Shakkyōkaas Religious Experience
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Tian-Tai Metaphysics Vs. Hua-Yan Metaphysics
Tian-tai Metaphysics vs. Hua-yan Metaphysics A Comparative Study [Online Version Only] By JeeLoo Liu 2 Tian-tai Metaphysics vs. Hua-yan Metaphysics A Comparative Study Introduction Tian-tai Buddhism and Hua-yan Buddhism can be viewed as the two most philosophically important schools in Chinese Buddhism. The Tian-tai school was founded by Zhi-yi (Chih-i) (538-597 A.D.). The major Buddhist text endorsed by this school is the Lotus Sutra, short for “the Sutra of the Lotus Blossom of the Subtle Dharma.” Hua-yan Buddhism derived its name from the Hua-yan Sutra, translated as “The Flower Ornament Scripture” or as “The Flowery Splendor Scripture.”1 The founder of the Hua-yan school was a Chinese monk named Du-shun (557-640 A.D.). The second patriarch of Hua-yan is Zhi-yan (602-668 A.D.), who studied with Du-shun. However, it is generally acknowledged that the real founder of Hua-yan Buddhism is its third patriarch, Fa-zang (643-712 A.D.). He introduced the division of “the Realm of Principle” and “the Realm of Things,”2 which was developed by Hua-yan’s fourth patriarch Cheng-guan (738-839? A.D.) into the defining thesis for Hua-yan Buddhism – the “four dharma realms”: the Realm of Principle, the Realm of Things,3 the Realm of the Noninterference between Principle and Things, and the Realm of the Noninterference of All Things. 3 In this paper, I shall give a comprehensive explanation of the metaphysical views presented by both Tian-tai and Hua-yan schools. -
Chih-I's System of Sign Interpretation
中華佛學學報第 15 期 (pp.495-584): (民國 91 年), 臺北:中華佛學研究所,http://www.chibs.edu.tw Chung-Hwa Buddhist Journal, No. 15, (2002) Taipei: Chung-Hwa Institute of Buddhist Studies ISSN: 1017-7132 Chih-i's System of Sign Interpretation Haiyan Shen Doctorate Candidate, Oriental Languages & Cultures Ghent University, Belgium Summary As the founder of the first Buddhist school - T'ien-t'ai Buddhism in China, master Chih-i's indispensable contribution toward the establishment of Chinese Buddhism is reflected mainly in his ingenious interpretation of one of the most important Buddhist scriptures - the Lotus Sūtra (Saddharmapuṇḍrīkasūtra). This is because such an interpretation is not simply the interpretation of the scripture, but more significantly, through his systematic exposition of the Lotus Sūtra, Chih-i expresses his own philosophical thought. Precisely speaking, the interpretation itself is a concrete demonstration of Chih-i's own philosophical system of understanding Buddhism. In this paper, I will deal with Chih-i's system of sign interpretation, which is discussed under eight categories. The source work of this study is based on Chih-i's gigantic work The Abstruse Meaning of the Sūtra of the Lotus Flower of the Fine Dharma (Taishō vol. 33, no. 1716). This study reveals how Chih-i creatively interprets the Lotus Sūtra, and how his perfect harmonization philosophy is at work through his system of sign interpretation. Keywords: 1.Sign interpretation 2.Lotus Sūtra 3.Hsüan-i 4.Perfect harmonization philosophy 5.Middle Way-Ultimate Truth p. 496 ↴ Contents Introduction 1. The interpretation of sign to investigate different meanings of a word 2. -
Pure Mind, Pure Land a Brief Study of Modern Chinese Pure Land Thought and Movements
Pure Mind, Pure Land A Brief Study of Modern Chinese Pure Land Thought and Movements Wei, Tao Master of Arts Faculty ofReligious Studies McGill University Montreal, Quebec, Canada July 26, 2007 In Partial Fulfillment ofthe Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in the Faculty ofReligious Studies of Mc Gill University ©Tao Wei Copyright 2007 All rights reserved. Library and Bibliothèque et 1+1 Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Bran ch Patrimoine de l'édition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Canada Canada Your file Votre référence ISBN: 978-0-494-51412-2 Our file Notre référence ISBN: 978-0-494-51412-2 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant à la Bibliothèque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par télécommunication ou par l'Internet, prêter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des thèses partout dans loan, distribute and sell theses le monde, à des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non sur support microforme, papier, électronique commercial purposes, in microform, et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriété du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protège cette thèse. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation. -
Contemplation: Practice, Doctrine and Wisdom in the Teaching of Zhiyi (538-597)
Contemplation: Practice, Doctrine and Wisdom in the Teaching of Zhiyi (538-597) Hans-Rudolf KANTOR Dept. Of Philosophy, Huafan University, Taipei County, Taiwan INTRODUCTION It is not easy to define the type of experience initiated by practice and cultivation in Tiantai Buddhism. There are manifold methods of practice and cultivation in Tiantai Buddhism, but all of them are predominantly linked with the Chinese term for contemplation (guan). The terminological roots of the Chinese expression guan originate in Indian Buddhism, where it is called vipasyana and means examine, contemplate, consider illusion and discern illusion, contemplate and mentally enter into truth.1 It is a fundamental concept of all Buddhist schools, but Tiantai Buddhists elevate it to a distinct doctrine. It would go beyond the frame of this paper to give a comprehensive survey of contemplation throughout various Buddhist schools.2 What I intend to do here is to show how “Contemplation” works as a self-sufficient concept, wisdom and practice that allows one to live a spiritual experience without having to narrate or to represent it. This in turn might help us to identify species of spiritual traditions determined by varying relationships to the categories of narration and contemplation. The inaugurator of the scholastic system of Tiantai doctrines, Zhiyi (538- 597) explicitly dedicated several works to the doctrine of contemplation. His most important thoughts about this doctrine are expounded in the Cidi chan men (Gate of the Gradual Meditation), the Liu miao men (Gate of the Six Subtleties) and the Mohe zhiguan (=MHZG Great Calming and Contemplation). But in his other important works like the Fahua xuanyi (=FHXY The Profound Meaning of the Lotus), Fahua wenju (A Textual Commentary on the Lotus), Weimo Lueshu (An 1 This term frequently occurs in the binom samatha vipasyana (zhiguan) in Buddhist texts. -
横組:Jean-Noël Robert
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ICPBS Digital Cllections 国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 Journal of the International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies 第 15 号(平成 23 年) Vol. XV, 2011 On a Possible Origin of the « Ten Suchnesses » List in Kumārajīvaʼs Translation of the Lotus Sutra Jean-Noël Robert 国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要第 15 号 平成 23年5月 143 On a Possible Origin of the « Ten Suchnesses » List in Kumārajīvaʼs Translation of the Lotus Sutra Jean-Noël Robert A Hubert Durt, en toute amitié et reconnaissance One of the most vexed questions concerning the Chinese translation of the Lotus Sutra made by Kumārajīva and his « workshop » at the beginning of the fifth century is probably the origin of the passage on the « Ten Suchnesses » 十如是 (ch. shí rúshì, jpn. jū-nyoze). The wide discrepancy between the Chinese text and the Sanskrit original has been intriguing monks and scholars for centuries and led them to suggest a number of solutions which have mostly done little to solve the riddle. Some sort of consensus seems to be prevailing about the probability of either a defect or variant in the manuscript used by Kumārajīva, or of his knowledge of oral or esoteric traditions about that passage that he would have reflected in his own translation. Everybody seems to concur on the fact that, whatever be the correct solution, the problem lies in translating the Sanskrit original into Chinese, the issue being so to say bilateral. Either the Sanskrit text the Chinese translators had under their eyes was defective in some way, or their own understanding was faulty, with barely the third possibility of an interference from some unknown exegetical tradition, perchance a Central Asian one. -
Dharaıi and SPELLS in MEDIEVAL SINITIC BUDDHISM It Has Become Common for Scholars to Interpret the Ubiquitous Presence of Dhara
DHARAıI AND SPELLS IN MEDIEVAL SINITIC BUDDHISM RICHARD D. MCBRIDE, II It has become common for scholars to interpret the ubiquitous presence of dhara∞i (tuoluoni ) and spells (zhou ) in medieval Sinitic Bud- dhism1 as evidence of proto-Tantrism in China2. For this reason, infor- mation associated with monk-theurgists and thaumaturges has been organ- ized in a teleological manner that presupposes the characteristics of a mature Tantric system and projects them backward over time onto an earlier period. Recently, however, scholars such as Robert H. Sharf have begun to point out the limitations of this approach to understanding the nature of Chinese Buddhism and religion3. This essay will address two inter-related questions: (1) How did eminent monks in medieval China conceptualize dhara∞i and spells? And (2) did they conceive of them as belonging exclusively to some defined tradition (proto-Tantric, Tantric, or something else)? In this essay I will present a more nuanced view of the mainstream Sinitic Buddhist understanding of dhara∞i and spells by providing back- ground on the role of spell techniques and spell masters in Buddhism and medieval Chinese religion and by focusing on the way three select The author of this article wishes to express gratitude to Gregory Schopen, Robert Buswell, George Keyworth, James Benn, Chen Jinhua, and the anonymous reviewer for their comments and suggestions on how to improve the article. 1 In this essay I deploy word “dhara∞i” following traditional Buddhist convention in both the singular and plural senses. I also use the word “medieval” rather loosely to refer to the period extending from the Northern and Southern Dynasties period through the end of the Tang, roughly 317-907 C.E. -
Reply to Ziporyn Yasuo Deguchi Kyoto University
Masthead Logo Smith ScholarWorks Philosophy: Faculty Publications Philosophy 7-2013 2+1=1: Reply to Ziporyn Yasuo Deguchi Kyoto University Jay L. Garfield Smith College, [email protected] Graham Priest University of Melbourne Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.smith.edu/phi_facpubs Part of the Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Deguchi, Yasuo; Garfield, Jay L.; and Priest, Graham, "2+1=1: Reply to Ziporyn" (2013). Philosophy: Faculty Publications, Smith College, Northampton, MA. https://scholarworks.smith.edu/phi_facpubs/15 This Article has been accepted for inclusion in Philosophy: Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Smith ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected] TWO PLUS ONE EQUALS ONE: A RESPONSE TO BROOK ZIPORYN Author(s): Yasuo Deguchi, Jay L. Garfield and Graham Priest Source: Philosophy East and West, Vol. 63, No. 3, SPECIAL ISSUE: BUDDHISM AND CONTRADICTION (JULY 2013), pp. 353-358 Published by: University of Hawai'i Press Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/43285833 Accessed: 02-08-2018 18:11 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms University of Hawai'i Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Philosophy East and West This content downloaded from 131.229.64.25 on Thu, 02 Aug 2018 18:11:15 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms TWO PLUS ONE EQUALS ONE: A RESPONSE TO BROOK ZIPORYN Yasuo Deguchi Jay L. -
Pure Mind, Pure Land a Brief Study of Modern Chinese Pure Land Thought and Movements
Pure Mind, Pure Land A Brief Study of Modern Chinese Pure Land Thought and Movements Wei, Tao Master of Arts Faculty ofReligious Studies McGill University Montreal, Quebec, Canada July 26, 2007 In Partial Fulfillment ofthe Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in the Faculty ofReligious Studies of Mc Gill University ©Tao Wei Copyright 2007 All rights reserved. Library and Bibliothèque et 1+1 Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Bran ch Patrimoine de l'édition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Canada Canada Your file Votre référence ISBN: 978-0-494-51412-2 Our file Notre référence ISBN: 978-0-494-51412-2 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant à la Bibliothèque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par télécommunication ou par l'Internet, prêter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des thèses partout dans loan, distribute and sell theses le monde, à des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non sur support microforme, papier, électronique commercial purposes, in microform, et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriété du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protège cette thèse. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation. -
From Jien (1155-1225) to Son.En (1298-1356): the Evolution of Exegetical Poetry in Medieval Japan
From Jien (1155-1225) to Son.en (1298-1356): The Evolution of Exegetical Poetry in Medieval Japan 著者 ROBERT Jean-Noel journal or FIGURES AND PLACES OF THE SACRED publication title volume 18 page range 149-172 year 2003-03-31 その他のタイトル 慈円から尊円へ 風景と言語の和歌における秘儀化 URL http://doi.org/10.15055/00002958 From Jien (1155-1225) to Son.en (1298-1356): The Evolution of Exegetical Poetry in Medieval Japan Jean-No~lROBERT EcolePratique des Hautes Etudes Sciences Religieuses Thispaper reflects the presentstage of a researchthat has beengoing on for a few yearsnow, the startingpoint of whichhaving been what was, at firstglance, a rather simple,or perhapsirrelevant question: << Cain Japanese be considereda mystical language? )>.I understandthat the verywording of this questionraises in turn many furtherquestions, the most important one being without any doubt <<what is a 'mystical language'?> > There are twopossible answers to that. Themore obviousone is that a mystical language is a languagein whichis writtena substantialbody of literaturepurporting to relatemystical experiences. On this account,,most of the Europeanlanguages could be heldas such:from English (Brigitof Norwitch;The Cloudof Unknowing)to German(with Meister Eckhart, Tauler)or Dutch(Ruysbroek), from Spanish (John of the Cross,Theresa of Avila)to Italian(Francis of Assisi),or evenFrench (i.a. Blaise Pascal in a famousfragment), and probablymany others (Russian for examplewith Talesof a Pilgrim);so are too mostof the languagesof Moslemcultures, be it, foremostly,Persian, or Urdu,Turkish or Malay,or the 'vernacular'languages of India.Actually, it wouldbe ratherdifficult to find, in the vast field of Eurasianliteratures, a languagewhich would not be a rmysticallanguage' according to this first definition. -
Skilful Means: a Concept in Mahayana Buddhism, Second Edition
SMA01C 2 11/21/03, 10:48 AM SKILFUL MEANS ‘Skilful means’ is the key principle of the great tradition of Mahayana Buddhism. First set out extensively in the Lotus Sutra, it originates in the Buddha’s compassionate project for helping others to transcend the cease- less round of birth and death. His strategies or interventions are ‘skilful means’—devices which lead into enlightenment and nirvana. Michael Pye’s clear and engaging introductory guide presents the meaning of skilful means in the formative writings, traces its antecedents in the legends of early Buddhism and explores links both with the Theravada tradition and later Japanese Buddhism. First published in 1978, the book remains the best explanation of this dynamic philosophy, which is essential for any com- plete understanding of Buddhism. Michael Pye is Professor of the Study of Religions at Marburg Univer- sity, and author of Emerging from Meditation (1990), The Buddha (1981) and the Macmillan Dictionary of Religion (1993). He is a former President of the International Association for the History of Religions (1995–2000), and has taught at the Universities of Lancaster and Leeds. SMA01C 1 11/21/03, 10:48 AM SMA01C 2 11/21/03, 10:48 AM SKILFUL MEANS A Concept in Mahayana Buddhism Second Edition MICHAEL PYE SMA01C 3 11/21/03, 10:48 AM First published in 1978 by Gerald Duckworth & Co. Ltd. The Old Piano Factory, 43 Gloucester Crescent, London NW1 This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2005. “To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.” This edition published 2003 by Routledge 11 New Fetter Lane, London, EC4P 4EE Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 © 2003 Routledge All rights reserved. -
死jin Honzon Sho : the Buddha Whom He Looked up to and Who Was Observed in His Mind
The Japanese AssooiationAssociation of Indian工ndian and Buddhist Studies ノ∂urna ’(ゾlndian and Buddhist Studies〜b1.61,No .3, March 2013 (203) − How Nichiren Understood the Buddha in His、Ka死jin honzon sho : The Buddha Whom He Looked Up To and Who Was Observed in His Mind WATANABE H6y6 「 1.The foundation of Buddhism is samdahi (三 昧 ).It is the process whereby we deepen our peace of mind and unite a scattered mind . Zen 禅 (Skt. dhyana)and yoga 瑜 伽 are practices to pacify the mind by concentrating on one object to attain a stage of total clarity and fbcus. This is the BudChism of On the other hand Mah 蕊 Buddhism developed as practice. , yfina − Buddhism of faith. H6nen 法然 (ll33 1212)read the Commentary ofAmitdyurdhy δna “ and was statement concentrate Sutra (観 無 量 壽経 疏 )by Shandao 善導 inspiredby its , ” to chant the name of AmitEbha Buddha. H6nen insisted on exclusive faith and devotion directed to Amitabha Buddha and spread Pure Land Buddhism (浄 土 宗). r the contrary Nichiren 日 − insisted on to 五kyamuni Buddha On , 蓮 (1222 1282) devotion S who is the Eternal Buddha described in the Lotus Sutra. He devoted himself to upholding the daim・ Namu my6h6 renge ky6 . To uphold the dai〃1・ ku was 題 目 , 南 無妙 法蓮 華 経 ’ ‘ ’ to advocate a type of BudChism of faith. He revealed his own understanding of kanjin 観 一 心 (spiritUa 且contemplation )for the age of 〃mappo 末 法 (the Latter Age of Degeneration), 一 after the Buddha, in his Nyorai metsugo gogohyakusai shi kanjin honzon sho 如 来 滅 後 ’ − 1) “ ” ‘ − 五 五 百 歳 始 観 心 本 尊 抄 (the Kanjin・honzon・sho ) The first time in -
The Shingon Ajikan, Meditation on the Syllable ‘A’: an Analysis of Components and Development
The Shingon Ajikan, Meditation on the Syllable ‘A’: An analysis of components and development. Ronald S. Green This paper examines what has been described as the most basic and essential element of Kūkai’s (774-835) religio-philosophical system (Yamasaki 1988:190), meditation on the Sanskrit syllable ‘A’. According to Shingon Buddhist tradition, Kūkai introduced the meditation on the syllable ‘A’ (hereafter referred to as the Ajikan) into Japan in the early 9th century, at the time he transmitted the Shingon Dharma to that country from China. Materials clearly showing the origin and development of the Ajikan before Kūkai’s time have either not been discovered or have not been analyzed in relationship to the Ajikan. Indeed, some researchers have argued that the use of ‘A’ as a device for meditation arose as either a Chinese or a Japanese mistranslation of the Mahavairocana-sūtra.1 The present paper is an attempt to contribute to research on the development of the Ajikan by pointing to related references in writings typically associated with earlier traditions. First, by examining Kūkai’s own writings as well as those most important for Shingon, it will be shown that the Ajikan is part of the Tantric system believed to set Shingon apart from other traditions of Buddhism. Materials examined below suggest Kūkai believed that by means of the Ajikan meditation one could become a Buddha within this very lifetime. However, it will be noted that while Kūkai mentions the related Meditation on the Six Elements (rokudai enyū) of the Mahāvairocana-sūtra, which includes the syllable ‘A’, he makes no mention per se of the 1 T.18, 848.