ELECTORAL ASSESSMENT FRAMEWORK a Tool to Assess Needs, Defne Objectives, and Identify Program Options

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

ELECTORAL ASSESSMENT FRAMEWORK a Tool to Assess Needs, Defne Objectives, and Identify Program Options ELECTORAL ASSESSMENT FRAMEWORK A Tool to Assess Needs, Defne Objectives, and Identify Program Options March 2021 Prepared under: Tasking 006, Contract No. GS10F0218U/7200AA18M00017 Submitted To: USAID Authored By: Assia Ivantcheva (USAID) Michael McNulty (USAID) Carol Sahley (USAID) Ellen Seats Contractor: The Cloudburst Group 8400 Corporate Drive, Suite 550 Landover, MD 20785 Tel: 301-918-4400 Email: [email protected] Cover Photo Credit: Carol Sahley, USAID Voting in Sierra Leone 2018 elections. Table of Contents CONTENTS Acknowledgments . .iii Acronyms . .iv EXECUTIVE SUMMARY . VI PART I. FRAMEWORK PURPOSE, METHODOLOGY, AND APPROACHES . 1 WHY AND HOW TO USE THE GUIDE . 2 Purpose of the Guide . 2 New Challenges in Supporting Elections and Political Processes . .3 Overview of the Electoral Assessment and Strategy Design Process . 5 Assessment Methodology and Process . 8 ANALYTICAL APPROACHES TO UNDERSTANDING ELECTORAL NEEDS. .11 The Electoral Cycle Approach . .11 Principles and Obligations for Democratic Elections . .13 Rules of the Game and Power Dynamics . .15 PART II. CONDUCTING AN ELECTORAL ASSESSMENT . 19 STEP 1: ASSESS THE COUNTRY CONTEXT . .20 1.1 Regime Type and Political System . .20 1.2 Foundational Factors . .24 1.3 International Dynamics and Foreign Actors . .26 1.4 Confict and Security Environment . .27 STEP 2: ASSESS THE ELECTORAL CONTEXT. .29 2.1 Legal Framework and Electoral Reform . .30 2.2 Election Management . .34 2.3 Political Parties and Candidates . .41 2.4 Voter Education and Information . .46 2.5 Election Observation . .48 2.6 Media Ecosystem . .52 2.7 Electoral Security and Confict . .55 2.8 Electoral Justice . .58 2.9 Post-election Transitions . .61 PART III. DEFINING A STRATEGY AND IDENTIFYING PROGRAM OPTIONS . 63 STEP 3: DEFINE OBJECTIVES AND DEVELOP AN EPP STRATEGY . .64 3.1 Prioritize EPP Problems to be Addressed . .64 3.2 Consider USG Priorities and Programming . .68 3.3 Map and Coordinate with Other Donors . .68 3.4 Consider Resources . .69 3.5 Defne EPP Assistance Objectives and Develop a USAID EPP Strategy . .69 STEP 4: IDENTIFY PRIORITY PROGRAMMING . .72 4.1 Legal Framework and Electoral Reform . .73 i Table of Contents 4.2 Election Management . .75 4.3 Political Party Development . .78 4.4 Voter Education and Information . .81 4.5 Election Observation . .83 4.6 Media Ecosystem . .88 4.7 Electoral Security and Confict Prevention . .90 4.8 Electoral Justice . .92 4.9 Post-election and Political Transitions . .94 CONCLUSION . .96 ANNEXES . 97 Annex 1: International Principles and Obligations for Democratic Elections . .98 Annex 2: Assessment Report Template . .100 Annex 3: References and Additional Resources . .101 ii Acknowledgments ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The Electoral Assessment Framework: A Tool to Assess Needs, Defne Objectives, and Identify Program Options was de- veloped by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) with the assistance of the Learning, Evaluation, and Research (LER) II mechanism implemented by the Cloudburst Group. The document was authored by Assia Ivantcheva, Michael McNulty, and Carol Sahley from USAID’s Democracy, Human Rights, and Governance (DRG) Center, and Ellen Seats from Cloudburst. The authors wish to thank the many colleagues and partners who gave their time to provide suggestions and contri- butions to the Framework. In particular, the authors thank Jef Fischer for his input on the design of the Framework, as well as his contributions to the text. The DRG Center’s Blair King and Luis Sobalvarro helped pilot a draft of the Framework and provided input on the document. The authors also thank additional current and former colleagues from the USAID DRG Center’s Democratic and Political Processes (DPP) Team, including Michael Chelius, Julie Denham, Monique Murad, Renne Traicova, and Ambar Zobairi, as well as the State Department’s Bureau of De- mocracy, Human Rights, and Labor (DRL), for their input on the document. Aleta Starosta managed Cloudburst’s services for this activity. The authors also thank Stafan Darnolf, Michael Svetlik, and Chad Vickery (International Foundation for.
Recommended publications
  • Interim Report of the LWVO Primary Election Systems Study Committee
    PRIMARY ELECTIONS SYSTEMS: A NATIONAL PERSPECTIVE -- Interim Report of the LWVO Primary Election Systems Study Committee ABSTRACT: This series of interviews with several academic researchers and voting advocates across the U. S. weighs the merits of Ohio’s current primary election system in non-presidential primaries. It reflects the conflict between those who regard primaries as an internal nomination process by the several political parties and those who regard them as vehicles whereby all voters reduce their candidate choices to the most viable, competitive few. Ohio’s semi-open partisan primary system met with admiration from many respondents who compared it to the alternatives. Only a few recommended that Ohio consider a top-two system or another alternative which would do away with primaries altogether. Interviewees unanimously cautioned would-be reformers, also, against the likelihood of unspecified, unintended consequences which could accompany any change. Several secondary changes might also improve Ohio’s primary election system, according to most. Mandatory Board of Election distribution of an inclusive Voter Guide and turning Election Day into a holiday were most frequently mentioned. Many other useful suggestions emerged, including even several not on the questionnaire. Some even argued for expanded, constructive involvement of political parties. Leagues of Women Voters in ten or twelve states are studying or already involved in advocacy for primary election reforms. This report documents responses from several state Leagues, although several of the most involved state Leagues did not respond to the survey. In general, Leagues tended to take a realistic rather than an abstract academic view of reforms, especially those that were still studying the issue.
    [Show full text]
  • Relevance in Obsolescence: Recuperation and Temporality in the Work of Guy Debord and the Situationist International
    RELEVANCE IN OBSOLESCENCE: RECUPERATION AND TEMPORALITY IN THE WORK OF GUY DEBORD AND THE SITUATIONIST INTERNATIONAL Tom Bunyard RECUPERATION In 2009, the French State bought an archive of Guy Debord’s work, containing his manuscripts, correspondence, reading notes, cinematic material and assorted personal effects. This purchase, which was conducted in order to prevent the archive’s sale to Yale, resulted in its installation in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France (BNF). In order for this to take place, the President of the Bibliothèque was required to dub Debord’s work a “national treasure”; Sarkozy’s minister of culture was then obliged to endorse that evaluation by describing Debord as a “great French intellectual.”1 Unsurprisingly, these statements have proved somewhat notorious. Debord’s “bad reputation”2 once merited far more attention from the police and secret services than it did from academia, and the irony involved in the archive’s acquisition has not been lost on its many commentators: for as a journalist in Le Monde remarked, it entailed housing, “in a temple of the state,” the archives of “an intellectual who was critical of all institutions, and of society in general.”3 Yet while the tension between the archive’s content and its current location may have been sufficient to provoke commentary in the press, it remains the case that Debord’s work, together with that of the Situationist International (S.I.), has been steadily accepted and celebrated by the society that it opposed for years. This process of accommodation has proceeded apace over the past few decades, and Situationist material has now become a fixture of both the academic Left and of university teaching program; this despite the fact that in 1966, a French judge felt moved to declare Situationist ideas to be a genuine “threat” to the minds of impressionable students, and to society at large.4 Thus while the transition from the status of “threat” to that of “treasure” announced by the archive’s purchase is sharp, it is by no means without precedent.
    [Show full text]
  • Protecting Politics: Deterring the Influence Of
    Protecting Politics Deterring the Influence of Organized Crime on Elections Protecting Politics: Deterring the Influence of Organized Crime on Elections Elections are essential elements of democratic systems. Unfortunately, abuse and manipulation (including voter intimidation, vote buying or ballot stuffing) can distort these processes. However, little attention has been paid to an intrinsic part of this threat: the conditions and opportunities for criminal interference in the electoral process. Most worrying, few scholars have examined the underlying conditions that make elections vulnerable to organized criminal involvement. This report addresses these gaps in knowledge by analysing the vulnerabilities of electoral processes to illicit interference (above all by organized crime). It suggests how national and international authorities might better protect these crucial and coveted elements of the democratic process. Case studies from Georgia, Mali and Mexico illustrate these challenges and provide insights into potential ways to prevent and mitigate the effects of organized crime on elections. International IDEA Clingendael Institute ISBN 978-91-7671-069-2 Strömsborg P.O. Box 93080 SE-103 34 Stockholm 2509 AB The Hague Sweden The Netherlands T +46 8 698 37 00 T +31 70 324 53 84 F +46 8 20 24 22 F +31 70 328 20 02 9 789176 710692 > [email protected] [email protected] www.idea.int www.clingendael.nl ISBN: 978-91-7671-069-2 Protecting Politics Deterring the Influence of Organized Crime on Elections Protecting Politics Deterring the Influence of Organized Crime on Elections Series editor: Catalina Uribe Burcher Lead authors: Ivan Briscoe and Diana Goff © 2016 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance © 2016 Netherlands Institute of International Relations (Clingendael Institute) International IDEA Strömsborg SE-103 34 Stockholm Sweden Tel: +46 8 698 37 00, fax: +46 8 20 24 22 Email: [email protected], website: www.idea.int Clingendael Institute P.O.
    [Show full text]
  • Disinformation in Democracies: Strengthening Digital Resilience in Latin America
    Atlantic Council ADRIENNE ARSHT LATIN AMERICA CENTER Disinformation in Democracies: Strengthening Digital Resilience in Latin America The Adrienne Arsht Latin America Center broadens understanding of regional transformations through high-impact work that shapes the conversation among policymakers, the business community, and civil society. The Center focuses on Latin America’s strategic role in a global context with a priority on pressing political, economic, and social issues that will define the trajectory of the region now and in the years ahead. Select lines of programming include: Venezuela’s crisis; Mexico-US and global ties; China in Latin America; Colombia’s future; a changing Brazil; Central America’s trajectory; combatting disinformation; shifting trade patterns; and leveraging energy resources. Jason Marczak serves as Center Director. The Atlantic Council’s Digital Forensic Research Lab (DFRLab) is at the forefront of open-source reporting and tracking events related to security, democracy, technology, and where each intersect as they occur. A new model of expertise adapted for impact and real-world results, coupled with efforts to build a global community of #DigitalSherlocks and teach public skills to identify and expose attempts to pollute the information space, DFRLab has operationalized the study of disinformation to forge digital resilience as humans are more connected than at any point in history. For more information, please visit www.AtlanticCouncil.org. This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Independence. The authors are solely responsible for its analysis and recommendations. The Atlantic Council and its donors do not determine, nor do they necessarily endorse or advocate for, any of this report’s conclusions.
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom in the World Report 2020
    Brazil | Freedom House Page 1 of 19 BrazilFREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 75 FREE /100 Political Rights 31 Civil Liberties 44 75 Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. Overview https://freedomhouse.org/country/brazil/freedom-world/2020 3/6/2020 Brazil | Freedom House Page 2 of 19 Brazil is a democracy that holds competitive elections, and the political arena is characterized by vibrant public debate. However, independent journalists and civil society activists risk harassment and violent attack, and the government has struggled to address high rates of violent crime and disproportionate violence against and economic exclusion of minorities. Corruption is endemic at top levels, contributing to widespread disillusionment with traditional political parties. Societal discrimination and violence against LGBT+ people remains a serious problem. Key Developments in 2019 • In June, revelations emerged that Justice Minister Sérgio Moro, when he had served as a judge, colluded with federal prosecutors by offered advice on how to handle the corruption case against former president Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva, who was convicted of those charges in 2017. The Supreme Court later ruled that defendants could only be imprisoned after all appeals to higher courts had been exhausted, paving the way for Lula’s release from detention in November. • The legislature’s approval of a major pension reform in the fall marked a victory for Brazil’s far-right president, Jair Bolsonaro, who was inaugurated in January after winning the 2018 election. It also signaled a return to the business of governing, following a period in which the executive and legislative branches were preoccupied with major corruption scandals and an impeachment process.
    [Show full text]
  • FIGHTING VOTER SUPPRESSION PRESENTED by ELLEN PRICE -MALOY APRIL 26, 2021 VIDEOS to WATCH Stacey Abrams on 3 Ways Votes Are Suppressed – Youtube
    FIGHTING VOTER SUPPRESSION PRESENTED BY ELLEN PRICE -MALOY APRIL 26, 2021 VIDEOS TO WATCH Stacey Abrams on 3 ways votes are suppressed – YouTube Stacey Abrams discussed with Jelani Cobb the three ways that voter suppression occurs in America: registration access restrictions, ballot access restriction... The History of U.S. Voting Rights | Things Explained Who can vote today looked a lot different from those who could vote when the United States was first founded. This video covers the history of voting rights, including women's suffrage, Black disenfranchisement, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the various methods American voters can cast their ballots today. For more episodes, specials, and ... 2020 election: What is voter suppression? Tactics used against communities of color throughout history, in Trump-Biden race - ABC7 San Francisco NEW YORK -- As Election Day draws close, some American citizens have experienced barriers to voting, particularly in communities of color. While stories about voter suppression across the nation ... SUPPORT DEMOCRACY H.R.1/S.1 The legislation contains several provisions to fight voter suppression, including national automatic voter registration, prohibitions on voter roll purging and federal partisan gerrymandering, and improved election security measures. It also strengthens ethics providing a strong enforcement of Congress’ Ethics Code – leading to prosecution of those who break the Ethics code and standards and for all three branches of government, e.g. by requiring presidential candidates to disclose 10 years of tax returns and prohibiting members of Congress from using taxpayer dollars to settle sexual harassment cases. The bill aims to curb corporate influence in politics by forcing Super PACs to disclose their donors, requiring government contractors to disclose political spending, and prohibiting coordination between candidates and Super PACs, among other reforms.
    [Show full text]
  • Letter to Senate Leadership on Voting Rights
    Officers Chair Judith L. Lichtman National Partnership for Women & Families Vice Chairs Derrick Johnson NAACP June 8, 2021 Farhana Khera Muslim Advocates Thomas A. Saenz Mexican American Legal The Honorable Charles Schumer Defense and Educational Fund Secretary Majority Leader Fatima Goss Graves National Women's Law Center United States Senate Treasurer Lee A. Saunders American Federation of State, Washington, DC 20510 County & Municipal Employees Board of Directors Kimberly Churches The Honorable Mitch McConnell AAUW Alphonso B. David Minority Leader Human Rights Campaign Rory Gamble United States Senate International Union, UAW Jonathan Greenblatt Washington, DC 20510 Anti-Defamation League Mary Kay Henry Service Employees International Union Damon Hewitt Dear Majority Leader Schumer and Minority Leader McConnell: Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law Sherrilyn Ifill NAACP Legal Defense and Our organizations write to you in support of two critical pieces of legislation Educational Fund, Inc. David H. Inoue needed to protect the freedom to vote: For the People Act (FTPA) and the John Japanese American Citizens League Benjamin Jealous Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act (VRAA). Passage of both bills is essential to People for the American Way Derrick Johnson counter the unprecedented wave of voter suppression laws advancing in the states NAACP Virginia Kase and to protect Americans from further encroachments on their rights. Passing one League of Women Voters of the United States Samer E. Khalaf without the other simply will not be sufficient to ensure that all Americans—and American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee particularly Americans of color—have meaningful and equal access to the ballot. Marc Morial National Urban League Janet Murguía UnidosUS A.
    [Show full text]
  • Investigating New Aspects of Recuperation 1 Michael Tsangaris
    Re-adapting radical forms of expression in the digital era -Investigating new aspects of recuperation 1 Michael Tsangaris To cite this version: Michael Tsangaris. Re-adapting radical forms of expression in the digital era -Investigating new aspects of recuperation 1. XIX ISA World Congress of Sociology / RC57 Visual Sociology, Jul 2018, Toronto, Canada. hal-02349016 HAL Id: hal-02349016 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02349016 Submitted on 5 Nov 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. 1 Re-adapting radical forms of expression in the digital era - Investigating new aspects of recuperation1. Michael Tsangaris, University of Piraeus, Greece Undoubtedly, all past media forms held possibilities for alternative communications but most of the times commodification that turns everything into ‘Spectacle’ degenerated such options. Even some of the most experimental forms of painting, photography, music or moving images, after all, removed far away from the original ideological frames in which they were initially created, and got absorbed by the mainstream cultural industry. In fact, alternative media forms such as aggressive rock music, street graffiti or tattoos, were initially used to express distinctive youth cultural scenes or counter-movements challenging the dominant culture.
    [Show full text]
  • Impact on Issues 2018-2020 a GUIDE to PUBLIC POLICY POSITIONS
    LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS Paperback Book ® OF THE UNITEDCover Template STATES IMPACT8.5” XON 11” Book ISSUES 2018-2020(215.9mm X 279.4mm) A Guide to Public Policy Positions 0.25” Spine Width (6.292mm) White Paper Front 8.5” x 11” 1730 M Street, NW, Washington, DC 20036 I 202.429.1965 I lwv.org (215.9mm x 279.4mm) Impact on Issues 2018-2020 A GUIDE TO PUBLIC POLICY POSITIONS Introduction 2 Environmental Protection and Pollution Control 54 Taking Action: Working Together Air Quality 55 to Influence Public Policy 3 Water Resources 56 Principles 6 Solid Waste 57 Nuclear Waste 58 Summary of Policy Positions 7 Climate Change 63 REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT 10 Public Participation 64 Voting Rights 13 Agriculture Policies 65 Citizen’s Right to Vote 13 DC Self-Government and SOCIAL POLICY 68 Full Voting Representation 19 Equality of Opportunity 68 The Election Process 20 Employment 69 Apportionment 20 Fair Housing 70 Redistricting 21 Nondiscrimination & Affirmative Action 70 Money in Politics (formerly Pay Equity 71 Campaign Finance) 23 Equal Rights for Women 71 Selection of the President 28 Same Gender Equality 72 Citizen Rights 29 Education 72 Citizen’s Right to Know/ Citizen Participation 29 Federal Role in Public Education 75 Individual Liberties 31 Fiscal Policy 76 Constitutional Amendment Proposals 32 Health Care 78 Constitutional Conventions 32 Immigration 81 Public Policy on Reproductive Choices 33 Meeting Basic Human Needs 82 Congress and the Presidency 35 Income Assistance 83 Congress 35 Housing Supply 84 The Presidency 36 Transportation 84
    [Show full text]
  • Transgender and Gender-Nonconforming Voting Rights After Bostock
    UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL OF LAW ANDSOCIAL CHANGE Volume 24, Number 3 2021 TRANSGENDER AND GENDER-NONCONFORMING VOTING RIGHTS AFTER BOSTOCK BY MICHAEL MILOV-CORDOBA* & ALI STACK** Abstract. In Bostock v. Clayton County, the Supreme Court issued a landmark holding that allowed workplace protections for the LGBTQ+ community, including transgender people, to be subsumed into the Title VII provision prohibiting “sex” discrimination. Though Bostock was a Title VII case, the textualist logic of the majority opinion has important constitutional implications. In this article, we use Bostock as a point of departure to lay out two novel constitutional theories that further the voting rights of transgender and gender-nonconforming voters. Under our first theory, we argue that because Title VII and the Nineteenth Amendment have almost identical language, the underlying logic of Bostock should govern modern interpretations of the Nineteenth Amendment, meaning that the Amendment’s protections should extend to transgender and gender-nonconforming voters. Because the Nineteenth Amendment should be treated as an analogue to the Fifteenth Amendment, voting regulations that uniquely burden transgender and gender-nonconforming voters should be regarded as per se unconstitutional under the Nineteenth Amendment. Under our second theory, we argue that Bostock provides a stepping stone to elevate the standard of review for gender- based as-applied challenges to voting regulations that implicate gender classifications under the Fourteenth Amendment from Anderson-Burdick review to intermediate scrutiny. This article proposes that both theories offer opportunities to better address the barriers posed by the layering of voter ID laws on top of strict identity document requirements that transgender and gender non-confirming voters face at the ballot box.
    [Show full text]
  • SW 504: Social Justice and Diversity in Social Work (August 29
    SW 504: Social Justice and Diversity in Social Work (August 29, 2017) Instructor: Laura Lein (https://ssw.umich.edu/faculty/profiles/tenure-track/leinl) Office: 3852 Phone: (734) 615-7379 Email: [email protected] Office Hours: Thursdays, 1-3 and by appointment (on campus most of Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday) Course Sections: 003 (UM # 25820) and 006 (25901) Day and Time: Tuesdays, 9 -12 (003) & Wednesdays, 2-5 (006) 3 Credits, no prerequisites Foundation HBSE Course Approved 4/29/14 Course Description This required foundation course is designed to increase students’ awareness, knowledge, and critical skills related to diversity, human rights, social and economic justice. The topics of this course include developing a framework for 1) engaging diversity and differences in social work practice and 2) advancing human rights and social and economic justice. We will explore the knowledge base that underlies skills needed to work towards justice. These include types and sources of power, multiple social locations, social constructions, social processes, social identities, conflicts, and how all these interact. A major emphasis is on developing skills in critical contextual thinking and analyses, and in praxis, learning to use knowledge and theory to recognize and critique underlying assumptions and paradigms, and inform working for change. Multiple kinds of boundaries are especially important— across groups, between organizations and system levels, and within and between people, related to intersecting social locations. Course Content Students will actively explore how societal power and diversity characterize and shape the human experience, and are critical to the formation of social structures, cultural understandings, group and organizational processes, and identities.
    [Show full text]
  • Christian Nationalism and Restricting Voter Access in the United States1
    1 Forthcoming at Sociological Forum “I Don’t Want Everybody to Vote”: Christian Nationalism and Restricting Voter Access in the United States1 Samuel L. Perry Department of Sociology University of Oklahoma Andrew L. Whitehead Department of Sociology Indiana University–Purdue University Indianapolis Joshua B. Grubbs Department of Psychology Bowling Green State University Abstract Though the persistence of voter suppression and disenfranchisement in the US is well- documented, we still know little about their contemporary ideological underpinnings beyond partisanship and racial resentment. Highlighting the Christian Right’s influence in driving anti- democratic sentiment in the post-Civil Rights era, we propose contemporary ideological support for restricting the vote generally, and specifically, to those who prove “worthy,” is undergirded by a pervasive ideology that cloaks authoritarian ethno-traditionalism with the ultimacy and polysemic utility of religious language―Christian nationalism. Nationally representative data collected weeks before the November 2020 elections reveal Christian nationalism is a leading predictor that Americans deny that voter suppression is a problem, believe that the US makes it “too easy to vote,” believe that voter fraud is rampant, and support measures to disenfranchise individuals who could not pass a basic civics test or who committed certain crimes. Interactions show Christian nationalism’s influence is particularly strong among men across most outcomes and, regarding voter suppression, whites compared to Blacks. We argue Christian nationalism seeks to institutionalize founding ideals in which civic participation is rooted in hierarchies, being restricted to a “worthy” few. Appeals to America’s religious heritage thus facilitate stratifying America’s citizenry and justifying restricting participation to preserve dominance.
    [Show full text]