access, certain documents may appear in more than one category. The thesaurus is non-exhaustive and may be updated. This document was provided by Policy Department A at the request of the ECON Committee. IP/A/ECON/2017-15 July 2017 PE 607.326 EN This document was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs. AUTHORS Stephanie HONNEFELDER Doris KOLASSA Sophia GERNERT, trainee Roberto SILVESTRI, trainee RESPONSIBLE ADMINISTRATOR Stephanie HONNEFELDER Policy Department A: Economic and Scientific Policy European Parliament B-1047 Brussels E-mail: [email protected] LINGUISTIC VERSIONS Original: EN ABOUT THE EDITOR Policy departments provide in-house and external expertise to support EP committees and other parliamentary bodies -
Brexit Referendum in Gibraltar. Result and Effect Northern Ireland7 with the Average Turnout of 70,9%
Białostockie Studia Prawnicze 2019 vol. 24 nr 1 DOI: 10.15290/bsp.2019.24.01.07 Bartłomiej H. Toszek University of Szczecin [email protected] ORCID ID: http://orcid.org/ 0000-0003-2989-7168 Brexit Referendum in Gibraltar. Result and Eff ect Abstract: Almost complete unanimity of the small Gibraltar community during 2016 referendum on Brexit remained nearly unnoticed because of including this British Overseas Territory into “combined electoral region” with South West England where most of people were in favour of the United Kingdom withdrawing from the European Union. No political diff erences with the UK (i.e. England and Wales) but concern about future possibilities of economic development outside the Single Market stimulated an intense discussion among the Gibraltarians. Th e vision of being non-subject of the EU’s four freedoms (i.e. damage or lost present prosperity basis) would force Gibraltar to re-orientate its economic relations especially by creating and developing new trade links which could gradually replace the existing ones. Despite that Gibraltarians have consequently rejected Spanish proposals of remaining inside the Single Market for the price of sharing sovereignty between the UK and Spain. It is therefore beyond doubt that the people of Gibraltar can be characterised as more British than European. Keywords: Brexit, European Union, Gibraltar, United Kingdom Th e specifi city of Gibraltar’s referendum on Brexit expressed itself not only because it was the fi rst time for any British Overseas Territory (BOT) to participate in the United Kingdom-wide referendum but also because the Gibraltarians were straight included in the decision-making process related to one of the most important question in the UK’s modern history. -
Young People & Brexit
YOUNG PEOPLE & BREXIT by Flavia Williams, Dominic Brind, and Thomas Peto Published by Our Future, Our Choice Our Future, Our Choice is a youth movement campaigning for a People’s Vote on the final Brexit deal. Our Future, Our Choice Millbank Tower, Millbank, Westminster, London SW1P 4QP www.ofoc.co.uk The authors would like to extend their thanks to all those who have helped with this report. As well as those who would prefer not to be named, we would like to thank Dr. Manmit Bhambra for her kind advice and guidance, and the policy team at Open Britain. !2 CONTENTS Foreword 4 The RT Hon Sir John Major KG CH .……………………………………………….……………………………………………………….. Executive Summary 7 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………… An Outward Looking Generation 11 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………… The Price of Brexit 14 Tommy Peto ………………………………………………………………………………………………………… Youth Opportunity: Education and Employment 24 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………… Children and Brexit 27 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………… Securing Data after Brexit 31 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………… Protecting Young Workers 35 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………… The Environmental Cost 38 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………… Bibliography 40 !3 FOREWORD The RT Hon Sir John Major KG CH Our decision to leave the EU is one of the most divisive policies in British history. Our Future, Our Choice sets out with great clarity the implications for young people, and I commend it warmly. Brexit has divided the component parts of the UK, placing England and Wales (as “Leavers”), in opposition to Scotland and Northern Ireland. It has divided our mainstream political parties; business and commerce; communities; friends — and even families. In many cases, these scars run deep. People who voted for Brexit did so with high hopes — most of which will be unrealised. We were told that we would keep the advantages of the Single Market. -
The Hon F Picardo, Chief Minister
HER MAJESTY’S GOVERNMENT OF GIBRALTAR THE CHIEF MINISTER TEXT OF AN ADDRESS BY HON FABIAN PICARDO MP UNITED NATIONS COMMITTEE OF 24 ON DECOLONISATION WEDNESDAY 12TH JUNE 2013 ADDRESS TO THE UNITED NATIONS COMMITTEE OF 24 GIBRALTAR CHIEF MINISTER : HON FABIAN PICARDO MP Mr Chairman This is my second appearance before your Committee as Chief Minister of Gibraltar and I am accompanied by the Deputy Chief Minister Dr Garcia. Mr Chairman three hundred years ago next month, the Kingdom of Spain ceded Gibraltar to the United Kingdom under the terms of the Treaty of Utrecht of 1713 - I quote - “to be held and enjoyed absolutely with all manner of right for ever, without any exception or impediment whatsoever”. That is an absolute cessation of a territory if ever there was one. As many of you will know, the Treaty also prevented the presence of Jews and Moors in Gibraltar and banned trade with the adjoining areas of Spain. Yet, no sooner was the ink dry on the parchment of Utrecht, than Spain was breaching the treaty by trying to recover Gibraltar by force and siege. There are a number of commemorative events being planned in Gibraltar throughout the year, but we will not be celebrating a treaty which is anti-Semitic, racist and which purports to curtail our rights as a people. Indeed, it is now fifty years since successive Chief Ministers of Gibraltar have been coming to this Committee asking you to defend our rights as a people in modern international law; under the terms of the UN Charter and the relevant decolonisation resolutions that create your Committee's jurisdiction and engenders the "sacred trust" which requires you to act in defence of our wishes as a people. -
Brexit: Initial Reflections
Brexit: initial reflections ANAND MENON AND JOHN-PAUL SALTER* At around four-thirty on the morning of 24 June 2016, the media began to announce that the British people had voted to leave the European Union. As the final results came in, it emerged that the pro-Brexit campaign had garnered 51.9 per cent of the votes cast and prevailed by a margin of 1,269,501 votes. For the first time in its history, a member state had voted to quit the EU. The outcome of the referendum reflected the confluence of several long- term and more contingent factors. In part, it represented the culmination of a longstanding tension in British politics between, on the one hand, London’s relative effectiveness in shaping European integration to match its own prefer- ences and, on the other, political diffidence when it came to trumpeting such success. This paradox, in turn, resulted from longstanding intraparty divisions over Britain’s relationship with the EU, which have hamstrung such attempts as there have been to make a positive case for British EU membership. The media found it more worthwhile to pour a stream of anti-EU invective into the resulting vacuum rather than critically engage with the issue, let alone highlight the benefits of membership. Consequently, public opinion remained lukewarm at best, treated to a diet of more or less combative and Eurosceptic political rhetoric, much of which disguised a far different reality. The result was also a consequence of the referendum campaign itself. The strategy pursued by Prime Minister David Cameron—of adopting a critical stance towards the EU, promising a referendum, and ultimately campaigning for continued membership—failed. -
Brexit: Gibraltar
HOUSE OF LORDS European Union Committee 13th Report of Session 2016–17 Brexit: Gibraltar Ordered to be printed 21 February 2017 and published 1 March 2017 Published by the Authority of the House of Lords HL Paper 116 The European Union Committee The European Union Committee is appointed each session “to scrutinise documents deposited in the House by a Minister, and other matters relating to the European Union”. In practice this means that the Select Committee, along with its Sub-Committees, scrutinises the UK Government’s policies and actions in respect of the EU; considers and seeks to influence the development of policies and draft laws proposed by the EU institutions; and more generally represents the House of Lords in its dealings with the EU institutions and other Member States. The six Sub-Committees are as follows: Energy and Environment Sub-Committee External Affairs Sub-Committee Financial Affairs Sub-Committee Home Affairs Sub-Committee Internal Market Sub-Committee Justice Sub-Committee Membership The Members of the European Union Select Committee are: Baroness Armstrong of Hill Top Baroness Kennedy of The Shaws Lord Trees Lord Boswell of Aynho (Chairman) Earl of Kinnoull Baroness Verma Baroness Brown of Cambridge Lord Liddle Lord Whitty Baroness Browning Baroness Prashar Baroness Wilcox Baroness Falkner of Margravine Lord Selkirk of Douglas Lord Woolmer of Leeds Lord Green of Hurstpierpoint Baroness Suttie Lord Jay of Ewelme Lord Teverson Further information Publications, press notices, details of membership, forthcoming meetings and other information is available at http://www.parliament.uk/hleu. General information about the House of Lords and its Committees is available at http://www.parliament.uk/business/lords. -
Introduction to Staff Register
REGISTER OF INTERESTS OF MEMBERS’ SECRETARIES AND RESEARCH ASSISTANTS (As at 15 October 2020) INTRODUCTION Purpose and Form of the Register In accordance with Resolutions made by the House of Commons on 17 December 1985 and 28 June 1993, holders of photo-identity passes as Members’ secretaries or research assistants are in essence required to register: ‘Any occupation or employment for which you receive over £410 from the same source in the course of a calendar year, if that occupation or employment is in any way advantaged by the privileged access to Parliament afforded by your pass. Any gift (eg jewellery) or benefit (eg hospitality, services) that you receive, if the gift or benefit in any way relates to or arises from your work in Parliament and its value exceeds £410 in the course of a calendar year.’ In Section 1 of the Register entries are listed alphabetically according to the staff member’s surname. Section 2 contains exactly the same information but entries are instead listed according to the sponsoring Member’s name. Administration and Inspection of the Register The Register is compiled and maintained by the Office of the Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards. Anyone whose details are entered on the Register is required to notify that office of any change in their registrable interests within 28 days of such a change arising. An updated edition of the Register is published approximately every 6 weeks when the House is sitting. Changes to the rules governing the Register are determined by the Committee on Standards in the House of Commons, although where such changes are substantial they are put by the Committee to the House for approval before being implemented. -
Alastair Campbell
Alastair Campbell Adviser, People’s Vote campaign 2017 – 2019 Downing Street Director of Communications 2000 – 2003 Number 10 Press Secretary 1997– 2000 5 March 2021 This interview may contain some language that readers may find offensive. New Labour and the European Union UK in a Changing Europe (UKICE): Going back to New Labour, when did immigration first start to impinge in your mind as a potential problem when it came to public opinion? Alastair Campbell (AC): I think it has always been an issue. At the first election in 1997, we actually did do stuff on immigration. But I can remember Margaret McDonagh, who was a pretty big fish in the Labour Party then, raising it often. She is one of those people who does not just do politics in theory, in an office, but who lives policy. She is out on the ground every weekend, she is knocking on doors, she is talking to people. I remember her taking me aside once and saying, ‘Listen, this immigration thing is getting bigger and bigger. It is a real problem’. That would have been somewhere between election one (1997) and election two (2001), I would say. Politics and government are often about very difficult competing pressures. So, on the one hand, we were trying to show business that we were serious about business and that we could be trusted on the economy. One of the messages that business was giving us the whole time was that Page 1/31 there were labour shortages, skill shortages, and we were going to need more immigrants to come in and do the job. -
Page 1 Donald Tusk President of the European Council Europa Building
Donald Tusk President of the European Council Europa Building Rue de la Loi/Wetstraat 175 B-1048 Bruxelles/Brussel Belgium 24 November 2018 Subject: The Draft Agreement of 14 November 2018 on the withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union Dear Mr Tusk On Saturday 20 October, 700,000 people from all parts of the UK marched in London to demonstrate their opposition to Brexit and their wish to remain at the heart of Europe. The people who came spanned the generations, from babies riding on their mothers’ shoulders to old people who struggled bravely to walk the route of the march. We write as a grassroots network linking many of the pro-European campaign groups which have sprung up all over the United Kingdom and beyond, and whose supporters were on that march. Our movement is growing rapidly, as more and more people living in the UK come to realise what Brexit means for us as individuals, for our country and for Europe as a whole. Arguably, the UK now has the largest and most passionate pro-EU supporter base in the whole of Europe! We wish to make you aware of the strength of feeling on this matter amongst the people of the United Kingdom. Millions of us want to retain the rights and freedoms granted to us under the EU Treaties and to continue to play a role at the heart of Europe. Brexit in any form would take away rights which we all hold as individuals, but we do not accept that these rights can be taken away without our consent.