Nested Landscapes: Ecological and Spiritual Use of Plains Landscape During the Late Prehistoric Period

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2014-06-25 Nested Landscapes: Ecological and Spiritual Use of Plains Landscape During the Late Prehistoric Period

Amundsen-Meyer, Lindsay

Amundsen-Meyer, L. (2014). Nested Landscapes: Ecological and Spiritual Use of Plains Landscape During the Late Prehistoric Period (Unpublished doctoral thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. doi:10.11575/PRISM/27071 http://hdl.handle.net/11023/1585 doctoral thesis

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Nested Landscapes: Ecological and Spiritual Use of Plains Landscape During the Late

Prehistoric Period

Lindsay M. Amundsen-Meyer

A THESIS

SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES

IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE

DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

DEPARTMENT OF ARCHAEOLOGY

CALGARY, ALBERTA

JUNE, 2014

This study evaluates competing models of settlement patterning on the

Northwestern Plains using a sample of sites located along the Old North Trail, an ancient pathway within the traditional homeland of the Blackfoot people. More specifically, the sites are located in the Foothills of southern Alberta, the wintering grounds of the

Blackfoot. Ecological models suggest that wood, water, bison and shelter are the key influences on human settlement patterns at this time of year. The location of bison herds changes yearly, and any instance of a resource can be used. Consequently, this model expects a random distribution of archaeological sites, though sites should be located where there is access to wood and water. Phenomenological models, by contrast, posit that human groups travel along established paths and stop at the same culturally important places each year. Given such patterned use of the landscape, clusters of archaeological sites at culturally significant landmarks, including glacial erratics, named places, springs and cottonwood groves, are expected. Since human groups return each year, these sites should show evidence of reuse. These suggestions are tested through a series of spatial statistics and descriptive spatial tools which identify spatial patterns and relate site clusters to landscape variables of ecological and cultural significance. This analysis shows that ecological variables influence the selection of the study area as an appropriate wintering ground but do not account for the placement of settlements within the Foothills region. Instead, cultural variables appear to exert a greater influence on human settlement choices, with views of and proximity to named places and glacial erratics important considerations and proximity to cottonwood groves and springs of secondary importance. Consequently, I propose a series of nested landscapes for this

ii portion of the Northwestern Plains in which ecology conditions settlement choices at a large scale and phenomenology at small scale. These insights provide a greater understanding of human use of the Northwestern Plains landscape and contribute to a larger dialogue regarding cultural landscapes, senses of place and ultimately cultural identity.

iii Acknowledgements

Completing such a large work as a dissertation would not be possible without a multitude of financial, academic and personal support. Prior to acknowledging the latter,

I would first like to thank the Vanier Canada Graduate Scholarship Program for awarding me a three-year doctoral scholarship to fund my doctoral degree and the Killam Trusts for awarding me a two-year honorary fellowship in support of my research. Additional financial support was provided by the Alberta Historical Resources Foundation,

Archaeological Society of Alberta, Coutts Family Foundation, Friends of Head-Smashed-

In Buffalo Jump, Martha Biggar Anders Memorial Fund and the Faculty of Graduate

Studies, Department of Archaeology and Graduate Student’s Association at the

University of Calgary.

Through both undergraduate and graduate degrees at the University of Calgary, I have received an excellent education and a tremendous amount of support from faculty members, fellow students and support staff in the Department of Archaeology. I would especially like to thank my supervisor Gerald Oetelaar, an amazing teacher and friend.

His door is always open for his students, something I truly appreciate. Gerry has always posed the touch questions, encouraging me to think critically. In moments of self-doubt, he is always available to lend an ear and provide encouragement. Without his support this dissertation would have been a much more difficult undertaking. In addition, I would like to thank the other members of my supervisory committee, Dale Walde and Shelley

Alexander, who were always willing to provide advice and encouragement. Nicole Ethier has answered many questions, helping with everything from funding applications to photocopying. In addition, I am grateful for the support and expertise of faculty members

iv and teaching assistants in the Department of Geography, without whom I would not have had the knowledge of GIS and spatial statistics required to complete this research. In particular, I would like to thank Bart Hulshof who was always available to lend a hand with technical difficulties.

The amount of time dedicated to this dissertation would not have been possible without the support of family and friends. I would like to thank my husband Justin for the love and support he has provided and for allowing me to focus solely on graduate school.

His patience and encouragement know no bounds. Throughout my graduate degree he has shared in the excitement of the achievements and milestones and been a shoulder to lean on in stressful or difficult times. My parents, Doug and Joan, and my in-laws, Tony and Agnes, have always been available for moral support and to provide a rural Alberta staycation when a break was needed. In addition, I would like to thank all of my siblings and siblings’ in-law for their support, and my many nieces and nephews for always making me smile. Finally, my best friend T has constantly been there to hear a rant, provide encouragement, celebrate successes and commiserate failures, all of which are much appreciated.

A major component of this research was a two year field project in the vicinity of

Claresholm and Stavely, Alberta which refined the data available for the region and made the results of this research significantly more robust. This field program would not have been possible without the contribution of a huge suite of dedicated volunteers and landowners, in addition to the aforementioned funding agencies. The landowners who graciously allowed us to access their land or showed us their collections are too numerous to name, but all are due a huge debt of gratitude. I would especially like to thank Scott

v and Audrey Maurushat, Doug and Irene Leeds, Charles and Pat Leeds, Gary and Janet

Brown and Kim and Margo Cochlan for not only allowing us access to their land and sharing their knowledge of the region, but for their enormous hospitality. Additionally, this field program relied on a field crew primarily of volunteers, again too numerous to name. To visit and record 143 sites in only two summers would simply have not been possible without their help. I would like to take this opportunity to thank in particular

Terry Quinn, John Easton and Jim McMurchy, dedicated volunteers and Archaeological

Society of Alberta members, who participated in more days of field work than they missed. Lastly, the field project benefited greatly from the help of Mary Lynn Tobiasz,

Stevie Sheppard, Jamie Eddy, Rob Leach, Gerry Oetelaar, Wendy Unfreed and Trevor

Peck.

My friends and colleagues at the University of Calgary are truly amazing. I would like to this opportunity to thank Kim Edwards, Lance Evans, Mike Moloney, Ben Cowie,

Steven Simpson, Sean Pickering, Taylor Graham, Shawn Morton, Adrianne Offenbacker,

Adam Benfer, Robyn Crook, Ashely Nagel, Tyler Murchie, Rebecca Rainville, Alejandro

Patino, Howard Cyr and Kris Russell. I would especially like to thank Kim Edwards who is a wonderful officemate and friend and listened to many success and frustrations, both in the office and on our weekly lunch dates, and Lance Evans, another great friend, for the many meetings of Plains group.

In my undergraduate and graduate degrees, I was fortunate enough to work for a number of CRM companies in Calgary as well as Parks Canada. These experiences provided me with a much broader understanding of the archaeology of Western Canada and theoretical and methodological issues in the discipline. I cannot thank enough all the

vi talented archaeologists who took the time to teach me and share some of their knowledge with me. I have benefited greatly from the mentorship of Laureen Bryant, Bill Perry,

Michelle Wickham, Gwyn Langemann, Jack Porter, Marty Magne, Dan Wyman and many others. Learning from so many excellent archaeologists provided me with the skills and confidence to run a dissertation field programme and will no doubt serve me well in the remainder of my career. I would particularly like to thank Bill Perry who is an amazing friend and archaeologist and constantly reminds me why I do what I do. His knowledge of both archaeology and GIS is profound and this dissertation has benefited greatly from discussions with him. I would also like to thank Barney Reeves for his support of this research. The breadth of knowledge he possesses and the many unpublished reports and maps he has shared with me have helped to shape this study in positive ways.

Finally, I would like to thank the staff at the Spatial and Numeric Data Services center at the University of Calgary for their help with the acquisition of GIS data. I would also like to thank Iris Morgan for her help in tracking down historic maps showing the

Old North and Macleod Trails, as well as the staff at the Glenbow Archives. In addition,

Murray Lobb was kind enough to provide a georeferenced copy of Dawson’s (1884) map and has on numerous occasions helped to solve various GIS difficulties.

vii Dedication

For Happy pup

and

Justin and Kyko

viii Table of Contents

Abstract ...... ii Acknowledgements ...... iv Dedication ...... viii Table of Contents ...... ix List of Tables ...... xiii List of Figures and Illustrations ...... xv Epigraph ...... xix

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ...... 1

CHAPTER 2: CONTEXT...... 9 Introduction ...... 9 Environmental Context ...... 9 Climate and Precipitation ...... 10 Geology ...... 10 Natural Sub-Regions ...... 12 Mixed Grass Natural Sub-Region ...... 12 Foothills Fescue Natural Sub-Region ...... 16 Foothills Parkland Natural Sub-Region ...... 17 Montane Natural Sub-Region ...... 18 Animal Species ...... 19 Environmental History (Late Holocene: 5,000 rcybp to present) ...... 20 Northwestern Plains Prehistory ...... 21 Middle Prehistoric Period (7,750-1,250 rcybp) ...... 22 Early Middle Prehistoric II (5,000-3,000 rcybp) ...... 23 Late Middle Prehistoric (3,500-1,200 rcybp) ...... 24 Late Prehistoric Period (1,750-225 rcybp) ...... 25 Avonlea Horizon (1,750-900 rcybp) ...... 25 Old Women’s Phase (1,400-250 rcybp) ...... 28 Protohistoric Period (250-200 rcybp/1700-1750 A.D.) ...... 31 Historic Period (1754 AD +) ...... 32 Blackfoot Ethnography ...... 34 Economy and Settlement Patterns ...... 34 Religion ...... 37 Study Area Overview ...... 39 Calgary Study Area ...... 39 Okotoks Study Area ...... 41 Willow Creek Study Area ...... 42 Piikani Study Area ...... 43 Discussion ...... 44 Chapter Summary ...... 46

ix CHAPTER 3: ECOLOGICAL MODELS ...... 47 Introduction ...... 47 Hunter Gatherer Ecology ...... 47 Northwestern Plains Ecology ...... 51 Vegetation ...... 51 Bison Herds ...... 53 Blackfoot Seasonal Round ...... 56 Previous Ecological Models ...... 59 Northwestern Plains Resources ...... 63 Shelter ...... 64 Bison ...... 66 Wood ...... 68 Water ...... 69 Archaeological Signature of Hunter-Gatherer Economics ...... 73 Discussion ...... 78 Chapter Summary ...... 79

CHAPTER 4: PHENOMENOLOGICAL MODELS ...... 80 Introduction ...... 80 Phenomenological Theory ...... 80 Attachment to Place ...... 82 Cross-Cultural Landscapes ...... 85 Australian Aborigines ...... 85 Western Apache ...... 90 Blackfoot ...... 93 Northwestern Plains Landmarks ...... 97 Cottonwood Groves ...... 98 Springs ...... 100 Glacial Erratics ...... 103 Named Places ...... 106 Other Landmarks ...... 111 Archaeological Signature of Attachment to Place ...... 112 Discussion ...... 116 Chapter Summary ...... 117

CHAPTER 5: DATA AND METHODS ...... 119 Introduction ...... 119 Preliminary Analysis ...... 119 2011 Field Survey (Willow Creek Study Area) ...... 120 2012 Field Survey (Willow Creek Study Area) ...... 122 Data Sources and Preparation Methods ...... 133 Archaeological Site Data ...... 133 Site Types ...... 137 Geographic Data ...... 140 Elevation Data ...... 141 Geological Data ...... 141 Data from Historic Maps ...... 143

x Spatial Analysis Methods ...... 143 Trail Analysis ...... 144 Settlement Pattern Analysis ...... 144 Discussion ...... 147 Chapter Summary ...... 151

CHAPTER 6: TRAIL ANALYSIS ...... 153 Introduction ...... 153 Travel and Stopping Places ...... 153 The Old North Trail ...... 156 Macleod Trail ...... 158 Archaeological Evidence in Alberta ...... 161 Least Cost Path Analysis ...... 166 Methods and GIS Functionality ...... 166 Results ...... 172 Fort Calgary – Fort Macleod ...... 172 Fort Calgary – High River – Fort Macleod ...... 174 Discussion ...... 176 Chapter Summary ...... 186

CHAPTER 7: SETTLEMENT PATTERN ANALYSIS ...... 188 Introduction ...... 188 Point Pattern Analysis ...... 188 Cluster Analysis ...... 189 Average Nearest Neighbour ...... 190 Quadrat Analysis ...... 193 Spatial Autocorrelation ...... 197 Site Density ...... 200 Exploratory Spatial Data Analysis ...... 205 Archaeological Site Distribution ...... 206 Density and Landscape ...... 212 Proximity ...... 216 Viewshed Analysis ...... 229 Cumulative Viewshed Analysis: Least Cost Path ...... 230 Viewsheds: From Trail ...... 234 Additional Visibility Analysis ...... 242 Fuzzy Logic Site Selection Model ...... 246 Discussion ...... 247 Chapter Summary ...... 255

CHAPTER 8: DISCUSSION AND INTERPRETATION ...... 256 Introduction ...... 256 Seasonality, Duration and Ethnicity of Occupation ...... 256 Seasonality ...... 256 Duration ...... 261 Time Depth and Ethnicity ...... 267 Ecological Model: Relative Merits ...... 282

xi Phenomenological Model: Relative Merits ...... 289 Discussion ...... 311 The Piikani Dataset ...... 311 A Sacred Landscape ...... 316 Nested Landscapes ...... 318 Chapter Summary ...... 320

CHAPTER 9: CONCLUSION ...... 322 Implications for Future Work in Region ...... 328 Chapter Summary ...... 333

REFERENCES CITED ...... 335

xii List of Tables

Table 1. Summary of characteristics of relevant grassland and parkland ecoregions (adapted from Natural Regions Committee 2006; Strong and Leggat 1992)...... 13

Table 2. Sites recorded during 2011 field work (Amundsen-Meyer 2013a)...... 123

Table 3. Sites recorded during 2012 field work (Amundsen-Meyer 2014d)...... 130

Table 4. Archaeological site classes...... 136

Table 5. Archaeological site types...... 136

Table 6. Anticipated daily travel distance...... 155

Table 7. Water body cost model...... 170

Table 8. Average nearest neighbour statistic: Willow Creek Study Area...... 192

Table 9. Average nearest neighbour statistic: Calgary Study Area...... 192

Table 10. Average nearest neighbour statistic: Okotoks Study Area...... 193

Table 11. Quadrat size calculations...... 195

Table 12. Quadrat analysis significance tests...... 195

Table 13. Moran's I spatial autocorrelation test: site type...... 199

Table 14. Moran's I spatial autocorrelation test: site size...... 199

Table 15. Proximity to wooded vegetation/number of sites...... 218

Table 16. proximity to wooded vegetation statistics...... 218

Table 17. Proximity to wooded vegetation by site type: Willow Creek Study Area...... 218

Table 18. Proximity to wooded vegetation by site type: Calgary Study Area...... 219

Table 19. Proximity to wooded vegetation by site type: Okotoks Study Area...... 219

Table 20. Proximity to glacial erratics/number of sites...... 222

Table 21. Proximity to glacial erratics statistics...... 222

Table 22. Proximity to springs/number of sites...... 223

Table 23. Proximity to springs statistics...... 223

xiii Table 24. Proximity to known springs by site type: Willow Creek Study Area...... 223

Table 25. Proximity to known springs by site type: Calgary Study Area...... 224

Table 26. Proximity to known springs by site type: Okotoks Study Area...... 224

Table 27. Proximity to named places/number of sites...... 225

Table 28. Proximity to named places statistics...... 225

Table 29. Proximity to Blackfoot named places by site type: Willow Creek Study Area...... 226

Table 30. Proximity to Blackfoot named places by site type: Calgary Study Area...... 227

Table 31. Proximity to Blackfoot named places by site type: Okotoks Study Area...... 227

Table 32. Proximity to major water bodies/number of sites...... 228

Table 33. Proximity to major water bodies statistics...... 228

Table 34. Proximity to trail/number of sites...... 229

Table 35. Proximity to trail statistics...... 229

Table 36. Average nearest neighbour statistic: Piikani Dataset...... 252

Table 37. Moran's I spatial autocorrelation test: Piikani Dataset...... 252

Table 38. Evidence for winter occupation at stone circle sites, Willow Creek study area...... 259

Table 39. Dated sites in the study region...... 268

Table 40. Site types in clusters at river confluences...... 306

xiv List of Figures and Illustrations

Figure 1. Southern Alberta natural subregions showing location of study areas (Natural Regions Committee 2006; Strong and Leggat 1992)...... 15

Figure 2. The Blackfoot homeland (image courtesy Gerald Oetelaar)...... 35

Figure 3. Dawson (1884) map of southern Alberta showing study areas (from north to south Calgary, Okotoks, Willow Creek and Piikani study areas) and Macleod Trail...... 40

Figure 4. Seasonal round of the Blackfoot and bison (adapted from Peck and Vickers 2006)...... 57

Figure 5. Location of important ecological resources (wood, water and shelter) in the study region...... 65

Figure 6. Cottonwood groves (ca. 1884) in the overall study region...... 101

Figure 7. Known springs in the overall study region...... 104

Figure 8. Location of glacial erratics in the overall study region...... 105

Figure 9. Named places in the Willow Creek study area...... 108

Figure 10. Named places in the Calgary study area...... 109

Figure 11. Named places in the Okotoks study area...... 110

Figure 12. Archaeological sites recorded during 2011 fieldwork (Amundsen-Meyer 2013a)...... 126

Figure 13. Excerpt of 1879 map showing named places in the vicinity of Claresholm Alberta (adapted from RCMP Archives Can.1962.6.2)...... 128

Figure 14. Archaeological sites recorded during 2012 field work (Amundsen-Meyer 2014d)...... 132

Figure 15. Macleod Trail as depicted by Dawson (1884)...... 160

Figure 16. Documented archaeological evidence of trails in Alberta...... 162

Figure 17. Least cost paths, Fort Calgary - Fort Macleod...... 173

Figure 18. Least cost paths, Fort Calgary - High River - Fort Macleod...... 175

Figure 19. Cost distance from 1884 vegetation...... 179

xv Figure 20. Cost distance from glacial erratics...... 181

Figure 21. Trails and Blackfoot named places in southern Alberta (adapted from RCMP Archives Can.1962.6.2) ...... 183

Figure 22. Stopping places on route between Fort Calgary and Fort Macleod...... 185

Figure 23. Quadrat analysis results: Willow Creek Study Area...... 196

Figure 24. Quadrat analysis results: Calgary Study Area...... 196

Figure 25. Quadrat analysis results: Okotoks Study Area...... 197

Figure 26. Archaeological site density: Willow Creek Study Area...... 202

Figure 27. Archaeological site density: Calgary Study Area...... 203

Figure 28. Archaeological site density: Okotoks Study Area...... 204

Figure 29. Archaeological site distribution summary: Willow Creek Study Area...... 209

Figure 30. Archaeological site distribution summary: Calgary Study Area...... 210

Figure 31. Archaeological site distribution summary: Okotoks Study Area...... 211

Figure 32. Archaeological site density and landscape features: Willow Creek Study Area...... 213

Figure 33. Archaeological site density and landscape features: Calgary Study Area. ... 214

Figure 34. Archaeological site density and landscape features: Okotoks Study Area. ... 215

Figure 35. Cumulative viewshed analysis: trails...... 231

Figure 36. Views from paths and important landscape features...... 233

Figure 37. View from Macleod Trail and landscape features: Willow Creek Study Area...... 235

Figure 38. View from Macleod Trail and archaeological sites: Willow Creek Study Area...... 236

Figure 39. View from Macleod Trail and landscape features: Calgary Study Area...... 237

Figure 40. View from Macleod Trail and archaeological sites: Calgary Study Area ..... 238

Figure 41. View from Macleod Trail and landscape features: Okotoks Study Area...... 240

Figure 42. View from Macleod Trail and archaeological sites: Okotoks Study Area. ... 241

xvi Figure 43. Views from named places: Calgary Study Area...... 244

Figure 44. View from named places: Willow Creek Study Area...... 245

Figure 45. Site suitability models showing dated prehistoric sites: Willow Creek Study Area...... 248

Figure 46. Site suitability models showing dated prehistoric sites: Calgary Study Area...... 249

Figure 47. Site suitability models showing dated prehistoric sites: Okotoks Study Area...... 250

Figure 48. Stratified sites, Willow Creek Study Area...... 263

Figure 49. Number of stone circles at campsites, Willow Creek Study Area...... 264

Figure 50. EePm-3 Panel 6; note multiple painting events...... 266

Figure 51. EePm-3 Panel 1; note multiple painting events ...... 267

Figure 52. Sites with Cayley Series points and/or Saskatchewan Basin pottery...... 272

Figure 53. Projectile points recovered from Willow Creek study area in 2012. Late Period points in the top row include (L-R), an unidentified intrusive type, a Cayley Series point, and Late Period preform...... 273

Figure 54. Projectile points recovered from EcPm-7. Top (L-R), unidentified, unidentified, Cayley Series, Late Period preform, unidentified. Bottom (L-R): Cayley Series, Avonlea, Avonlea, Cayley Series...... 275

Figure 55. EaPk-37 Rock Alignment 4. A possible death lodge type medicine wheel. Note that the center of the feature has been disturbed, potentially by looters...... 277

Figure 56. EaPk-122 Rock Alignment. In the 1970s, a series of 50 foot spokes were recorded around the feature which could not be identified in 2012...... 278

Figure 57. Columbia Plateau rock art at EaPk-214...... 281

Figure 58. Visibly interlinked sites with ideological constructs (Nanton - Claresholm) 291

Figure 59. EaPk-18 ribstone...... 294

Figure 60. EaPk-37 (Ghost Pound) site map...... 297

Figure 61. EaPk-61 (Split Rock) roof panel...... 300

Figure 62. EaPk-18 site map...... 309

xvii Figure 63. Site density and large kill sites, Willow Creek Study Area...... 314

Figure 64. Willow Creek study area showing cluster of archaeological sites and location of ideological constructs (left) and relationship of ideological constructs to jump site (right)...... 315

xviii Epigraph

We are familiar with the idea of landscape formation as geomorphic process involving erosion and sedimentation, a process whereby mountains are gradually broken down and river deltas gradually built up. Cultural landscapes are created through time by a form of cultural sedimentation in which past human action leaves traces - the traces, for instance, of houses, campsites, shrines, battles, fences and pathways - that accumulate. Julian Thomas (2004:214) cautions us against regarding this accumulation as a "Cartesian world of inert substance." Rather the cultural landscape we inherit should be thought of as meaningfully constituted (Thomas 2004). The actions represented by the traces had meaning and these meanings are embodied in the traces (Byrne 2008:155). .

xix CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

Many patterns of human activity that have left traces on the landscape emerge only with some considerable reluctance, often over lengthy periods of time. Teasing out such patterns will require the patient accumulation of data from isolated locations and disparate recording episodes (Darvill 2005:173).

The Northwestern Plains are the most northerly portion of the Great Plains culture area, encompassing large portions of southern Alberta, Southern Saskatchewan and north and central Montana (Vickers 1986). Several settlement pattern studies have been undertaken in this region over the last forty years. However, the hypotheses of land use presented in these studies do not agree on what factors were conditioning human travel through the region (Adams 1976; Brumley 1983; Brumley and Dau 1988; Landals 2004;

Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2006; Oetelaar and Olson 2000; Peck 2011). At present, two competing models have been proposed to explain the spatial arrangement and distribution of archaeological sites on the Northwestern Plains. Ecological models rely on natural characteristics of the environment to predict settlement patterns, with ecology driving human movement and behaviour. Phenomenological models, in contrast, suggest culturally significant landmarks and important places define human movement and settlement choices. In this view, ecology is a result of human behaviour.

The first model, with its emphasis on ecology, is based on Western perceptions of the world and a scientific approach to the study of human behaviour. In Western science, nature and culture are viewed as separate entities and nature is the primary influence on human behaviour. The traditional ecology which guides this model is based on succession theory and the presence of climax communities, where ecosystems strive to maintain a state of equilibrium (homeostasis). In this context, humans do not drive

1 ecosystem change but simply respond to the environment in order to meet their basic needs. Ecological characteristics of the landscape define human behaviour. Consequently, movement and settlement decisions are conditioned by the location of economically important plant and animal species. The patterned placement of archaeological sites on the landscape should, therefore, reflect the distribution of subsistence resources (Casey

2008; David and Thomas 2008; Flannery 1976; Thomas 2001).

As applied on the Northwestern Plains, this model predicts that the movement of human groups across the landscape will be constrained by the seasonal migration of the bison between their summer pastures on the open prairie and their wintering grounds in the sheltered valleys of the foothills. At the same time, the selection of places to camp will be conditioned by the location of critical resources such as water and wood in the winter and the distribution of specific micro-niches (e.g. berry patches) in the summer

(see Adams 1976; Brumley 1983; Brumley and Dau 1988; Landals 2004; Peck and

Vickers 2006; Vickers and Peck 2004). In the Foothills of southern Alberta, the wintering grounds of the Blackfoot people, critical resources such as wood, water, bison and shelter tend to be evenly distributed across the landscape and thus we expect a random distribution of settlements, kill sites, rock art and burials in the study region.

Phenomenological theory, in contrast, stresses the experiential nature of place and the cultural landscape as it is created and defined by a region’s inhabitants. Consequently, the phenomenological model of site distribution attempts to understand how human groups perceived, experienced and maintained their world in order to determine the nature of human impact on the ecosystem and the influence of cultural variables on site distribution. In this approach, foragers do not simply map onto resources in a slowly

2 changing, naturally created environment. Instead, they work within an environment that is the product of human creation and is constantly being changed by humans in the present (Erickson 2006). In this sense, human behaviour defines the ecological characteristics of a cultural landscape. Using this paradigm, the focus of study shifts from a natural to a cultural landscape; one that is a living medium, shaped by human agents who interact with animate and inanimate beings. Following this model, culturally and spiritually important places are associated with the primary constraints on human movement across the landscape and these places are connected by paths. Therefore, the phenomenological model of site distribution proposes that people moved from place to place following a network of established trails which connected landmarks and their associated narratives, songs and rituals.

Since the phenomenological model relies on culturally specific variables such as the location of named places, this theoretical framework will be unique to each particular group, even if two groups inhabit the same geographic territory. In this research, the

Blackfoot people are the group of interest as they were the primary (though not sole) inhabitants of the study region in the Late Prehistoric Period. To the Blackfoot, most natural objects and animals are sentient and have ongoing relationships with human beings (Stark and Wood 1997). Places on the landscape, therefore, cannot be seen simply as resource patches, but must be recognized as mnemonic pegs of Blackfoot culture, areas where spiritual power is concentrated and places at which Blackfoot people interacted with the spirit world around them (Oetelaar and Meyer 2006; Oetelaar and

Oetelaar 2006, 2010). In the study region, important Blackfoot landmarks include named places, glacial erratics, cottonwood groves and springs, all of which have spiritual

3 significance to the Blackfoot people. Because these places were revisited year after year, we expect to see clusters of sites along the trail network and evidence of repeated use at these places (Oetelaar 2012; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2006; Oetelaar and Olson 2000).

The objective of this dissertation is to evaluate these competing models of land use, as they have been previously presented by archaeologists. In particular, the models will be evaluated in the context of travel along the Old North Trail, the main north to south route through the western portion of the Northwestern Plains, the traditional wintering grounds of the Blackfoot. In the past, spatial analysis in archaeology has been primarily predictive in nature and has included only a limited set of environmental criteria. This is not entirely unreasonable, given that these environmental variables are easily accessible in a GIS ready format, but it does not account for social and ideological aspects of human culture. The analysis presented here attempts to include all types of variables because, ultimately, all are part of human culture and all have a spatial basis, making them suitable for integration into a GIS framework. Consequently, a combination of inferential spatial statistics and descriptive spatial analysis methods are used to test for patterns in archaeological site data, and to identify patterns in the relationships between archaeological site location and the landscape variables of interest in each model. The patterns derived from this spatial analysis are ultimately compared to the archaeological expectations of each settlement model and the relative merits of each discussed.

The incorporation of ecological, ideological and social variables in the application of GIS to archaeology is relatively new (e.g., Howey 2007; Llobera 1995; Llobera 2001;

Lobb 2009). In the past, archaeological studies using GIS have included only physical variables such as slope, aspect, elevation and distance to water (Dalla Bona 1983; Friesen

4 1998; Kvamme 1992). The approach presented here, in which ecological and cultural data are examined to create a land use model, is one that has not yet been attempted on the Northwestern Plains. This research will help build a better picture of past lifeways in this region and improve our understanding of human perceptions and uses of the landscape. In addition, it will allow gaps in knowledge to be identified that will help direct similar studies in the future, while at the same time providing government agencies, cultural resource management firms and their clients with another tool to better preserve the heritage resources of the region.

The following is an overview of the chapters presented within this dissertation.

The goal of Chapter 2 is to provide the reader with the context required to understand the research presented in the remainder of the dissertation. To this end, the environment of the Northwestern Plains is discussed, highlighting environmental characteristics which are important to understanding ecological and/or ideological use of the region. Similarly,

Northwestern Plains culture history is introduced, with a focus on the last 5,000 years of habitation of the region. A brief ethnography of the Blackfoot people, the last prehistoric inhabitants of the region, is presented which highlights aspects of Blackfoot culture related to subsistence and spirituality. Finally, the study areas analysed in this dissertation are introduced, including three study areas along the Old North Trail and a control study area (the Piikani dataset).

Chapter 3 is an overview of ecological theory, models and expectations for the

Northwestern Plains and how this has influenced past archaeological studies of settlement patterning in the region. The goal of this chapter is to review the primary ecological characteristics of the study region, and the influence of these characteristics on human

5 behaviour. The characteristics relevant to site selection based on ecological models are reviewed, along with their location in the study region. Finally, how the importance of ecology should be visible archaeologically is discussed.

Chapter 4 is an overview of phenomenological theory, models and expectations for the Northwestern Plains. The goal of this chapter is to review the Blackfoot’s spiritual relationship to the landscape and how this would have affected settlement choices in the region. Given that this model has not been commonly applied on the Northwestern

Plains, cross-cultural examples of similar practices are reviewed. The landscape characteristics and features relevant to site selection based on phenomenological models are discussed, along with their location in the study region. Finally, how this attachment to place should be seen archaeologically is reviewed.

Chapter 5 is an overview of the general methods used in this dissertation. The chapter begins with a summary of preliminary analysis conducted on the dataset, followed by the methodology used during survey work in the Willow Creek region and results from this field project. The data sources utilized in this research are introduced, including a summary of the archaeological site data. The sources of error present in each dataset and how these sources of error were dealt with are discussed. A brief discussion of the spatial analysis methods utilized throughout this dissertation is provided. Finally, a discussion of how spatial analysis has been applied to archaeology in the past, and what some of the common pitfalls with this method are, is provided.

Chapter 6 presents an analysis of the Old North Trail in an attempt to determine where the trail was located on the southern Alberta landscape. To begin, the method and distance of travel of Blackfoot groups in the region is reviewed. Descriptions of the Old

6 North Trail and Macleod Trails, the primary prehistoric and historic north-south routes through the region are given. Archaeological and historic evidence for each of these trails in Alberta is presented. Following this, a least cost path analysis is used to determine the most efficient route between two known fords on the trail, one at Fort Calgary and the other at Fort Macleod. The results of the least cost path analysis are presented and compared to the location of the reconstructed trail in order to determine if human groups were choosing a less efficient route across the landscape to access particular places or resources. Finally, a number of suggestions are made as to what factors may have been causing human groups traveling through the region to diverge from this most efficient route.

The goal of Chapter 7 is to quantify the observed settlement pattern of each study area and identify how these archaeological site patterns relate to the landscape variables identified as important in both ecological and phenomenological models. To this end, a number of inferential spatial statistics are used to test hypotheses regarding the patterning of sites on the landscape. This includes analysis of site clustering and spatial autocorrelation of site type and of site size, both of which are tied to expectations of the two competing models. Following this, descriptive spatial analysis is used to identify where site clusters are located on the landscape (density analysis) and to relate these site locations to the landscape variables identified by ecological and phenomenological models (density analysis, proximity analysis and viewshed analysis). Finally, a site suitability model derived from these patterns is created for each study area. All sites with known dates are compared to this suitability model to determine whether analysis of settlement models based on all recorded sites is appropriate for the Late Prehistoric

7 Blackfoot people specifically. Finally, the results of all analyses and their implications for settlement patterning in the study region are discussed and compared to the results obtained by Lobb (2009) for the control study area

Chapter 8 is a discussion of the results of this analysis with the goal of understanding what these results mean in terms of the settlement choices of Blackfoot groups inhabiting the region during the dog days. In essence, this chapter attempts to answer the question, why do we see the pattern that has been identified? To begin, the seasonality, duration, time depth and ethnicity of occupations in the study region are established. The patterns identified in Chapter 6 are then discussed in the context of

Blackfoot beliefs and subsistence requirements and the known culture history of the

Northwestern Plains. Following this, the relative merits of the ecological and phenomenological models as a whole are evaluated. The study region is again compared to the Piikani dataset and a model of nested landscapes within the study region is proposed.

Chapter 9 is the conclusion of the dissertation where the objectives, methods and analysis conducted in this research will be restated. The main points of interpretation and discussion are reiterated and the conclusions of this study presented. Finally, directions for future research are discussed and suggestions regarding how CRM data can best be used to answer broader research questions made.

8 CHAPTER 2: CONTEXT

Introduction

The purpose of this chapter is to introduce the study region, its environmental context and the associated archaeological context. To begin, an overview of environmental conditions on the Northwestern Plains is presented with a focus on the environment of southwestern Alberta, the study region for this research. The environmental history of the region is given, with an emphasis on the last 5,000 years.

Following this, the culture history of the region is briefly reviewed, again with a focus on the later part of this sequence. In addition, the culture of the Blackfoot peoples, the most recent indigenous inhabitants of the study region, is discussed with a focus on the ecological and ideological adaptations relevant to this research. Finally, a brief description of the three major study areas utilized in this research is provided along with an overview of previous archaeological research in each area. The control study area is similarly reviewed. This previously recorded archaeological data will be utilized in analysis of the region’s settlement pattern and ecological and phenomenological models of land use.

Environmental Context

The Northwestern Plains of Alberta, Saskatchewan and Montana are a classic temperate grassland; a large, open prairie dominated by grasses in which trees and shrubs are largely absent. The region’s topography varies from flat, lacustrine plains to rolling and hummocky prairie. Additionally, a number of glacial spillways and coulees dissect the region, and a few major hill systems are present including the Cypress Hills, Hand

Hills, Sweetgrass Hills and Wintering Hills. Two primary east-west river systems flow

9 through the Northwestern Plains; the Milk River, and the Oldman, Bow and Red Deer

Rivers which make up the South Saskatchewan River drainage. River valleys are deeply entrenched, often with wooded vegetation on lower river terraces (Prairie Conservation

Forum 2009; Vickers 1986). Bordering the Northwestern Plains, there is a discontinuous parkland belt, consisting of undulating till plains, hummocky uplands and foothills terrain. Here, remnant patches of aspen and willow shrublands are mixed with native grasslands (Natural Regions Committee 2006).

Climate and Precipitation

The climate of the study region, the Foothills and Foothills front of southwestern

Alberta, is marked by strong contrasts between winter and summer and extreme variability in temperatures. Summers are generally warm, with long cold winters. In a single year, temperatures can vary as much as 80 degrees Celsius. Severe weather events are common, most often summer thunderstorms and winter snow storms. Winters are marked by a high incidence of Chinooks; warm winds which blow in from the west, rapidly raising the temperature and melting snow. This reduces the reserves of soil moisture available in the spring. Rainfall is moderate with most precipitation falling as rain in the late spring and early summer. Additionally, melting snow in the mountains helps to maintain the spring flow of major rivers (Beaudoin 2003; Brady and Weil 2008;

Collinson 1977; Natural Regions Committee 2006; University of California 2004).

Geology

Geologically, the underlying bedrock of the southern Alberta prairie consists of essentially horizontal sedimentary rocks, primarily Upper Cretaceous deposits including marine shales and non-marine sandstones and siltstones. Some Tertiary sedimentary

10 structures (sandstones and siltstones) are present in the western portion of the region

(Beaty 1975; Natural Regions Committee 2006).

The geological structure of the plains is very simple, consisting of horizontal sedimentary layers that represent the accumulation of a long series of both marine and non-marine sediments. This bedrock is overlain by 25-30 meters of glacial till in most areas. The draining of pro-glacial lakes incised a number of deep channels and coulees on the plains, most of which are today dry. The primary process of landscape formation in this region was degradation or lowering. Upland areas on the plains, including the

Porcupine Hills, Cypress Hill, Hand Hills and Milk River Ridge, are higher simply because they escaped the effect of this gradation. Additionally, a small number of igneous intrusions (notably the Sweetgrass Hills) remain as isolated uplands (Beaty

1975).

Bedrock in the Foothills Belt consists of a series of folded and thrust-faulted beds

(primarily sandstone), oriented northwest-southeast. These structures, though different than the horizontal beds of the plains, are the same age as the latter. The transition from folded beds to horizontal strata marks the eastern edge of the foothills. The exception to this are the Porcupine Hills which, though part of the foothills, are noticeably different in bedrock structure. The bedrock of the Porcupine Hills is only very gently sloped, composed of essentially horizontal layers of sandstone (Beaty 1975; Natural Regions

Committee 2006).

The Northwestern Plains were subjected to a long period of glacial advance and recession during the Pleistocene Epoch, ending approximately 11,550 years ago

(Lourens, et al. 2004). The movement of the glaciers, followed by their recession, left the

11 foothills glacial erratics train on the western flanks of the foothills. This series of distinctive large pink quartzite boulders originated from Mount Edith Cavell in Jasper

National Park. During deglaciation, melt-water channels along the glaciers’ edge created a series of large, deep, bedrock channels on the eastern margins of the Porcupine Hills, including the Canyon, Boneyard Coulee and Pine Coulee (all within the Willow Creek study region). Areas that were never glaciated are found above 1,250 masl in the Cypress

Hills and Milk River Ridge, as well as above 1,600 masl in the Porcupine Hills (Beaty

1975; Natural Regions Committee 2006; Stalker 1956).

Natural Sub-Regions

The Grasslands Natural Region includes four sub-regions (Dry Mixed Grass,

Mixed Grass, Foothills Fescue and Northern Fescue). The study areas defined for this research are located on the western edge of the Grasslands Natural Region, bordering the foothills, in the Foothills Fescue and Mixed Grass sub-regions, near the Foothills

Parkland (part of the Parkland Natural Region) and Montane (part of the Rocky Mountain

Natural Region), Natural Sub-regions which begin just to the west. These natural subregions are shows in Figure 1, along with their relationship to the study area.

Consequently, only these four sub-regions are discussed in detail. A summary of the characteristics of relevant Grassland and Parkland Natural Sub-Regions are provided in

Table 1.

Mixed Grass Natural Sub-Region

The Mixed Grass Natural Sub-Region is a 50 to 100 km wide band of fertile prairie which curves north from the Alberta-Montana border to Red Deer, Alberta, along the margins of the Rocky Mountain foothills (see Figure 1). This region generally

12 Table 1. Summary of characteristics of relevant grassland and parkland ecoregions (adapted from Natural Regions Committee 2006; Strong and Leggat 1992).

Natural Avg Natural Area Sub 2 elev Physiography Major Soils Main Veg Types Region (km ) Region (masl)

Undulating plains. Mainly till with Brown Grasslands (blue Dry 800 significant chernozems. gama, needle and Mixed 46,937 (550- lacustrine, fluvial Wetlands are thread), shrublands in Grass 1100) and eolian gleysols. moister areas materials Undulating plains Grasslands (needle with some rolling Dark brown and thread, porcupine 975 Mixed to hummocky chernozems. grass, northern and 20,072 (650- Grass areas. Till and Wetlands are western wheatgrass, 1450) lacustrine gleysols. buckbrush Grassland materials shrublands) (14% of Undulating plains Province) and hummocky Plains rough fescue uplands. Mainly Dark brown (moist), western 800 Northern till with chernozems. porcupine grass 14,933 (650- Fescue significant Wetlands are (drier). Buckbrush 1100) lacustrine, fluvial gleysols. and rose shrublands. and eoliean Graminoid wetlands materials Hummocky and Mainly Mountain rough rolling to 1100 black fescue (moist), Foothills undulating. 13,623 (800- chernozems. western wheatgrass Fescue Mainly till, 1525) Wetlands are (drier). Wet areas significant gleysols. often shrubby lacustrine deposits Aspen forests Sloping lower Mainly (continuous and foothills and black clones). Some areas hummocky chernozems, of dense tall willow 1250 Foothills uplands. Till with some dark (north). Grasslands 3,921 (1025- Parkland significant grey (mountain rough 1525) lacustrine chernozems. fescue and Parry’s materials in Wetlands are oatgrass) more Parkland valleys gleysols. common on southerly (9% of slopes. province) Extensively Mainly Undulating plains, cultivated. Aspen black hummocky clones interspersed chernozems 750 uplands. Mainly with grasslands Central and some 53.706 (500- glacial till with dominated by plains Parkland dark grey 1250) lacustrine, fluvial rough fescue; tree chernozems. and eolian cover increases with Wetlands are inclusions. latitude. Graminoid gleysols. wetlands.

13 Table 1 (cont.). Summary of characteristics of relevant grassland and parkland ecoregions. (adapted from Natural Regions Committee 2006; Strong and Leggat 1992). Growing Natural Mean Annual Season Mean Natural Wetlands Sub Precipitation Precipitation Temp of Mean Temp Region and water Region (mm) (mm): April- Warmest of Coldest August Month (oC) Month (oC) 3% (wetlands/ Dry Min: 259.9 Min: 200.3 Min: 17.0 Min: - 16.1 marshes or Mixed Max: 412.3 Max: 286.4 Max: 19.8 Max: - 7.9 temporary) Grass Mean: 333.3 Mean: 241.1 Mean: 18.5 Mean: -12.1 2% (lakes, streams) 5% (wetlands, Min: 288.5 Min: 224.9 Min: 15.0 Min: - 14.0 Mixed mainly Max: 542.5 Max: 361.4 Max: 19.1 Max: - 7.4 Grass marshes) Mean: 394.1 Mean: 281.7 Mean: 17.6 Mean: -10.2 3% (lakes, Grassland streams) (14% of Province) 7% Min: 316.6 Min: 243.2 Min: 16.1 Min: - 16.6 Northern (wetlands, Max: 441.6 Max: 328.8 Max: 18.4 Max: - 11.9 Fescue mainly Mean: 384.6 Mean: 286.8 Mean: 17.2 Mean: -14.3 marshes)

3% Min: 357.8 Min: 278.3 Min: 14.0 Min: - 13.7 Foothills (wetlands) Max: 810.7 Max: 460.8 Max: 18.1 Max: - 6.9 Fescue 1% (lakes, Mean: 469.6 Mean: 333.1 Mean: 16.3 Mean: -9.7 streams)

4% Min: 391.1 Min: 310.9 Min: 13.2 Min: - 10.7 Foothills (wetlands) Max: 1020.6 Max: 527.0 Max: 16.1 Max: - 7.2 Parkland <1% (lakes, Mean: 517.0 Mean: 377.4 Mean: 14.7 Mean: -9.6 streams)

Parkland (9% of province) 10% (wetlands, Min: 356.9 Min: 273.1 Min: 14.6 Min: - 17.9 Central mainly Max: 526.8 Max: 395.5 Max: 17.7 Max: - 9.8 Parkland marshes) Mean: 441.2 Mean: 330.1 Mean: 16.5 Mean: -14.7 2% (lakes, streams)

Figure 1. Southern Alberta natural subregions showing location of study areas (Natural Regions Committee 2006; Strong and Leggat 1992).

consists of hummocky till plains, level lacustrine plains and undulating to hummocky eolian deposits. The predominant soils in the Mixed Grass Sub-Region are dark brown chernozems. The colour of these soils reflects a moister, cooler, climate than regions where soils are darker. Moisture deficiencies generally occur in the late summer and into the fall. Although winter snowfall is generally low, snow does tend to persist at higher elevations throughout the winter, melting in the spring and contributing to better spring soil moisture. Only one percent of the Mixed Grass Natural Sub-Region is covered by open water, contained primarily in the St. Mary, Oldman and Bow Rivers. Wetlands

(with gleysolic soils) cover 5% of the sub-region’s area, primarily consisting of

15 ephemeral wetlands with some more permanent marshes (Natural Regions Committee

2006; Strong and Leggat 1992).

The majority of the Mixed Grass Sub-Region has been cultivated (approximately

85% of the land base is planted annually) and, therefore, little native prairie remains.

Needle-and-thread grass, porcupine grass and northern and western wheatgrass dominate what native grasslands persist in this sub-region. In areas where there is a reliable water throughout the growing season, such as depressions, ravines, coulees and slopes with northern aspects, shrub communities dominated by buckbrush, silver sagebrush and prickly rose occur. Adjacent to rivers, forest communities of willows, thorny buffaloberry, narrow leaf cottonwood and balsam poplar are found. Finally, gleysolic soils in poorly drained areas support the growth of sedges, rushes and willows (Natural

Regions Committee 2006; Strong and Leggat 1992).

Foothills Fescue Natural Sub-Region

The Foothills Fescue Natural Sub Region is located immediately west of the

Mixed Grass Sub-Region, on the flanks of the Foothills and Rocky Mountains and the adjacent rolling prairie. The Foothills Fescue Sub-Region includes a grassland belt 15 to

100 km wide which stretches from the Alberta-Montana border to northwest of

Drumheller, Alberta (see Figure 1). The southern portion of the Foothills Fescue Sub-

Region is dominated by rolling to hummocky uplands, while the northern portion consists primarily of undulating plains. The Foothills Fescue Sub-Region has the highest precipitation, warmest winters and shortest growing season of all of the Grassland

Natural Regions. This is due to this sub-region’s proximity to the foothills and the high incidence of Chinooks. Only one percent of the Foothills Fescue Sub-Region is covered

16 by open water, primarily in the Waterton, Oldman, Bow and St. Mary Rivers. Wetlands are uncommon, covering only 3% of the sub-region’s area. These wetlands are predominantly found in depressions in undulating terrain in the western portion of the sub-region (Natural Regions Committee 2006; Strong and Leggat 1992).

Overall, approximately 50% of the Foothills Fescue Sub-Region has been cultivated. Exceptions to this are areas in which variable topography makes cultivation difficult (~80% native prairie remains in the southern parts of the sub-region where elevations are higher). The native prairie that remains is dominated by mountain rough fescue, bluebunch fescue and Parry oatgrass, along with a diverse herb component.

Balsam poplar, aspen poplar and plains cottonwood grow on lower river terraces. Poorly drained areas in depressions and along rivers support willow, sedge and tufted hair grass.

Soils of the Foothills Fescue sub-region are primarily black chernozems, reflecting cooler environmental conditions and a higher proportion of organic matter than lighter soils

(Natural Regions Committee 2006; Strong and Leggat 1992).

Foothills Parkland Natural Sub-Region

The Foothills Parkland Natural Sub-Region is the most westerly portion of the

Parkland Natural Region, composed of a discontinuous belt along the foothills that ranges from 5-50 km in width (see Figure 1). This sub-region consists of grasslands on southerly slopes and aspen woodlands and willow shrublands on northerly slopes and in low-lying areas. Dramatic changes in elevation that occur across the Foothills Parkland Sub-Region lead to rapid changes in both climate and vegetation. A rolling to hilly landscape which is heavily dissected by small intermittent streams is typical. The Bow River is the largest watercourse, with only a few small lakes present (only 1% of the sub-region is covered

17 by open water). Wetlands are uncommon, consisting of only 4% of the sub-region’s area, although water seepage is frequent on lower slopes (Natural Regions Committee 2006;

Strong and Leggat 1992).

As indicated, two vegetation communities are present in the Foothills Parkland

Sub-Region. Grasslands are typically composed of mountain fescue and bluebunch fescue, with aspen forests and willows growing in areas where more soil moisture is present. Along rivers, balsam poplar, plains cottonwood and aspen poplar communities are found with shrubby understories. Poorly drained areas support willow, sedges and tufted hair grass. Foothills Parkland soils are typically black chernozems where grasslands and open woodlands occur, and dark grey chernozems in areas with higher soil moisture. Gleysols occur in the wettest, most poorly drained areas (Natural Regions

Committee 2006; Strong and Leggat 1992).

Montane Natural Sub-Region

The Montane Natural Sub-Region is a part of the Rocky Mountain Natural

Region. This sub-region is found on lower elevations along the mountain front ranges, extending west along major mountain valleys and south along the Porcupine Hills. The

Montane Sub-Region also includes the highest portions of the Cypress Hills. Three percent of this sub-region is covered by open water, present in a number of major rivers and three major natural standing water bodies (Waterton, Abraham, and Brule Lakes).

Wetlands are rare, with only 2% of the sub-region’s area covered by calcareous fens and marshes (Natural Regions Committee 2006; Strong and Leggat 1992).

The Montane Sub-Region has cooler summers and generally warmer winters than the rest of Alberta. Lodgepole pine, Douglas fir and aspen stands grow on slopes of

18 eastern and northern aspect, while grasslands are found on southerly and westerly slopes and at lower elevations. Finally, closed mixedwood and coniferous forests dominated by lodgepole pine are found at higher elevations. The Montane Sub-Region has highly variable microclimates due to the many different aspects, slope positions and wind exposures present. This creates correspondingly abrupt changes in vegetation over very short distances and greater variation in soil profiles. Orthic black chernozems are typical under grasslands, with dark grey chernozems dominant in wooded areas. On northerly slopes with higher moisture and at higher elevations, grey luvisols are common.

Additionally, a number of forest soils (brunisols and luvisols) are found in valleys and on valley slopes. Finally, gleysols are typically associated with wetlands (Natural Regions

Committee 2006; Strong and Leggat 1992).

Animal Species

The Northwestern Plains are home to a large number of terrestrial, aquatic and aerial species, including the painted turtle, raven, Bald Eagle, Golden Eagle, Red-Tail

Hawk and a variety of other predatory birds, many rodent and snake species and small mammals such fox and coyote. Several large mammals frequent the Northwestern Plains including white-tailed and mule deer, moose, antelope (pronghorn), elk and grizzly bear.

Historically, the Plains bison (Bison bison bison) were present in the grassland and played a large role in shaping the grassland ecology of the region. Due to the encroachment of European settlement and related overhunting, the Plains bison essentially disappeared from their natural habitat at the end of the 19th century (Epp 1988;

LaForge 2004; Peck 2004). The many badlands, coulees and ravines present on the

Northwestern Plains, particularly along the Saskatchewan and Missouri River systems,

19 provide unique habitats that are home to additional rare species. The Milk River Ridge, along the Alberta-Montana border, plays a similar role (Natural Regions Committee

2006).

Environmental History (Late Holocene: 5,000 rcybp to present)

The end of the Hypsithermal (a hot and dry period) 5,000 years ago marks the beginning of a transition to cooler and moister climatic conditions on the Northwestern

Plains. This increase in moisture led to higher water volumes in many lakes and rivers.

From that time to present, no major shifts in climate or vegetation have been identified; climatic conditions were generally stable throughout this period. The environment of the last 5,000 years in Southern Alberta was generally similar to present, with a small number of punctuated events that altered the climate of the region on a shorter time scale

(Beaudoin 2003).

Small glacial re-advances were seen at 3,400 and 3,070 rcybp. Glacial re-advance at approximately 3,000 rcybp marked the beginning of the Mid-Neoglacial Period (3,000-

2,400 rcybp). This period saw cooler and moister climatic conditions on the Northwestern

Plains, while the adjacent Rocky Mountains experienced an increase in temperatures. The current extent of the prairie grassland, aspen parkland and boreal forest was established during this period. Lakes reached their modern water levels and salinity during this time.

The Mid-Neoglacial on the Northwestern Plains was, overall, marked by stability, with climatic conditions and vegetation becoming similar to today (Beaudoin 2003).

Throughout the Medieval Warm Period, which began ca. 1,000 rcybp, the climate of the Northwestern Plains became warmer and drier. The largest glacial re-advance, the

Little Ice Age, began ca. 350 rcybp and saw a renewed expansion of sea ice and

20 predominantly cooler environmental conditions. Warmer periods are seen between episodes of glacial re-advance. The last few centuries of the environmental record show an episode of climatic severity, with colder temperatures and prolonged cold (Beaudoin

2003; Beaudoin and Oetelaar 2003; Valero-Garcés and Laird 1997; Vance, et al. 1992).

Generally, the last 5,000 years on the Northwestern Plains were a period of stability, with no major changes in climate or vegetation. Despite small fluctuations in environmental conditions, the extent of the prairie grassland has remained relatively stable during this time. In addition, the landforms and hydrological conditions observed in the region today are essentially the same as those present in the past, with only minor variations in water levels due to changes in precipitation levels (Beaudoin 2003).

Northwestern Plains Prehistory

The generally accepted culture history of the Northwestern Plains originates from

Reeves (1969, 1983), who adopted the terminology of Wedel (1961). Northwestern

Plains prehistory is divided into three periods; the Early Prehistoric, Middle Prehistoric and Late Prehistoric, each defined by changes in projectile point technology (spear – atlatl/dart – bow and arrow). These periods are further subdivided into phases based on projectile point style and overall lifeway. Following the Late Prehistoric, the

Protohistoric Period is characterized by the addition of European trade goods to indigenous material culture. The Historic Period begins with first contact between

Europeans and Native North Americans. While the past on the Northwestern Plains may be profitably divided into dog days and horse days, a taxonomy used by the Blackfoot people, the divisions between these periods is no less muddy. Since the purpose of this dissertation is not to redefine the region’s culture history, the former scheme is used (for

21 a discussion of the problems with this taxonomic system, see Gillespie 2003; Yellowhorn

2003). That being said, it should be noted that this dissertation studies all Blackfoot history of the Northwestern Plains; prehistoric is simply a term used to identify the period of Blackfoot history prior to the arrival of Europeans.

A complete review of Alberta culture history is provided in Vickers (1986) with some significant changes recently proposed by Trevor Peck (2011). Only an abbreviated discussion will be provided here, with a focus on the last 5,000 years on the Northwestern

Plains. The dates for each cultural historical entity vary between sources; those presented here are intended as a relative guide.

Middle Prehistoric Period (7,750-1,250 rcybp)

In this period, human groups, thought to have had a band level of complexity, were specialized bison hunters with a nevertheless more diverse diet than during the

Early Prehistoric Period. Semi-sedentary camps at which larger groups aggregated during the fall or winter are seen by the end of the period. The first evidence of tipis and of large scale communal hunting appear in the archaeological record during the Middle

Prehistoric (Forbis 1992; Frison 1998; Vickers 1986; Walde 2006b). The presence of exotic lithic materials including Swan River Chert, Knife River Flint, Obsidian, Grinnell

Argillite and Top of the World Chert in archaeological assemblages in southern Alberta dating to this period is indicative of early trade relationships with groups outside the

Northwestern Plains (Kooyman 2000).

In Vickers (1986) cultural history sequence for the Alberta Plains, the Middle

Prehistoric Period is split into three sub-periods: The Early Middle I, Early Middle II and

22 Late Middle, again divided by changes in projectile point styles. Only the latter two are discussed here.

Early Middle Prehistoric II (5,000-3,000 rcybp)

Forbis (1992) argues that it was only after 5,000 B.P. that continuous human settlement of the Northern Plains was possible. This became possible because the climate became more favorable, modern bison emerged, human groups began using the dog and travois and constructing tipis and ceremonial structures out of stone, and the technique of stone boiling for bone grease and marrow production was developed. This change marks the beginning of the Early Middle II Period, marked by the Oxbow Complex and the

McKean Phase (Kooyman 2000).

The emergence of stone boiling is particularly pertinent, as the preparation of pemmican from bone grease and marrow permitted greater reliance on storage and a more intensive use of the overall landscape (Bamforth 2011; Oetelaar 2011). The first evidence of tipis (stone circles) and the use of medicine wheels occurs during the Oxbow

Period. The Majorville Medicine Wheel, among others, saw its first stages of construction at this time (Brumley 1988; Calder 1977; Oetelaar 2003). Lithic tools are primarily made of local materials, although some exotic materials are present (Kooyman

2000; Vickers 1986). The Northwestern Plains in this period were inhabited by big game hunters who also exploited, to a lesser extent, smaller game and plant resources to supplement their diet. Settlement strategies focused on locations near reliable sources of wood and water. Human groups tried to collect and efficiently process as many resources as possible which could be stored and used during times of scarcity (Oetelaar 2011).

23 Late Middle Prehistoric (3,500-1,200 rcybp)

The Late Middle Prehistoric Period includes the Besant and Pelican Lake Phases.

Peck (2011) has added the Sonota Phase to this period. Although both Besant and Pelican

Lake points are characteristically dart points, Pyscyck (2003) and Dyck (1983) have both postulated that small Pelican Lake points found in archaeological assemblages may actually be arrow points and represent the first use of the bow and arrow in this region.

Furthermore, the Samantha point, included as part of the Besant Phase, is most commonly an arrow point (Bubel, et al. 2012; Vickers 1986).

During the Late Middle Prehistoric Period, semi-sedentary living and increased cultural complexity are seen on the Northwestern Plains, as well as a return to large scale communal bison hunting. As in later periods, the general movement of human groups followed the migration of bison herds, from open plains in the summer to parkland and foothills in the winter. Both pounds and jumps were employed during this period (Frison

1991; Vickers 1986). There is a significant intensification of bison hunting on the

Northern Plains at this time, continuing through to contact. More kill sites date to the last

2,000 years of prehistory than all other periods, and these kills have thicker, denser bone beds than previously. Two important changes to the way human groups’ hunted bison relate to this intensification and can be seen archaeologically. The first use of jumps and pound occurs, infrastructure which was remodeled and reused at short intervals.

Moreover, there was an increased effort put into the processing of carcasses, including the first evidence for the manufacture of bone grease. This processing intensification can be seen archaeologically in the presence of highly fragmented bone, boiling pits and a large amount of fire broken rock (Bamforth 2011; Cooper 2008).

24 Living structures were typically tipis and the tool kit remained relatively unchanged from earlier, with the exception of the introduction of pottery during the

Besant Phase. Hand stones and grinding stones have been found associated with Pelican

Lake and the earlier McKean points, most likely used to process berries (Dyck 1983;

Reeves 1983; Vickers 1986). Communal hunting and the presence of semi-sedentary camps suggest a higher level of political integration, labor coordination and greater group size, particularly during the Besant Phase (Dyck 1983; Hamilton, et al. 2011; Reeves

1983; Walde 2006b).

Late Prehistoric Period (1,750-225 rcybp)

The beginning of the Late Prehistoric Period is marked by the widespread use of bow and arrow technology and pottery (Dyck 1983; Frison 1998; Vickers 1986). Late

Prehistoric groups were semi-nomadic, lived in tipis and continued to practice large scale communal bison hunting, supplementing the diet with a variety of plant resources and smaller animals when necessary (Peck and Hudecek-Cuffe 2003; Reeves 1983). The Late

Prehistoric Avonlea Horizon and Old Women’s Phase will be discussed in greater detail as these phases are believed to represent the ancestors of the Blackfoot, the target group of this research.

Avonlea Horizon (1,750-900 rcybp)

The Avonlea Horizon is partially contemporaneous with Besant and the two have similar distributions on the Northwestern Plains (Dyck and Morlan 2001; Nicholson, et al. 2011; Peck and Hudecek-Cuffe 2003). While some authors have suggested that

Avonlea is indicative of a southward migration of Athapaskan speakers (Dyck 1983;

Kehoe 1966), this idea has been refuted by several authors (Reeves 1983; Walde 2006a,

25 2012). Avonlea is generally thought to be an in situ development in this region, as these groups were locally adapted and Avonlea points are not commonly found outside this area. (Dyck and Morlan 2001; Nicholson, et al. 2011; Peck and Hudecek-Cuffe 2003;

Reeves 1983; Walde 2006a, 2013).

Avonlea assemblages include small, thin, triangular arrow points with concave bases (Nicholson, et al. 2011; Peck 2011; Reeves 1983; Vickers 1986). Most Avonlea stone tools are made of locally available raw material, although exotic material including

Montana cherts, obsidian and Knife River Flint are present (Nicholson, et al. 2011; Peck

2011; Vickers 1986). While Avonlea points are relatively uniform over a large area, there is regional variation in the form and decoration of pottery. Four pottery types have been found in association with Avonlea points and are thought to show difference in regional influences, contacts, and perhaps identities (Meyer and Walde 2009; Walde 2003,

2006a). For this reason Meyer and Walde (2009) have defined Avonlea as an horizon with several regional phases, each of which represents a unique social group.

Many Avonlea sites with stone circles have been recorded, indicating the use of the Plains tipi. Human groups inhabiting the Northwestern Plains during this period were semi-nomadic, following a seasonal round to exploit subsistence resources. This seasonal round utilized the open plains in summer, following the bison into sheltered and forested areas in winter where there were more diverse subsistence resources. Overall the summer was the period of highest residential mobility, with groups remaining relatively sedentary in winter camps (Hamilton, et al. 2011; Peck 2004; Peck and Hudecek-Cuffe 2003;

Reeves 1983; Vickers 1986).

26 A large degree of regional variation in subsistence is seen in Avonlea sites, most likely due to the different resources available in each area. There is evidence for both mass communal bison kills and generalized winter foraging during Avonlea times, with the broadest diet breadth in occupations in the parkland and forest edge. Communal bison hunts were intense, with a high degree of processing, as seen in the earlier Besant phase.

The broad-based foraging seen during the Avonlea Phase included secondary exploitation of moose, pronghorn, fish, and other small and large mammals (Bamforth 2011; Peck

2011; Vickers 1994; Walde, et al. 1995). These groups would also undertake opportunistic individual bison kills year round (Hamilton, et al. 2011; Nicholson, et al.

2011; Peck 2011; Peck and Hudecek-Cuffe 2003; Walde, et al. 1995).

The ceremonial life of human groups living during the Avonlea Phase remains poorly understood. However, Avonlea deposits at Majorville and Manyberries Medicine

Wheels suggest involvement in ritual practices related to medicine wheels, although the function of these features is not well understood (Peck 2011; Vickers 1986).

Byrne (1973) defined Saskatchewan Basin: Early Variant and Saskatchewan

Basin: Late Variant pottery, the former associated with Avonlea and the latter with the

Old Women’s Phase, suggesting continuity between the two phases. Similarly, the presence of Ethridge ware in both Avonlea and Old Women’s sites has been used to argue for temporal and cultural continuity between these periods .This is supported by additional similarities between the two periods. Both Avonlea and Old Women’s focus almost exclusively on bison to meet their subsistence needs, rely primarily on local lithic raw materials, use the split pebble technique of manufacturing stone tools and produce similar flaking patterns on projectile points (Peck 2011; Walde, et al. 1995). Furthermore,

27 a number of sites with transitional Avonlea-Old Women’s occupations have been identified (Peck 2011; Walde et al. 1995). The consensus among most scholars today is that the demise of Avonlea is related to the rise of the Old Women’s Phase. Reeves

(1983) suggests that Avonlea developed directly into Old Women’s. Byrne (1973) suggests that Besant and Avonlea merged to create the Old Women’s Phase. Vickers

(1986, 1994) is unsure why, after years of coexistence, a merger of these two phases would occur, instead suggesting that Old Women’s is the bow and arrow continuation of

Besant (see also Nicholson, et al. 2011).

Due to the continuity of Avonlea and Old Women’s, several authors have suggested that Avonlea, like the Old Women’s Phase, is representative of the ancestral

Blackfoot (Meyer and Walde 2009; Peck 2011; Peck and Hudecek-Cuffe 2003; Vickers

1986). This view, however, is not shared by all scholars. Walde (2006a) argued that the

Avonlea Horizon does not represent a single ethnicity, but instead multiple, self- identifying groups represented archaeologically as phases. The Upper Kill Phase, defined by the presence of Avonlea projectile points and Ethridge ware, is suggested to be continuous and antecedent to the Old Women’s Phase and modern Blackfoot.

Old Women’s Phase (1,400-250 rcybp)

The Old Women’s Phase developed in situ in southern Alberta and Northern

Montana (Nicholson, et al. 2011; Peck and Hudecek-Cuffe 2003). Human groups living on the Northwestern plains during this period were migratory bison hunters. During the summer months, they hunted from camps on the open plains. In winter, the critical need for fuel and water determined the location of winter camps which were located on the plains periphery, in the parkland and foothills (Nicholson, et al. 2011). Between 1,300

28 and 1,700 A.D., the Old Women’s Phase was displaced westward out of Saskatchewan by the Mortlach Phase. The latter is thought to represent an expansion of the ancestral

Assiniboine. There was a continued expression of the Old Women’s Phase in Alberta after this time (Meyer 1988).

Most commonly, the Old Women’s Phase is defined by the presence of Cayley

Series projectile points and Saskatchewan Basin: Late Variant Pottery or Ethridge Ware

(Meyer and Walde 2009; Peck 2011; Peck and Hudecek-Cuffe 2003; Reeves 1969;

Vickers 1986). Old Women’s Phase people exploited primarily local lithic materials and petrified wood, as well as Montana cherts (e.g., Madison Formation and Avon cherts).

Other exotic materials such as Knife River Flint, obsidian and Top of the World Chert are also present in lower numbers (Peck and Hudecek-Cuffe 2003; Reeves 1983; Vickers

1986).

The lifeway of the Old Women’s Phase was similar to that seen during earlier periods in the region. Human groups were semi-sedentary with the lowest mobility during the winter months, lived in tipis and undertook communal bison hunts using jumps. Small scale hunting of bison also occurred. The diet of bison products was supplemented with other game and plant resources when available/necessary (Nicholson, et al. 2011; Oetelaar 2003, 2006; Peck 2011; Peck and Hudecek-Cuffe 2003; Vickers

1986, 1994).

As stated previously, the degree and intensity of bison hunting on the Northern

Plains over the last approximately 2000 years is unmatched anywhere else in either time or space. Specific kill sites were used frequently and repetitively over an extended time span. Furthermore, human groups invested in the construction and maintenance of

29 hunting infrastructure at these sites and undertook intensive bison processing. This is a distinct contrast to kill sites which precede Besant. The latter are exclusively natural traps that do not tend to be reused and show only limited butchery of carcasses (Bamforth

2011). Bamforth (2011) argues that the rise of industrial bison hunting corresponds to the period when Middle Woodland traits appear on the Northern Plains. Northern Plains groups were participating in Middle Woodland trade networks and were producing pemmican (which requires bone grease) on a massive scale for both trade and long term use.

Ceremonial life during the Old Women’s Phase is not well understood. Majorville and Manyberries Medicine Wheels, British Block Cairn and Grassy Lakes Cairn contain diagnostics of the Old Women’s Phase. As noted earlier, the function of these medicine wheels is not clearly understood. Type 3 and 4 death lodge medicine wheels dating to this period have been recorded. These death lodges were built by the Blackfoot in the Historic

Period to commemorate the death of an important individual. Iniskim (usually fossilized ammonites) have been recovered from Old Women’s Phase occupations, suggesting that these people undertook buffalo calling or charming rituals (Peck 2002, 2011; Vickers

1986; Vickers and Peck 2009). Finally, Late Prehistoric rock art provides insight into Old

Women’s ceremonial traditions. Magne and Klassen (1991), among others (see also

Keyser and Klassen 2001; Klassen 2003), have argued that Plains Ceremonial rock art including shield bearing warriors, v-neck anthropomorphs and hourglass figures dates to the Late Prehistoric Period in Alberta (when the Old Women’s Phase was present in the region). These types of figures were used to contact the spirit world and commemorate dreams and visions from spirit helpers (Keyser and Klassen 2001).

30 A number of lines of evidence have been used to link the Old Women’s Phase with the Blackfoot peoples. This evidence includes oral histories (e.g., about the use of

Old Women’s and Head-Smashed-In buffalo jumps), the distribution of medicine wheels and the use of specific artifacts such as iniskim. This association is further supported by the remarkable congruence in the distribution of Old Women’s Phase material and the geographic area that the modern Blackfoot consider to be their traditional homeland. The definition of this homeland and, consequently, identification of the sites as Blackfoot is corroborated by the congruence of the archaeological distribution of iniskim, Napi effigies, Cayley series projectile points and Saskatchewan basin pottery (all of which can be linked to the Blackfoot; Oetelaar 2012; Peck 2002; Peck and Ives 2001; Vickers 2003;

Vickers and Peck 2009). Today, most Plains archaeologists would agree that the Old

Women’s Phase is the archaeological representation of the Blackfoot confederacy.

However, evidence of this correlation remains relatively scarce (see Byrne 1973; Magne

1987; Oetelaar 2012; Peck 2002; Vickers 1986; Vickers and Peck 2009; Walde, et al.

1995).

Protohistoric Period (250-200 rcybp/1700-1750 A.D.)

The Protohistoric Period on the Northwestern Plains begins with the introduction of European trade goods and diseases to the region, prior to the first contact between

Europeans and Native Americans. This period also marks the re-introduction of the horse to the Northwestern Plains. The Protohistoric Period includes the Protohistoric Old

Women’s Phase, One-Gun Phase and Mortlach Phase; only the former will be discussed in detail here (Ewers 1955; Landals 2004).

31 Protohistoric Old Women’s Phase (250-200 rcybp/1700-1750 A.D)

The Old Women’s Phase continues into the Protohistoric Period with much the same expression as in the Late Prehistoric (e.g., migratory bison hunters, tipis, similar tool kit, Cayley Series points and Saskatchewan Basin: Late Variant pottery).

Protohistoric Old Women’s assemblages also include European trade goods. Although stone projectile points still appear in the archaeological record, reworked metal projectile points made from trade goods appear at this time (Peck and Hudecek-Cuffe 2003;

Vickers 1986). An overall continuity in belief systems is seen, with the continued use of rock art motifs, medicine wheels and iniskim (Peck 2011). The horse (arriving ~1730

AD), along with larger trade networks, had a drastic impact on the Blackfoot lifeway, changing social and political structure and settlement patterning and leading to an increased level of warfare (Ewers 1955; Landals 2004). Due to the increased forage and water requirements of caring for horses, a major change in settlement patterns occurs at this time with a more intensive use of river valleys than earlier (Landals 2004).

Historic Period (1754 AD +)

Formally, the Historic Period begins with the beginning of written historical reference to the Northwestern Plains and its inhabitants. This occurred with fur trade penetration into the area as fur traders, missionaries and other adventurists passed through the region and wrote about their experiences and observations for a European audience. The first visit of Europeans to the region was by Anthony Henday in 1754.

Henday was followed by others including Alexander MacKenzie (1789-1793), David

Thompson (1786-1808) and Peter Fidler (1792-1793), among others. In many cases,

32 these explorers provide us with some of the earliest written documentation of Blackfoot lifeways (Carter 2003; Friesen 2002; Yellowhorn 2006).

In 1780, the Blackfoot began trading directly with fur traders on the North

Saskatchewan River. They preferred to focus on the equestrian bison hunt, trading excess pemmican with Europeans (Binnema 1996; Carter 2003; Friesen 2002). During the

Protohistoric and Historic Periods, the Blackfoot were impacted by the introduction of

European diseases including (but not limited to) smallpox (e.g. 1780, 1819, 1837 – killed

6,000 individuals, 1869 - killed 4,000 individuals), measles (e.g., 1819) and scarlet fever

(e.g. 1864). Plains winter counts have allowed the identification of 36+ major epidemics between 1714 and 1919 which are estimated to have reduced the Blackfoot population by at least 60 percent (Carter 2003; Francis, et al. 2004; Glenbow Museum 2012; Grinnell

1962; Kidd 1986; Sundstrom 1997).

During the late 1800s, commercial hunters killed bison en masse to procure hides for the international robe trade. These hides were used to make industrial machine belts in Europe (Taylor 2011). Concentrated native hunting designed to produce large amounts of pemmican was undertaken, particularly by the Métis who were heavily involved in provisions trading with the Hudson’s Bay Company (Binnema 2001; Cooper 2008).

American traders set up whiskey posts in the Canadian West, trading alcohol mixed with toxins such as gun powder and strychnine to Native Americans for bison hides and robes.

This led to increasing levels of violence and ultimately the formation of the North West

Mounted Police in 1873. The Plains bison were largely destroyed on the Canadian Plains by 1879, as a result of both European hunting and the provisions trade. The Blackfeet and

United States government signed the Judith Treaty in 1855. Treaty 7, an agreement

33 between the Canadian Government, the three Canadian Blackfoot tribes (Siksika, Kanai,

Piikani), Sarcee (T’suu Tina) and Stoney, was signed in 1877. Following this treaty,

European ranchers and settlers began to permanently colonize the Canadian West (Carter

2003; Dobak 1996; Francis, et al. 2004; Friesen 2002; Glenbow Museum 2012; Morris

2000; Taylor 2011).

Blackfoot Ethnography

The Blackfoot Confederacy is composed of three Nations who speak a common

Algonquian language and call themselves the Niitsitapi (Real People): the Siksika, Kanai, and Piikani in Alberta and Blackfeet or South Peigan in Montana. According to Blackfoot elders, the traditional homeland of the Blackfoot people (which they have occupied since time immemorial) extended west to east from the Rocky Mountains to the Great Sand

Hills and north to south from the North Saskatchewan River to the Yellowstone River, covering large parts of Alberta, Saskatchewan and Montana (Blackfoot Gallery

Committee 2001; Cannon 2006; Conaty and Beierle 1997; Oetelaar 2006). This

Blackfoot homeland, as identified by the elders, is shown in Figure 2. Here, an abbreviated version of Blackfoot ethnography is presented, focusing on behaviour relevant to ecological and phenomenological models of land use.

Economy and Settlement Patterns

The Blackfoot were mobile hunter-gatherers whose seasonal round, which began with the first thunder in the spring, mimicked the movement of bison herds (from foothills/parkland in winter to prairie in summer and back). During this cyclical movement, the Blackfoot moved tipi villages across the plains with dog and horse travois to follow the bison. In the summer, bands aggregated in a large group on the open plains

Figure 2. The Blackfoot homeland (image courtesy Gerald Oetelaar).

for the Sun Dance (Ok’an). In the winter, they dispersed into smaller family groups of

10-20 households and returned to the foothills. The Blackfoot were semi-sedentary, remaining at a single winter camp for 6-8 months of the year (Cannon 2006; Conaty and

Beierle 1997; Glenbow Museum 2012; Uhlenbeck 1911). Each camp had a defined internal structure (a point particularly true for the Sun Dance), with the tipis of family

35 groups placed close together (Oetelaar 2004; Wissler 1918). The entire homeland belonged to the Blackfoot Confederacy. No defined system of land tenure existed; each band held the rights to hunt and collect resources where they were camped, but did not have exclusive rights to the land itself (Kidd 1986).

Bison were the primary food source of the Blackfoot people, and bison hunts where normally communal. Other animal resources were utilized, but only when bison were not available and the group was facing starvation (Conaty and Beierle 1997;

Dempsey 1986; Kidd 1986). At least 185 species of plant were exploited by the

Blackfoot (Johnston 1982).Wild plants, including berries and edible roots, were gathered for both subsistence and utilitarian purposes. Due to the importance of pemmican, berry patches (including saskatoons, buffalo berries and choke cherries) were frequent stops on the Blackfoot seasonal round. Camas bulbs, an important source of starch, were collected and roasted in pits (Dempsey 1986; Forde 1950; Grinnell 1962; Johnston 1982; Oetelaar

2006). Tobacco, used in most Blackfoot ceremonies, was planted in the spring near winter camps and harvested when the group returned in the fall (Kidd 1986; Wissler

1912). In addition to the use of wild resources, recent research has suggested that the

Blackfoot practiced a sophisticated form of resource management including the burning of grasslands and management of tree groves (Amundsen-Meyer 2013b; Oetelaar and

Oetelaar 2007).

Finally, the Blackfoot were part of a sophisticated trade network which stretched across a large portion of North America. Through this network they acquired a variety of goods including exotic lithic materials, shell beads, bitteroot and zea mays (Cannon 2006;

Conaty and Beierle 1997; Johnston 1982).

36 Religion

The Blackfoot cosmos is divided into three worlds which are watched over by

Issapaitapi (The Essence of all Life). The lower world is home to the Under Water

People (Sooyiitapiiksi – fish and animals that live both in the water and on land such as beavers). The middle world is home to the On Earth People (Ksaahkommitapiiksi – some birds, terrestrial plants and animals including humans). The upper world is home of the

Above People (Sspomitapiiksi – thunder, sun, moon, morning star , stars, planets, cranes, eagles and some other birds). Places on the landscape that connect these worlds, such as caves, springs, trees and mountains, are focal points of spiritual energy. For example, the

Blackfoot recognize three sacred peaks which connect the Middle and Upper Worlds

(Swan’s Bill or Devil’s Head, Crowsnest Mountain – home of Raven, master of winter and Chief Mountain – home of Thunder, master of summer). Oral traditions, stories and myths tied to these places (many centered on Napi, the Blackfoot trickster) encode spiritual information and codes of behaviour. Offerings are frequently left at these places on the landscape by the Blackfoot in order to honor the spirits (Conaty 1995; Glenbow

Museum 2012; Kidd 1986; Oetelaar 2006, 2012; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2010).

Blackfoot spirituality is a highly personal tool used to make an individual’s progress through life easier. To the Blackfoot, most things in the world are alive and natural objects and animals (which receive their power from the sun) have spirits and have ongoing relationships with human beings. These spirits control the availability and renewal of resources. In the “long ago”, the Blackfoot people established sacred alliances with the spirits, at which time sacred bundles were transferred to the people. Spirit helpers appear to individuals in dreams and, through these dreams, guide them through

37 their everyday life. People who are able to successfully negotiate relationships between the living and the spirit worlds gain power and prestige within their social group (Bastien

2004; Dempsey 1986; Glenbow Museum 2012).

The sun, in addition to its central role in the Sun Dance, was a focal point for daily ritual practice. Tipis were erected with the door facing east so that the lodge’s residents could see the rising sun. Each morning, the day began with the senior male resident of the lodge burning sweet grass and asking the sun to watch over the family during the day. Other personal rituals include offerings made at the household altar or landscape focal points, often when resources are harvested, sweat lodges, personal bundle ceremonies and the vision quest. The vision quest was usually undertaken by young males, although it was not exclusive to this group. During the vision quest, an individual went to a secluded, usually high, place, where he fasted for a period of several days until a spirit helper appeared to him in a dream or trance. This spirit helper may give him an adult name, teach him to access spiritual power, and give him instructions for the creation of a personal bundle. Spirits also appear to individuals in dreams outside of the vision quest, often providing instructions for daily life, indications of where game could be found, or visions of the future. In both communal and individual rituals, the sacred number four is prominent, as are the four sacred colours (red, yellow, black and white), each of which is associated with one of the four cardinal directions (Dempsey 1986;

Glenbow Museum 2012; Grinnell 1962; Oetelaar 2004).

Prior to Christianity, individuals were interned on scaffold burials. The deceased’s body was wrapped in a bison robe and placed on a platform in the trees along with a few personal possessions needed in the afterlife. In this way, the sun could reach the body and

38 release its spirit, allowing the spirit to move on to the afterlife in the Sand Hills to the east. Only happy spirits make the journey to the Sand Hills. Unhappy spirits wander the trails and pass through campsites in the area where they died. These spirits will harm the individuals they come in contact with. Therefore, people attempt to avoid the ghosts of the deceased, for example, by locating camps away from trails and keeping a continuous fire burning in the lodge. Because illness results from contact with an unhappy spirit, sickness can be cured through singing, drumming, praying and smoking tobacco which removes the bad spirit from the affected person’s body (Grinnell 1962; Kidd 1986).

Study Area Overview

The Northwestern Plains is the northern most extension of the semi-arid Great

Plains, encompassing a large portion of southern Alberta, southern Saskatchewan and

Montana and small parts of North Dakota, South Dakota and Wyoming (Vickers 1986:4).

The study region for this research is located on the far western portion of the

Northwestern Plains, including the eastern flanks of the Porcupine Hills and the western portion of the open plains. This study region covers a distance of approximately 200 kilometers, between Calgary and Fort Macleod, Alberta. Within this region, three study areas have been defined for the purpose of analysis; from north to south these are the

Calgary, Okotoks and Willow Creek study areas. A fourth area away from the trail, the

Piikani study area, is used as a control (see Lobb 2009). These four study areas are show in Figure 3.

Calgary Study Area

The Calgary study area encompasses an area of over 1,600 square kilometers, including the modern city of Calgary. The Calgary study area is situated in the Foothills

Figure 3. Dawson (1884) map of southern Alberta showing study areas (from north to south Calgary, Okotoks, Willow Creek and Piikani study areas) and Macleod Trail.

Fescue Natural Sub-Region, near its border with the Foothills Parkland Natural Sub-

Region to the west and Central Parkland Natural Sub-Region to the north. The study area includes an approximately 80 kilometer stretch of the Bow River and an approximately

40 km stretch of the Elbow River, including the confluence of the two rivers at Fort

Calgary. Topography is variable ranging from flat prairie in the east of the study area to rolling prairie in the west. A number of prominent landmarks, ridges and hills, including

Nose Hill and the Paskapoo Slopes, are located in this study area.

40 Two thousand one hundred twenty five archaeological sites have been recorded in the Calgary study area to date. Notably, a large portion of the inner city has never been surveyed as it was developed long before the advent of historical resources legislation in the province. Archaeological permits in the region are too numerous to name individually, comprising a large number of cultural resource management and research permits. Major surveys in the area have been conducted by the Glenbow Foundation in

1958, 1960 and 1961 and the University of Calgary Field School between 1969 and 1975.

In addition, many archaeological sites have been recorded and excavated as part of cultural resource management work in the Calgary area between 1975 and 2012. Permits dating to 2013 and 2014 were not included as they had not been fully reported at the time of analysis. Finally, a small number of sites were identified during the TRACE 1991 project which recorded farmer’s collections in the area.

Okotoks Study Area

The Okotoks study area is located immediately south and east of the Calgary study area. It surrounds the modern town of Okotoks, including an area of approximately

580 square kilometres. Again, the core of the town of Okotoks has not been surveyed due to its pre-1970 development. This study area is located in the Foothills Fescue and

Foothills Parkland Natural Sub-Regions and includes stretches of the Sheep and

Highwood Rivers as well as their confluence. This study area is primarily flat prairie, with few trees and shrubs present.

Eight hundred and fifty eight archaeological sites have been identified in the

Okotoks study area, primarily through research surveys undertaken by the University of

Calgary Field School in 1970, 1971 and 1972. In addition, numerous sites were recorded

41 through a number of cultural resource management surveys (1979-2012), a Glenbow

Foundation survey in 1957 and the TRACE 1991 project. As in Calgary, site data from

2013 and 2014 was not included. Finally, a limited amount of work was undertaken in this study region by the University of Calgary Okotoks Survey Project in 2012.

Willow Creek Study Area

The Willow Creek study area is located approximately six kilometres west of

Stavely and Claresholm on the northeast edge of the Porcupine Hills. It is located in the

Foothills Fescue Natural Sub-Region, in an ecologically diverse area near its border with the Mixed Grass Natural Sub-Region to the east and the Foothills Parkland and Montane

Natural Sub-Regions to the west. Topography is varied, including the eastern margin of the Porcupine Hills in the west of the study region, rolling prairie flanking the Porcupine

Hills, and level plains in the eastern portion of the study area. The Willow Creek study area is roughly 420 square kilometres, including the confluence of Pine Creek and

Willow Creek at the southern end of Pine Coulee, a long, narrow glacial outwash channel. The area in and around these water bodies would have been a strategic north- south travel corridor linking the Oldman and Highwood Rivers.

Two hundred and eighty two archaeological sites have been identified in the

Willow Creek study area. Cultural resource management survey and mitigation required due to the construction of a dam, reservoir and associated infrastructure during the Pine

Coulee Reservoir Project identified a large number of sites along the coulee itself. In addition to this CRM survey and mitigation work, the Willow Creek region was also studied during research surveys by the Glenbow Foundation in 1958 and 1965,

University of Calgary field school in 1968, the Willow Creek Survey of 1968 and 1969,

42 and the University of Calgary Pine Coulee Survey Project in 2011 and 2012. These research surveys have concentrated work primarily in the vicinity of the confluence of

Pine Coulee and Willow Creek and along the Willow Creek valley to the south. Finally, sites were recorded in the Pine Coulee study area through the TRACE 1991 project and additional CRM survey permits issued between 2000 and 2008 (the latter primarily related to small scale oil and gas development).

Piikani Study Area

For the purposes of comparison, a control study area away from the Old North

Trail was defined. This study area encompasses the Piikani Reserve #147 (excluding the timber limit), located in southwestern Alberta surrounding the town of Brocket. The reserve covers an area of approximately 425 square kilometers. Topography is variable, ranging from the eastern edge of the foothills in the west to rolling prairie in the east. The

Porcupine Hills are located immediately north/northwest of the study area. The primary water body here is the Oldman River, which flows southwest-northwest through the approximate center of the reserve. This river is fed by tributaries including Pincher,

Beaver, Olsen and Crowlodge Creeks (Lobb 2009).

The Piikani dataset, recorded and analyzed by Lobb (2009), includes a total of

498 archaeological sites. These sites were recorded during cultural resource management and research work between 1966 and 2001, as well as during Lobb’s (2009) survey work on the reserve with Lifeways of Canada Limited between 2001 and 2003. Notably, the

Piikani dataset includes feature specific information, allowing Lobb (2009) to use archaeological features rather than archaeological sites as the base unit of analysis.

43 Discussion

In the past, a view of Plains cultures in which one group of people, defined by their projectile points, sweeps across the Northwestern Plains pushing out or taking over from a previous culture, has been common. However, as more research is done on the

Northwestern Plains, the overlap seen between complexes and phases is becoming greater and the association between “points” and “people” increasingly questioned. This has added considerable complexity to any current discussion of Northwestern Plains culture history. What is interesting is that throughout the Middle Prehistoric and Late Prehistoric

Periods, a remarkable continuity in lifeway is seen despite changes in projectile point styles. If changes in point styles are equivalent to changes in human groups, there should be corresponding changes in other aspects of technology and overall adaptation.

This is not what we see in the archaeological record of the Northwestern Plains.

Instead, a long period of cultural continuity is seen through the Middle and Late

Prehistoric Periods. Beginning with Besant, human groups used pottery and the bow and arrow (although Besant also used dart points), and all relied primarily on local lithic raw materials. Beginning with the Besant Phase, there is a continuous flow of people/ideas/material culture from the Eastern Woodlands and Middle Missouri onto the

Canadian Plains (see Hamilton et al. 2011; Nicholson et al. 2011). Throughout this time, communal bison hunts were the primary method of subsistence, with additional plant and animal resources supplementing the diet. Methods of butchering/processing meat and the tools used to do so remain essentially unchanged. The Plains tipi was the dominant form of dwelling (with the possible exception of the One-Gun Phase) from the Oxbow Phase on, and human groups were semi-sedentary, following the bison herds and aggregating in

44 larger winter camps. Where data is available, continuity in spiritual practices is also seen.

Medicine wheels have been used for at least the last 5,000 years, and approximately

2,000 years ago vision quest features, iniskim and medicine bundles appear in the archaeological record, all of which continued to be used up to and into modern times. In fact, although projectile point styles change, what appears on the Northwestern Plains is a remarkable continuity in lifeway over thousands of years.

In terms of the current research, the Late Prehistoric Period and the Old Women’s

Phase specifically are of particular interest, as they can be linked to the Blackfoot people.

Limiting this research to the Late Prehistoric Period would be ideal. However, most sites identified to date do not have such chronological control. At the same time, the majority of the excavated sites in the proposed study areas have occupations dating to the Late

Prehistoric Period and most tipi ring sites, kill sites, rock art sites, petroforms, and cairns in southern Alberta and adjacent Montana date to the Late Prehistoric Period. Therefore, the majority of the sites in the study area should exhibit signs of use during the Late

Prehistoric Period, even though some sites may also have been used during earlier periods. Given the association between modern and historic groups and the Old Women’s

Phase archaeological materials, it is reasonable to assume that most of the sites exhibiting use during the Late Prehistoric are Blackfoot, although the area undoubtedly saw periodic use by Kutenai and other groups coming east through the mountain passes. We can, therefore, look at traditional practices noted in Blackfoot ethnographies when trying to interpret these cultural remains.

45 Chapter Summary

The purpose of this chapter was to provide an overview of the study region and its associated environmental and cultural context. In examining the environment and culture history of the Northwestern Plains, elements of the environment, archaeological record and Blackfoot culture important to ecological and phenomenological models of land use were identified. In essence, the context needed to critically evaluate models of settlement patterning for the region was provided. In addition, the reader has been situated to the placement and characteristics of each study area. This discussion shows that this environment has been relatively unchanged for the last several thousand years. Likewise, a large degree of cultural continuity is present over this period, with similar subsistence and ceremonial practices visible in the archaeological record for the last two to five thousand years.

Building on this cultural background, Chapter 3 will introduce ecological models for settlement patterning on the Northwestern Plains and the associated landscape features, which include wood and water as well as the location of bison herds and shelter.

Similarly, Chapter 4 will introduce phenomenological models of settlement patterning for the study region and the associated landscape features. Features important in this model include cottonwood groves, springs, glacial erratics and named places. The archaeological signature expected for each model will be developed to allow for evaluation of ecological and phenomenological models on the Northwestern Plains in the latter part of this dissertation

46 CHAPTER 3: ECOLOGICAL MODELS

Introduction

The purpose of this chapter is to introduce ecological models of settlement patterning for the Northwestern Plains. These models are based on ecological theory which sees vegetation, as regulated by temperature and precipitation, as defining animal behaviour including that of humans. Consequently, the vegetation and bison ecology of the study region are explored briefly, as well as the resources considered to be most important to human groups in the region: wood, water, bison herds and shelter. Through examination of ecological theory and Blackfoot ethnographies, the importance of each resource to the Blackfoot people can be identified. This allows for a critical assessment of the variables which may be involved in site selection and the development of a series of archaeological expectations that should be present in the study region if ecology plays a primary role in site selection.

Hunter Gatherer Ecology

We pointed out above that mobility helps in (but is not essential to) maintaining knowledge of large areas, as well as maintaining social ties. But the first forager quoted at the beginning of this chapter points to the primary cause of the mobility ethos among hunter-gatherers: from a purely energetic standpoint , they know they have to move to find food, even in an area of abundant resources, so they have come to value movement (Kelly 2007:153).

In Western science, nature and culture are often viewed as separate entities and, for hunter-gatherer societies in particular, nature is assumed to influence human behaviour. In the traditional ecology used by archaeologists, ecosystems are climax communities which consist of natural species best adapted to a particular set of environmental variables. Typically, climatic variables, most commonly temperature and

47 precipitation, influence the primary productivity of the environment and the resultant vegetation communities attract specific animal populations. When disturbed, ecosystems return to their normal state of equilibrium through succession. Such natural disturbances are infrequent, of short duration and of limited impact on the climax community.

Ecosystems do change but such shifts are normally the result of climate change or similar external forces. To meet their basic subsistence needs, human groups adapt to particular ecosystems or to shifts in the climax communities resulting from climate change. As a result, human movement across the landscape is conditioned by the spatial and temporal distribution of economically important plant and animal species. Moreover, human groups strive to maximize their harvesting efficiency and/or caloric return rate within a given environment. In short, the ecology of a study area influences human decision- making and, by extension, the location of archaeological sites on the landscape (Casey

2008; David and Thomas 2008; Flannery 1976; Thomas 2001).

The application of ecological principles in the study of hunter-gatherer mobility is perhaps best exemplified by Binford’s (1980) discussion of foragers and collectors, where effective temperature as a measure of environmental productivity was directly correlated with human foraging patterns. Viewed as energy capturing systems arising through ‘natural selection’, hunter-gatherer subsistence strategies were classified on a continuum between foragers and collectors. Foragers move people to resources through residential movement and changes in group size. People gather food daily on an encounter basis and consume foods immediately rather than rely on storage. A foraging strategy generates two types of archaeological sites: 1) the residential base camp where most activities occur and 2) the resource procurement location. The latter tends to have

48 extremely low archaeological visibility and be continuously distributed across the landscape. The successive residential base camps are evenly spaced across the landscape and should exhibit little inter-assemblage variability because the same types of activities occur in each settlement. Where present, variability between assemblages will reflect the seasonal scheduling of activities. Foragers tend to occupy low latitude environments where resources are evenly distributed and rely on high residential mobility to access seasonally available foods (Binford 1980).

Collectors move resources to people through logistic mobility, where specifically organized task groups procure resources away from the residential camp. These task groups travel to specific locations to procure resources which are clustered temporally and spatially. Collectors also store foods for at least part of the year. In addition to the residential base camp and the location, a collector strategy produces 1) field camps, which are the operational center of the task group, 2) stations, where task groups gather information (e.g., watch the movement of game herds) and 3) caches, where resources are stored. The residential base camps of collectors tend to be occupied over longer periods and thus exhibit greater assemblage variability whereas the field camps, stations and caches tend to include somewhat more specialized inventories. Collectors tend to occupy high latitude environments with marked seasonality as well as a spatial and temporal clustering of resources. Their residential base camps are strategically located at the intersection of econiches, whereas the locations, field camps, stations and caches are situated within the resource clusters (Binford 1980).

Although roughly equivalent to foragers and collectors, Woodburn’s (1980) immediate and delayed return hunter-gatherers are described in terms of social

49 organization and property ownership. Immediate return hunter-gatherers use portable and easily replaceable artifacts and do not accumulate property or store goods. Social organization tends to be egalitarian because there are no long term commitments and individuals are not dependent on others to meet their subsistence needs. Delayed return hunter-gatherers store goods and accumulate more property. Given an emphasis on the acquisition and storage of a surplus, this subsistence strategy necessitates an increase in social complexity, as labour is regularly pooled and individuals are dependent on one another to meet their basic needs. At the same time, differential access to stored resources allows individuals to advance their social position eventually leading to social stratification (e.g., see Testart 1982). Therefore, delayed return hunter-gatherers tend to develop social mechanisms to promote cooperation and to control access to the surplus

(Woodburn 1980:96-97, 102, 111).

Using ethnographic evidence from 123 hunter-gatherer groups, Robert Kelly

(2007) created a more complex model of hunter-gatherer lifeways. He identified a systematic relationship between the environment and hunter-gatherer subsistence and mobility strategies (Kelly 2007:160-161). Grounded in a traditional ecological perspective, Kelly’s (2007) model draws heavily on optimal foraging theory which suggests that hunter-gatherers will act in a way that maximizes their foraging efficiency.

This efficiency is most commonly measured by the caloric return rate of resources relative to the energy expended in procuring and processing the resource (e.g., see Joseph

2000; Kelly 2007; Smith 1988; Winterhalder 1987). At the same time, the marginal value theorem stipulates that the camp will be moved once the return rate of the resource patch reaches the average return rate of the surrounding environment. At this point, the cost of

50 moving camp will be outweighed by the benefit of moving to a new resource patch. As such, optimal foraging theory attributes rational decision-making to hunter-gatherers as they adapt specific environmental conditions (Kelly 2007).

Northwestern Plains Ecology

Vegetation

[T]he woods are very scanty and consist almost exclusively of aspen poplar, which form small groves and artificial-looking clumps that dot the rich pasture lands (Palliser 1863 in Olson 1994:61).

The Foothills Fescue Natural Sub-Region is characterized by black chernozemic soils and is dominated by rough fescue with Parry oatgrass, Idaho fescue and wheatgrass also common. This ecosystem evolved through regular disturbance, including periodic wildfires and winter bison grazing which inhibit the growth of trees and shrubs on the prairie. Additionally, hot summers and winter Chinooks limit the growth of woody species to river valleys and other sheltered areas (Adams, et al. 2003; Bork, et al. 2012;

Olson 1994).

The characteristics of the foothills grasslands made this region ideal for wintering bison herds. Foothills rough fescue is easily damaged by grazing during the growing season, particularly in the spring when it begins to sprout. Grazing is tolerated well in the dormant period, making the late summer and fall the ideal grazing period for this species.

In fact, rough fescue provides the highest yields and nutritional value during this period of dormancy. Rough fescue remains standing longer than other grasses, delaying rot and loss of nutrients, and thus it is better for grazing in the fall and winter. Consequently, a pattern of winter grazing of this species is both economical and sustainable in the long term and the Foothills Fescue Natural Sub-Region would have provided bison with the

51 best forage during the winter months, as compared to areas farther to the east. In the spring and early summer, the bison would move east to the Dry Mixed Grass and Mixed

Grass Natural Sub-Regions, as snow cover tends to disappear here earlier than to the west. This means that these areas have new, succulent growth earlier in the year and provide the best forage during the spring and summer seasons (Adams, et al. 2003; Bork, et al. 2012; McInenly 2002; Olson 1994).

Following the principles of ecology, wood should be relatively evenly distributed throughout the Porcupine Hills and Foothills with the climax community consisting of deciduous trees such as aspen growing in river valleys and conifers such as White Spruce and Douglas Fir occurring at higher elevations and on sheltered slopes (Duffy 1971). At the time of contact, however, the timbered areas had been much reduced in size with scattered trees at higher elevations and continuous woodland being restricted to the highest western points. With active fire suppression and the cessation of logging operations, aspen and limber pine have started to vigorously invade grasslands as the ecosystems slowly returns to its climax community.

In the earliest account of the local ecology Dawson (1884) describes the lower slopes on both sides of the Porcupine Hills as open grassed land with aspen groves in some river valleys and scattered trees at higher elevations. Assuming that this ecosystem was established and maintained by natural fires as suggested for the grasslands, the presence of aspen or cottonwood groves in the river valleys can be explained as the result of unique ecological circumstances (Smith and Pearce 2000). Cottonwoods reproduce by sending out suckers, with shoots germinating from these underground parts of the tree. In order for germination to occur, cottonwoods require relatively moist soils. Sites suitable

52 for cottonwood germination are relatively wet, devoid of other vegetation and exposed to full sunlight. This means that the ideal locations for cottonwood growth are riparian sites with recent sediment deposits, such as point bars, meander lobes and mid-channel islands where the water table is high enough to be reached by seedling cottonwood roots. High peak daily river flows deposit fluvial sediments on these landforms which are ideal for seed germination (Bradley and Smith 1986; Mahoney and Rood 1998; Moss 1932; Smith and Pearce 2000). Furthermore, cottonwoods are much more likely to grow on meandering river channels than in braided river valleys. Smith and Pearce (2000) suggest that this is because flows of river ice in braided channels cause damage to cottonwoods limiting their growth. The greater sinuosity of meandering rivers, in contrast, protects the cottonwoods from these ice jams

Bison Herds

It may truly be said that they exist on the buffalo, and their knowledge of the habits of this animal is consequently essential to their preservation - Henry Youle Hind, 1856-1857 (Brink 2008:85).

On the Northwestern Plains, bison ecology and behaviour is assumed to have influenced all aspects of human behaviour, but especially subsistence and settlement systems. More specifically, the mobility of the Northwestern Plains bison hunters was intricately tied to the migratory habits of the bison. Despite its importance in models of settlement systems, the migratory patterns and seasonal distribution of bison herds remains a very controversial subject even today (e.g., Arthur 1978; Epp 1988; Malainey and Sherriff 1996; Morgan 1980; Peck 2004; Quigg 1978; Reeves 1990a). Some researchers argue that bison migrated seasonally in a regular and predictable pattern involving movement from summer pastures on the open prairie to winter pastures in the

53 sheltered foothills and parkland. This seasonal migration from the Mixed Grass and Dry

Mixed Grass Natural Sub-Regions in the spring and summer to the Foothills Fescue

Natural Sub-Region in fall and winter provided access to the best forage available in any given season. Others argue that the movement of bison herds was highly erratic, precluding any prediction of their location at any given time. Still others favour a dual dispersion model where the majority of the herd followed relatively predictable seasonal movements from summer to winter pastures while a smaller number of bison stayed on the plains or in the foothills throughout the year (see Peck 2004 for a full discussion of contrasting viewpoints). The predictability of bison movement obviously influenced decisions on the appropriateness of the hunting strategy with the reliance on a herd- intercepting or a herd-following strategy having implications for settlement patterns in the region.

In a recent study on the relationship between bison ecology and human behaviour during the Old Women’s Phase, Peck (2004) developed a model of bison migration using ethological, ecological and historical data and tested his theoretical framework using seasonality data from cementum annuli on bison teeth. According to this model, bison herds migrated from their wintering grounds in the parkland and foothills, where they were relatively sedentary, to their summering grounds on the plains proper, where they were more active. Calving occurred on the plains periphery as the herds moved toward their summer pastures in the spring and the same areas were repeatedly used for this purpose. On their return to the wintering grounds in the late summer and early fall, bison bulls created wallows during the rut which occurred in the calving grounds on the edge of the parkland and foothills. Bison herds, including bulls,

54 cows and calves, were largest at this time. Following the rut, the herds broke up into smaller groups and moved to their winter pastures. At this time, the bison preferentially occupied open spaces at the edge of the foothills and parkland, moving deeper into the woods during colder weather (Peck 2004).

Brink (2008) argues that the movement of bison was controlled by their basic needs (good forage and access to water) as well as the changing seasons of the

Northwestern Plains. Bison calves are born in the spring when they can graze on the grasses rich in flower and seeds, and high in protein. This high quality forage also helps cows cope with the stress of nursing. As the snow begins to melt in March, bison herds move out on the prairie staying close enough to shelter in case of a late spring storm.

During the summer months, bison aggregated on the open plains, where the grass was abundant, nutritious and capable of supporting large, mixed herds in relatively small spaces. During the late summer and early fall bulls and cows came together for the rut later dispersing into small male herds and larger groups of cows, calves and yearlings. In the fall, prairie grasses experienced a second period of growth, again providing good forage for bison herds. This was the best time to hunt bison, as they were fat and had thick hides. If the weather remained mild and pastures good, these herds could remain on the open prairie for several more months, not heading to the shelter of the foothills and parkland until ice began to form (Brink 2008). During the winter, bison herds broke up into smaller groups and dispersed into numerous, sheltered areas thereby reducing grazing pressure on winter pastures.

55 Blackfoot Seasonal Round

…the seasonal round for the Aboriginal groups that lived for thousands of years on the Plains and for the herds of bison on which they subsisted share some striking similarities. Since the people depended so heavily on the bison, it is not surprising that the seasonal movements of the former roughly paralleled the latter (Brink 2008:60).

From an ecological perspective, the Blackfoot were seen as mobile hunter- gatherers whose seasonal round was primarily influenced by the migratory behaviour of bison (Figure 4). Like their prey, they moved from their wintering grounds in the foothills and parkland to their summer grounds on the prairie thereby ensuring reliable access to bison herds and the continued health of the group (Brink 2008; Vickers and Peck

2004).While waiting to travel onto the open prairie in the spring, Blackfoot groups moved from their winter camp to the adjacent uplands in order to avoid run-off moisture.

These camps would be fairly small, short term campsites, except where associated with a spring communal kill. This was a time of root gathering and a communal bison hunt, undertaken before the herds left for summer pastures and while hides were ideal for tipi covers. Spring sites are commonly found on the upland margins of large valleys or on small creeks, locations which could not be occupied in winter due to a lack of wood for fuel and shelter. The archaeological evidence suggests that these sites were occupied by small, band-sized groups. In late-May, both the bison herds and Blackfoot began to move onto the open prairie. At this time, provisions procured during the spring communal hunt were the main source of sustenance for human groups. Since intermittent and ephemeral streams and sloughs tend to be full at this time, numerous water sources would be available to human groups (Dempsey 1986; Ewers 1958; Forde 1950; Johnston 1982;

Peck and Vickers 2006; Uhlenbeck 1911; Vickers 1991).

Figure 4. Seasonal round of the Blackfoot and bison (adapted from Peck and Vickers 2006).

Movement to the summer pasture saw Blackfoot groups travel through a series of resource patches while moving onto the open prairie (see, for example, Uhlenbeck 1912).

During this movement, small hunts were undertaken to procure bison meat and hides as well as to collect bison tongues for the Sun Dance. By mid-summer, sloughs that had provided water in the spring were largely dry, causing human groups to move towards rivers and springs which provided a secure source of water. Consequently, we expect a

57 concentration of summer campsites near strong springs and on the margins of river valleys where coulees provide access to the water below. Summer camps are generally larger, with evidence of occasional hunting of bison and other animals. Following the

Sun Dance, the Blackfoot broke into smaller, familial groups and began the return trip to the wintering grounds (Dempsey 1986; Forde 1950; Grinnell 1962; Johnston 1982).

In the fall, bands aggregated in large groups of 10 to 20 households and returned to the foothills or parkland. The lack of surface water in this season forced the bison herds into creek and river valleys where they were hunted by Blackfoot groups.

Consequently, most fall camps were located along major water bodies. At this time, the largest communal hunt in the Blackfoot year was conducted. The primary and largest hunt, which provided Blackfoot groups with winter provisions, occurred in the fall when the Blackfoot returned to the foothills where sandstone bedrock cliffs were used as buffalo jumps, or to the parkland where pounds could be constructed. At this time, kill sites were prepared in order to intercept the bison on their return to winter pastures. The more successful the fall hunt was, the fewer camp moves were required during the winter months. Due to the importance of pemmican, berry patches (including saskatoons, buffalo berries and choke cherries) were frequent stops on the Blackfoot seasonal round through the summer and fall (Dempsey 1986; Ewers 1955, 1958; Forde 1950; Grinnell

1962; Johnston 1982; Kidd 1986; Peck 2002; Peck and Vickers 2006; Vickers 1991;

Wissler 1910).

Winter campsites were established around late October, primarily in the parkland and foothills, at locations where wood, water, and shelter were readily available and the bison herds were within reach. When the group first arrived, they camped in the open for

58 a period of weeks until the snow came, at which time lodges were moved into stands of trees which provided shelter from winter storms. Typically, individual bands wintered in separate camps. However, these camps would be established only a few miles apart along a stretch of river valley (Cannon 2006; Conaty and Beierle 1997; Fidler 1991; Glenbow

Museum 2012; Schultz 2002; Uhlenbeck 1911). Ideally, winter camps were occupied until the snow melted. The camp was only abandoned if resources were no longer available at that location. In the case that a move was necessary, the location of the new camp was pre-determined based on information about the availability of wood, water and grass (Ewers 1955, 1958; Vickers 1991). By late winter or early spring, food supplies from the fall communal hunt were dwindling. Therefore, small groups of hunters stalked and killed individual bison or small herds to provide a fresh supply of meat. For this reason, it was desirable to choose a winter campsite with easy access to the wintering bison herds (Ewers 1958; Fidler 1991; Schultz 2002). In the spring, the chiefs would once again have said “Go about to get the lodge-pins. We shall move up [away from the river]

(Uhlenbeck 1912:1)”, and the annual cycle would begin again.

Previous Ecological Models

Archaeologists tend to objectify the landscape, by breaking it down into component parts, like “hummocky moraine’ or “fescue grassland.” It is far more difficult to consciously evaluate the landscape in a subjective fashion, at least without falling into the dangerous paths of aesthetic or spiritual (Landals 2004:232).

In 1975, Gary Adams (1976) conducted a survey of the lower Red Deer River in which he recorded 693 sites. Adams noted that approximately 90% of the sites were located on prairie level or upper river terraces. In contrast, floodplains contained relatively few sites. All sites were located in places that had water access. However, there

59 was tendency for sites to be located near intermittent water sources, rather than near major water bodies such as rivers. In addition, although large sites tend to be located close to rivers, they were often located in places from which the river could not be easily accessed, despite the close proximity. Wood resources, which tend to concentrate in river valleys, were also found in close proximity to these sites, with a mean distance of only approximately one kilometer. Based on this data, Adams believed that ease of access to water was not a major factor in site selection. Instead, he suggested that the tendency of human groups to choose to camp on river terraces was related to the high resource diversity in the immediate area of these landforms. These terraces are sheltered and are home to vegetation including wood and berry patches, making them attractive to human groups living in the region (Adams 1976).

John Brumley (1983) developed a settlement model based on his survey of the

Suffield Military Reserve near Medicine Hat, which was later applied to fieldwork undertaken in Forty Mile Coulee (Brumley and Dau 1988). Brumley (1983) suggested that the communal hunting of bison was the main influence on human site selection in the region. Campsites had to be located in areas where all of the necessary resources for a jump were present. This included a secure source of water and nearby wood and stone for processing bison carcasses, as well as appropriate topography for a jump and access to nearby bison herds. All of these resources are most easily found in major river valleys.

Consequently, Brumley (1983) expects campsites to be located in valley bottoms and for these sites to be associated with a kill event.

Based on the data collected during these surveys, Brumley (1983) proposed a regional settlement model which included five ecological zones: 1) the Cypress Hills and

60 immediate prairie margins, 2) major rivers, streams and coulees and immediate prairie margins, 3) level to gently rolling open prairie, 4) strongly rolling open prairie and 5) sand hills. All of these ecological zones, with the exception of the level to gently rolling open prairie, have medium to high potential for archaeological sites because they are suitable areas for communal bison hunting although at different times of the year.

Whereas the Cypress Hills and major river valleys could be used year round, the latter would have seen heavier use in the late winter through early spring given the biological diversity of river valleys during times of scarcity. The level to gently rolling open prairie would be used primarily during the late winter and early spring when run-off provided access to water and promoted lush growth nearby. Moderate to strongly rolling prairie was preferred during the late spring through to the early fall when the availability of wood and water was limited. Finally, the sand hills were presumably used year round but only for the procurement of animal resources (Brumley 1983).

Peck (2004) argued that the overall seasonal movement of Old Women’s Phase groups on the Northwestern Plains was dictated by the movement of bison, and that human groups would have followed the same seasonal pattern (open prairie in summer, foothills/parkland in winter) as the herds. In the summer, the Sun Dance was used to share information about resources, including the location and direction of bison herd movement. Using this information, intercept sites were set up for the fall communal kill as far out on the prairie as the distribution of wood allowed. Following the fall hunt, the

Blackfoot dispersed into smaller, family groups for the winter, finally re-aggregating on the plains periphery for the spring hunt. Peck (2004) believes that archaeological site data, including seasonality assessments, support this pattern of human movement. Sites

61 with winter occupations are generally found on the plains periphery and in large, well- wooded river valleys. Summer sites, in contrast, are most commonly found on the open prairie. In addition, the majority of large kill sites in the region, where the bison were intercepted in the fall, are found on the Plains periphery and in well-wooded valleys.

Seasonality data suggest these kill sites were used from late December through late

March.

Finally, Alison Landals (2004) believes that the importance of wood has been overstated by previous researchers. Examination of archaeological site data from the

Forty Mile Coulee Reservoir, Oldman River Dam and Little Bow Reservoir projects led

Landals (2004) to suggest a pattern of land use in which there was a more intensive use of river valley bottoms and major coulee systems in the Contact Period. This was in distinct contrast to the Late Prehistoric Period when campsites were commonly located in upland areas. Landals (2004) suggests that this difference is a result of the requirements for the care of horses that arose in the Contact Period. Horses require more water than dogs (the former requiring 20-43+ litres per day and the latter only 1.5-2 litres).

Consequently, springs and sloughs that could be used for extended periods during the dog days were useful for only limited periods in the horse days.

Landals (2004) suggests that Contact Period campsites were preferentially located in valley bottoms which provided water, shelter and good forage and in which individual horse herds could be easily separated. While horses would not survive on the open prairie, dogs could spend extended periods away from the river valleys, particularly in areas where rolling topography provided some shelter. In mild winters when the bison were on uplands away from major rivers, human groups with dogs would be able to camp

62 in these areas. Following this model, Late Prehistoric campsites (the period under study here) are expected to be most commonly located on uplands, near springs and seasonal water courses. This is in distinct contrast to the settlement pattern proposed by Brumley

(1983). Furthermore, in the Pre-Contact Period, Landals (2004) argues that the location of bison would have been the most important factor in determining the location of

Blackfoot winter camps. In particular, she suggests that with dogs logistic mobility would have been more difficult than with horses and human groups were likely more mobile and dispersed than suggested by ethnographic observations recorded during the horse days.

Therefore, if the bison herds left the river valleys where the Blackfoot had made their winter camp, a more immediate response based on residential mobility was required.

Northwestern Plains Resources

When the cold weather came, our people moved into the sheltered coulees and river valleys and into the foothills. Here, they were close to water and a plentiful supply of wood to burn in their tipis. If the blizzards covered the grass with snow, the bark of poplar trees was fed to the horses (Glenbow Museum 2012).

As applied on the Northwestern Plains, ecological models predict that the movement of human groups across the landscape will be constrained by the seasonal migration of the bison between their summer pastures on the open prairie and their wintering grounds in the sheltered valleys of the foothills and parkland. At the same time, the selection of places to camp will be conditioned by the location of critical resources such as water and wood in the winter and the distribution of specific micro-niches (e.g. berry patches) in the summer (see Adams 1976; Brumley 1983; Brumley and Dau 1988;

Landals 2004; Peck and Vickers 2006; Vickers and Peck 2004). Since the Blackfoot people used the foothills region as a wintering ground (Blackfoot Gallery Committee

63 2001), we expect to find clusters of archaeological sites in sheltered river valleys with abundant supplies of wood and water as well as ready access to bison herds.

Shelter

During the winter, camp locations were preferentially selected in areas where either vegetation or topography provided shelter from cold winter winds and snow storms

(Ewers 1955:124; 1958:14). Within the study region, shelter can be found in wooded areas, in numerous river and creek valleys (e.g., Willow and Tongue Flag Creek, and the

Oldman, Highwood, Sheep, Bow and Elbow Rivers, among others) and in the rolling topography of the foothills (see Figure 5). On the relatively flat landscape of the

Northwestern Plains, rivers such as Willow Creek contain a hidden oasis of woodlands.

Similarly, the rolling grasslands of the Porcupine Hills provide shelter for human groups and for the bison which grazed in grassland basins in the region (Vickers 1991). The importance of shelter is supported by the work of Brumley and Dau (1988:163) who found a strong association between rugged terrain, which provides good shelter, and large numbers of archaeological sites.

The study region is a highly dissected landscape originally created by orogenic processes and subsequently modified by glaciation and erosion. The coalescence and subsequent recession of the Cordilleran and Laurentide ice sheets deposited the Foothills

Erratics Train on the eastern flanks of the foothills (Stalker 1956) while glacial lakes formed by the melting ice eventually drained catastrophically creating a series of melt- water channels which intersected the rugged topography of the area. Rivers carrying run- off from the snow melt in the mountains have cut deeply incised valleys which transect the foothills along east-west axes. Therefore, we expect a somewhat random distribution

Figure 5. Location of important ecological resources (wood, water and shelter) in the study region.

65 of habitation sites in the study region because shelter is readily available throughout this rugged terrain.

Bison

Bison were the primary life-sustaining resource for Blackfoot groups inhabiting the Northwestern Plains. Ultimately, the seasonal round had to ensure reliable access to bison herds to be successful and to ensure the health of the group (Brink 2008; Vickers and Peck 2004). This is reflected in the Blackfoot name for bison meat, which is called nitpakiksisako (real meat). Other animal resources were utilized, but only when bison were not available and the group was facing starvation (Conaty and Beierle 1997;

Dempsey 1986; Kidd 1986; Wissler 1910).

If, as argued by Reeves (1990a), human life on the Northwestern Plains is tethered to the movement of bison herds, what type of settlement pattern is expected in the study region on the eastern flanks of the foothills? In the fall, human groups attempted to intercept the bison herds at communal kills as they returned to winter pastures in this region (Brink 2008; Peck 2004; Vickers and Peck 2004). Jumps and pounds should, consequently, be located on the plains periphery. In the case of the study region, this means large intensively used communal kill sites should be found on the eastern margins of the foothills and in large river valleys on the western edge of the plains. Additionally, given that smaller communal hunts were undertaken in the spring in the same region, these jumps may show evidence of both fall and spring use. Fall camps would most likely be located near these kill sites, as people would live here, waiting for the return of the bison herds. When first arriving in the wintering grounds, bison herds would travel daily from their pasture to the river to drink. As the season progressed and

66 the rivers froze, they would stay in the pasture and eat snow. Consequently, as winter progressed Blackfoot hunters would have to travel farther away from camps near the river valley to hunt the bison. Small late-winter kill sites should, therefore, be located within the foothills proper. This type of opportunistic hunting was undertaken as needed until the time of the communal hunt when the former was prohibited as it could scare away the herd and endanger the food supply of the entire group (Schultz 2002).

Therefore, small winter kill sites should not be located in the same areas as large fall and spring communal kill sites.

The sheltered valleys and foothills of the study region are the wintering grounds of both the bison herds and the Blackfoot people. Therefore, we expect to see campsites in this region where either topography or vegetation provide shelter for bison and people.

These sites should show evidence of winter occupation, suggested by seasonality indicators such as bison bones, double stone circles and prominent internal lodge hearths.

Given that food procured during the fall hunt may not last through the winter, it would be necessary to undertake hunts of individual bison or small herds in the late winter.

Therefore, we expect winter camps to be located within easy reach of wintering bison herds. The distribution of bison herds in the wintering grounds would be patchy, with many areas where no herds were found (Brink 2008). Given that the specific location of bison herds varied yearly, it is next to impossible to predict where winter camps should be located to access bison, other than within the extensive region of the foothills in or near the shelter of rolling hills, river valleys and wooded vegetation. Therefore, there should be random distribution of human occupations on the landscape when the archaeological sample includes sites from an extended time period.

67 Wood

Bison were an important resource and human groups would have been drawn to the foothills during the winter months in order to be near the wintering herds. However,

Vickers and Peck (2004) suggest that the settlement pattern of human groups within this region can be better understood through the distribution of wood, as this resource is critical during the winter months. Of all the attributes traditionally believed to be important to winter site selection, including shelter, water, firewood, grass and food

(Ewers 1958), wood has the most restricted distribution and would have been the limiting resource in terms of human settlement within the winter territory of the bison. Wood is found only on the plains periphery, in segments of river valleys and on scattered uplands.

In the study region, it would have been important for fuel (bison dung was not an adequate fuel source in the winter months due to its high moisture content) as well as to provide shelter from winter storms (Brink 2008; Vickers and Peck 2004).

Blackfoot groups were often reluctant to leave good sources of wood, even when the bison were scarce and food sources low. In this case, wooded areas would also have been habitat for alternative game that, though not preferred, could have provided

Blackfoot groups with a source of food in times when the bison where not available

(Peck 2004; Vickers and Peck 2004). When traveling among the Blackfoot in the late

1800s, for example, Walter McClintock (1910:386) found the winter camp of Brings-

Down-the-Sun in a grove of cottonwoods. The lodges were pitched among the trees. In addition, McClintock notes that there were social sanctions against breaking tree branches or cutting down trees along the river, further supporting the importance of wood

68 at the camp location. Similarly, Schultz (2002:99) notes camping with a hunting party in a grove of cottonwoods.

Based on these expectations and the restricted distribution of wood in the study region, winter camps should be focused on locations where wooded vegetation is available for fuel, shelter and building material. Blackfoot groups are expected to have made camp in or immediately adjacent to these sources of wood if it was used for shelter.

This is supported by Ewers who states that:

Through the dead of winter the Blackfoot bands pitched their lodges among the trees in sheltered valleys offering maximum protection from winds and snow. It would have been suicidal for them to have remained in the open country for extended periods at that treacherous season. In stormy weather they huddled close to their campfires, which they fed with wood from near-by tree (Ewers 1958:14).

If only used for fuel, logistic mobility may have been used to collect wood from up to one half day’s walk from camp (e.g., see Fidler 1991). Within the study region, this means that winter camps should be located well within the foothills, near a series of discrete cottonwood groves along the eastern margins of the foothills, or near the crossings of the

Bow, Highwood and Oldman Rivers, each of which had a continuous line of wooded vegetation in the valley bottom (see Figure 5).

Water

Water was an important resource throughout the year, as humans would require clean drinking water to maintain health and travel speed. It was also a critical resource for bison herds. Therefore, we expect camp locations to be preferentially located where there is a steady, reliable source of clean water. Water sources come in a variety of forms

(sloughs, ponds, lakes, rivers, creeks, springs, etc.) and are widely distributed across the

Northwestern Plains. It is, in theory, difficult for human groups to be far from one source

69 of water or another given the large number of seasonal sloughs, ponds, wetlands and other water bodies present on the prairies. However, there is distinct seasonality in the availability of each type of water source, with many of these water sources available for only extremely limited period of time. Fall was the driest time of year on the

Northwestern Plains with the most restricted water distribution. Water sources are a particularly key resource for human groups during this season, as human groups require a good source of water at a communal jump both to drink and for the processing of carcasses. Furthermore, although snow is available through large portions of the winter, ethnographic include descriptions of its use as a water source only at temporary camps

(Brink 2008; Fidler 1991).

In the Porcupine Hills, sloughs would have filled with run-off from melting snow in the spring season, providing a steady source of water for Blackfoot groups beginning preparations to leave the winter camp. Water was available in areas that were normally dry as a result of the spring run-off, and it would not be difficult for human groups to find water as they began their movement back onto the open prairie (Ewers 1955; Vickers

1991). During the summer months, many water sources dry up, leaving fewer sources of water available across the landscape. In addition, this was the most mobile season for the

Blackfoot people. They travelled more and, therefore, were in need of a greater number of water sources distributed in intervals across the larger landscape. This is in contrast to winter, when a single reliable water source could be used at a winter camp for several months. Fall was the driest time of year on the Northwestern Plains. Sloughs, ponds and countless seasonal creeks are dry, and numerous rivers and creeks see reductions in water volume in this season. In addition, during the winter, the freezing over of water bodies

70 makes additional water sources unavailable (Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2003). Although snow may be available for water at this time of year, the amount of accumulated precipitation that falls as snow is quite low and its timing unpredictable. Furthermore, the ethnographic evidence shows that Blackfoot groups melted snow for drinking water only at temporary camps, preferring to locate more permanent winter camps at location where a source of water, in the form of spring or river, was available (Fidler 1991; Kidd 1986; McClintock

1910).

In the foothills and western plains margin of the study region, terrain that offers both shelter and water is most commonly found in river valleys (Vickers and Peck 2004).

However, although rivers may provide ample water supply, human groups were left with the problem of access. In the study region, river valleys tend to be deeply incised into the prairie. Human groups would need to find a place where they could reach the river valley from prairie level above, as the majority of trails and campsites are located on this upper level. This access would be required either to enter the river valley and make camp or to access the source of water in the valley from a camp on prairie level. Alternatively, springs are often found on the tops of or partway down these banks and ridges (Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2003).

Throughout the year, daily travel was planned so that at the end of the day, camp was made at a location in which there was a reliable source of water. If this was not possible, Blackfoot groups may anticipate the absence of water by carrying it with them in bison paunches (Ewers 1955; Fidler 1991; McClintock 1910). That being said, water sources are found reliably in the study region from year to year. With some degree of planning in terms of travel and stopping places, it would not have been necessary for

71 human groups to transport water at any point during their travels. The winter months were those of lowest residential mobility for the Blackfoot people, who would remain at the same winter camp for six to eight months as long as resources continued to be available at that location. Most travel at this time would have occurred between winter camps of neighboring bands, as small groups traveled to neighboring camps to visit relatives and gather information about resources (see, for example, Ewers 1958; Kidd

1986; McClintock 1910; Oetelaar 2003; Vickers 1991).

The importance of water sources in winter camp site selection is seen in

McClintock’s (1910:387) description of Brings-Down-the-Sun’s camp. McClintock found this Piikani group camped in a clump of trees in the Porcupine Hills, along the

Oldman River. Brings-Down-the-Sun had pitched his lodge under a large cottonwood.

The remainder of the group had set up camp around a small clearing in which a strong spring was located. This leads to the question, why position the camp at a spring, when the Oldman River was also within reach? First, the spring was located within the camp itself, while individuals would have had to walk down to the river to collect water.

Therefore, the spring may simply have been a more convenient source of water, available on-demand. Additionally, the spring may have been a more predictable source of water.

Even a river as large as the Oldman has a variety of seasonal fluctuations, both in water level and in silt content. Furthermore, rivers freeze over during large portions of the winter. At the time of year when McClintock visited this camp, the spring may have been a more predictable, cleaner source of water than the river and more easily accessible when the river was covered in ice (McClintock 1910; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2003).

Similarly, Fidler (1991) notes the importance of springs at winter camps, and the ability

72 of his native guides to go directly to these water sources even when no trees were present at the spring to guide their way.

Within the study region, numerous large rivers and springs are present which provide a reliable source of water, even during the winter months (see Figure 5). The location of springs is particularly pertinent. Seasonal fluctuations in water levels and silt content occur in rivers and creeks, while many springs provide cool, fresh water year round. In addition, depending on their location, camps can be located directly at springs for ease of access. Winter and fall camps should be located at locations which provide access to these permanent springs, since ephemeral water sources will be dry and rivers frozen over at this time. Springs camps, which may also be found in the study region, should be located on uplands near winter camps, where sloughs and seasonal creeks are accessible.

Archaeological Signature of Hunter-Gatherer Economics

Hunters and gatherers rely on a mode of subsistence characterised by the absence of direct human control over the reproduction of exploited species, and little or no control over other aspects of population ecology such as the behaviour and distribution of food resources (Panter-Brick, et al. 2001:2)

Although models of bison ecology and behaviour provide important information on the mobility strategies of hunter-gatherers on the Northwestern Plains, they do not, for the most part, address the ecological variables influencing human decisions on the selection of sites. The few studies that do are based on data collected from study regions located on the open prairie, the traditional summering grounds of the Blackfoot people and their ancestors. The present research is based on the distribution of archaeological sites along a section of the Old North Trail bordering the Foothills of southern Alberta,

73 the traditional wintering grounds of the Blackfoot. Although models of settlement patterns have not been developed, researchers have identified a number of relevant ecological variables including shelter, wood, water and bison. Therefore, we expect to see evidence of human occupation at locations where a combination of these critical resources were located. Given that resources are not culturally sensitive and that all human groups must meet their basic needs, resource patches could be used by groups showing different cultural affiliations, as the resource requirements of the environment are the same regardless of cultural background.

Any locality with the necessary resources within the wintering grounds is an appropriate stopping place. The location of bison herds changes from year to year, and any instance of another key resource is equally beneficial. Consequently, the same sites will not be reoccupied as new locations within the vicinity of the herds are chosen each year. Furthermore, there is no incentive to return to the same place year after year if resources at another location are better. In fact, in terms of resources it may be more beneficial not to return to the same place but to choose a new resource patch, because the resources at the former have been depleted (see, for example, Bettinger 1987; Bird and

Codding 2008; Kelly 1992; 2007; Winterhalder 1987). Over time, this leads to a random distribution of sites on the landscape, though there may be some exceptions to this patter.

Furthermore, archaeological sites should show limited evidence of reuse. If resources drive human decision making, all site types should be distributed on the landscape in the same way, including both sites that are designed to access resources and spiritual sites such as burials, rock art, effigies, rock alignments and cairns.

74 The winter months were those of lowest residential mobility for the Blackfoot people, who would remain at the same winter camp for six to eight months as long as resources continued to be available at that location. Most travel at this time would have occurred between the winter camps of neighboring bands, as small groups traveled to visit relatives and gather information about resources (see, for example, Ewers 1958;

Kidd 1986; McClintock 1910; Oetelaar 2003; Vickers 1991). Winter camps should, consequently, be located where there is direct access to permanent springs as this would be the most reliable water source for these long-term camps. In the absence of a spring, direct proximity to major water bodies is expected. Furthermore, Fidler’s (1991) observation that springs were regularly found during winter travel may indicate that visibility of these features was relevant to the placement of travel routes through the region. These major rivers and springs are found relatively ubiquitously in the study region.

Similarly, these relatively permanent winter camps should be located within or immediately adjacent to a source of wood, which Vickers and Peck (2004) suggest was necessary for fuel. In general, Blackfoot groups were often reluctant to leave the immediate vicinity of wooded vegetation, even when the bison were scarce and food sources low, because the trees provided shelter during treacherous winter storms (Peck

2004; Vickers and Peck 2004). However, g iven that shelter can be provided by topography, the presence of wooded vegetation need not be the primary determinant of settlement location. Collectors, for example, often acquire such critical resources on logistical forays within one half day’s walk of the camp. At a Piikani winter encampment,

75 for example, small groups left the camp and gathered wood which was brought back to camp with horse and travois later the same day (Fidler 1991).

Due to the potential for use of logistic mobility to access resources such as bison and wood, it is possible that campsites will show a clustered distribution on the landscape. In this case, clusters of campsites should be found in areas were wood is available, as this was the limiting resource for winter occupation in this region.

Additionally, the clusters of campsites should be around a spring or major water body that provides a reliable source of water during the winter. There should, nevertheless, be an overall random distribution of sites on the landscape because, over time, different springs and stands of wood would be visited since there is no incentive to return to the same place, particularly when the location of bison herds changes each winter.

On the Northwestern Plains, therefore, we should look for archaeological evidence of the importance of resources in determining settlement distribution, in relation to the resources defined above, in a number of ways. In the study region, the wintering grounds of the Blackfoot people, archaeological sites should be found in sheltered locations associated with the location of bison, wood and water. The location of shelter and bison herds will condition the location of settlements generally. At a finer scale, wood and water will condition the specific location of sites and may lead to clustering of campsites. Since resources are not culturally sensitive, sites could include affiliation with one or more distinctive archaeological cultures. Winter campsites should not be reoccupied year to year, given that the location of bison herds varied from one winter to the next and other resources will be depleted due to the group’s extended stay. Therefore, the overall settlement pattern will be randomly distributed across the landscape.

76 Ideological sites, when compared to resource procurement sites and campsites will follow the same distribution pattern as other sites (near resources) and will rarely stand alone.

Finally, since Blackfoot groups remain relatively sedentary during the winter months, there should be archaeological evidence of logistic mobility in this region.

Following the ecological model, we expect to see human groups in the study region choosing to stop at locations such as the Leavings. The Leavings is located on

Willow Creek west of the modern town of Claresholm, Alberta. The Leavings was a well-known stopping place on the Old North Trail and, later, on the historic Macleod

Trail. The Willow Creek Valley at the Leavings is wide and deep. Access to the valley from prairie level is provided by a number of small coulees that afford a shallower slope to the valley bottom. In addition, scattered groves of cottonwoods were located in the river valley at this location. This place was called the Leavings because from here, the trail to the south left the river valley. Consequently, this was the last place where both wood and water were readily available when traveling southward. Finally, prairie level above the creek at the Leavings is liberally marked with bison wallows, indicating the presence of bison herds at this location in the fall. Following the ecological model, we would expect a concentration of archaeological sites, in particular kill sites and winter campsites, at the Leavings due to the presence of water and wood, both critical winter resources, and the nearby presence of bison herds (Amundsen-Meyer 2013a; Schelten-

Cornish 1991).

77 Discussion

What is considered food is culturally defined, and …optimal-foraging models cannot cope with resources that are taken or excluded for non- energetic reasons, or resources that are collected for their non-food value (Kelly 2007:109).

Seasonal round studies based on traditional ecology stress human movement as a consequence of resource procurement. In traditional ecology, the environment is the key factor in human settlement decisions and the location and placement of all types of archaeological sites is a consequence of the former. Accordingly, movement and settlement decisions are conditioned by the location of economically important plant and animal species. The behaviour of human groups is an adaptation to the ecological characteristics of the natural region in which they live, primarily temperature and precipitation, and the resulting distribution of resources (e.g.,Binford 1980; Kelly 2007;

Steward 1955a; Woodburn 1980). In this sense, ecological models suggest ecology creates human behaviour as part of a human adaptation to the natural landscape.

Interestingly, Vickers (1991) indicates that the archaeological site data from

Alberta does not necessarily support the settlement patterns suggested by seasonal round studies. In particular, he notes that campsites are not found on level prairie in areas where bison herds are commonly located in the spring. As well, there is little evidence of the aggregation of human groups in large winter and summer camps, as suggested by the ethnographic reports. Of particular relevance to this study, Vickers (1991) notes that the distribution of winter campsites is poorly understood. Consequently, this research attempts to reach a greater understanding of the winter settlement patterns of the

Blackfoot people.

78 Chapter Summary

In this chapter, ecological models for settlement patterning on the Northwestern

Plains were presented. These models are based on traditional ecological theory which sees nature and culture as inextricably linked. Nature, in particular the location and need for resources, is seen as the primary influence on human behaviour. For the study region, this means that human site selection will be influenced by the need for wood and water, both critical winter resources, as well as by the location of bison and shelter. Because the location of bison herds changed from year to year and any instance of a resource is as good as another, sites should be randomly distributed on the landscape. This will also lead to a pattern of limited reuse of archaeological sites. While ecological models are valuable heuristic tools, the environment is not the only influence on human behaviour and landscape can be culturally created. Cultural and social ideals can be mapped onto the environment and be an important influence on human behaviour. This idea will be explored in Chapter 4 which discusses phenomenological models for settlement patterning.

79 CHAPTER 4: PHENOMENOLOGICAL MODELS

Introduction

The purpose of this chapter is to introduce phenomenological models of settlement patterning for the Northwestern Plains. These models are based on cultural beliefs and understandings and are, as such, specific to the culture under study. On the

Northwestern Plains during the Late Prehistoric Period, Blackfoot beliefs inform which landmarks influence site selection, though this has only become a subject of study in recent years. Consequently, the application of phenomenology to the study of Australian

Aborigines and the Western Apache is explored to provide cross-cultural context for a region in which such explorations are relatively new. Following this, Blackfoot beliefs are discussed and the important landmarks in Blackfoot territory identified. These landmarks include cottonwood groves, springs, glacial erratics, and named places.

Examination of Blackfoot ethnographies allows the importance of each landmark to the

Blackfoot people to be identified. Critical assessment of the variables that phenomenological models suggest affect settlement decisions can then be undertaken and archaeological expectations of this model for the study region developed.

Phenomenological Theory

...[G]eographical landscapes are never culturally vacant…[but rather are] filled to brimming with past and present significance (Basso 1990:143).

The phenomenological approach to landscape was introduced by Christopher

Tilley (1997) in Phenomenology of Landscape: Places, Paths and Monuments. Tilley

(1997) argues that archaeological landscapes should be investigated in terms of human awareness and perception of space, in order to understand the emotional meaning of

80 place, which he believes is a universal human experience. Tilley’s (1997) methodological approach includes familiarizing oneself with the landscape by visiting prehistoric archaeological sites (in different seasons and at different times of day) and recording the sensory experience of those places. Since walking is integral to the experience of place, the researcher should follow paths of movement, approaching important places from different directions, and record the ways in which this changes how places are perceived

(Tilley 1997, 2008). By collating all this information the researcher will be able to interpret how people made sense of, lived in and ultimately understood their landscape

(Tilley 1997, 2008).

Since cultural landscapes are created and internalized by human groups who generate a unique understanding of their external environment, it is necessary to attempt to understand the landscape in a culturally familiar way. In phenomenological models, it is human behaviour that creates a cultural landscape and defines the region’s ecological characteristics. Furthermore, this approach suggests that there is a correct way of moving through the cultural landscape and approaching these culturally significant places, in which the proper sense of place is conveyed. Consequently, paths are integral to phenomenological approaches, as they link places created by the ancestors, define a sequence of movement, structure the experience of place by creating order and ultimately inform a group’s cultural identity (David and Thomas 2008; Ingold 2011; Tilley 1997)

Through culturally significant landmarks, human groups create a socially and historically experienced cultural landscape rich with embedded meaning. Paths facilitate the movement of humans across the landscape, serve as a metaphor for time, and link together important places which serve as “geographic coordinates” in the indigenous

81 world (Aporta 2004; Basso 1996; Oetelaar 2012; Oetelaar and Meyer 2006; Oetelaar and

Oetelaar 2010; Thornton 2008). Places can only be properly understood if they are approached from the right direction. This means that there is a socially constrained way of moving and a correct way to approach landmarks in order to accurately understand their significance (Aporta 2004; Basso 1996; Potter 2004; Tilley 1997). It is, therefore, essential to study the method of movement of a human group and the location of trails as part of a phenomenological approach.

Although Tilley’s (1997) concept of phenomenology is somewhat extreme and unrealistic in practice, a modified phenomenological approach can be applied beneficially in many contexts (e.g., Aporta 2004; Ashmore and Brady 1999; Oetelaar 2012; Oetelaar and Meyer 2006; Stewart, et al. 2004). As a heuristic device, phenomenology is valuable due to its ability to bridge ideas of agency and identity with the archaeological record and its inclusion of humanistic and culturally sensitive variables in the study of material culture. This is important because Western scientific frameworks are in many ways dehumanizing and do not often account for social or ideological influences on the decision making of past human populations. With the phenomenological approach, we see the emergence of landscape that is culturally constructed and an understanding that the act of being in the world is inherently a socially constructed process (Oetelaar 2012;

Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2010; Stewart, et al. 2004).

Attachment to Place

The essence of place lies in the quality of being somewhere specific, knowing that you are “here” rather than “there” (Rapaport 1975:38).

At the simplest level, landscapes consist of places and paths (Ingold 2011; Tilley

2008). Here, place is fundamentally different than space, as it combines space, time and

82 experience into a single unit of study. Consequently, many researchers have turned to the study of place names, oral traditions and trails in an attempt to recreate a cultural, place- filled landscape. In this framework, human lives are not lived inside or at places, but rather “through, around, to and from them, from and to places elsewhere” (Ingold

2000:229).

Consequently, in a phenomenological approach, places and human movement between them become key to our understanding of past cultures. Naming not only captures information about place, but implies a cultural claim to that place through the articulation of a human relationship with it over an extended time period, often linking the living back to a mythical past (e.g., Thornton 2008). In order to recreate the cultural landscape of a group, it is necessary to access this network of places, paths and trails in the archaeological record. In fact, as suggested by Stewart, et al. (2004), the patterning of archaeological remains can best be understood in culturally familiar ways; that is, in the context of place names and the stories associated with those names.

Indigenous knowledge of places is storied, as opposed to a European classificatory type of knowledge (e.g., Ingold 2011; Rival 2009). In an indigenous worldview, knowledge is gained through ongoing perception, action and interaction with the environment. In this sense, places can only be understood with reference to the history of the place and the relationships that created it; by telling the stories (Ingold

2011):

Making their way from place to place in the company of others more knowledgeable than themselves, and hearing the stories, novices learn to connect the events and experiences of their own lives to the lives of predecessors, recursively picking up strands of these past lives in the process of spinning their own…the strand being spun now and the

83 strand being picked up from the past are both of the same yarn. There is no point at which the story ends and life beings (Ingold 2011:161).

Therefore, while moving through a series of places, a ‘meaningful topography’ provided a structured experience of the world, and “emphasized continuity with the natural order and the human history it encompassed” (Snead, et al. 2009:51).

Among many indigenous groups, places are mnemonic pegs of oral traditions and codes of behaviour, landmarks and keepers of ecological and sociological knowledge.

This pattern, in which ancestral heroes create and shape the natural landscape and resources and mediate between the living, the ancestors and the land is seen cross- culturally in Australia, North America and the Arctic, for example (e.g., Aporta 2004;

Basso 1996; Cruikshank 1990; Fullagar and Head 1999; Memmott and Long 2002;

Oetelaar 2012; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2006, 2010; Rumsey 2001; Snead 2009; Stewart, et al. 2004; Thornton 2008). In each case, place names are connected to stories which serve as mnemonic pegs of culture. When individuals move away from culturally important places and no longer visit them to tell the stories, they lose their sense of self.

Furthermore, resources will not be renewed and other ill events may occur, as the places have not been cared for properly (Basso 1990; Stewart, et al. 2004; Thornton 2008). In this way, the bond created between people and place, through the continued and recurrent interaction between human groups and the spirit of a place (often through stories) become an integral part of an individual and cultural identity. There is a recursive relationship between people and place, in which people are dependent on place for their self-identity, and places are dependent on people for their cultural identity(Memmott and Long 2002;

Thornton 2008).

84 Cross-Cultural Landscapes

Australian Aborigines

In the Aboriginal conceptual framework, nature and culture are an inter-related and continuous process. Aboriginal ancestor beings were the precursors of humankind, and their exploits not only ordered the physical world and its resources, but also set the pattern for social order and cultural practices. The natural environment therefore evidences a spiritual and cultural past which sets the pattern of spiritual and cultural continuity. Natural resources are believed to have been created by cultural deeds which decree that those resources must be used with care, respect and deference. Aboriginal exploitation of the environment is not, in the sense of spiritually distanced industrialized societies, a detached relationship, but one which is surrounded by rules, prohibitions and observances, culturally transmitted from one generation to the next. (Mowaljarlai, et al. 1990:693).

Australian Aborigines see the world as a network of Dreaming tracks connecting

Dreaming places. While moving across the landscape in the mythical past (the

Dreamtime), ancestral beings performed heroic deeds, in the process shaping the landscape and the customs followed by Aborigines. Dreaming places are the locations where these events occurred. Here, the modern world and the Dreamtime overlap as shown in the dreams, stories and sacred sites associated with them. Across Australia, there are thousands of these ceremonial and sacred sites and special meeting places.

Consequently, when Aborigines travel across the landscape, they constantly place themselves in the context of the landscape, and interpret the landscape features through which they are traveling in terms of their links to the mythical past and the stories associated with them. This attachment to place, mediated through the events of the

Dreamtime, is at the core of Aboriginal lifeways (Clarke 2003; Layton 1997; Memmott and Long 2002; Morphy 1993, 1995; Mowaljarlai, et al. 1990; Rumsey 2001; Smith

1999; Tacon 2008).

85 Dreaming tracks are Aboriginal history books. The routes taken by the ancestors and the places they created along them provide a spatial representation of the group’s history, and a framework for the spiritual responsibilities of living populations. Dreaming tracks represent the travels of the ancestors, along which their actions are marked by mountains, waterholes, plants and other natural features where ancestral beings interacted with each other or the environment For example, the wavy-mark seen at Urkuntja is the footprint of the wedge-tailed eagle who camped at this location with his two wives, crow and cockatoo. Stories associated with each Dreaming place define relationships between geographic features, animals, plants, social groups and the ancestral heroes. These creative acts gave the land cultural meaning, and led to the modern form of Aboriginal people, plants, animals and other natural phenomena. (Clarke 2003; Layton 1992, 1997;

McNiven 2004; Memmott and Long 2002; Morphy 1993, 1995; Rumsey 2001; Tacon

1999).

The intersection of Dreaming tracks and creative events produces Dreaming places, which are named after and associated with a particular mythological event

(Morphy 1995). Because of their spatial nature, the actions of the ancestral heroes are fixed on particular landscape features, as related in the songs and stories associated with each place. Trees, rocks, water holes and other prominent features represent the body parts, campsites and actions of ancestral heroes. Dreaming places tend to be locations where the upper, middle and/or lower worlds meat, providing a striking visual connection between different realms. This includes places of drastic natural change such as mountains, volcanoes, steep valleys and gorges, points of change in geology, hydrology or vegetation such as sudden elevation changes, waterfalls and the boundaries of

86 vegetation communities, unusual landscape features such as peaks and caves or places with large views of a diverse landscape. At these places, ancestral beings “sat down” and stayed forever, becoming the features seen at that place. In this way, landscape features are the physical manifestation of ancestral beings and, therefore, provide tangible evidence to modern human populations that the events of the Dreamtime actually happened (Layton 1995, 1999; Morphy 1995; Rapaport 1975; Tacon 1999).

In the Western Desert, for example, Ngintaka Piti is the place where the ancestral hero ngintaka (the perentie lizard), went into the ground at the end of his journey. In this story, Ngintaka was being chased by a mob of brush-tail possum. On reaching the top of the hill called Pala, he went into the ground to escape the possums. Dark spots in bare rock on the hillside are his footsteps, while white veins in the rock are the mark of his tail. After entering the ground, ngintaka became the rainbow serpent and he now releases water into the soak located here. Dreaming places such as Ngintaka Piti, where ancestral beings went into the ground, are the most important places on the landscape with the greatest concentration of spiritual power. Therefore, they are places visited regularly by

Aborigines who sing the ceremonial songs and tell the stories connected with the site

(Layton 1995:218). Stories associated with other places account for the origin of particular technologies (e.g., Morphy 1995:138) or teach ways of interacting with the environment and proper procedures for processing resources (e.g., Layton 1995:214) .

For example, a rock shelter called Taputki is the place where women in the past harvested and prepared mayi ituypa, berries that contain a bitter juice that must be removed before they can be eaten. One of the women’s digging sticks can still be seen in the form of a long boulder lying outside the rock shelter at Taputki. This story not only accounts for the

87 presence of a unique natural feature (the long rock) at this location, but also teaches people how to harvest and properly prepare the mayi ituypa berries (Layton 1995:214).

While traveling along Dreaming tracks, Aboriginal groups are constantly aware that they are interacting with the ancestors and that their actions can alter the living landscape. Therefore, human groups stop at each place to perform rituals which release the ancestral power concentrated there. Rituals undertaken at Dreaming places celebrate and re-enact the actions of ancestral heroes, ensure the abundance and renewal of resources and teach appropriate morals and codes of behaviour. The Aborigines believe that resources will dry up if the rituals described in the Dreamtimes stories are not conducted. At some places, the creative power of the ancestor who made that place can be released through simple ceremonies such as rubbing or striking a rock. At other places, more elaborate rituals to commemorate the travels of the ancestors are performed. In turn, the ceremonies performed at Dreaming places by the living keep the Dreaming alive.

These rituals ultimately renew the group’s relationship with the ancestors and the land and ensure the success and renewal of important resources (Layton 1997, 1999; Morphy

1993, 1995; Smith 1999). Consequently, the presence of Dreaming places and their associated oral traditions “intimately link people to place…[and] also provide a lifelong association between people and ‘an invisible but co-existing spiritual world’” (McNiven

2004:334).

Attachment to particular Dreaming places is the basis for clan estate ownership and is legitimized through inheritance. A person gains rights to a place through clan association with a particular totemic ancestor who created that place. Each clan originated as the offspring of one of the ancestral heroes and is responsible for the land

88 and places held by that estate. The boundaries of clan estates are defined by the Dreaming tracks of the totemic ancestors. The knowledge, songs and stories connected with a particular place are known only by those people who have a clan association with it.

Therefore, each group knows only a part of the story and must work together with their neighbours for the story to be complete and all places to be cared for. Therefore,

Dreaming places also serve a social purpose, as individuals of different backgrounds meet at points on the Dreaming track to share knowledge, connect with the place and its ancestral hero, and renew modern social relationships. This also serves to reinforce and reproduce the cultural and social structure of current Aborigine society (Layton 1995,

1997; McNiven 2004; Rumsey 2001; Smith 1999; Tacon 1999; Thorley 2002).

The core events seen in Dreamtime stories can often be tied to environmental events for which there is scientific evidence. For example, the Ngarrindjeri of the

Western Desert have a Dreamtime story in which the sea waters rose and cut off a small land area from the mainland, forming Kangaroo Island. Scientists have also recorded this rise in water levels, which occurred approximately 8,000 years ago. Similarly, other

Dreamtime stories describe the megafauna, which are known scientifically to have died out between thirty and forty thousand years ago. By linking stories with scientifically studied events, we are able to demonstrate that many oral histories are of great antiquity.

However, there is a tendency among Western researchers to accept the age of these environmental changes but to ignore the narrative associated with them and implications for time depth of these stories (Smith and Jackson 2006).

For Aborigines, the date of the event is irrelevant, something Western researchers may find difficult to accept. Dreaming sites are not relics of the past, but are of current

89 cultural significance and treating them correctly ensures the proper order of the world.

There is a concentration of spiritual energy at these places, which creates an emotional attachment to place. This energy is derived from the spirits of the ancestors and, consequently, is important in defining identity. Movement of Aboriginal groups is marked by the spatial sequence of places visited during travel, which re-enacts the travel of the ancestral heroes. The actions of the ancestors are further re-enacted in ritual and represented in paintings and sacred objects (Clarke 2003; McNiven 2004; Memmott and

Long 2002; Stewart and Strathern 2001; Tacon 1999; Thorley 2002). In this way, the landscape mediates between the present and a mythical age, and connects the living with each other, the ancestors and the land. By moving through the landscape, human groups re-enact mythical journeys and learn about their ancestral past. At the same time, the landscape and ancestors intervene to change the course of human action. For the

Aborigines, the landscape is a cultural construct that explains social organization, connects and mediates with the environment and provides interpretations and memories of historical events (Morphy 1993, 1999; Rapaport 1975; Rumsey 2001; Tacon 1999).

Western Apache

Wisdom sits in places. It’s like water that never drives up. You need to drink to stay alive, don’t you? Well, you also need to drink from places. You must remember everything about them. You must learn their names. You must remember what happened at them long ago…[Then] you will walk a long way and live a long time. You will be wise (Basso 1996:127).

In Wisdom Sits in Places: Landscape and Language Among the Western Apache,

Keith Basso (1996) has written one of the most influential anthropological studies regarding human perception of landscape and its social and ideological importance.

Initially, Basso set out to create a map of places that are important to the Apache people.

90 In the process, he discovered that the Apache have an intense personal attachment to the cultural landscape. This landscape, in turn, has embedded stories, morals, ethics and the inherent power to maintain the group’s cultural identity and spiritual and social well- being (Basso 1996).

For the Apache the experience of place is equivalent to “knowing their country”

(Basso 1996:4). The creation of each place is fundamentally a cultural activity and, consequently, its meaning can only be understood within the framework of the particular

Apache cultural ideas and practices that created it. Place names are the words of the ancestors. They create a picture of the place, describe historic events and invest the landscape with a moral dimension. Place names not only depict the visual experience of place, but identify a proper way of viewing them on the landscape and the appropriate direction from which to approach. Stories and oral traditions are spatially anchored to places. Together, the combination of places names and stories provides a culturally specific understanding of the symbolic importance of geographic features and creates personal connections between people and place. For the Apache, knowledge is gained by observing places, learning their Apache names, and reflecting on the meaning of the associated narratives (Basso 1996).

Apache stories include myths, historical tales, sagas and gossip stories. Myths relate events that took place ‘in the beginning’ and describe how the world came to be.

Sagas narrate events that occurred in modern times, for the primary purpose of relaxation and entertainment. Gossip stories recount rumors about the personal business of others.

Historical tales describe events that took place ‘long ago’, during the time when the

Western Apache were developing their unique customs. Historical stories are primarily

91 moral tales, criticizing inappropriate actions and teaching proper behaviour. Among the

Apache, place-names figure most prominently among this latter category of story. These tales often begin with a disruptive social act, and conclude with a reminder that such trouble would not have occurred if the people in the story had behaved as they were taught. Furthermore, each story is framed with an opening and closing line that identify the place at which the events in the story occurred. In this way, by visiting places and telling stories, the Apache teach morals and culturally appropriate ways of behaving

(Basso 1996).

For example, Basso (1996:24) documented an Apache place called Shades of

Shit, associated with the following story:

It happened here at Shades of Shit They had much corn, those people that lived here, and their relatives had only a little. They refused to share it. Their relatives begged them but still they refused to share it. Then their relatives got angry and forced them to stay at home. They wouldn’t let them go anywhere, not even to defecate. So they had to do it at home. Their shades filled up with it. There was more and more of it! It was very bad! Those people got sick and nearly died. Then their relatives said, “You have brought this on yourselves. Now you live in shades of shit!”. Finally they agreed to share their corn. It happened at Shades of Shit (Basso 1996:24).

The story associated with Shades of Shit demonstrates the importance of sharing with one’s kin in times of hardship, and reminds the Apache of the consequences for refusing to share.

Speaking even a single place name can produce a mental image of a particular location, bring to mind the story associated with it, remind an individual of proper behaviour as described in the story, convey support and concern for an individual, offer practical advice through the story associated with that place, turn an individual to more

92 optimistic thoughts and/or help a person to heal. When someone has behaved inappropriately, speaking to them in places names is a socially accepted way of pointing out the flaws in their behaviour. Additionally, it serves as a poignant reminder of the lessons associated with each place. If a person takes the lessons of the story to heart, a permanent bond will be created between that individual and the place at which the story occurred (Basso 1996).

For the Apache, places and place names are “spatial conceptions of history”

(Basso 1996:34) that cannot be advantageously avoided. Knowledge of place, knowledge of self and knowledge of the tribal past are intimately intertwined. Features of the landscape serve as symbols of a way of living, of moral teachings and of Apache history.

Apache elders believe that when their children leave the reserve and go away from these places, they forget the teachings of the landscape and this is what leads them into trouble.

For this reason, the Apache cannot afford to lose the land, as geographic features serve as mnemonic pegs of Apache traditions and ensure health and success. As long as the

Apache still have the places, they will still have the stories as the two are inseparable

(Basso 1996).

Blackfoot

Napi came to live among the people to teach a good way of life. He taught them two very sacred precepts: to hold the sacred ways of Naatosi and to be faithful and obedient to the natural laws of balance. These are the precepts that maintain the cultural integrity of Siksikaitsitapi (Bastien 2004:89).

The Blackfoot landscape is no exception to this pattern with networks of named places and paths constituting a “concrete representation of the Niitsitapi landscape”

(Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2006:381). Natural objects and animals have spirits who have

93 ongoing relationships with human beings, communicated through prayers, fasts, dreams and visions (Bastien 2004; Stark and Wood 1997). Sacred places are focal points of the spiritual energy of the ancestors and serve as a repository for the history and oral traditions of the group. Oral traditions explain how places were created and their significance to the Blackfoot world, as well as detail associated songs, sacred objects and specific rituals that should be practiced to commemorate their creation. Encoded in these stories are morals and codes of behaviour that indicate how all things on the earth should be treated. Places on the Northwestern Plains landscape, therefore, should not be seen simply as resources patches, but must be recognized as mnemonic pegs of Blackfoot culture and areas where spiritual power is concentrated (Bastien 2004; Oetelaar 2008;

Oetelaar and Meyer 2006; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2006, 2010).

During their seasonal round, Blackfoot groups moved from place to place following a network of established trails which connected landmarks and their associated narratives, songs and rituals. This movement served as a strategy to fulfill the group’s social and ceremonial obligations. Furthermore, these places would be revisited year after year, creating clusters of sites along the trail network and evidence of repeated use at sacred places (Basso 1996; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2006; Oetelaar and Olson 2000; Tilley

1997). The Blackfoot creation story indicates that Napi traveled south to north along the

Old North Trail as he created the world. He became tired from all of this work, climbed to the top of a small hill and laid down to rest, marking himself out with stones. Stone effigies of men, interpreted as Napi, are found at fifteen locations on the Northwestern

Plains of Alberta and Saskatchewan, one adjacent to the Old North Trail. These effigies are the resting places of Napi (Bryan 2005:77-78; Grinnell 1962:137-144; Stark and

94 Wood 1997; Vickers 2003). The seasonal round of the Blackfoot people re-enacts the movements of Napi as he created the Blackfoot world. By retracing Napi’s steps, stopping at the same places and performing the same ceremonies in the same order, each group is able to connect with their spirituality and ensure the blessing of the spirits

(Oetelaar 2012; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2006, 2010).

Napi stories discuss the origins and existence of Blackfoot culture, the nature and origin of geographical features in Blackfoot territory, and culturally appropriate behaviours. Napi often behaved inappropriately and consequently upset the balance of life. Through his actions, the Blackfoot are taught how they should treat one another and the world. Many of these stories are tied to particular places in Alberta and Montana, and explain the cultural significance of each place. The morals taught in Blackfoot stories emphasize the fundamental nature of respect and balance, including proper ways of communicating with the spirits (Bastien 2004; Oetelaar 2006, 2008, 2010; Oetelaar and

Oetelaar 2006).

The legend of Napi and the Rock, for example, teaches morals related to generosity and humbleness, but also explains the origin of the Foothills Erratics Train through Alberta and Montana as well as the physical characteristics of several animal species. In this story, Napi was traveling along the Old North Trail with kit fox when forced to carry his robe in his arms by the sun’s heat. Napi was tired and the day warm, so he stopped at a very large rock, gave his robe to the rock and carried on his way.

Before long, the temperature dropped and rain began to fall. Because he was cold and wet, Napi decided to send kit fox back to retrieve his robe. The rock was very angry with this, as now that it was inconvenient for him Napi wanted to take back his gift. Kit fox

95 ran back to Napi and told him what the rock had said. Now Napi was angry, so he went back to the rock, took his robe and told the rock how ungrateful it was being. Napi and kit fox had not gone far down the trail when the rock, now even angrier than before, came barrelling down on them from behind. Napi ran and ran trying to get away from the rock, but he could not. Many animals tried to stop the rock and save Napi but were unable to do so. As they tried to intervene, each animal was forever marked by their encounter with the rock. This explains the morphological traits of many animals, for example the squashed nose of the bat and the flat tail of the beaver. Finally, when Napi was about to give up, the nighthawks came and began to fart on the rock, causing large pieces to break off. Ultimately, the rock split into two pieces no longer big enough to harm Napi and rolled to a stop (Bullchild 1985:167-171; Grinnell 1962:165-166; McClintock 1910:342;

Oetelaar 2012; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2010). This story is important in the context of the current study, as the legend of Napi and the rock explains the presence of a natural anomaly, the Foothills Erratics Train, in Alberta and Montana. The erratics are believed to be the remains of the rock that chased Napi, and, consequently, are focal points of spiritual power (Blackfoot Gallery Committee 2001:8; Bryan 2005:144). In other stories,

Napi made plants, animals and humans and established the relationships between them.

In each case, as he moved across the landscape, Napi had a series of adventures which physically altered the natural environment, leaving a reminder of his escapades for future generations (Oetelaar 2012; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2010; Vickers 2003).

Napi’s places are perhaps the most significant in a series of spiritual locations along the Old North Trail, but there were other sacred places as well, both named and unnamed. For example, while traveling with the Blackfoot in the late 1800s, Walter

96 McClintock (1910:155) documented the practice of stopping to camp at tree groves, the resting places of the ancestors. At each important place, sacred relationships between humans and spirits are maintained through rituals in which the Blackfoot communicate with spirits. Ceremonies honoring the spirits occur in the lodge or at focal points on the landscape where portals such as caves and springs provide access to other worlds. Rituals conducted at each place make the associated stories real, and teach history, natural laws and proper moral and ethical conduct. In addition, they ensure the renewal of each place and the resources associated with it. Because of the Blackfoot peoples’ intense attachment to place, it is unlikely that trails or sites were abandoned when resources became scarce. They believed scarcity was caused by inadequacies in their dealings with the spiritual world and, therefore, abandonment of centers of spiritual energy would only worsen the problem (Bastien 2004; Oetelaar 2008, 2010; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2006,

2010).

Northwestern Plains Landmarks

[T]he Niitsitapi anchor specific components of their collective memory to prominent landmarks and use these mnemonic devices to recall the relevant sectors of their oral traditions during their annual pilgrimage across the landscape (Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2010:69).

On the Northwestern Plains, the landscape model of site distribution proposes that people moved from place to place following a network of established trails which connected landmarks and their associated narratives, songs and rituals. Since this model relies on culturally specific variables such as the location of named places, the theoretical framework will be unique to each particular group, even if two groups inhabit the same geographic territory. In this research, the Blackfoot people are the group of interest as they were the primary (though not sole) inhabitants of the study region in the Late

97 Prehistoric Period. In the study region (the wintering grounds of the Blackfoot people), settlements should occur in the vicinity of landmarks such as glacial erratics, hills, river crossings, groves and springs that remain visible even when the landscape is covered with snow. Moreover, the landmarks should have names and narratives indicating their cultural importance to the Blackfoot people and their association with spirits and mythical beings. The importance and use of these types of landmarks and their location within the study region will be detailed below.

Cottonwood Groves

George Dawson (1884) mapped a series of large tree groves in creek and river valleys on the southern Alberta prairie, which were important stopping places for

Blackfoot groups (McClintock 1910; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2003). The purpose of the

Geological Survey of Canada’s work, with which Dawson was associated, was to lay out the township grid and prepare for the arrival of homesteaders. These surveyors focused on documentation of resources important to the settlers, including wood. Consequently,

Dawson’s (1884) map is believed to be an accurate representation of the vegetation present in the study region prior to European colonization.

Several lines of evidence suggest that prehistoric human populations in this region played a role in the creation and continued presence of the groves. Cottonwood groves are found along known trails and are regularly spaced 14 to 16 kilometres apart, the approximate distance a dog and travois is able to travel in a single day (Amundsen-Meyer

2013b; Dawson 1884; Henderson 1994; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2003). According to several ethnographers (e.g., Fidler 1991; McClintock 1910; Schultz 2002), the groves were common stopping places for the Blackfoot people. The concentration of resources at

98 these places, their placement along important trails and their presence at frequently used river or creek crossings and fords is unlikely to be a coincidence; there was a degree of human management of the groves (Amundsen-Meyer 2013b; Oetelaar and Oetelaar

2003).

The importance of wood to the Blackfoot is reflected in many of their place names, which include “tall trees”, “point of timber running out”, “the only place of woods” and “many woodpeckers” (Dawson 1884; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2003). Napi stories tied to these resource islands recount codes of behaviour for proper treatment of the environment, among other things. Therefore, visiting the cottonwood groves and telling the stories associated with them ensures appropriate treatment of the environment and, consequently, resource renewal. In addition, the Blackfoot ‘buried’ their dead on scaffolds in managed tree groves. This allowed the sun, the ultimate deity, to reach the body, causing it to decay and releasing the spirit of the individual. Placing the bodies of deceased relatives in the groves created an attachment to place, as the spirits of the ancestors inhabit the groves where their bodies were placed. For example, Mclintock’s

(1910) Blackfoot guide Onesta took him to a grove near one of their camps along the Old

North Trail, where they visited:

... the grave of an aged medicine woman in a big cottonwood tree. The body rested on a rude scaffold of poles among the branches, surrounded with utensils and articles of clothing for use in the spirit world. In another tree were the bodies of two Blood women from Canada, who had died while on a visit to relatives. From the branches hung ornaments of beadwork — sacrifices by women who mourned (McClintock 1910:15).

Furthermore, it was these ancestors who created the resource islands which are maintained by the living community. In this way, resource management tied the living

99 community to the ancestors and to the land and ensured both cultural and ecological continuity. This function is limited to managed cottonwood groves, and does not extend to continuous lines of wooded vegetation present in some river valleys (Gladstone 1967;

Grinnell 1962; Kidd 1986; McClintock 1910; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2003; Oetelaar 2008,

2010, 2012; Oetelaar and Meyer 2006; Stavely-Hill 2007). On the Northwestern Plains, therefore, cottonwood groves are sacred places and their locations (shown in Figure 6) should affect the patterning of archaeological remains. There should be a preference for site locations within or immediately adjacent to these features, as suggested by

McClintock (1910).

Springs

Rituals to commemorate the sacred relationship between human beings and the spirits occur at focal points on the landscape. These focal points are frequently natural features which connect the Middle World with either the Upper or Lower Worlds.

Landforms and features that bridge realms, such as springs, are often inherently sacred, as they connect people with the spirits of another domain. Specifically, springs bridge

Middle and Lower Worlds, facilitating communication between human groups and

Lower World spirits (the Under Water People - Sooyiitapiiksi – fish and animals that live both in the water and on land such as beavers). The Blackfoot leave offerings to these water spirits at springs. In addition, the Blackfoot leave offerings at locations where they cross water bodies and courses to ensure safe passage (Conaty 1995; Kidd 1986; Oetelaar

2012; Sundstrom 2003).

Blackfoot groups would also have stopped at springs to tell the story of the

Bunched Stars, as related below:

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Figure 6. Cottonwood groves (ca. 1884) in the overall study region.

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The six brothers grew up, taunted by their peers for having only poor brown robes, made of old buffalo skins, to wear. The other children had nice red robes from buffalo calves, which their parents got for them with every spring. Finally, the boys decided to leave the ridicule and escape to the sky country. The eldest brother initiated the escape from their misery, but it was the fourth brother who decided to pass the misery on by taking all the water away from the people. Once in sky country, the Moon took pity on the boys and persuaded the Sun to withhold water from the people for seven days. The next day on earth was so very hot, all the water in the lakes and streams boiled until it evaporated. Then, the people took two dogs to the river bed and the dogs began to dig a hole in the bank. After they had dug a long time, “...water came out of the hole like a spring. This is the way springs were made. Even to this day, all the people have great respect for their dogs because of this.” Over the next days, the people dug holes in the hills, and crawled into them. It was so hot above ground, they would have died there. When the water in the springs gave out, the dogs dug other springs. On the seventh day, the leader of the dogs, a medicine-dog, prayed to the Sun and Moon, explaining the former life of the boys and asking for pity. On the eighth day, the people were granted rain. It was a tremendous rain, which lasted for a long time. The six boys remained in the sky, where they became the Bunched Star (Wissler and Duvall 1908:71-72).

The story of the Bunched Stars contains several important pieces of information. This story explains the origin of the constellation Pleiades and its use in timing the buffalo hunt, as well as the origin of springs and their importance for survival in a region where many creeks and rivers run seasonally dry. Finally, in this story the Blackfoot also relate a tale that reminds people to treat the less fortunate with respect and kindness (Bastien

2004; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2003; Yellowhorn 2002).

During their seasonal round, the Blackfoot people would stop to camp at springs because they needed perform the appropriate rituals. They would also have left offerings to the water spirits and other spirits of the Lower World at these places (McClintock

1910; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2003; Oetelaar 2012; Sundstrom 2003). For these purposes,

102 it would have been necessary to be in direct proximity to the spring, although the spring could be traveled to specifically for this purpose from a camp located elsewhere. Within the study region, one never has to travel more than approximately two kilometers to reach water in some form (springs, sloughs, creeks, rivers, etc,). The distribution of springs, however, is much more discrete, with these features concentrated along the eastern slopes of the foothills, on the banks of rivers, and in upland areas such as the Porcupine Hills,

Hand Hills and Wintering Hills, as shown in Figure 7.

Glacial Erratics

Glacial erratics, large pink quartzite boulders protruding from the prairie, are prominent, easily visible features on the Northwestern Plains landscape. These features are concentrated in a largely north-south linear distribution, shown in Figure 8, adjacent to the eastern slopes of the foothills in Alberta and Montana. According to Western science, the boulders of the Foothills Erratics Train were transported from Mount Edith

Cavell by the movement of the glaciers, and deposited at their present location by the recession of the Cordilleran ice sheet (Stalker 1956). According to Blackfoot oral tradition, the glacial erratics were deposited at their current location when pieces flew off the rock chasing Napi, as described in the Napi story related above (Bullchild 1985:167-

171; Grinnell 1962:165-166; McClintock 1910:342). Given that Napi is believed to have been traveling along the Old North Trail at the time of this event, we expect to find a close association between these landmarks and the location of the Old North Trail in southern Alberta.

Due to their connection with Napi, glacial erratics would have been focal points of spiritual energy on the landscape. All erratics are significant to the Blackfoot.

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Figure 7. Known springs in the overall study region.

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Figure 8. Location of glacial erratics in the overall study region.

105 However, split erratics hold even greater power as these erratics represent the Rock at its final resting place. For these reasons, Blackfoot groups should choose travel routes across the landscape that took them closer to these sacred rocks. While visiting an erratic, individuals would perform rituals and leave offerings to honour the ancestors and Napi, and may ‘bury’ their dead on top of the rock. Additionally, stopping at these places and telling the story of Napi and the Rock would teach Blackfoot youth an important code of behaviour related to gift giving. Offerings may also be left to ensure safe passage, as winter travel in this region can be dangerous and erratics are visible, dark markers on a snow-covered landscape (Brink 1981; Oetelaar 2012). Consequently, Blackfoot groups would need to access glacial erratics directly. Like springs, this could include stopping at these features, leading to clusters of sites around them. Alternatively, these sacred places may have been accessed solely for spiritual purposes, in which case camp locations within one half day’s walk would be appropriate.

Named Places

As shown earlier, place names serve as mnemonic pegs of oral history and codes of behaviour and, consequently, tie the living to the ancestors, their history and the land.

These places must be returned to year after year in order to tell the stories, perform the associated rituals and ensure the health of the place and its resources. Consequently, in addition to their physical characteristics and ecological use:

Places also reach across time, making elements of the past accessible to those who have not yet experienced them directly. In this sense, places are not only situated in historical time and space, but they also situate time and space through their symbolism, be it in place-names or other associations, that succinctly reference events of the past (Thornton 2008:16).

106 Blackfoot elders indicate that a band of named places lies along the east edge of the mountains and in the foothills region, the precise area through which the Old North

Trail runs (Blackfoot Gallery Committee 2001:50). Several of the places most central to

Blackfoot cosmology are located along the Eastern edge of the Rocky Mountains (which also have a name – Mistokis) including Chief Mountain (home of Thunder) in Montana’s

Glacier National Park, Crowsnest Mountain (home of Raven) in Alberta’s Crowsnest

Pass, and Swan’s Bill in Alberta’s Banff National Park (Blackfoot Gallery Committee

2001; Oetelaar 2006, 2012). All of these peaks would have been visible from the Old

North Trail.

Within the study region, Old Women’s Buffalo Jump (EcPl-16), located near

Cayley, Alberta and Women’s Buffalo Jump (EbPk-4/15), located near Claresholm,

Alberta were visible from the Old North Trail, and likely served as discernible markers of its route. Many other named places are found throughout the study region, including

Willow Creek, Mosquito Creek, Ghost P’iskun, Lee’s Creek, “Big Stone”, the Sheep

River (Ee tooki up),Okotoks (a ford of the Sheep River with many erratics), Calgary

(moh-kíns-tsis – the elbow), High River (Spitzee – Tall Wood), Tongue Flag Creek,

Sitook Sparkoy (“heights between the rivers”) and many more (Barsh and Marlor 2003;

Dawson 1884; McClintock 1910; Reeves 1991). The particular placement of named places in each study area is shown in Figure 9 through 11.

What was the purpose of these named places and how would they have been used? As already discussed, named places serve as mnemonic pegs of Blackfoot culture and oral traditions and, as such, were important stopping places. Visits to a named place could have been accomplished in two ways: 1) by stopping immediately adjacent to/in

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Figure 9. Named places in the Willow Creek study area. 108

Figure 10. Named places in the Calgary study area.

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Figure 11. Named places in the Okotoks study area.

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the proximity of the named place or 2) stopping at a location where one can view the named place from the appropriate direction. In either case, these stopping places would be returned to year after year, as subsequent generations returned to tell the story of each named place (see, for example, Oetelaar 2012; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2006, 2010). One final note is pertinent here. Depending on the nature of the story associated with a named place, that place has the power to either draw people near or push them away. If the story teaches morals, relates history, etc., then groups will be drawn to it due to its positive association. However, if the story tied to a named place is associated with bad spirits, people may specifically avoid that place due to its negative connotation. In the latter case, human groups may detour around the place with bad spirits and may even detour far enough that it is not visible (Basso 1990; David and Wilson 1999; Munn 1996).

Other Landmarks

A few additional landmarks are relevant to evaluation of the phenomenological model on the Northwestern Plains. Any prominent geographic feature such as a canyon, butte, hill or other unique feature that stands out from the landscape, named or unnamed, may have ideological connotations. Unusual natural features are often linked with mythical spirits and heroes, because the origin of their strange form cannot be explained any other way. Therefore, like named places, either the ability to see these landmarks from the appropriate direction or direct access to them should influence human movement across the Northwestern Plains. Additionally, prominent landmarks with good panoramic or 360 degree views can be spiritual places (e.g., vision quest sites). In this case, individuals would need to access that landmark, but it would have been what is visible from it that was likely most important. These landmarks allow an individual to

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orient themselves to the landscape and can also provide views of other sacred sites.

Finally, stream confluences and the locations of fords are often considered to be sacred

(Oetelaar 2012; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2006; Sundstrom 2003).

Archaeological Signature of Attachment to Place

Siksikaitsitapi have always attempted to align themselves with the sacred power and intelligence of the universe through the development of their particular identity and social order, through sacrifices and offerings...the rituals, songs, and practices of ceremony map out the proper thought and behaviour required; at the same time, they delineate the proper and necessary behaviour for all other relationships (Bastien 2004:148).

Because the cultural landscape is viewed by indigenous groups as a unit consisting of places, paths and stories, it is necessary to access this network of places and paths archaeologically in order to order to reconstruct a culturally meaningful landscape.

On the Northwestern Plains, the importance of sacred places should be reflected in settlement patterns, with archaeological sites clustering around sacred places. Stewart, et al. (2004) noted this pattern among the Inuit, observing clusters of archaeological sites around four named caribou crossings. Similarly, clusters of archaeological sites used by

Australian Aborigines are found grouped around Dreaming places (e.g., Morphy 1993).

Given that sacred places must be returned to year after year to tell the associated stories and perform the necessary rituals, we expect to see clustering of archaeological sites, strong evidence of continuity in cultural traditions and re-use of archaeological sites at or near sacred places. Finally, Oetelaar and Oetelaar (2006) have suggested that this perception of landscape creates a settlement pattern in which archaeological sites show evidence of repeated occupation at important places with temporary camps along trails connecting them.

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Since people stop at sacred places to tell stories and perform the appropriate ceremonies, we expect to see clusters of archaeological sites around important landmarks including cottonwood groves, springs, glacial erratics and named places as well as within sight of these features. While immediate proximity to groves is of importance, clusters within one half day’s walk of springs and erratics may be sufficient as this would allow human groups to access these features for specifically ritual purposes. Furthermore, named places and glacial erratics should be visible from travel routes through the study region to guide Blackfoot groups through their ancestral journey.

In site clusters around important landmarks there should be evidence of ritual production. Ritual can be indicated directly by the type of archaeological site present, a point which will be returned to. However, ritual can also be indicated by maintenance of archaeological sites and the patterned disposal of remains. The Mistassini Cree, for example, ‘clean’ their winter hunting camp before abandoning it, a process that includes painting leftover animal bones and hanging them in the trees. If their former camp is not left in the proper condition, the Mistassini believe the spirits of the game animals will be offended and will not return to the area. Once a campsite has been cleaned, it becomes a sacred place. Although the Mistassini will return, they will not reoccupy the same site, even at the point where the resources have been replenished making it theoretically possible to do so. Instead, the Mistassini pick a new, ‘clean’, campsite nearby so as not to offend the spirits that aid in hunting (Tanner 1979). For this reason, reoccupation of winter hunting camps is rare, a fact which will be reflected in the archaeological record.

This leads to a large number of archaeological sites in a small area, as well as a distinct pattern of animal remains within the archaeological record. In the Cree case, each group

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of households was responsible for a specific set of places and their associated stories. In this way, households ensure cultural and natural renewal of the entire landscape through collaboration with their neighbours (Brightman 2002; Tanner 1979). Similarly, Oetelaar

(2014) suggests that burnt bone recovered in bone beds at kill sites on the Northwestern

Plains is evidence of anthropogenic burning of the unused parts of bison carcasses and represents the ritual disposal of these remains by the Blackfoot people.

Likewise, archaeological sites which include ideological constructs should be found at or marking sacred places, or at a place on the landscape from which a sacred place is visible. Archaeological expressions of ritual activity on the Northwestern Plains include rock art, ribstones, medicine wheels, effigies and other stone alignments, and vision quest features. Cairns associated with trails may also have spiritual significance.

These ideological constructs may have different patterns of distribution on the landscape than sites focused on resource extraction or camp activities, as culturally significant places may be traveled to for specifically ritual purposes, as in the case of the vision quest. Furthermore, sites with ideological constructs and sacred places will, in many cases, be visually interlinked, creating a mutually inter-visible line of ideologically important places across the landscape (Blakeslee and Blasing 1988:20; Davis and Vinson

1980:134; Oetelaar and Meyer 2006:358; Reeves 1990b:6).

On the Northwestern Plains, therefore, we should look for archaeological evidence of attachment to place, in relation to the landmarks defined above, in a number of ways. There should be clusters of archaeological sites at or near sacred places. These sites should show evidence of repeated use and continuity in cultural traditions. In addition, evidence of ritual, such as the ritual maintenance of campsites demonstrated for

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the Mistissini Cree, should be visible. Finally, there should be evidence of ritual activity and ideological constructs which mark or are visible from sacred places. In contrast, locations in between sacred places should show evidence of less intensive use, as suggested by Oetelaar and Oetelaar (2006).

An example of how important places can be identified archaeologically is seen in the work of David and Wilson (1999), who examine human use of the region surrounding

Ngarrabullgan, an Aboriginal Dreaming mountain in Northeast Australia. By studying changes in the way that people interacted with their surroundings from the Holocene to the present day, David and Wilson (1999) investigate changes in the construction of self, place and identity through the archaeological record on and near Ngarrabullgan. This mountain is the home of Eekoo (mountain devil) and Barmboo (water devils), both dangerous spirits. Archaeologically, evidence of human occupation on the mountain itself is very sparse, a distinct contrast to the surrounding area. This lack of use is not because the mountain is not suitable for habitation. In fact, permanent sources of water are more abundant on the mountain than off, and pollen cores show environmental stability over the last 6,000 years. These water resources were exploited until approximately AD 1400.

Additionally, rock-art on the mountain includes different motifs (primarily hand stencils) than elsewhere and more elaborate paintings. Based on this evidence, David and Wilson

(1999) argue that while there is some evidence of visitation of Ngarrabullgan, human use of the mountain is on a different scale and of a different kind than in the nearby areas.

The lesser degree of occupation is likely due to the fact that the mountain is home to bad spirits, making habitation of it dangerous, as suggested by ethnographic work in the region. Furthermore, the authors are able to document that this pattern begins sometime

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in the 13th or 14th century. This suggests that the Dreamtime ideology, in which the meaning attributed to the mountain is one of evil, is introduced around this time (David and Wilson 1999). Overall, the archaeological evidence examined by David and Wilson

(1999) indicate the emergence of a new cosmology approximately 600 years ago and that this worldview is the same as that recorded ethnographically in the region.

Discussion

…anthropology still faces the daunting task of relating the environment and cultural diversity in a consistent theoretical fashion (Kelly 2007:39).

The relationship between the environment and human culture has been a subject of study in anthropology for many years (e.g., Bettinger 1991; Steward 1955b; White

1949). This may, in part, be due to the fact that there is no agreement among anthropologists on the role of the environment in shaping human culture. As they have been presented by archaeologists in the past, ecological and phenomenological models of land use for the Northwestern Plains represent competing views on the nature of the relationship between ecology and human culture and how this relationship influences settlement patterning in the region. In both cases movement of human groups on the landscape is key, but the purpose of this movement is very different.

In phenomenological models, the study of places, paths and human movement between them is central to understanding past cultures. In this approach, hunter-gatherers do not simply map on to resources in a slowly changing, naturally created environment.

Instead, hunter-gatherers work within a landscape that is the product of human creation and humans are seen as the primary mechanism of change in the environment (Balée

2006; Botkin 1990; Crumley 1994; Erickson 2008; Whitehead 1998). From this point of

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view, movement is designed to visit culturally significant landmarks and tell the associated stories. Phenomenological approaches, like their ecological counterparts, attempt to understand site locations relative to features on the landscape. However, phenomenology views named places and culturally important landmarks as being more important rather than resource patches. The cultural landscape that is created and maintained by human groups through their daily activities influenced the choices of these human groups (e.g., Stewart, et al. 2004; Tanner 1979). In this sense, phenomenological models suggest human behaviour creates ecology as part of cultural landscape.

Chapter Summary

In this chapter, the phenomenological model of Northwestern Plains settlement patterning was presented. Places and paths are the primary influence on human behaviour because human groups must habitually return to these places to tell the associated stories and perform the required rituals. In the study region, this means that Blackfoot site selection will be affected by the location of important landmarks, in particular cottonwood groves, springs, glacial erratics and named places. Each of these landmarks is associated with names and narratives indicating their cultural importance to the Blackfoot people and their association with spirits and mythical beings. The importance of phenomenological variables will be visible archaeologically in several key ways.

Archaeological sites should cluster in and around sacred places. Since these places must be returned to year after year, there should be strong evidence of continuity in cultural traditions and re-use of archaeological sites in these clusters. Evidence of ritual activity should be found in site clusters and may be most strongly associated with important landmarks.

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The chapters that follow use spatial statstics and descriptive spatial analysis tools within GIS as heuristic tools for evaluating both ecological and phenomenological models of settlement patterning on the Northwestern Plains. In the next chapter, data sources used in analysis of land use models are discussed and the spatial analysis methods used to understand Northwestern Plains settlement patterns briefly reviewed.

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CHAPTER 5: DATA AND METHODS

Introduction

This chapter presents an overview of the datasets and general methods used in this research. Preliminary analysis of the Willow Creek study area, which allowed for identification of major data gaps, is discussed and the field methods designed to correct these gaps detailed. A data dictionary is provided, detailing the sources of error present in each dataset and how they were addressed. To conclude, the techniques of spatial analysis used here are introduced and common pitfalls in the practice of GIS in archaeology discussed. Critical assessment of the data used for spatial analysis is essential to understanding the sources of error present in each. This understanding will allow appropriate spatial analysis methodologies to be devised and will provide greater insight into the causes of relationships identified between landscape variables and archaeological sites.

Preliminary Analysis

Preliminary spatial analysis of the Willow Creek study area was undertaken early in this research as a feasibility case study. This original assessment of the models used the locations of known archaeological sites included in the sites inventory at the

Archaeological Survey of Alberta, the location of the Macleod Trail and associated cottonwood groves (Dawson 1884), glacial erratics (Stalker 1956) and springs (Borneuf

1983). Finally, the identification and location of some culturally significant places was obtained from Dr. Gerald Oetelaar. All of these datasets were georeferenced and analyzed using a combination of GIS and spatial statistics.

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This exercise resulted in the identification of a number of problems, most notably the large degree of positional error in archaeological data collected prior to the use of global positioning systems (GPS) or before GPS signals were no longer scrambled.

Similarly, the locations of important geographic features such as erratics were reported only to the nearest section. Furthermore, since the identification of sites in the study region results primarily from cultural resource management (CRM) survey, there is no body of negative data for areas which do not include any identified sites. Therefore, patterning in site distribution identified through spatial statistics may be the result of sampling bias. Additionally, these archaeological sites have been recorded over a long time period by a large number of researchers, leading to inconsistency in identification of site type and in site descriptions. To address these shortcomings in the data, a field program in the Willow Creek study area was conducted in 2011 and 2012. This study area was targeted as a large portion of it remains native prairie used for grazing cattle.

The purpose of these surveys and field methodology utilized are discussed below

2011 Field Survey (Willow Creek Study Area)

The objective of 2011 field work in the Willow Creek study area was to increase the quality of data available in areas identified as problematic during preliminary analysis. Sites recorded prior to the use of GPS were the focus of study, primarily those recorded during a 1968 University of Calgary survey field school. When attempting spatial analysis, the exact location of the site is key information, as these analyses rely on the spatial location of sites and their relationship to both surrounding sites and landscape features. Consequently, it was important to relocate as many sites as possible in order to determine their exact position on the landscape. Additionally, although the sites were

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reported to Alberta Culture in 1968, descriptions of site type and features were often non- existent or superficial. Therefore, these sites were described and mapped in detail during

2011 fieldwork to allow more accurate assessment of their function, size and duration and seasonality of occupation (Amundsen-Meyer 2013a).

With these goals, the field project had three primary components: 1) relocating sites and recording site and feature GPS coordinates; 2) recording, mapping and photographing cultural surface features such as tipi rings, cairns, rock alignments and pictographs, and 3) locating and recording the GPS coordinates of hills, river crossings, glacial erratics, springs, and groves where possible. The latter component became secondary as it was not realistic to get landowner permission to visit all of these features and assessment of archaeological sites was deemed to be a greater priority. That being said, GPS coordinates were recorded when these landscape features were encountered

(Amundsen-Meyer 2013a). This work occurred in Borden Blocks EaPk and EbPk. To date, 252 sites have been identified in Borden Block EaPk and 45 in Borden Block EbPk.

Once relocated, GPS coordinates were recorded for each site and individual feature using a hand held Garmin eTREX 20 GPS unit. Horizontal accuracy of these measurements varied between three and six meters with fluctuating satellite reception.

Detailed maps of all stone feature sites were created using a combination of total station and GPS data. Attributes recorded for each tipi ring included the inside and outside diameter of the ring, the number of stone rows in the ring, the presence or absence of a hearth or other ancillary features, the presence of any artifacts or cultural materials and the presence and orientation of any gaps or doorways. Center points, rock counts, and basic dimensions of cairns were noted. Following field work, all sites were mapped in

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ArcGIS and Adobe Illustrator (with Map Publisher) using a combination of GPS and total station data. Total station data was georeferenced using the UTM coordinates of the total station datum (Amundsen-Meyer 2013a).

Results. During approximately 11 weeks of fieldwork between May 2 and August

23, 2011, 87 sites in the Willow Creek study region were visited as part of the Pine

Coulee Survey Project (Amundsen-Meyer 2013a). The sites recorded during the 2011 field project are described in Table 2 and their location within the Willow Creek study area shown in Figure 12. This survey improved the quality of data available for the study region, in particular the location and nature of a large number of sites recorded in 1968. It also provided more detailed knowledge of features present at these sites allowing more accurate assessment of site function, seasonality and duration of occupation.

2012 Field Survey (Willow Creek Study Area)

The majority of sites revisited in 2011 and, in fact, the majority of sites recorded in the Willow Creek study area, are located on the west side of Willow Creek. Because the land base on the east side of the creek is mostly cultivated and has been for nearly a century, previous survey work has largely neglected this area. Additionally, previous survey work has concentrated along the margins of water bodies (in particular Willow

Creek in 1968 and Pine Coulee in the 1990s), which has left a large data gap in the center of the study area. It was not possible to address the latter issue as landowner permission could not be secured to visit un-surveyed land in this area (Amundsen-Meyer 2014d).

The former issue was addressed through a systematic survey of cultivated fields and pastures on the east side of Willow Creek during the 2012 field season. This survey included all fields for which landowner permission was granted within 1.5 sections of the

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Table 2. Sites recorded during 2011 field work (Amundsen-Meyer 2013a).

Borden # Type Subtype Stone Features (2011) Status Rock art EaPk-1 Burial Pictograph Revisit EaPk-2 Rock shelter Revisit EaPk-7 Stone feature Effigy Turtle effigy Revisit EaPk-17 Stone feature Cairn 1 cairn Revisit Cairn Stone circle 198 cairns Rock 5 rock alignments EaPk-18/19 Stone feature alignment 8 complete stone circles Revisit EaPk-22/43 Kill site Revisit EaPk-24 Kill site Revisit EaPk-31 Kill site Revisit EaPk-35 Kill site Revisit

Drive lane 1: 114 cairns Drive lane 2: 55 cairns Drive lane 3: 98 cairns Drive lane 4: 36 cairns Drive lane 5: 37 cairns Drive lane 6: 17 cairns Cairn 113 other cairns Drive lane 92 stone circles Stone circle 1 possible death lodge Campsite Rock 1 large effigy Stone feature alignment (horse/buffalo?) EaPk-37/108/114 Ceremonial/religious Effigy 1 rock alignment Revisit EaPk-38 Rock art Pictograph Revisit EaPk-39 Homestead Depression Revisit EaPk-40 Stone feature Stone circle Revisit EaPk-41 Stone feature Cairn 23 cairns Revisit EaPk-42 Stone feature Stone circle 2 stone circles Revisit 5 complete stone circles 1 partial stone circle EaPk-49 Stone feature Stone circle 2 external hearths Revisit EaPk-50 Stone feature Stone circle Revisit 3 complete stone circles EaPk-59 Stone feature Stone circle 1 partial stone circles EaPk-60 Stone feature Stone circle Revisit EaPk-61 Rock art Pictograph Revisit EaPk-64 Stone feature Cairn 1 cairn Revisit EaPk-73 Kill site Revisit EaPk-81 Stone feature Cairns 1 cairn Revisit EaPk-82/83 Stone feature Stone circle Revisit

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Table 2 (cont.). Sites recorded during 2011 field work (Amundsen-Meyer 2013a).

Borden # Type Subtype Stone Features (2011) Status EaPk-85 Rock shelter Revisit EaPk-86 Stone feature Stone circle 2 complete stone circles Revisit Stone feature EaPk-87 Campsite Stone circle Revisit EaPk-88 Stone feature Cairn 1 cairn Revisit EaPk-89 Stone feature Stone circle Revisit EaPk-90 Stone feature Stone circle 1 complete stone circle Revisit EaPk-92 Stone feature Stone circle 1 complete stone circle Revisit Cairn EaPk-105/106 Stone feature Drive Lane 15 cairns Revisit Stone circle 3 complete stone circles Rock 1 partial stone circle EaPk-107 Stone alignment 2 rock alignments Revisit Campsite EaPk-109 Kill site Revisit EaPk-111 Kill Revisit 8 complete stone circles EaPk-113 Stone feature Stone circle 3 partial stone circles Revisit EaPk-118 Stone feature Stone circle Revisit 11 complete stone EaPk-119 Stone feature Stone circle circles Revisit EaPk-120 Stone feature Stone circle Revisit Stone feature Rock Possible Type 1 EaPk-122 Ceremonial/religious alignment medicine wheel Revisit EaPk-124/125 Kill site Revisit Cairn Line 1: 56 cairns EaPk-126/127 Stone feature Drive lane Line 2: 18 cairns Revisit 2 complete stone circles EaPk-129 Stone feature Stone circle 1 partial stone circle Revisit EaPk-130 Stone feature Stone circle 1 complete stone circle Revisit Line 1: 76 cairns Line 2: 43 cairns Cairn 10 peripheral cairns EaPk- Drive lane 2 complete stone circles 131/132/133/134 Stone feature Stone circle 1 partial stone circle Revisit Line 1: 167 cairns Cairn Line 2: 33 cairns Drive lane 10 peripheral cairns Stone circle I complete stone circle Rock 1 partial stone circle EaPk-135 Stone feature alignment 1 rock alignment Revisit EaPK-140 Stone feature Stone circle Revisit

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Table 2 (cont.). Sites recorded during 2011 field work (Amundsen-Meyer 2013a).

Borden # Type Subtype Stone Features (2011) Status Cairn EaPk-141 Stone feature Drive lane 11 cairns Revisit EaPk-145 Kill site Revisit Ranch Barn Dwelling House EaPk-171 Police Post Outbuildings Revisit EaPk-180 Rock art Petroglyphs Revisit EaPk-222 Scatter <10 New EaPk-223 Trail Wagon ruts New 1 complete stone circle EaPk-224 Stone feature Stone circle 2 partial stone circles New EaPk-225 Trail Wagon ruts New EaPk-226 Stone feature Cairn 1 cairns New EaPk-227 Trail Wagon ruts New EaPk-228 Stone feature Stone circle 1 complete stone circle New Line 1: 37 cairns Cairn Line 2: 39 cairns EaPk-229 Stone feature Drive lane Line 3: 24 cairns New EaPk-230 Stone feature Stone circle 1 complete stone circle New EaPk-231 Trail Wagon ruts New EaPk-232 Stone feature Cairn 2 cairns New EaPk-234 Stone feature Cairn 1 cairn New Structure EaPk-235 Homestead Dump New Kill site EbPk-2/7 Campsite Revisit Kill site EbPk-4/15 Campsite Revisit EbPk-6 Rock art Pictograph Revisit Stone circle Cairn Stone feature Rock alignment EbPk-18 Ceremonial/Religious Ribstone 1 ribstone Revisit Stone feature EbPk-23 Trail Stone circle Revisit 4 complete stone circles Stone circle 3 partial stone circles EbPk-30 Stone feature Cairn 6 cairns Revisit EbPk-43 Rock art Pictograph Revisit EbPk-44 Rock art Pictograph New EbPk-45 Stone feature Rock alignment New

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Figure 12. Archaeological sites recorded during 2011 fieldwork (Amundsen-Meyer 2013a).

Willow Creek bank. This distance was chosen as the majority of sites recorded on the west side of the creek are within 1.5 sections of the valley’s edge. Native pastures, cultivated fields and improved pastures with mediocre to good ground visibility were systematically surveyed on 10 m transects. Improved pastures with thick, dense hay or solid grass cover that had not been recently broken and that, therefore, had extremely poor ground visibility and very little exposure were not surveyed. Secondly, a survey of the Willow Creek Valley was conducted. This included pedestrian survey of the entire

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course of the creek on both east and west banks and examination of all available exposures. The floodplain was not surveyed in detail, as numerous, thick fluvial deposits have deeply buried any cultural materials that may be present. These data gaps were also addressed through the recording of numerous farmers’ artifact collections from the study area (Amundsen-Meyer 2014d).

Finally, in order to evaluate the phenomenological model of site distribution, it is necessary to identify named places in the region and tie these named places to real world locations. Consequently, field work was undertaken to tie two named places (Ghost

Pound and Squaw’s Pound) depicted on an 1879 map, shown in Figure 13 (RCMP

Archives Can.1962.6.2), to locations in the Willow Creek study area. A number of places depicted on this map can be identified on the landscape, including (but not limited to)

Willow Creek, the Leavings (EaPk-171), Pine Coulee and Mosquito Creek. These known locations provide a framework for locating other places identified on the map

(Amundsen-Meyer 2014d).

In addition to fieldwork near Willow Creek, eight archaeological sites were visited to the north of this study region near Nanton, Alberta. Based on anticipated travel distance, the Nanton area is expected to be the next stopping place to the north of Willow

Creek. In this area, limited fieldwork undertaken in 2012 targeted jump sites and ideological constructs in order to facilitate comparison between these features in each stopping place. As in 2011, the Nanton fieldwork was designed to revisit known sites in the area in order to more accurately record their nature and location (Amundsen-Meyer

2014b, 2014d). The 2012 fieldwork occurred in Borden Blocks EaPk and EbPk, as in

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Figure 13. Excerpt of 1879 map showing named places in the vicinity of Claresholm Alberta (adapted from RCMP Archives Can.1962.6.2).

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2011, as well as in Borden Blocks EaPj, EbPl and EcPl. To date, 3 sites have been recorded in Borden Block EaPj, 8 sites in EbPl and 37 sites in EcPl.

Results. During approximately 10 weeks of fieldwork between May 1 and August

17, 2012, 36 sites were visited as part of the 2012 Pine Coulee Survey Project

(Amundsen-Meyer 2014b, 2014d). It was possible to locate both Ghost Pound (EaPk-37) and Women’s Pound (EbPk-4/15) on the landscape (Amundsen-Meyer 2014a; 2014d).

Table 3 describes sites recorded during 2012 fieldwork and Figure 14 shows their geographic location, as well as the location of Ghost Pound and Women’s Pound. The

2012 fieldwork filled in a major data gap on the east side of the creek. However, there is still a difference in the type of data available for each side of the creek. West of the creek, sites are primarily surface features located in native pasture, with no subsurface testing undertaken. On the east side of the creek, the majority of sites are represented by disturbed artifacts recovered in cultivated fields, with no indication of surface features available.

The majority of survey conducted in 2012 was undertaken in cultivated fields, areas not typically examined during CRM work. Within Central and Southern Alberta, over 50% of our land base has been, at one time or another, under the plough (Alberta

Agriculture 1996). Ploughed areas of the province represent a void in which next to no sites are recorded simply because archaeologists have not looked in these areas, yet almost every established farmer or rancher has a collection of artifacts from these cultivated fields. The large number of finds recovered from cultivated fields in 2012

(nearly every legal description surveyed included at least one site; see Amundsen-Meyer

2014d) shows that archaeological sites are still visible in cultivated areas despite surface

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Table 3. Sites recorded during 2012 field work (Amundsen-Meyer 2014d).

Borden # Type Subtype Stone Features/Collections (2012) Status EaPj-3 Isolated find 1 Besant point New Drive lane 1: 114 cairns Drive lane 2: 55 cairns Drive lane 3: 98 cairns Cairn Drive lane 4: 36 cairns Drive Drive lane 5: 37 cairns lane Drive lane 6: 17 cairns Stone 113 other cairns circle 92 stone circles Campsite Rock 1 possible death lodge Stone feature alignment 1 large effigy (horse/buffalo?) EaPk-37 Ceremonial/religious Effigy 1 rock alignment Revisit Camspite 1 Pelican Lake point EaPk-67 Scatter <10 1 piece esquillees Revisit EaPk-75 Scatter <10 1 triangular point preform Revisit Campsite EaPk-76 Kill site 2 boiling pits Revisit EaPk-111 Kill site Revisit 1 thumbnail scraper EaPk-233 Scatter <10 2 secondary flakes New 1 scraper fragment 1 biface EaPk-236 Scatter <10 secondary flake New 1 secondary flake EaPk-237 Scatter <10 1 tertiary flake New 1 Late Period side-notched point EaPk-238 Scatter <10 1 biface fragment New EaPk-239 Isolated find 1 utilized flake New 1 Besant point 1 bifacial core 1 incomplete uniface 1 biface Scatter >10 1 hafted biface EaPk-240 Campsite 12 pieces lithic debitage New EaPk-241 Isolated find 1 piece lithic debitage New EaPk-242 Scatter <10 1 secondary flake New Scatter <10 EaPk-243 Campsite 1 secondary flake New

EaPk-244 Scatter <10 1 biface fragment (probably Paleo point) New 1 biface fragment EaPk-245 Scatter <10 1 multi-directional core New EaPk-246 Isolated find 1 arrow or dart point, type unknown New Scatter <10 EaPk-247 Campsite 1 wedge New EaPk-248 Isolated find 1 Late Paleo/Early Middle Period point New

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Table 3 (cont). Sites recorded during 2012 field work (Amundsen-Meyer 2014d).

Borden # Type Subtype Stone Features/Collections (2012) Status EaPk-249 Isolated find 1 asymetrical biface New EaPk-250 Isolated find 1 secondary flake New EaPk-251 Campsite 1 end/side scraper New EaPk-252 Isolated find 1 end scraper New Stone EbPk-3 feature Drive lane Revisit 1 Besant point EbPk-8 Scatter <10 2 secondary flakes Revisit Stone EbPk-45 feature Revisit 1 Besant point Campsite 1 unificially retouched tool EbPk-46 Kill site 1 canid tooth New Buffalo EbPl-1 Kill site Jump Revisit EbPl-2 Rock art Pictograph Revisit EbPl-3 Rock art Pictograph Revisit 1 uniface 2 secondary flakes 1 bison metacarpal Scatter <10 1 long bone fragment EbPl-5 Rock art Pictograph 1 .22 calibre shell casing New EbPl-6 Rock art Pictograph New Stone feature Stone EbPl-7 Scatter <10 circle 1 complete stone circle New Stone Rock EbPl-8 feature alignment 1 linear rock alignment New EcPl-16 Rock art Pictograph Revisit

disturbance. Recording the sites present in these cultivated fields is a valuable way of filling in existing data gaps and provides an additional source of site information.

Concern may be raised about the accuracy of documenting site location in cultivated areas. However, it has been demonstrated that ploughing does not significantly displace artifacts. Ammerman (1985) found that, over the course of a five day experimental study, ceramic tiles placed in a field being actively ploughed were displaced

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Figure 14. Archaeological sites recorded during 2012 field work (Amundsen-Meyer 2014d).

a maximum of 5-6 meters. Similarly, Roper (1976) studied artifact displacement at a site in the Eastern Woodlands that had been ploughed for 20 to 30 years prior to disturbance.

Recording the sites present in these cultivated fields is a valuable way of filling in existing data gaps and provides an additional source of site information.

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a maximum of 5-6 meters. Similarly, Roper (1976) studied artifact displacement at a site in the Eastern Woodlands that had been ploughed for 20 to 30 years prior to archaeological investigation. Here, the maximum lateral displacement of refitted biface fragments recovered on the surface and in situ was found to be 15.3 meters. Therefore, locational data for artifacts collected from cultivated fields can be considered a reasonable approximation of site location, and the data collected in 2012 significantly improves the amount and quality of information available for the Willow Creek study region.

Data Sources and Preparation Methods

For the analysis and visualization undertaken in this research, the data layers detailed below were required. Data was acquired for all fourteen National Topographic

System (NTS) map sheets in the larger study region, merged in ArcGIS 10.1 and clipped to include the larger study region as well as each individual study area.

Archaeological Site Data

Archaeological site data was obtained from the sites inventory maintained by the

Archaeological Survey of Alberta (ASA). The sites inventory includes all known sites which have been recorded by professional archaeologists or reported by landowners and collectors. For sites recorded from the 1990’s on, site points were plotted using UTM coordinates collected with a handheld GPS and have an accuracy of 3-10 meters. UTM coordinates for sites recorded prior to this are believed to have horizontal accuracy between 100-400 m. Consequently, the degree of locational error in site data is inconsistent. Site polygons were created based on the area and distribution of archaeological materials at each site, as indicated by the reporting archaeologist. For sites

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recorded with GPS, polygons are created based on a series of UTM points which delineate the boundary of the site. For sites recorded prior to the use of GPS, site polygons were created following indication of site area provided on the site form or site map. Where no indication is provided or where the site is less than 30 m in area, a square polygon 30 by 30 meters represents the site. Site data was incorporated into a personal geodatabase, which includes point and polygon discrete object data for the region as a whole, as well as the same data for each study area individually.

In addition to the locational error described above, a number of additional sources of error have been identified within the archaeological site data. The site data results primarily from CRM survey undertaken according to the parameters of the Alberta

Historical Resources Act. This means that there are large areas within the region that have not been studied, as survey is only conducted within development footprints (e.g., for well pads, pipelines, subdivisions etc.) in areas considered high potential.

Consequently, there is no negative data for large tracts of land in which no sites have been recorded. In addition, the majority of recorded sites have not been excavated. The only information available is from minimal surface and subsurface survey. The data available for sites that have been excavated, sites that are intact but have had minimal survey and sites in cultivated fields is of a very different nature and difficult to compare.

For management purposes, the Archaeological Survey of Alberta requires that all archaeological remains found on discrete landforms be recorded as individual sites with separate Borden numbers (Wendy Unfreed, personal communication 2011).

Consequently, sites that are functionally one are often recorded as multiple sites and are represented by multiple points in the site database. Due to the differences in the depth of

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knowledge, the Willow Creek study area was treated differently during data preparation.

The Calgary and Okotoks data was taken at face value, as these sites have not been visited by the author. Consequently, all recorded sites were included in analysis and no sites were combined. In the Willow Creek study area, sites that were visited in 2011 and

2012 and identified as non-cultural were removed prior to analysis. In cases where multiple sites are believed to be functionally the same, the sites were combined into a single point prior to analysis. Finally, site points were added for farmer’s collections recorded in 2012 in cases where the individual could identify the quarter section from which the archaeological remains originated. In this case, the site point was placed in the center of the quarter section.

Finally, there is a degree of error in the identification of site type in the sites database. The site data used in this research includes approximately 3000 archaeological sites which have been recorded by different researchers over more than 50 years. This leads to inconsistency in how the sites are recorded and how site types are assigned. In many cases it is unclear, given the site description, why a site was assigned a particular site type. This error was addressed in two different ways, as described below.

To facilitate analysis, all sites were assigned a numerical value representing

“Class” (i.e. time period – see Table 4) and “Type” (see Table 5; described below). Sites visited in 2011 and 2012 were assigned a site type based on field assessment of the site’s features. Archaeological sites which were not visited by the author were assigned types as indicated in the Alberta sites inventory. Where a single Borden designation contains cultural characteristics of multiple site types, the Borden number is represented by multiple points in the database (i.e. EbPk-4, a campsite and bison jump, is represented by

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Table 4. Archaeological site classes. Class # Description 1 Historic 2 Prehistoric 3 Geological/Natural 4 Protohistoric

Table 5. Archaeological site types. Type # Description Additional Info 0 Natural/Geological Non-cultural 1 Burial Human interment Campsites, artifact scatters, stone circle sites, hearth sites, collections recorded 2 Campsite during TRACE 1991 project 3 Cairn Cairns that are not part of a drive lane Medicine wheels, effigies of identified Effigy/rock form, rock alignments of unknown form 4 alignment but that are not stone circles Single artifact is the only cultural remains 5 Isolated find identified at the site Primarily homesteads and ranches, some 6 Historic site police outposts and whiskey posts Jumps, processing areas, pounds and box 7 Kill site canyon or other traps Pictographs, petroglyphs and a single 8 Rock art carved ribstone No kill/jump recorded at site, cairns are 9 Drive lane part of a trap Includes both wagon trails and travois 10 Trail trails Rock overhang, believed to be occupation 11 Rock shelter site

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two points, one identifying a kill site and one a campsite. This was done to simplify the data and facilitate analysis of spatial autocorrelation of site type. Moreover, sites have been treated in this manner in some cases by the Archaeological Survey of Alberta to allow different features at a single site to be assigned unique protection values. For example, EaPk-38 (a pictograph site) and EaPk-111 (a buffalo jump) represent a single functional site. Assigning two Borden numbers (and consequently two points) allows the rock art to be assigned a higher protection value than the kill site. Therefore, this methodology created greater consistency in the overall dataset.

Site Types

Type 1: Burial. Site type 1 includes any human internment that is prehistoric.

Type 2: Campsite. For this research, the campsite type includes sites identified as campsites, as well as artifact scatters and stone feature sites where one or more of the stone features is a stone circle. As currently defined by the Archaeological Survey of

Alberta, campsites are any site which contains evidence of a hearth along with at least one other artifact or structural remain. In addition to a hearth itself, this evidence could be in the form of fire broken rock or ash. Scatters are areas where artifacts are found on the ground surface with no evidence of subsurface materials or apparent spatial patterning.

These sites were included in a single type because they all represent prehistoric living areas, though the duration of this occupation may range from a single day to a period of months.

Two features commonly found at campsites are worth describing in more detail.

Stone circles represent the former placement of a tipi. These features are an essentially circular arrangement of stones with no interior stones that would present obstacles within

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the interior living space. The circles range between 2.5 and 9 meters in diameter, averaging between 4 and 5 meters. The stones visible archaeologically held down a flap on the lodge hide to anchor the dwelling. In some cases, bone or wood pegs may have served this function. In the winter months a hide liner, anchored with a second ring of stones or pegs, was used within the tipi to provide better insulation. Archaeologically, this results in a double stone circle which can be used to infer winter occupation. Double stone circles are often not two well-defined rings; the rocks would become somewhat scattered when the tipi was pulled up for travel. Instead, they can be identified by the larger number, greater width and close spacing of the stones in the circle. While tipi rings with a single row of stones most often represent summer dwellings, they are in some instances inferred to be winter occupations, seen in the size and packing of stones in the ring (Oetelaar 2003, 2004).

In some cases, stone circles are associated with an internal feature such as altar or hearth. Hearths would have been present in the tipi in all seasons, providing a source of heat and light. However, the hearth would be much more prominent in the winter months when more activities took place within the tipi and a larger fire was needed to heat the dwelling. An extended family workspace was located outdoors adjacent to the tipi in all seasons. In the warmer months, a greater number of activities, including cooking, would have taken place outdoors For this reason, the presence of a prominent interior hearth archaeologically may be suggestive of a winter occupation (Oetelaar 2003).

Type 3: Cairn. The cairn site type includes all cairns (single or multiple) which are not a part of a definitive drive lane or associated with a kill site and are not historic in origin. These cairns are piles of stones intentionally created by humans. Cairns were

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separated from known drive lanes, as these stone piles serve a multiplicity of purposes.

They may serve as markers of travel routes or important places, storage caches, have a ceremonial purpose or have been stacked for later use, among other interpretations

(Brink, et al. 2003; Lobb 2009; Sundstrom 2003).

Type 4: Rock alignment. Site type 4 includes all occurrences of effigies, medicine wheels and other stone alignments. Effigies are considered to be rock arrangements in the general form of an animal or human. Medicine wheels are a form of rock alignment that can be generalized as having at least two of the following components: 1) a prominent central cairn, b) one or more concentric rings and c) two or more radiating spokes (see

Brumley 1988 for a full description of the varying forms of medicine wheel present on the Northwestern Plains). In addition to these two features, rock alignments of unknown form are included in this site type. These rock alignments are definitively cultural but are not stone circles or lines of cairns. These three stone alignments are grouped together as all most likely serve a ceremonial or ritual purpose.

Type 5: Isolated find. Isolated finds are sites which consist of a single artifact. As such, they represent only a very brief occupation or passing through of an area.

Type 6: Historic site. Type 6 was assigned to all sites dating to the Historic Period that do not have a prehistoric occupation. In all cases, these sites are evidence of post- contact Euro-Canadian activity.

Type 7: Kill site. Kill sites are defined as a place where animals were killed or primary butchering undertaken. This site type includes jumps, primary processing areas, pounds and box canyons or other traps. In the study region, all kill sites represented are bison kills. These kill sites vary from large, deeply stratified bone beds to the remains of

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a single animal. In Calgary and Okotoks, there is an unusually large number of recorded kill sites. It was noted by the author that nearly every campsite with bone was classified as a kill site in the sites inventory.

Type 8: Rock art. Rock art sites include both petroglyphs and pictographs which are Aboriginal in origin. Petroglyphs consist of works of art carved or incised into rock surfaces. Similarly, pictographs are designs painted on rock surfaces, most commonly with red ochre or charcoal. Notably, the ribstone at EaPk-18 was included in this category as a form of petroglyph.

Type 9: Drive lane. Type 9 represents all sites where a cairn alignment is used to direct animals towards a jump, pound or other trap.

Type 10: Trail segment. Site type 10 includes all sites at which a segment of a trail has been recorded, including both wagon and travois ruts.

Type 11: Rock shelter. Rock shelters are only found in the Willow Creek study region. This site type includes sites which were described as rock shelters in 1968 and thought to be occupation sites.

Geographic Data

Geographic data including the location of water courses, water bodies, wetlands, modern vegetation and modern towns was collected as a series of discrete object vector data sets from the National Topographic Database (NTDB). These data sets were downloaded as shape files from GeoGratis (www.geogratis.ca; managed by Natural

Resources Canada) and incorporated into a personal geodatabase. The NTDB data was created by Natural Resources Canada by digitizing 1:50,000 scale paper maps from the

“Maps of the National Topographic System (NTS) of Canada” series. These map sheets

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have a stated horizontal accuracy of 20 m. Although some water bodies have changed course drastically in the past (see, for example changes documented to the Old Man River by Naldrett and Beaudoin (1996)or changes to the course of the Highwood River following June 2013 flooding), the courses of these rivers and creeks have remained relatively similar over the past 100 years. This is shown by the fact that the location and shape of major water bodies indicated on Dawson’s (1884) map corresponds well to the water bodies represented in the modern data set. Therefore, since the modern dataset is available in a georeferenced, vector data format, it was used for analysis.

Elevation Data

Elevation data was supplied by raster, continuous field digital elevation models

(DEM) acquired from DMTI Spatial through the Spatial and Numeric Data Services center at the University of Calgary. The DEM’s were produced using elevation data from the 1:50,000 NTS map sheets. The horizontal accuracy is stated as 30m with a vertical accuracy of 10m.

Geological Data

The location of springs was determined in three ways. First, the springs recorded by Borneuf (1983) were digitized from a georeferenced version of the map provided in his work. Additional springs were added as a separate feature class where none are documented by Borneuf (1983), but the archaeological site data indicate the presence of a spring. In this case, a point representing the spring was created at the same location as that of the archaeological site. This was done for the Calgary, Okotoks and Willow Creek study areas, but not for areas in between due to the high volumes of site data. Finally, for the Willow Creek study area, a third feature class was created to include springs observed

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and recorded with a handheld GPS (3-10 m accuracy) during field survey in 2011 and

2012. These combined datasets do not represent all springs located in the study region, but the most complete dataset possible given the available information.

The location of erratics was derived from a map created by Stalker (1956) for the

Geological Survey of Canada and a map of the Calgary area by Tharin (1960). Both maps were digitized and georeferenced, the Stalker (1956) map using six points of known latitude/longitude and the Tharin (1960) map using Township boundaries. A discrete object point data feature class was then created showing the location of erratics. Since

Stalker’s map only shows sections in which erratics are present with no indication of number, a point indicating the presence of erratics was placed in the center of each relevant section. Tharin’s map shows a number of erratics where Stalker (1956) does not indicate their presence, within the Calgary city limits. In these areas, a point was placed at the location of each individual erratic. For Townships which are included on both maps, only the information from Stalker (1956) was used to avoid data duplication. This map was chosen to maximize consistency in erratics data throughout the study region, as all data outside of the Calgary area was derived from it. Although additional erratics were observed and recorded during fieldwork, this data was not added to the erratic feature class. It was only possible to record a very small number of the erratics present in the

Willow Creek study area due to the large quantity present and the landowner permissions required to access them. Since Stalker’s (1956) data provides a reasonable approximation of the areas in which erratics are present, only this data was used.

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Data from Historic Maps

An historic map drawn by George Dawson (1884) was obtained as a raster grid in a digitized and georeferenced format from Murray Lobb (see Lobb 2009). This georeferencing was refined within the study region by adding additional control points on geographic features such as river confluences and municipalities, focusing on the area between Calgary and Fort Macleod. Dawson’s (1884) map is a compilation of survey work conducted for the Geological Survey of Canada. His map provides the location of the Macleod Trail, which was digitized as a vector polyline, through the study area.

Dawson (1884) also depicted the location of forested areas in valley bottoms and isolated tree stands. These wooded areas were digitized as vector polygons. The georeferencing of the map is believed to be accurate, although the southern portion of the map shows a small degree of inherent error, with features shifted slightly east. The accuracy of the data compiled by Dawson (1884) is difficult to estimate as the mapping procedures at that time were partially subjective and the extent of knowledge Dawson had of the earlier

Dominion Lands Surveys is unclear (Iris Morgan, personal communication 2014).

Finally, named places depicted on an 1879 map of Southern Alberta (RCMP

Archives Can.1962.6.2) were matched to landscape features based on known places and geographic features depicted on the map. Additional named places which have been recorded by Oetelaar (personal communication 2013) were also matched to landscape features. These named places were digitized in a vector polygon format.

Spatial Analysis Methods

In this research, a number of spatial analysis methods are employed in both

ArcGIS 10.1 and statistical software packages (S+ and R) in order to better understand

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the location of the Old North Trail and the settlement pattern of the study region. These methods will be discussed here only in brief. The details of each method are discussed in the chapters in which they are presented.

Trail Analysis

In Chapter 6, least cost path analysis is utilized to model the most efficient route of travel across the landscape and compare it to the location of the Old North Trail. In least cost path analysis, a cost surface is created in which each cell in a raster grid is assigned a friction value equal to the “cost” of moving across it. These cost units can incorporate physical, environmental, economic and/or social barriers, depending on the research question. Notably, there is a degree of subjectivity in how costs are assigned, as they are defined by the researcher. Once a cost surface has been defined, the least cost path between two points is calculated. This least cost path represents the cheapest route between two places, relative to the cost units defined in the cost surface (Chapman 2006;

ESRI Virtual Campus 2013).

Settlement Pattern Analysis

A variety of methods of spatial statistics and exploratory spatial data analysis

(ESDA) are employed in Chapter 7 to better understand the distribution of archaeological sites within the study region and to identify patterns in terms of the relationship of archaeological sites and landscape features of relevance to ecological and phenomenological models.

Average nearest neighbor and quadrat analysis, both methods of cluster analysis, are used to determine if archaeological sites are randomly distributed on the landscape or show a pattern of either clustering or dispersal. Average nearest neighbour is also

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calculated for each individual site type to determine if these patterns differ when sites are differentiated by function. Nearest neighbor analysis measures the distance between neighboring points, averages them and compares them to the value returned for a hypothetical random distribution to determine if the observed pattern is more clustered or dispersed than random. Similarly, in quadrat analysis the observed pattern is quantified and compared to a hypothetical random distribution. However, in quadrat analysis the distribution calculated is the frequency of points present within a series of quadrats. This frequency is compared to that of a randomly generated set of the same number of points in the same area to determine the level of clustering (Rogerson 2010). In these tests, a random distribution is consistent with ecological models while a statistically significant pattern of clustering is consistent with phenomenological models, while ecological models expect a random distribution of sites.

Spatial autocorrelation is calculated using the Moran’s I statistic which measures both feature similarity and feature location (Longley, et al. 2005; Rogerson 2010).

Moran’s I is used to determine if archaeological sites are more likely to be located near sites of the same type or size, sites of a different type or size, or if this distribution is random. Spatial dispersion of site type is consistent with ecological models, while spatial clustering of site type may be indicative of phenomenological models. Similarly, spatial clustering of sites by size is consistent with phenomenological models.

Following quantification of the observed settlement pattern, descriptive spatial analysis is undertaken to relate the observed distribution of archaeological sites to landscape features of importance, including wooded vegetation, springs, major water bodies, glacial erratics and named places. Bison and shelter are not specifically evaluated

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due to their more continuous nature. To begin, calculations of site density are calculated to visualize where any identified clustering may be present on the landscape. The results of density analysis are then plotted against each landscape variable of relevance in the study region. This descriptive analysis begins to evaluate the relationship between archaeological sites and landscape features to identify the cause of any site clustering.

Following this, proximity analysis is used to determine if archaeological sites are preferentially located extremely close to, within one half day’s walk of, within a full day’s walk of or over a single day’s walk, from each feature type. Not only proximity, but also views of these features, may be of relevance to human groups traveling through the region prehistorically. Therefore, a number of viewshed analyses are undertaken.

Viewshed analysis is a method of quantifying visibility, analysing what can be seen from a given location. In ArcGIS, this analysis determines all cells of a raster that have a clear line of sight from an input point or polyline (Chapman 2006). This analysis allows the relationship (in terms of visibility) of these features to themselves, other landscape features and archaeological sites to be evaluated.

Finally, a fuzzy logic site suitability model was created in ArcGIS 10.1 to show the suitability of the landscape for archaeological sites and determine if this is an appropriate expectation for the Late Prehistoric Period. Suitability values are assigned for each variable based on the results of proximity analysis. These values are not binary (as in suitable or not suitable), but range between 0 (least suitable) and 100 (most suitable) representing a degree of suitability of the landscape. The suitability rasters for each variable are combined to create an overall archaeological site suitability model of each study area. Since all archaeological sites, many of which are undated, are used in the

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creation of the model, archaeological sites of known time depth in each study region are plotted as a method of testing the model.

Discussion

One of the most common critiques of GIS as it is applied in archaeology is that it is a method in search of a theory and that its application has been methodology driven and, consequently, functionalist (e.g., Ebert 2004; Wheatley 1993). For this reason, it is important to look at how we, as archaeologists, are using this tool and if/how we are using GIS and other methods of spatial analysis within a robust research design and a well-defined theoretical framework.

Geographic Information Systems (GIS) are a relatively recent addition to the archaeologist’s toolbox having been applied in this discipline for approximately 20 years.

This use grew out of the period of processual archaeology with its emphasis on statistical analysis, in particular the use of statistical regression to correlate multiple environmental variables with site location (Chapman 2006; Conolly 2008; Ebert 2004). Today, landscape archaeology studies that incorporate GIS are beginning to move away from the environmentally deterministic approach and exclusive reliance on environmental variables that underlay many early GIS studies in archaeology (e.g., Carmichael 1990;

Dalla Bona 1983; Kvamme 1992) towards a consideration of both ecological and ideological factors in site selection (e.g., Howey 2007; Llobera 1995, 2001, 2003; Lobb

2009; Wheatley 1993). This trend is also seen in GIS studies conducted on the

Northwestern Plains. Some of the key studies which have been conducted in this region are presented below.

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Dalla Bona (1983) created an inductive land use model using historic, ethnographic and archaeological data from southern Saskatchewan and Manitoba in an attempt to explain the spatial patterning of stone circles in this area. In his model, Dalla

Bona (1983) weighted slope, proximity to water and proximity to a major break in slope by distance and combined them into a single raster layer to suggest high, medium and low potential areas with in the study region. A pedestrian survey of twenty five square kilometres of uncultivated land along the Souris River in southeast Saskatchewan was conducted in order to test this model. Based on the 56 sites recorded during survey work,

Dalla Bona (1983) stated that his model could correctly identify the location of 70% of sites and that the only statistically significant variable in determining site location was proximity to water. It is important to note that Dalla Bona’s (1983) results are likely skewed because the Souris River bisects the study area and no location within the study area is more than three kilometers from the river.

In southwestern Saskatchewan, Friesen (1998) used GIS to analyze settlement patterns using a sample of over 3000 surface archaeological sites located in Grasslands

National Park. This analysis identified a number of statistically significant relationships between archaeological sites and environmental variables, including distance to water, topography and vegetation type. Friesen (1998) suggests this represents a settlement pattern in which campsites are located within upland areas near seasonal water sources in locations with grasses preferred by bison. This pattern is believed to be indicative of spring and early summer settlement, as this region offers the best forage for bison herds at this time. Overall, Friesen (1998) notes that it is the association between campsites and grasses which offer high quality bison forage that is most significant.

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Moors (2007) conducted a study of tipi rings and ceremonial sites on the Suffield

Military Reserve in southern Alberta. Using GIS, he examined the spatial distribution of ceremonial sites, circle camps, bisected rings, stone circle density and views from medicine wheels to determine how these features are integrated into the seasonal round of human groups on the Northwestern Plains. Medicine wheels were found to be located at strategic locations on topographically prominent landforms that could be seen from a distance along the trail networks. Stone circles occurred most commonly on landforms that have some association to medicine wheels. In addition, clustering of stone circles was identified along linear routes, suggesting the continuous use of these trails to move from place to place. Based on this data, Moors (2007) concluded that human groups preferred prominent landforms for their camps and that the most favoured locations were also more closely associated with medicine wheels. Unlike earlier studies, which examined only ecological criteria in relation to site spatial distribution, Moors (2007) included consideration of a culturally significant landmark in the form of medicine wheels and views from these features.

Similar to Moors (2007), Beaulieu (2009) used GIS to create a model for the spatial distribution of stone circles along a section of the Red Deer River in southern

Alberta. However, his focus was on the relationship between stone circles and trails rather than stone circles and topography. Beaulieu created a least cost path between two fords on the Red Deer River. He then looked at the relationship between point patterning and the suspected trail route. Based on his analysis, Beaulieu (2009) was unable to create a predictive model of statistical significance. One of the reasons for this may be error resulting from the creation of only a single least cost path.

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Finally, Lobb (2009) evaluated the hypotheses of previous models of land use, including both ecological and phenomenological variables, using archaeological sites data from the Piikani Reserve in southwestern Alberta. Unlike each of the studies discussed thus far, which focus on open prairie within the Blackfoot summering grounds,

Lobb’s (2009) research analyzes a dataset from within the area generally considered the wintering grounds of the Blackfoot people. For this reason, Lobb’s (2009) study area was used as a control study area for the current research. As such, the results of Lobb’s (2009) research will be discussed in detail in later chapters.

As this discussion shows, within archaeology GIS has become an increasingly valued tool for mapping and visualization, database management, spatial analysis and quantitative modeling, particularly as the technology and training required to use GIS become more readily available (Conolly 2008; Ebert 2004; Kvamme 1995). Beyond its capacity for making attractive maps, GIS allows the researcher to analyze complex data in ways that were not previously possible, and makes spatial analysis easier, more flexible and more powerful (Gaffney, et al. 1996; Goodchild 1996). In the past, applications of GIS in an archaeological context have largely focused on the analysis of environmental characteristics and settlement patterns, leading to a generally processual and environmentally deterministic perspective. This is partly due to the fact that contextual, subjective and experiential aspects of landscape are difficult to represent in a

Cartesian, mathematical form (Conolly 2008; Ebert 2004).

It is often suggested that traditional mapping in Cartesian space does not quite work for modeling human behaviour, because it “involves the reduction of space and place to location and distance, modern abstractions that lose their cultural and cognitive

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context” (Gaffney, et al. 1996:132). However, GIS has the capacity to analyze space according to any variable the researcher desires (Gaffney et al. 1996) and more recent studies have begun to include culturally significant landmarks in analyses of settlement patterning. Since human action is systematically patterned by ideological and social beliefs, these beliefs will be visible in the archaeological record. It should, therefore, be possible to represent subjective landscapes in a Cartesian framework and to study them using GIS (e.g., Howey 2007; Llobera 1995, 2001, 2003; Lobb 2009; Wheatley 1993).

An alternative method for studying conceptual space using GIS would be to focus on the use of GIS as a heuristic tool that can be used to generate possibilities for human behaviour (Chapman 2006). In the future, the use of GIS in archaeology needs to grow beyond simply being a tool for visualizing data and showing correlation to the environment. It needs to become a question-led, anthropological tool used to study human behaviour and cultural phenomena.

Chapter Summary

This chapter had two primary goals. The first was to discuss the data sources used in this research and the sources of error present in each. This understanding is essential to developing appropriate spatial analysis methods. Importantly, the data as utilized here is not complete, but is the best available and most consistent at this time. This does not mean, however, that all archaeological sites, springs, glacial erratics or named places present in the study region are included. Furthermore, in the case of archaeological sites no negative data is available for areas which have not been surveyed and there is a certain degree of inconsistency in the ways that sites have been recorded. Each of these issues has been addressed in ways that make the dataset as robust as possible given the

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circumstances. The second goal was to introduce the spatial analysis methods that will be employed using this data. While the use of GIS and spatial analysis within archaeology has been commonly critiqued for being environmentally deterministic and methodology driven, this research strives to incorporate spatial aspects of social and spiritual, as well as environmental, needs and to analyze and employ GIS methods in a theoretically well informed manner. To this end, the chapters that follow use GIS as a heuristic tool, in which possibilities about human behaviour are generated and then evaluated against all evidence to reach a greater understanding of human use of landscape on the Northwestern

Plains.

Prior to examination of the region’s settlement patterning, it is first necessary to discuss human travel through the region and the location of the Old North Trail in greater detail, as movement is key to understanding hunter-gatherer behaviour in this region. To this end, Chapter 6 will discuss travel in the Northwestern Plains context, evaluate historical and archaeological evidence for the Old North Trail and create a GIS model for movement through the study region.

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CHAPTER 6: TRAIL ANALYSIS

Introduction

The Old North Trail was the main north to south link running along the eastern flank of the Rocky Mountains, within the homeland of the Blackfoot people. While traveling along this trail, human groups leaving evidence of their passing in the form of campsites, kill sites, isolated finds and artifact scatters, stone alignments and rock art. In order to study human movement along the trail and settlement patterns in its vicinity, it is first necessary to analyze the geographic location of the trail itself. This chapter will discuss types of movement and travel in the Northwestern Plains context, examine the historical and archaeological evidence for the Old North Trail, and use least-cost path analysis within a geographic information system to model the route of the trail. Finally, where differences exist between the location of least-cost paths and the course of the Old

North Trail reconstructed from historic and archaeological records, the “pull” factors that may have been moving human groups away from the most efficient route across the landscape will be explored.

Travel and Stopping Places

When elderly Blackfoot Indians refer to this pre-horse period they commonly identify it by the expression ‘When we had only dogs for moving camp.’ Let us simply refer to that time as ‘dog days’ (Ewers 1958:8).

Prior to the introduction of the horse to the Northwestern Plains and to the

Blackfoot (approximately 1730), travel was undertaken by individuals on foot accompanied by dogs pulling their belongings on wooden travois (Ewers 1958). In the winter, the travois could be more heavily loaded with goods than during warmer weather,

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as it could be pulled more easily over a snow-covered landscape. Similarly, if travel occurred only over grasslands it was easier for the dogs to pull (Buffalo Bird Woman in

Wilson 1924). In addition, a much greater distance could be traveled in the cold of winter than in the heat of summer when dogs tire more easily and need greater amounts of water

(Henderson 2005; Landals 2004). Travel undertaken in this way is largely limited to an open landscape where the dog and travois can maneuver easily (Henderson 1994; Lowie

1922).

Given that Plains dogs often interbred with wolves, travel with dog and travois was likely not as simple as one would imagine when picturing the modern, domestic dog.

Ewers (1958:10-11), describing dog and travois travel, states:

The dogs, hitched to their loaded travois by hide straps, were not the most willing of burden bearers. Women had to keep them some distance apart to prevent dog fights. Occasionally a dog took off after a bitch or a rabbit, or merely to get a drink of cool water from a nearby lake or stream. Under these conditions long marches were out of the question. There were frequent stops. Five or six miles was a good day’s march.

Numerous authors, including Ewers (1958), have indicated the maximum possible distance of travel when relying on dog and travois. Wilson (1924), for example, indicates that a dog could pull 80-100 pounds on a travois over seven miles in three to four hours.

In his experimental archaeology work, Henderson (1994) noted that the maximum pace he was able to travel was approximately two to three kilometers per hour. Estimates of daily travel distance vary widely, as shown in Table 6.

Averaging these estimates, we expect that a group of men, women and children accompanied by dogs pulling travois would travel approximately 23 km per day, the exact distance dependent on the particular circumstances. The distance and speed traveled

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Table 6. Anticipated daily travel distance. Travel Distance (daily) Travel Time Reference 8-10 km (5-6 miles) - Ewers (1958) 8-10 km (5-6 miles) - Forbis (1993) 11 km (7 miles) - Wilson (1924) 15 km (9 miles) - Oetelaar (2012) 16-19 km (10-12 miles) - Oetelaar (2003) 27 km (17 miles) 7 hours Henderson (1994, 2005) 48 km (30 miles) - Maximilian von Wied (1982) 38-64 km (30-40 miles) - Kurz (1937)

by these groups would be dependent upon “the character of the terrain traversed (whether level or hilly, the number and sizes of the water courses to be crossed), the availability of game, the fear of enemy raiding parties in the vicinity, and the desire to reach a particular trading post or stopping place by nightfall” (Ewers 1958:94). Following this estimate, we expect a series of stopping places along known trails to be visible approximately every 20 km. This distance might be stretched upwards of 20 km in the region paralleling the foothills, as travel would have occurred here during winter when longer distances could be traversed. Each stopping place should include a cluster of archaeological sites and a series of named places. Within the cluster of sites at a particular stopping place, we should see kill sites and associated campsites, as well as ideologically significant sites associated with named or other spiritually important places. Finally, many of these stopping places were likely adopted by Europeans during the historic period. Therefore, we would also expect the presence of historic stopping houses, whiskey posts and/or

Northwest Mounted Police posts at these places (e.g., Berry 1953; Claresholm History

Book Club 1974).

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The Old North Trail

There is a well-known trail we call the Old North Trail. It runs north and south along the Rocky Mountains. No one knows how long it has been used by the Indians. My father told me it originated in the migration of a great tribe of Indians from the distant north to the south, and all the tribes have, ever since, continued to follow in their tracks. The Old North Trail is now becoming overgrown with moss and grass, but it was worn so deeply, by many generations of travellers, that the travois tracks and horse trail are still plainly visible (McClintock 1910:434-435).

The Old North Trail was the main north to south link running along the eastern flank of the Rocky Mountains. A large portion of the trail is still locatable on the ground in Alberta and Montana as deeply incised trail scars and stone features (Cushman 1966:7;

Fromhold 1973:98-99; Malouf 1962:11; Reeves 1990b:8). The Old North Trail consisted of both an inner and outer trail, the latter paralleling the eastern edge of the foothills, the former extending within the foothills themselves. These two routes would have been connected by a series of braided, east-west paths (High River and District Old Timers

Association 1960; Reeves 1990b). A portion of the trail lies within the traditional territory of the Blackfoot peoples which, according to modern Blackfoot groups, extended from the North Saskatchewan River to the Yellowstone River, and from the

Eastern slopes of the Rocky Mountains through the foothills and plains to the Great Sand

Hills of Saskatchewan (Blackfoot Gallery Committee 2001:4).

The estimated proportions of the Old North Trail have become mythical over time. At the longest, it is claimed that the trail runs from Alaska to Tierra Del Fuego.

Blackfoot legends speak of expeditions following the Old North Trail both north into the barren lands and south into the territory of the dark-skinned people, inferred to be Mexico

(Ewers 1958:198-199; McClintock 1910:434-435; Stark and Wood 1997). Some claim

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that it was this trail that facilitated movement of the earliest Native Americans as they moved down an ice-free corridor some 12,000 years ago (Cushman 1966:7; Davis

1980:97; Fromhold 1973:162). Although this is indeed possible, there is no corroborating evidence at this time. Based on his work in Montana, Reeves (1990b) believes use of the

Old North Trail extends back as much as 10,000 years, with the heaviest use in the last

5,000 years.

Evidence indicating the precise location of the Old North Trail is sparse at best.

Blackfoot oral traditions offer one clue. In the story of Napi and the Rock, Napi is inferred to be traveling down the Old North Trail when he is chased by a rock (Oetelaar

2012; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2010). Numerous animals try to stop the rock and save Napi but are unsuccessful (Grinnell 1962:165-166; McClintock 1910:342). “Then the bull bats flew down, one after another, against the rock; and every time one of them hit it he chipped off a piece, and at least one hit it fair in the middle and broke it into two pieces”

(Grinnell 1962:166). For the Blackfoot people, this story explains the origin of the

Foothills Erratics Train. Given the association of the rock fragments with movement down the Old North Trail in the story, we would expect the location of the Old North

Trail to be closely correlated with the location of glacial erratics which occur in a band along the Rocky Mountain foothills (see Stalker 1956).

The Old North Trail is also mentioned by a number of ethnographers (e.g., Ewers

1958; McClintock 1910) and in regional histories (Berry 1953; High River and District

Old Timers Association 1960; for a more detailed examination of historic references to the Old North Trail see Reeves 1990b; Reeves 1991). However, these descriptions provide little locational information beyond the ‘eastern margins of the foothills’. Citing

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his informant Brings-Down-the-Sun, McClintock (1910:437-438) names a number of places along the trail including Teat Buttes (in present day Wyoming), Sweet Creek (a stream noted for its abundance of berries), Ghost Piskun Creek, Where-War-Parties-Meet

(north of Ghost P’iskun Creek), Mosquito Creek (which garnered its name because anyone who camps there will be eaten up by mosquitoes), Big Timber (noted for the large trees growing there), Birch Creek (noted for the birch groves on its shores), Badger Creek

(noted for the presence of this animal), Black Tail (named for the abundance of black tail deer), Mud Head River (named for a jump which propelled the animals into mud so thick it covered their heads), Two Medicine River (where a double piskun was located) and

Banks-Roped-Together (present day Lee’s Creek). The details provided by McClintock

(1910) narrow the location of the trail to a small extent, but many of these places are not discrete or their location on the modern day landscape is unknown.

Macleod Trail

The early traveller, making his way over the paths of the wandering Indians from landmark to landmark, began to etch in the trails between the first white settlements in the early 1800’s – and dotting these trails, usually a day’s journey apart, were stopping places, often named from landmarks that had been the only guide-posts (Douglas and Ohler 1965:9).

The Macleod Trail, a wagon trail, was the main supply route between Fort

Calgary and Fort Macleod in Alberta and, ultimately, Fort Benton further to the south in

Montana. In its earliest incarnation, bull trains were the primary users of the trail, carrying supplies north into the British Northwest Territory from Fort Benton. The

Macleod Trail was later the stagecoach route between these municipalities (Berry 1953;

Claresholm History Book Club 1974; Douglas and Ohler 1965; High River and District

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Old Timers Association 1960). Like the Old North Trail, the Macleod Trail followed the eastern edge of the foothills between Fort Macleod and Fort Calgary, passing through the towns of Okotoks, High River and Nanton. The trail generally ran along prairie level on the edge of river and creek valleys, causing it to pass approximately 6 kilometers west of

Clareshom and Stavely, on the Willow Creek valley margin.

As was the case with many European wagon trails, the Macleod Trail likely followed, in essence, the location of the earlier Old North Trail:

The prairie route is generally considered the main branch of the Old North Trail and was much used by the Blackfoot Nation. Their numerous horses …kept the grass eaten and tramped along the way. Early traders and freighters closely followed this well-defined trail for they discovered that it invariably led to the best crossings by the shortest and easiest route. It became widely known after 1875 as the “Macleod Trail (High River and District Old Timers Association 1960:14).

Similarly, many of our modern highways follow the old wagon trails, including Highway

2 which superseded the Macleod Trail.

In addition, many historic stopping houses and police posts were built at places that had previously been important Native American camping grounds and stopping places. For example, E.R. Patterson, in a discussion of the early history of Claresholm and area, states that EaPk-171 (The Leavings) was chosen as the Oxley Ranch headquarters, post office and later NWMP post because it had previously been an Indian camping area and was a natural stopping place that offered shelter, wood and water

(Claresholm History Book Club 1974:6; see also Schelten-Cornish 1991).

Unlike the Old North Trail, the Macleod Trail is routinely indicated on historic maps that were published during the latter half of the 19th century and into the 20th

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Figure 15. Macleod Trail as depicted by Dawson (1884).

Century. In anticipation of the movement of ranchers and settlers to the Canadian West, an extensive survey of the region was undertaken in 1883 to lay out townships and sections prior to settlement. These 1883 Township Surveys provide one of the most detailed and accurate records of the location of trails in the area. Dawson’s (1884) “Map showing wooded and prairie tracts in the region in the vicinity of the Bow and Belly

Rivers” also provides an early and comprehensive look at the region (Figure 15). Given that all historic maps examined depict the Macleod Trail in the same location as Dawson

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(1884) and his map is the most detailed and easy to georeference, it was used as the basis for all further analysis.

Archaeological Evidence in Alberta

More recently, the late H.P Lewis, an amateur archaeologist of Conrad, Montana, may have seen portions of this old Indian trail some twenty-five miles southwest of Choteau. It was marked by travois ruts, occasional stone piles, and stone tipi circles, the sites of overnight encampments en route. Lewis understood that "evidences of this trail following the foothills, just east of the main Rockies, are to be found for many miles (Ewers 1958:199).

Archaeological evidence of trails in Alberta is limited, considering that there are over 35,000 recorded archaeological sites in the province. A search of the Alberta

Archaeological Sites Inventory database shows 166 sites within the province that include

“trail” in their site type description. Of these, 23 sites are located in southwestern Alberta in or near the study area, representing both prehistoric and historic trail segments. These latter sites are shown in Figure 16.

Ten of these sites do not relate to the prehistoric Old North Trail or historic

Macleod Trail (see Figure 16). Four trail segments (EiPp-10, EiPo-49, EhPm-86 and

EgPn-52) are located in the north part of the study area, well west of where Dawson

(1884) drew the Macleod Trail. These sites represent segments of the Morley Trail which ran from Calgary west to Morley. One site (EgPn-52) provides evidence for the prehistoric use of this trail, as trail ruts at this site have been marked with a series of stone piles. Two of the trail sites (EgPo-33 and EgPp-25) are similarly located well west of the

Macleod Trail, but are also south of the Morley Trail on the south side of the Bow River.

This route represents an unnamed trail, used both historically and protohistorically.

Evidence for the latter is seen in the presence of a horse travois trail at EgPo-33. An

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Figure 16. Documented archaeological evidence of trails in Alberta.

additional trail site (DjPf-134) is located approximately 30 km west of Lethbridge and consists of a series of wagon ruts representing a segment of the Whoop-Up Trail. Finally, three sites (DjPj-29, DjPi-53 and EaPk-231) are trail segments recorded at farm and homestead sites and do not relate to north-south travel through the area.

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Near Calgary, four segments (EhPl-43, EhPl-69, EhPl-71 and EhPl-73) represent the historic Macleod Trail (see Figure 16 Area A). All sites are wagon ruts located on the east side of Nose Hill where Dawson (1884) drew the Macleod Trail. Similarly, a single site (EePl-260) near Okotoks represents a section of the Macleod Trail. The latter may include travois ruts in addition to a cart trail. The Calgary and Okotoks sites are located between 0.2 and 0.7 km of where the Macleod Trail is depicted on Dawson’s map, suggesting that the location of the Macleod Trail is accurately depicted in this area.

In the vicinity of Pine Coulee and Willow Creek, six trail sites have been recorded, one of which (EaPk-231) has already been discussed (see Figure 16 Area B).

Trail segments at EbPk-20 and EbPk-23 represent a single trail which crossed Pine

Coulee (east-west) at this location. The historic evidence shows that the Macleod Trail stayed on the east side of Pine Coulee and did not cross it. Therefore, these sites do not represent the Macleod Trail, but are likely indicative of a spur line to reach another destination to the west, such as one of the many ranches present in the region. In the southern half of the Pine Coulee study area, three segments of the Macleod Trail have been recorded (EaPk-223, EaPk-227 and EaPk-225). The first two are associated with the

Leavings (EaPk-171), an historic stopping house, Oxley ranch headquarters and NWMP police post. Historic maps show the Leavings to be located immediately adjacent to the

Macleod Trail. The second of these sites (EaPk-227) may not represent the Macleod Trail directly, but potentially a spur line leading from the Macleod Trail to the buildings at the

Leavings. This location was called the Leaving because to the south of the trail moved away from the creek valley and this was the last opportunity to get nearby wood and water (Claresholm History Book Club 1974). The three trail segments in the Willow

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Creek study area are located between 0.05 and 0.5 km west of the Macleod Trail. One site (EaPk-223), which includes three sets of parallel wagon ruts, matches almost exactly with the location of the Macleod Trail. Berry (1953:55) notes that the Macleod Trail was, in places, as much as fifty yards wide. This is consistent with the parallel wagon ruts at

EaPk-223. The evidence from the Pine Coulee study area suggests that Dawson’s (1884) depiction of the location of the Macleod Trail is accurate for this region.

In the vicinity of Fort Macleod, two trail segments have been recorded (see Figure

16 Area C). The first (DjPi-26) represents the lone evidence of the prehistoric Old North

Trail in southwestern Alberta. This site, located 6 km west of the Macleod Trail, includes a section of travois trail as well as a small series of cairns marking the trail. This suggests that the route of the prehistoric Old North Trail was slightly west of the documented route of the Macleod Trail. It should be noted that this site could also represent an east- west route drawn by Dawson, although this is considered to be less likely as the site is located 7 km south of the latter trail. Located approximately 15 km west of Fort Macleod on the north side of the Old Man River, the second trail segment (DkPj-16) is not related to the Macleod Trail. The site consists of a wagon trail (connecting Fort Macleod and

Spring Point), a large split glacial erratic and a reported burial (in the split of the erratic).

Although there is no direct evidence, the site may represent a segment of the Old North

Trail or an east-west link between the inner and outer trail. This suggestion is based solely on the association of a trail segment with a split glacial erratic at the site and the

Napi story associating these landmarks with the Old North Trail (see Grinnell 1962).

At the south end of the study area near Cardston, a wagon trail segment was recorded at the Lee’s Creek Outpost (DhPh-26). This site was used by the North-West

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Mounted Police (NWMP) after 1890. Like the Leavings, this police post would have been located near the Macleod Trail, serving as a stopping place for travelers and allowing the NWMP to monitor activity along the trail. This trail segment is located 6 km west of where Dawson drew the Macleod Trail. However, this distance was likely much shorter, as there is inherent error in the georeferencing of Dawson’s map that begins south of Fort Macleod and increases towards the United States border. This error depicts the Macleod Trail east of where it would have been in these areas.

In summary, there is little recorded archaeological evidence of the Old North

Trail in Alberta. Only two sites (DjPi-26 and DkPj-16) are believed to represent the Old

North Trail (see Figure 16), with the evidence for the latter circumstantial at best. Based on this limited evidence, the route of the Old North Trail is thought to have been west of the historically documented route of the Macleod Trail. Additional indirect evidence of the Old North Trail is likely present in the Alberta archaeological record, particularly in the presence of cairns which served as trail markers (see, for example, ALL Consulting

2004; Reeves 1991). Given the many other uses for cairns and the plethora of these features in Alberta’s archaeological record, it is difficult to determine which cairn sites marked the route of the Old North Trail when there is no evidence of the trail itself.

Archaeological evidence of the Macleod Trail between Fort Calgary and the United

States border is more common, consisting of eight trail sites with recorded wagon ruts

(see Figure 16). The close correlation of these sites with the route of the Macleod Trail as drawn by Dawson (1884) indicates that between Fort Calgary and Fort Macleod, the target area of this research, Dawson’s depiction of the route of the trail is extremely accurate.

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Least Cost Path Analysis

For archaeologists, analysis of movement has the potential, then, to reveal important information on numerous aspects of past life. Indeed, some scholars have attempted “to explore movement across a landscape in an archaeological setting using GIS” (Howey 2007:1830).

Methods and GIS Functionality

In order to determine if the location of the Old North Trail simply reflects the easiest path across the landscape or if the trail traversed more difficult routes to reach particular places, a least cost path analysis was conducted in ArcMap 10.1. In least cost path analysis, a cost surface is created in which each cell is assigned a friction value equal to the ‘cost’ of moving across it. A least cost path between two points can then be calculated. This least cost path represents the ‘cheapest’ route between two places, relative to the cost units defined in the cost surface (Chapman 2006; ESRI Virtual

Campus 2013).

The steps required for least cost path analysis are described below (ESRI Virtual

Campus 2013).

1) For each variable to be included in the cost surface, the cost of travel needs to be defined in a raster layer at a common scale.

2) The individual cost rasters are then combined to create a total cost surface.

3) Cost-weighted analysis is run to create a cost distance raster, which defines the cost of returning to a source or origination point for each cell, and a cost backlink raster, which defines the direction back to the source point for each cell.

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4) Finally, these cost distance and backlink rasters are used as inputs for the cost- path tool which will determine the least cost path, or optimal route, between the source point and the specified destination.

For this analysis, the cost surface was created based on the factors limiting dog and travois travel identified by Henderson (1994, 2005), with costs for all variables assigned values between 1 and 10. Henderson undertook a series of journeys on foot in the Qu’Appelle River valley in southern Saskatchewan, accompanied by a dog and travois. As true Plains Indian dogs no longer exist, Henderson used a husky, a trained pulling (sled) dog, as a suitable proxy. He constructed a travois following the description of such a device provided by Buffalo-Bird-Woman, a Hidatsa Women.

In order to create a friction surface for least cost path analysis, it was necessary to make a series of assumptions about dog and travois travel on the prairie. Following

Henderson (1994, 2005), slope, vegetation, small gullies, rivers/creeks and wetlands/pond/boggy ground were determined to be the relevant variables. Because

Henderson provides no indication of the relative importance of each variable, all variables were assumed to have equal weight in travel cost.

A) Slope: Henderson (1994, 2005) found that slope was a significant barrier to travel. Traveling both downhill and uphill on steep slopes was difficult. On these steep slopes, it was necessary for the dog and travois to tack both up and down slope.

The direct correlation of slope with cost is often criticized as an unrealistic representation of the cost of travel (e.g., Chapman 2006; Howey 2007; White and Barber

2012; Whitley and Hicks 2003). To overcome this problem, numerous authors (e.g.,

Phillips and Leckman 2012; Whitley and Hicks 2003) have transformed slope into cost

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by using Tobler’s hiking function. This algorithm transforms slope into walking speed and, as such, is believed to be a more accurate representation of the cost of foot travel across the landscape. In addition, this algorithm is anisotropic, modeling the differing costs between traveling upslope and downslope. Although Tobler’s hiking function has utility in other applications, it was not used for this analysis. This algorithm assumes that travel is occurring by humans on foot. However, in this analysis walking speed is affected not by humans’ travel limitations, but by the limitations of the dog when pulling a travois. These limitations are not appropriately modeled by Tobler’s hiking function.

A unique model of slope cost was created for this analysis. Slopes over 35 degrees were assumed to be un-traversable (see Kinsella-Shaw, et al. 1992). For slopes between 0 and 34 degrees, travel cost was modeled as having an exponentially increasing cost value between one and ten. Although this model is isotropic, that is it does not vary with direction, it is believed to be appropriate because Henderson (1994, 2005) found that the dog and travois had nearly equal difficulty traveling both up and down slope.

B) Vegetation: Based on Henderson’s (1994, 2005) descriptions, vegetation may represent the most significant barrier to dog and travois travel on the plains. While traveling the Qu’Appelle River valley, Henderson found it very difficult and tiring to maneuver through any bush and scrub over one meter high. In fact, on numerous occasions Henderson wished to move out of the valley bottom onto the prairie level at valley edge and was unable to do so, as thick brush prevented passage. His dog, pulling a travois, got repeatedly stuck in the brush and could not break through or back up. In contrast, Henderson notes that both native prairie and snow are ideal conditions for travel with a dog and travois.

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Because modern vegetation patterns are believed to differ from historic and prehistoric vegetation patterns on the Northwestern Plains, Dawson’s (1884) map of the

Bow and Belly River drainages was used to reconstruct the area’s vegetation. This map represents one of the earliest and most detailed spatial representations of historic period vegetation in southern Alberta. A raster-based model of treed and grassland vegetation was constructed from a digitized and georeferenced version of Dawson’s (1884) map.

Vegetation cost was then modeled by assigning all cells representing grassland a cost of one, and all cells representing tree or shrub vegetation a cost of ten.

C) Small Gullies: When crossing any gully or coulee deeper than 1.5 m,

Henderson (1994, 2005) found it necessary to unhitch the travois from his dog and carry it across. This type of fine grained elevation data is not represented by the digital elevation models (DEMs) used for this analysis, which are a 30 m raster dataset. These small topographic features would be visible on LIDAR data, which is available at a much finer-scale. However, the computer processing power required to analyze LIDAR data for the large area examined in this analysis would be extremely high and is, therefore, prohibitive to the use of this data. For this reason, these small gullies and coulees were not included in the total cost surface as they cannot be represented with the data available.

D) Rivers/Creeks: When crossing river/creeks, Henderson (1994, 2005) found it necessary to unload his dog and carry both the travois/belongings and the dog across the water, as his dog did not like to swim. However, he also indicates that Buffalo-Bird-

Woman describes crossing water bodies by swimming behind the dog, holding the ends of the travois above the water so that the load stayed dry. Alternatively, Ewers (1958:94)

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describes crossing deep streams or rivers by creating rudimentary boats out of tipi lodge covers and tipi/travois poles. These boats were used to ferry goods and people across the water. Finally, as is the case today, fords of rivers and creeks would have been available, where shallow water allows individuals to simply walk across the water body. Similarly, seasonal fluctuations in flow make it possible to simply wade across some rivers and creeks at particular times of year. The datasets available do not allow for these shallow areas to be modeled.

For this analysis, modern water body data was utilized for the reasons discussed in Chapter 5. Specifically, two data layers available from the National Topographic

Datababase (NTDB) contain the relevant data. The watercourse layer (a polyline dataset) represents the course followed by the flow of water, typically rivers, streams, brooks and creeks. The waterbody layer (a polygon dataset) represents bodies of water, including rivers, and includes four different subcategories. These vector datasets were first converted to a raster format. Given that larger, deeper, or wider water bodies will require greater cost to cross, the water body cost model described below (Table 7) was used to create a cost surface representing this variable.

Table 7. Water body cost model. Data Description Cost Water body (other) 10 (major water bodies – most difficult to cross) Water Course 8 Water body, intermittent/slough 6 (see description of wetlands below) NoData 1 (lowest travel cost, no water bodies present) Water body, irrigation canal 1 (man-made, not present in past so does not increase travel cost)

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E) Wetlands/Ponds/Boggy or Marshy Ground: In all wetlands and boggy areas,

Henderson (1994, 2005) found that the travois would get stuck in the wet ground/water, making travel difficult and slow.

Modern data available from the National Topographic Database was used to model this variable for the same reasons discussed above. This data included the NTDB wetland layer, as well as the intermittent/slough sub class of the water body data layer described above, which is thought to represent a similar barrier to travel. The wetland layer represents water saturated areas that are covered intermittently or permanently with water, including marshes and swamps. These vector datasets were first converted to raster format. Since intermittent water bodies/sloughs and wetlands are believed to have similar costs, all of these features were assigned a cost value of six. Cells with no data (meaning that none of these wetland features are present at that location) were assigned a cost value of one, indicating they did not include any significant barriers to travel for this variable.

Following the definition of these individual cost surfaces, a total cost surface was created by adding the five raster datasets in raster calculator. This created a total cost surface which models the cost of travel across the landscape relative to slope, vegetation, water bodies and wetlands.

A least cost path analysis was undertaken using the total cost surface as the input friction surface. Least cost path analysis requires the user to input both origin and destination points for the path. Although a series of random points could be used, for this analysis three known fords along the Old North Trail and Macleod Trail (Fort Calgary,

High River/Spitzee and Fort Macleod) were used as origin and destination points. Each ford was located based on historic records. Initially, the analysis was run using the two

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most distant points, Fort Calgary and Fort Macleod, as origin and destination points. Both combinations (Fort Calgary – origin/Fort Macleod – destination and Fort Macleod – origin/Fort Calgary – destination) were calculated to determine if there is difference in the optimal path on the return route. The least cost paths were then recalculated, adding the ford at High River. For this analysis, least cost paths were determined between Fort

Calgary and High River, between High River and Fort Macleod and vice versa.

Through this analysis, four least cost paths were created:

LCP1: Fort Calgary to Fort Macleod (north to south)

LCP2: Fort Macleod to Fort Calgary (south to north)

LCP3: Fort Calgary to Fort Macleod, through High River (north to south)

LCP4: Fort Macleod to Fort Calgary, through High River (south to north)

Results

Fort Calgary – Fort Macleod

The four least cost paths were plotted and compared to the location of the

Macleod Trail as indicated by Dawson (1884). First, LCP1 and LCP2 were plotted in relation to the Macleod Trail, shown in Figure 17. The three trails are essentially similar from Calgary until just south of the Highwood River along the Little Bow drainage, although the least cost paths are slightly east of the Macleod Trail. In this area, the

Macleod Trail follows the path of least resistance across the landscape. From here, the two least cost paths take a more direct, easterly route south to the north end of Pine

Coulee near Parkland, while the Macleod Trail takes a more westerly route, paralleling a series of valleys/creeks on the east side of these drainages. The three trails re-converge briefly near the north end of Pine Coulee (for only approximately 7 km).

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Figure 17. Least cost paths, Fort Calgary - Fort Macleod.

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At this point, the trails again diverge, with the Old Macleod trail and north-south least cost path taking a western route paralleling Willow Creek to Fort Macleod (see

Figure 17). Notably, the north-south least cost path crosses to the west side of Willow

Creek and then crosses back to the east side of the creek, while the Macleod Trail stays on the east side of Willow Creek, running parallel to the valley. The south-north least cost path, in contrast, takes a more easterly route, traveling across the open prairie from the north end of Pine Coulee to Fort Macleod, staying well away from the Willow Creek valley (located 15 km to the west at its furthest distance). This indicates that there is a difference between the optimal or most efficient route on this portion of the trail when traveling from Fort Macleod and on the return trip.

Fort Calgary – High River – Fort Macleod

LCP3 and LCP4, which incorporate the known river crossing of the Highwood

River (Spitzee) near where it meets the Little Bow drainage, were also plotted in comparison to the Macleod Trail, shown in Figure 18. These least cost paths differ only very slightly from those already discussed. The primary difference is the placement of the

Highwood River crossing on the least cost paths 3 kilometers further to the west. All other patterns discussed above remain the same.

The remarkable similarity between least cost paths calculated for Fort Calgary-

Fort Macleod and Fort Calgary-High River-Fort Macleod and the correlation of these paths with the Macleod Trail until several kilometers south of the Highwood River crossing indicate that ford of the Highwood River on the Macleod Trail was located at or very near the most efficient route across the landscape. It is interesting to note that, in all

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Figure 18. Least cost paths, Fort Calgary - High River - Fort Macleod.

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cases, where the least cost paths and Macleod Trail diverge, the historically documented trail is west of the least cost paths.

Discussion

Hunter-gatherers often deviate slightly from an idealized path in order to access resources, take advantage of scenic views, or visit economically or socially (or ritually) important locales (Surface-Evans 2012:132).

For those regions where the route of the Macleod Trail and, by proxy, the Old

North Trail, diverges from the least cost or most efficient route across the landscape, why are the two paths different? In all cases, in areas where the route of the Macleod Trail diverges from one or both of the least cost paths, the least cost path takes a more direct, more “efficient” eastern route, while the Macleod Trail parallels the edges of river and creek valleys to the west. This difference is likely slightly amplified when examining the

Old North Trail, which limited archaeological and ethnographic evidence suggests was slightly further west than the Macleod Trail. In essence, since there are no significant barriers to travel on the open prairie, the least cost path chooses a more easterly route because this route is a shorter straight line distance between points and, therefore, requires a lower total travel cost. Why, then, were human groups traveling through these areas choosing a less-direct, less efficient, westerly route? The pull factors leading people away from the least cost path may relate to a number of ecological and ideological requirements for travel in the region. Euclidian (straight-line) distance and cost distance calculations allow an evaluation of the role these requirements may have played in the choice of travel route. Since both calculations returned similar results, only the cost distance calculations will be discussed.

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Access to both wood and water, critical resources in the winter months when

Blackfoot groups would have been camping in the foothills and moving along the Old

North Trail, would have affected travel patterns in this region (Vickers and Peck 2004).

In this part of the southern Alberta prairies, water can be found in rivers/creeks, sloughs/ponds/lakes, and emanating from springs. Evaluation of the distance of least cost paths and the Macleod Trail from these sources of water offers little insight; few areas in the study region are a significant distance away from some source of water. From all paths, a source of water could be reached in no more than 2.5 km. However, the reliability of these water sources differs. Sloughs and small ponds, along with some creeks, will run dry for a portion of the year. In the winter months, many of these water bodies will be frozen over making them less accessible. Unfortunately, with the data available it is not currently possible to differentiate those water sources that are reliable from those that are not. However, two patterns are worth noting. First, most water bodies on the open prairies, along the easterly route of the least cost paths, are sloughs and small ponds, which would have been poor and unreliable sources of clean, fresh drinking water.

In contrast, the western route of the Macleod Trail passes by a number of springs and larger creeks/rivers which likely contained water throughout the year. Furthermore, the springs were associated with a Blackfoot story and considered sacred places (see, for example, Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2003).Although the data showing the location of springs in the region is incomplete, the majority of recorded springs present in the study region are located along the foothills front as well as in creek and river banks in the western portion of the study region. Therefore, it is possible that human groups traveling through the southern parts of this region took a less cost-efficient, more westerly route in order to

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maintain access to these constant, reliable sources of fresh water and/or to perform rituals at these places.

When traveling during the winter months, human groups would have required a source of wood at their chosen campsite. Bison dung is not generally used for fuel during this season due to the high moisture content it acquires (Brink 2008; Vickers and Peck

2004). Cottonwood groves were managed by the Blackfoot people, both for the resources present in these groves and because some of these groves housed the burial platforms of the ancestors. As such, the groves represent one in a series of important places imbued with meaning by Blackfoot people (Amundsen-Meyer 2013b; Oetelaar and Oetelaar

2003; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2007). For both of these reasons, we would expect human groups to travel in areas where wood will be nearby and accessible at the end of the day.

The distribution of wood in the study region, as reconstructed from Dawson (1884), is far more restricted than the distribution of water. From Fort Calgary to High River, wood is relatively evenly distributed, occurring in extended lines of vegetation in the Bow and

Highwood River valleys, as well as in a series of six tree groves in the Highwood/ Sheep

River valley (see Figure 19). Both the least cost path and Macleod Trail in this section run near to these sources of wood. Between High River and Fort Macleod, sources of wood are much more scarce. Between the Highwood and Old Man River valleys, the only sources of wood are a series of small tree groves on Willow Creek, Pine Coulee and

Mosquito Creek, shown in Figure 19. The groves on Mosquito Creek are still well west of the trail (about 12 km), so it is unlikely that the presence of these features explains the divergence of the Macleod Trail from the least cost path between the Highwood River and Pine Coulee. However, the Trail and westerly least cost path do remain close enough

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Figure 19. Cost distance from 1884 vegetation.

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to the groves on Pine Coulee and Willow Creek to access these resources, In contrast, the south-north least cost path (the eastern route) is approximately 14 km west of these tree groves, too far to access them from a camp near the trail in less than a full day of travel.

Therefore, the location of tree groves may have served to pull human groups away from the most efficient route across the landscape, so that they could visit the groves for both ecological and ideological reasons.

Similar to cottonwood groves, glacial erratics are focal points of spiritual energy due to their association with Napi, the Blackfoot trickster, in the story of Napi and the

Rock (Grinnell 1962:165-166; Wissler and Duvall 1908:342). For the Blackfoot people, this story explains the origin of the Foothills Erratics Train and the presence and importance of these landmarks, which are thought to have significant medicine power.

Given that Napi is inferred to have been traveling along the Old North Trail in this story, we expect there to be a correlation between the trail and the erratics, as human groups retrace the steps of Napi, revisit these places, and tell the associated story (Oetelaar 2012;

Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2006, 2010). Examining cost distance from erratics in comparison to the least cost paths and Macleod Trail (shown in Figure 20), it appears that the placement of these features on the landscape may have been another factor pulling people west away from the most cost efficient route. All of the glacial erratics are located in the western portion of the study region on the flanks of the foothills, west of both the

Macleod Trail and the least cost paths. In particular, in the southern part of the study area where a significant divergence is seen between the eastern least cost path and the

Macleod Trail, the route of the trail traverses a route parallel to a large cluster of erratics.

This suggests that human groups may have chosen a less cost efficient route in order to

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Figure 20. Cost distance from glacial erratics.

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be close to the erratics train, so that they could leave offerings at these spiritual places and tell the associated Napi story.

Similarly, named places serve as mnemonic pegs of Blackfoot culture and are areas where spiritual power is concentrated. Blackfoot groups would stop at these landmarks to tell the associated narratives, songs and rituals which teach morals and codes of behaviour as well as the history of the group (Oetelaar 2006, 2012; Oetelaar and

Meyer 2006; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2006, 2010). In the portion of the Blackfoot homeland between the Rocky Mountains and the Saskatchewan border, approximately half of the Blackfoot named places are located along the foothills front, in the study region. The exceptions to this are a number of named places along the Old Man and Belly

Rivers and others along the Bow River, both east-west travel routes. The remainder of the known named places are in the east, between Blackfoot Crossing and Fort Kipp. This was a second north-south trail that extended from Fort Macleod to Blackfoot crossing, well west of the route of the Old North Trail (see Figure 21). In the center of these four trails, no named places have been recorded. Given that the named places near the Macleod Trail all fall along the eastern margin of the foothills well west of the least cost path, it is possible that these named places were pulling people west to a less efficient travel route.

By taking the western route, human groups would be able to use these named places as markers of the route and stop at them to tell the associated stories, passing on the group’s oral traditions and codes of behaviour. This is further supported by Brings-Down-the-Sun

(in McClintock 1910:437-438) who describes the route of the Old North Trail in relation

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Figure 21. Trails and Blackfoot named places in southern Alberta (adapted from RCMP Archives Can.1962.6.2)

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to a series of named places. This suggests a close association between the location of the

Old North Trail and the named places in the area.

Stopping places are expected along the trail networks approximately every 20-25 kilometers, the anticipated distance of travel with dog and travois during a single day.

Using all site data for the study region available from the Archaeological Survey of

Alberta, a series of stopping places were defined along the Macleod Trail where clusters of sites are present. These stopping places are shown in Figure 22. These clusters appear along the trail at distances of between 14 and 25 kilometers, each representing a single day’s travel. It should be noted that although distinct cluster of sites are present at each of these hypothesized stopping places, survey in the study region is largely a result of cultural resource management and is not, therefore, complete. For this reason, the presence of clusters may relate, in part, to survey bias. The nature of the sites present in each cluster will not be discussed at this time, but will be explored for each defined study area in later chapters. Importantly, each of these stopping places is associated both with a historic site such as whiskey post, police post, stopping house etc. as well as with a series of named places. This suggests that these areas were used as stopping places both in the historic and prehistoric periods.

In addition, two other attributes of these stopping places are worth discussing. Six out of eleven stopping places are located at river crossings. These crossings were places where the north-south trail crossed east-west water bodies. These fords would have been good camping grounds, as the river valleys provide shelter as well a steady source of water and wood. Those stopping places which do not include a river crossing are nonetheless located along or near significant water bodies or springs. Generally, the latter

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Figure 22. Stopping places on route between Fort Calgary and Fort Macleod.

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group is found in the southern part of the study region, where the Old North Trail is west of the least cost paths. In addition, all stopping places are associated with treed vegetation, either in the form of discrete tree groves (five stopping places) or larger bands of vegetation in the valleys.

Chapter Summary

In this chapter, modes and distance of travel on the Northwestern Plains were discussed, historic and archaeological evidence for the Old North and Macleod Trails presented and a GIS model of human movement through this region created. During the

Late Prehistoric Period, travel was primarily accomplished by individuals on foot accompanied by dogs pulling travois. Human groups traveling in this manner are expected to average approximately 23 kilometers in a single day of travel, the exact distance dependent on variety of factors. North-south travel at this time would have occurred primarily along the Old North Trail. While this trail is known to have been located along the foothills front, archaeological evidence of its location is sparse and it is not documented on historic maps. However, in many cases historic trails follow the approximate route of earlier paths, suggesting that the Macleod Trail can be used as a proxy for the location of the prehistoric route. The Macleod Trail is well documented both historically and archaeologically. The correspondence of both types of evidence indicates that the location of this trail depicted on historic maps is accurate.

Finally, a least cost path model which determines the most efficient route of dog and travois travel across the landscape between Fort Calgary and Fort Macleod was created and compared to the location of the historic trail. In all cases, where the least cost

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path and Macleod Trail diverge, the route of the latter is further west. A number of pull factors that could be the cause of this difference were suggested, including the location of wood, water, glacial erratics and named places on the landscape. These pull factors will be explored in greater detail in Chapter 7, which uses a number of spatial analysis methods, including GIS and spatial statistics, to analyze the patterning of archaeological sites in relation to the resources and landmarks determined to be important in ecological and phenomenological models. This spatial analysis is used as a heuristic tool to quantify patterns and create hypotheses of land use which will be explored in Chapter 8.

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CHAPTER 7: SETTLEMENT PATTERN ANALYSIS

Introduction

Spatial analysis is the crux of GIS, the means of adding value to geographic data, and of turning data into useful information (Longley, et al. 2005:316).

This chapter attempts to quantify the observed settlement pattern for each of the three study areas using spatial statistics. The identification of patterns, including the presence or absence of site clustering and spatial autocorrelation of site type and size, is an essential step in determining where sites are distributed on the landscape. Site clusters, if present, can then be related to the topography, critical resources, landmarks, trails and other important features located in the study region through a number of descriptive spatial analysis methods. Ultimately, this spatial analysis will be used to identify patterns and anomalies in the data which can lead to new ideas, hypotheses and questions. This will allow the known distribution of sites along the trail to be tested against the expectations from both ecological and phenomenological models, the relative merits of which will be evaluated in Chapter 8.

Point Pattern Analysis

Point pattern analysis refers to one such group of methods that examines the spatial configuration of point observations across a study area and, potentially, the underlying process behind its formation (Crema, et al. 2010:1118).

The use of spatial statistics in archaeology is in many ways the bridging of disciplines, applying techniques developed in other fields to archaeological data. This can lead to an incomplete understanding by archaeologists and a lack of understanding if these techniques are appropriate to archaeological data. Most statistics assume that a

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spatial pattern is stationary and that the temporal domain can be safely ignored. However, most archaeological data is not stationary and, more fundamentally, all archaeological data has an inherent time component (Crema, et al. 2010; Nance 1993; Orton 1982).

Despite these problems, pattern analysis is commonly used to quantify the distribution of archaeological remains in a particular region.

Archaeological data is fundamentally spatial, as all archaeological remains are found somewhere. In this research, the spatial distribution of archaeological sites in three study areas in southern Alberta is analyzed. Determining whether these sites exhibit spatial patterning is an important step in understanding how human groups utilized the landscape and in evaluating competing models of settlement patterning on the

Northwestern Plains. Therefore, the analysis presented here will attempt to answer the question, what type of spatial patterning do sites in the each study area exhibit, and how is this patterning related to the distribution of relevant landscape features in the region?

Cluster Analysis

As noted earlier, the expectation for the ecological model is a random distribution of archaeological sites whereas the phenomenological model stipulates the clustering of sites. To test for clustering, dispersal or randomness in the archaeological site data, two methods of cluster analysis are applied. The average nearest neighbour statistics is a simple way of testing spatial patterns in site data. However, this statistic identifies clustering at a relatively small scale, because it only calculates distances between a point and its nearest neighbour (Rogerson 2010). Additionally, it uses a bounding box around site points for calculations. Therefore, it may be affected by the lack of inclusion of archaeological sites outside the study area and cannot account for areas believed to be un-

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surveyed. Quadrat analysis is less affected by boundary conditions because it is based on frequency, not a function that looks at neighboring points. However, this test is subjective and can be problematic if the size of quadrats used is inappropriate (Rogerson 2010).

Nevertheless, the use of quadrats allows for the removal of cells on the outskirts of study areas which are believed to be un-surveyed.

Average Nearest Neighbour

The average nearest neighbor statistic calculates an index which detects clustering in point data at a relatively small scale. The average nearest neighbour ratio compares the observed average distance between each point and its nearest neighbour with the expected distance based on a hypothetical random distribution. This calculation uses the following formula:

where di is the distance between each observed point and its nearest neighbour, n is the total number of observed features and A is the area of the minimum enclosing rectangle or an area specified by the user. If R equals 1, then the point pattern is random. An R value less than 1 indicates that the point pattern is more clustered than random, while an

R value greater than 1indicates that the point pattern is more dispersed or regular than random (ESRI 2009a; Rogerson 2010).

A series of average nearest neighbour statistics were calculated for each study area in ArcGIS 10.1 using the Average Nearest Neighbor tool in the Spatial Statistics toolbox. In each case, the statistic was calculated for all prehistoric sites as well as for

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each individual site type, as defined in Chapter 5, where sample size permits. Finally, the statistic was conducted on a combination of all ideological sites within each study area

(rock art sites, effigies/rock alignments and burials) as well as a combination of drive lane and kill site points in each study area. In each case, Euclidean distance was used to conceptualize spatial relationships.

Results. Average nearest neighbour statistic results for archaeological sites in the

Willow Creek study area are presented in Table 8. A statistically significant pattern of clustering is indicated for the sites as a whole as well as the majority of site types. Drive lane sites are the only site type to show a statistically significant pattern of dispersal. For cairn sites (non-drive lane), isolated finds and kill sites the null hypothesis of spatial randomness could not be rejected at the 95% confidence level. Results of average nearest neighbor analysis for the Calgary study area are shown in Table 9. A statistically significant pattern of clustering is identified for Calgary prehistoric sites as well as for each individual site type with a large enough sample to test. Sites with ideological constructs show a pattern of clustering. However, this clustering is only observed at the

70% confidence level and may be a result of random chance. Results of average nearest neighbor analysis for the Okotoks study area are shown in Table 10. Like elsewhere, prehistoric sites in the Okotoks study area show a statistically significant pattern of clustering. In this region, few sites types have sample sizes large enough to allow testing. Campsites and kill sites both show a clustered pattern at a 99% confidence level. Cairn sites (non-drive lane), in contrast, are randomly distributed on the landscape

In all study areas, the identification of statistically significant clustering of prehistoric sites and of most individual site types is indicative of a pattern of land use

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Table 8. Average nearest neighbour statistic: Willow Creek Study Area. Site Types Nearest Z-score P-value Result Neighbor Ratio (R) All Prehistoric Sites (266 sites) 0.56 -14.07 σ <0.01 Clustered Burials (3 sites) N/A N/A N/A N/A Campsites (168 sites) 0.73 -6.86 σ <0.01 Clustered Cairns (24 sites) 0.93 -0.64 σ 0.53 Random Effigies/Rock Alignments (7 N/A N/A N/A N/A sites) Isolated Finds (15 sites) 0.91 -0.70 σ 0.49 Random Kill sites (22 sites) 0.95 -0.49 σ 0.63 Random Rock Art (7 sites) N/A N/A N/A N/A Drive Lanes (11 sites) 1.99 6.30 <0.01 Dispersed Trail (7) sites) N/A N/A N/A N/A Rock Shelters (4 sites) N/A N/A N/A N/A Ideological sites (18 sites) 0.56 -3.62 σ <0.01 Clustered Kill Sites + Drive Lanes (33 0.80 -2.22 σ 0.02 Clustered sites)

Table 9. Average nearest neighbour statistic: Calgary Study Area. Site Types Nearest Z-score P-value Result Neighbor Ratio (R) All Prehistoric sites (1897 sites) 0.46 -45.18 σ <0.01 Clustered Burials (3 sites) N/A N/A N/A N/A Campsites (1396 sites) 0.48 -37.13 σ <0.01 Clustered Cairns (52 sites) 0.64 -4.98 σ <0.01 Clustered Effigies/Rock Alignments (4 sites) N/A N/A N/A N/A Isolated Finds (125 sites) 0.54 -9.82 σ <0.01 Clustered Kill sites (297 sites) 0.39 -20.04 σ <0.01 Clustered Rock Art (7 sites) N/A N/A N/A N/A Drive Lanes (3 sites) N/A N/A N/A N/A Trail (7 sites) N/A N/A N/A N/A Quarries (3 sites) N/A N/A N/A N/A Ideological sites (17 sites) 0.86 -1.11 σ 0.27 Random

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Table 10. Average nearest neighbour statistic: Okotoks Study Area. Site Types Nearest Z-score P-value Result Neighbor Ratio (R) All Prehistoric Sites (880 sites) 0.46 -30.49 σ <0.01 Clustered Burials (1 site) N/A N/A N/A N/A Campsites (770 sites) 0.50 -26.73 σ <0.01 Clustered Cairns (23 sites) 1.04 0.41 σ 0.68 Random Isolated Finds (11 sites) N/A N/A N/A N/A Kill sites (31 sites) 0.52 -7.53 σ <0.01 Clustered Rock Art (2 sites) N/A N/A N/A N/A Drive Lanes (2 sites) N/A N/A N/A N/A Trail (1 site) N/A N/A N/A N/A Ideological sites (4 sites) N/A N/A N/A N/A

consistent with phenomenological models. The clustering of campsites specifically could fit ecological models, as a preference for locations near wood and water is expected. The identification of random distributions for several site types is consistent with ecological models. However, these results are calculated from a small sample in most cases and are not robust.

Quadrat Analysis

Quadrat analysis is a method of point pattern analysis which divides the study area into a series of grid cells and counts the number of points in each cell to determine event frequencies. These frequencies are then tested against a distribution of complete spatial randomness using the variance-mean ratio (VMR) and Pearson’s chi-squared test.

The VMR, as its name suggests, is equal to the variance divided by the mean. The

Pearson’s chi-squared test compares the expected frequency (based on a randomly generated distribution) to the observed distribution at a 95% confidence interval to

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determine the probability that the observed and expected counts were drawn from the same distribution. These statistics are calculated with the formulas:

where m equals the number of quadrats or grid cells, σ2 equals the variance of the points

per quadrat and ẍ equals the mean number of points per quadrat. If the VMR equals 1

then the point pattern is random. A VMR greater than 1 with a chi-squared statistic less than 0.05 indicates a clustered pattern at a 95% confidence level. A VMR value less than

1 with a chi-squared statistic less than 0.05 indicates a dispersed pattern at a 95%

confidence level (Rogerson 2010).

Quadrat analysis was undertaken for each study area using a combination of

ArcGIS 10.1 and S+. The formula Q=2A/n (where A = the size of the study area and n = the number of point events) was used to determine optimal cell size for each study area, shown in Table 11 (Rogerson 2010). For each region, a minimum enclosing polygon around the sites within the study area was created in ArcMap and used as the boundary for analysis. The Generate Vector Grid Tool in the Geospatial Modeling Environment

(GME) was used to create a series of quadrats within this minimum enclosing polygon.

The grid was aligned randomly and polygons that did not intersect the minimum enclosing polygon were removed prior to analysis. Consequently, peripheral portions of each study area that have most likely never been surveyed were not included in analysis.

For the Willow Creek study area, which has a greater degree of data control, several additional polygons were deleted. These polygons were located west of Willow Creek in an area devoid of sites. This area is believed to have never been surveyed. The Count

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Table 11. Quadrat size calculations. Q (Area – km2) Mean f Willow Creek Study Area 2.18 2.33 Calgary Study Area 1.57 2.03 Okotoks Study Area 1.34 2.24

Table 12. Quadrat analysis significance tests. VMR P-Chi-Squared p-value Willow Creek Study Area 5.56 0.0126 <0.01 Calgary Study Area 9.33 0.0044 <0.01 Okotoks Study Area 5.91 0.0044 <0.01

Points in Polygons Tool (also in the GME) was used to count the number of points

(archaeological sites) present in each cell within the grid and append it to the point shapefile. For optimal quadrat size, the mean frequency should be approximately two, which it is for each study area (see Table 11; Rogerson 2010). The data was transferred to

S+ to complete the quadrat analysis including creating frequency plots and testing the distribution of points within quadrats against a randomly generated poisson distribution, generated for the same number of points in the same size area in each case. The VMR was used to test the pattern represented by the quadrat data against the random distribution and the chi-squared statistic calculated to test its significance.

Results. In the Willow Creek (Figure 23), Calgary (Figure 24) and Okotoks

(Figure 25) study areas, quadrat analysis indicates a clustered pattern of archaeological sites at a 99% confidence level (see Table 12 for VMR and tests of statistical significance). Furthermore, since the VMR is quite far from one, archaeological sites in each region are strongly clustered, a pattern consistent with phenomenological models.

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Figure 23. Quadrat analysis results: Willow Creek Study Area.

Figure 24. Quadrat analysis results: Calgary Study Area.

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Figure 25. Quadrat analysis results: Okotoks Study Area.

Spatial Autocorrelation

Tests of clustering provided support for both ecological and phenomenological models. For this reason, the nature of sites within clusters will be explored. If phenomenological models are correct, spatial clustering of site size and possibly site type is expected. If ecological models are correct, spatial dispersion of both site size and site type is expected. These hypotheses will be tested with a Moran’s I statistic.

The Moran’s I statistic is a measure of feature spatial autocorrelation, or similarity, which analyzes both feature location and attributes. This test uses a linear estimator based on the following formula:

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where n is the number of features and Wij is a measure of the spatial proximity between features i and j (Anselin, 1994; Rogerson, 2010). In practice, if the Moran’s I value is near zero, the null hypothesis of spatial randomness cannot be rejected. A Moran’s I value near one is indicative of positive spatial autocorrelation. That is, similar values will tend to be located near one another. In contrast, a Moran’s I value near negative one is indicative of negative spatial autocorrelation. This means that high values are dispersed in relation to one another and are more likely to be located near low values than other high values(ESRI 2009d; Longley, et al. 2005; Rogerson 2010).

Two Moran’s I spatial autocorrelation tests were calculated for archaeological sites in each study area using ArcGIS 10.1. The first iteration tested for feature similarity of site type, while the second iteration tested for feature similarity of site size, based on the area of site boundary polygons. In each case, a feature class of prehistoric sites with either site type or size information (point and polygon data respectively) was used for analysis, using inverse distance to conceptualize spatial relationships and Euclidean distance to measure distance. The Moran’s I statistic was calculated based on the appropriate variable (type or size), returning values for the observed and expected values of I, as well as z-score and p-value which allow evaluation of statistical significance.

Results. Results of the Moran’s I spatial autocorrelation tests for site type are shown in Table 13. In the Willow Creek study area, the observed index is near zero. This means, for example, that campsites are as likely to be located near any other site type as a second campsite. Furthermore, it means that campsites are not less likely to be located near other campsites than near other site types. Spatial dispersion in site type is indicated for both Okotoks and Calgary study areas by a negative and significant Moran’s I

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Table 13. Moran's I spatial autocorrelation test: site type. Study Area Moran’s Index Expected Index Z-score P-value Willow Creek 0.0539 -0.0038 0.3832 0.7016 Calgary -0.4352 -0.0005 -8.1233 <0.01 Okotoks -0.3280 -0.0011 -4.0762 <0.01

Table 14. Moran's I spatial autocorrelation test: site size. Study Area Moran’s Index Expected Index Z-score P-value Willow Creek 0.0393 -0.0040 1.6208 0.1050 Calgary 0.0220 -0.0006 3.7627 <0.01 Okotoks 0.0896 -0.0012 1.7165 <0.08

(Anselin 1994; Rogerson 2010). This means that sites that are close to one another do not tend to be of the same site type. The Calgary and Okotoks results are consistent with ecological models, while the results from the Willow Creek study area are inconclusive.

Given that site type identifications in Willow Creek have a greater degree of certainty, there may be more value to this result.

Results of the Moran’s I spatial autocorrelation tests for site size are shown in

Table 14. Although the Moran’s Index in the Willow Creek region suggests a somewhat clustered pattern of site size, this clustering is not statistically significant at a 95% confidence level. In the case of the Calgary study area, statistically significant spatial clustering of site size is indicated. This means that archaeological sites tend to be located near other sites of similar size. Finally, the Moran’s I statistic for the Okotoks study area

(0.0896) indicates a clustered pattern, but there is a 5-10% possibility that this clustered pattern is the result of random chance.

The identification of clustering of site size in all study areas is consistent with phenomenological models. However, this clustering is only statistically significant at a

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95% confidence level in the Calgary study area. This difference in significance may be a result of the samples available in each case. The Calgary study area is larger in area and includes a much larger number of archaeological sites (over 1,800) with, consequently, greater variation in site size. The Willow Creek study region, in contrast, includes a smaller area with under 300 archaeological sites and, consequently, less variation in size.

In addition, a much smaller percentage of these sites have been excavated than in the

Calgary study area, meaning that large sites are less clearly identified. Consequently, the suggestion of spatial randomness of site size in the latter area may simply be an artifact of the smaller sample and the degree of excavation that has occurred within the region.

Site Density

…the use of archaeological visualization within the spatial technologies provides better ways of engaging with archaeological landscapes and exploring them. With this in mind, it may be argued that the use of such ‘virtual reality’ within landscape archaeology may enable a more theoretically active approach to archaeological interpretation (Chapman 2006:169).

The spatial statistics described above identified clustering of site data and examined the nature of sites within these clusters. However, these analyses do not provide an indication of where site clusters are located on the landscape. Consequently, site density was calculated in ArcMap 10.1 for each individual study area. The purpose of density analysis was to visualize clustering in site data in relation to the landscape. This allows the expectations for site location in relation to landscape variables and the trail, detailed in Chapters 3 and 4, to be examined.

Kernel density uses a kernel function to create a smoothly tapered surface around each point, with highest value at the point location, diminishing with increasing distance

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until the search radius is reached. Overall density is then calculated by adding together the values of kernel surfaces created for each point in the dataset. ArcMap includes an option for specifying a population field during density analysis. When a population field is specified, the item’s value determines the number of times that a point is counted in the creation of the density surface (ESRI 2011b; Longley, et al. 2005).

For this analysis, archaeological site points and site polygons were joined in

ArcMap 10.1. The Kernel Density tool in the Spatial Analyst toolbox was then used to calculate site density, both un-weighted (with no population field) and weighted by site area, using the area of the site polygon as the population field.

Results. In the Willow Creek study area, initial density analysis suggests the presence of five distinct clusters of archaeological sites. Weighting by site size suggests that each cluster is of similar intensity (see Figure 26). Un-weighted kernel density analysis of the Calgary study area suggests the presence of two distinct archaeological site clusters. Additionally, a few small, less pronounced clusters are indicated along the western stretches of the Bow and Elbow Rivers. When weighted by site size, five site clusters are indicated (see Figure 27). Initial kernel density analysis of the Okotoks study area suggests a single, extremely large archaeological site cluster, extending along the banks of both the Sheep and Bow Rivers. When the calculation of density is weighted by site size, an intense cluster of archaeological sites along the Bow River, west of its confluence with the Highwood River, is suggested. A second, smaller and less intense cluster is located to the south along the Sheep River (see Figure 28). In all study areas, site clusters tend not to be located immediately on the trail, but just off of it to the west

(the single exception being a small cluster in the Willow Creek study area). Furthermore,

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Figure 26. Archaeological site density: Willow Creek Study Area.

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Figure 27. Archaeological site density: Calgary Study Area.

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Figure 28. Archaeological site density: Okotoks Study Area.

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in the Calgary study area a second linear pattern of site clusters is seen in the western portion of the study area, likely corresponding to the location of other important east-west trails through the region.

Exploratory Spatial Data Analysis

The value of visualization of archaeological landscapes resides largely with the ability to view multiple layers of data together in a more representative form (Chapman 2006:168).

Statistical tests of archaeological site data have identified patterns consistent with both ecological and phenomenological models. Strong clustering is indicative of phenomenological models, while spatial dispersion of site type is consistent with ecological models. Phenomenological models expect site clusters around or within sight of culturally significant landmarks, while ecological models suggests campsite clusters may occur at locations where springs provide water and wood is easily accessible..

Consequently, it is necessary to look at how the distribution of archaeological sites relates to the landscape. In the remainder of this chapter, exploratory spatial data analysis

(ESDA) is utilized to better understand the settlement pattern of the region in relation to important landscape features identified by both ecological and phenomenological models.

Given that archaeological expectations of these models include both patterns of proximity and visibility, both of these types of relationship will be examined.

ESDA aims to understand and summarize the spatial properties of a data set in order to detect patterns, formulate hypotheses and assess statistical models (ESRI 2011a;

Haining and Wise 1997). Here, a variety of descriptive spatial methods are used to identify patterns which can then be related to the expectations of both ecological and phenomenological models. Although the data visualization methods described here do

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not directly test hypotheses, they serve as a valuable exploratory tool that can detect and demonstrate spatial patterns in archaeological site data. Spatial analysis of archaeological sites is conducted as if they were static, occurring at a single point in time. This is not the case, but the assumption is that the majority of archaeological sites under study date to the Late Prehistoric Period.

Archaeological Site Distribution

Spatial dispersion of site type was indicated by statistical testing. As a complementary descriptive tool, site distribution and its relationship to landscape is explored by calculating mean center, standard distance and directional distribution of the site data as a whole and by type in each study area. If the ecological model is correct, these distributions should be the same for all site types.

Mean center, standard distance, and directional distribution were calculated in

ArcGIS 10.1, to define the central tendency and visualize the directional trend of sites in each study area. All of these tools are located in the Spatial Statistics toolbox and were used with default settings. Calculations were conducted for all sites within each study area, as well as for each site type individually where sample size permitted.

Mean center identifies the geographic center of a set of features by averaging the x and y values for all point features in the dataset. It is calculated with the following formula:

where xi and yi represent the coordinates for point feature i, and n is the total number of point features in the sample (ESRI 2009c).

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Standard distance measures the concentration or dispersion of point features around the geographic mean center, providing a summary of feature distribution around this center. This is represented by a circular polygon with radius equal to the standard distance value (one standard deviation). Standard distance is calculated with the following formula:

where xi and yi represent the coordinates for point feature i, n is the total number of point features, and (X,Y) represents the mean geographic center of the sample (ESRI 2009e).

The directional distribution tool creates an elliptical polygon of one standard deviation in order to summarize the central tendency, dispersion and directional trend present in a point data set. Rather than create a circle (as above), the directional distribution calculates the standard distance for x and y fields separately, each defining one axes of the resulting polygon. These values are calculated with the following formulas:

where xi and yi represent the coordinates for point feature i, n is the total number of point features, and (X,Y) represents the mean geographic center of the sample (ESRI 2009b).

In essence, this means that directional distribution calculates the deviation of both x and y coordinates from the mean center, rather than the deviation of the dataset as a whole. This allows the presence and orientation of directional trends in the data to be evaluated.

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Results. The mean center, standard distance and directional distribution calculations for prehistoric sites in the Willow Creek, Calgary and Okotoks study areas are shown in Figures 29 through 31. The archaeological sites in the Willow Creek study area have a mean center just south of the confluence of Willow Creek and Pine Coulee.

Of note there is a significant difference in distribution of ideological constructs (rock art, burials and rock alignments) than other site types, as depicted in Figure 29. These sites are anchored further to the north, with similar magnitude of standard distance and similar directional trends. This suggests that ideological constructs have a greater tendency to be located in the north portion of the Willow Creek study area than other site types. The geographic center of the point pattern in the Calgary study area (Figure 30) is located on the south bank of the Bow River, approximately nine kilometers upstream of its confluence with the Elbow River. Individually, each site type has a similar geographic center, with the exception of cairn sites (non-drive lane) which are centered approximately seven kilometers to the north. In the Okotoks study area (Figure 31), the geographic center of the archaeological site point pattern falls on the west bank of the

Highwood River, approximately six kilometers south of its confluence with the Bow

River. Campsites and kill sites center on a roughly similar location. The mean center of cairn sites (non-drive lane) is approximately four kilometers further west, with a more pronounced southwest-northeast directional trend.

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Figure 29. Archaeological site distribution summary: Willow Creek Study Area.

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Figure 30. Archaeological site distribution summary: Calgary Study Area.

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Figure 31. Archaeological site distribution summary: Okotoks Study Area.

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Density and Landscape

Previously, archaeological site density was calculated. Here, site density

(weighted by site size) has been plotted against each landscape variable (wooded vegetation, springs/watercourses, glacial erratics and named places/landmarks) of interest in order to visualize what these clusters are located near or around.

Results. The location of site clusters in the Willow Creek study in relation to landscape features is seen in Figure 32. The clusters appear to be related to the location of springs and named places, with these features present in essentially all site clusters.

Additionally, tree groves are closely associated with the two central clusters. Glacial erratics play a more general role, with the erratics train located in the same band of land as the site clusters. This relationship may be closer than depicted because the points representing glacial erratics only indicate sections in which erratics are present, not the location of individual erratics.

The relationship of site clusters to landscape features in Calgary is shown in

Figure 33. Although all but one of the clusters is located in an area with wooded vegetation, this vegetation is continuous rather than discrete. The presence of wooded vegetation does not necessarily correspond to the presence of a site cluster. The same can be said of major water bodies. Springs, in contrast, are located in all site cluster and areas where clusters are not present do not have known springs. Glacial erratics are related to the site clusters in the western half of the study area, but again in a more general manner.

Finally, named places are located on the periphery of clusters, suggesting that rather than camping at or on these places, human groups were selecting sites nearby, potentially with views of these places.

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Figure 32. Archaeological site density and landscape features: Willow Creek Study Area.

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Figure 33. Archaeological site density and landscape features: Calgary Study Area.

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Figure 34. Archaeological site density and landscape features: Okotoks Study Area.

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Site clusters in relation to landscape features in the Okotoks study area are shown in Figure 34. Here, the continuous wooded vegetation in the Bow River valley does not seem to be of importance, while tree groves surround a site cluster on the Highwood

River. Springs and glacial erratics show little relationship to the location of site clusters.

Site clusters are generally surrounded by named places, as in the Calgary study area. In one case, the named place is located directly in the site cluster, as in Pine Coulee.

Proximity

Within ArcGIS 10.1, the Proximity Toolset contains a series of tools that can be used to determine which features are closest to one another, calculate distances around features or distances between them. In particular, distance buffers can be used to calculate the number of sites within a given distance of a feature in order to address themes such as resource availability (Chapman 2006; ESRI 2008). In this research, the

Proximity Toolset was used to analyze and visualize the spatial proximity of archaeological sites to features identified as important in both ecological and phenomenological models.

The Multiple Ring Buffer Tool is used to create a series of polygon rings at distances specified by the user (ESRI 2011c). For this research, buffers were created at one, two, seven, ten and twenty kilometers from the features of interest (wooded vegetation, springs, major water bodies, glacial erratics, named places and the Macleod

Trail). Shelter (provided by topography) and the location of bison herds were not included, as both are more continuously distributed across the landscape. Distances of one and two kilometers were chosen to indicate close proximity and easy access to features. Features within seven kilometers of archaeological sites could be accessed in

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one half day, returning to camp in the afternoon, by even a slow moving group of women and children. Similarly, features within ten kilometers of archaeological sites are within one half day’s walk, although a higher travel speed would be required. Finally, sites within the twenty kilometer buffer are more than one half day’s walk away. In theory, these features could be reached in a single day, but a second day would be required to make the return trip. Sites over twenty kilometers away require multiple days travel for both away and return trips. Following the creation of these buffers, the Select by Location tool was used to determine the number of sites within specified distances from landscape features.

The Generate Near Table Tool was used to calculate the shortest distance between archaeological sites and each feature class. This tool determines the distance from each feature in the Input Feature Class (in this case archaeological sites) to the nearest feature in the Near Feature Class (in this case the relevant landscape feature), within the specified search radius. Since no search radius was stated, the tool calculated the distance to the closest landscape feature, regardless of distance. Finally, summary statistics of the distances between archaeological sites and each landscape feature were calculated.

Results. The relationship of archaeological sites to wooded vegetation in the

Calgary and Willow Creek study areas are similar, with the majority of archaeological sites evenly distributed within one kilometer of and between two and seven kilometers from wooded vegetation (see Table 15-16). The Okotoks study area shows a distinctly different pattern, with over 60% of archaeological sites found within one kilometer of wooded vegetation (Table 15-16), a pattern similar to that documented for the larger study region. Overall, sites in the Willow Creek study area are, on average, located closer

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Table 15. Proximity to wooded vegetation/number of sites. Calgary Okotoks Willow Creek Larger Study Area (n=1897) (n=880) (n=266) (n=4746) w/i 1 km 572 (30.2%) 540 (61.4%) 109 (41%) 1896 (40%) 1-2 km 260 (13.7%) 128 (14.5%) 17 (6.4%) 501 (10.6%) 2-7 km 612 (32.3%) 96 (10.9%) 103 (38.7%) 1209 (25.5%) 7-10 km 277 (14.6%) 34 (3.9%) 37 (13.9%) 530 (11.2%) 10-20 km 170 (9.0%) 80 (9.1%) 0 (0%) 376 (7.9%) 20+ km 6 (0.3%) 2 (0.2%) 0 (0%) 234 (4.8%)

Table 16. proximity to wooded vegetation statistics. Calgary Okotoks Willow Creek Larger Study Area Min Dist (km) 0 0 0 0 Max Dist (km) 21.6 20.6 9.9 40.2 Mean Dist (km) 4.2 2.4 3.2 4.7

Table 17. Proximity to wooded vegetation by site type: Willow Creek Study Area. Willow Creek w/i 1 km 1-2 km 2-7 km 7-10 km 10-20 km 20+ km Total 1 1 1 1 - burial (33.3%) 0 (33.3%) (33.3%) 0 0 3 2 - 64 10 65 32 campsite (37.4%) (5.85%) (38%) (18.7%) 0 0 171 13 1 8 2 3 –cairn (54.2%) (4.17%) (33.3%) (8.33%) 0 0 24 4 -effigy/ rock 4 1 1 1 alignm (57.1%) (14.3%) (14.3%) (14.3%) 0 0 7 5 -iso 3 2 7 2 find (21.4%) (14.3%) (50%) (14.3%) 0 0 14 7 - kill 10 10 1 site (47.6%) 0 (47.6%) (4.76%) 0 0 21 8 - rock 5 3 art (62.5%) 0 (37.5%) 0 0 0 8 9 - drive 7 2 1 lane (70%) (20%) (10%) 0 0 0 10 2 1 3 10 -trail (33.3%) (16.7%) (50%) 0 0 0 6 11- rock 4 shelter 0 0 (100%) 0 0 0 4

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Table 18. Proximity to wooded vegetation by site type: Calgary Study Area. Calgary w/i 1 km 1-2 km 2-7 km 7-10 km 10-20 km 20+ km total 1 - burial 3 (100%) 0 0 0 0 0 3 2 - 452 181 450 202 109 4 campsite (32.3%) (12.9%) (32.2%) (14.4%) (7.8%) (0.3%) 1398 16 1 16 10 7 3 –cairn (31.4%( (1.96%) (31.4%) (19.6%) (13.7%) 1 (2%) 51 4 -effigy/ rock 3 1 1 2 alignment (42.9%) (14.3%) (14.3%) 0 (28.6%) 0 7 5 –iso 16 17 54 9 28 1 find (12.8%) (13.6%) (43.2%) (7.2%) (22.4%) (0.8%) 125 7 - kill 80 55 88 54 19 1 site (26.9%) (18.5%) (29.6%) (18.2%) (6.4%) (0.3%) 297 8 - rock 1 2 3 1 art (14.3%) (28.6%) (42.9%) (14.3%) 0 0 7 9 - drive 1 1 1 lane (33.3%) (33.3%) 0 (33.3%) 0 0 3 1 1 5 10 -trail 0 (33.3%) (14.3%) 0 (71.4%) 0 7

Table 19. Proximity to wooded vegetation by site type: Okotoks Study Area. Okotoks w/i 1 km 1-2 km 2-7 km 7-10 km 10-20 km 20+ km Total 2 1 - burial (100%) 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 - 481 105 35 28 76 2 campsite (66.2%) (14.4%) (4.81%) (3.85%) (10.5%) (0.3%) 727 19 3 1 1 3 –cairn (79.2%) (12.5%) (4.17%) (4.17%) 0 0 24 4 -effigy/ rock alignment 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 –iso 3 2 6 find (27.3%) (18.2%) (54.5%) 0 0 0 11 7 - kill 35 17 10 3 3 site (51.5%) (25%) (14.7%) (4.41%) (4.41%) 0 68 8 - rock 1 1 art 0 0 0 (50%) (50%) 0 2 9 - drive 1 lane 0 0 1 (50%) 0 0 2 1 10 -trail 0 0 (100%) 0 0 0 1

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to wooded vegetation than elsewhere. This proximity analysis, broken down by site type, is shown in Table 17-19. Notably, all burials in the Calgary and Okotoks study areas fall within one kilometer of wooded vegetation, although only one of three burials in the

Willow Creek study area does.

As with any spatial analysis, the definition of arbitrary study area boundaries can create edge effects. A small number of sites in the northeast corner of the Calgary study area fall in the 10-20 kilometer buffer, approximately 18 kilometers from the wooded vegetation in the Bow River Valley. These sites are closer to two tree groves just outside the Calgary study area which are thirteen kilometers distant. At this distance, these sites would still fall into the 10-20 kilometer buffer. Similarly, a grove is located on Willow

Creek approximately one kilometer west of the study area boundary. Therefore, some sites on the periphery of the Willow Creek study area at this location may be closer to wooded vegetation than has been suggested. In addition to wooded vegetation within the grassland, Dawson (1884) identified a “region generally wooded”. This generally wooded region is present in the extreme southwest corner of the Calgary study area (included in analysis) and 8-10 kilometrs west of the Okotoks study area. Between this area and the prairie itself, Dawson (1884) identified a “region partly wooded with scattered trees”, corresponding to what is now known as the parkland. This partly wooded area is found west of the Macleod Trail in the Okotoks study area, as well as in the Calgary study area south of the Elbow River. Although this was not included in proximity analysis, human groups would have been able to find some brush and other wooded vegetation in this area. However, the largest trees and densest concentration of them within the study region should be found in the continuous vegetation and groves located in river valleys.

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While the large number of sites found in extremely close proximity to wooded vegetation may be, in part, a result of cultural choices, it may also result from the nature of survey work conducted in the region. On the prairies, wooded vegetation tends to be found in river valleys where increased moisture allows tree growth. Traditionally, archaeological survey has been concentrated along river valleys. This will artificially inflate the number of sites located extremely close to wooded vegetation. However, this survey bias exists in all three study areas and is not likely the cause of difference between regions.

The proximity of archaeological sites to glacial erratics is shown in Table 20-21.

Over 50% of sites in the Calgary study area are located between two and seven kilometers from glacial erratics. The Okotoks study area similarly has a large percentage of sites within a half day’s walk of these features, (2-7 km, 24.4%, 7-10 km 16.5%), as well as a high percentage (36.8%) between 10 and 20 kilometers away. The Willow

Creek study area exhibits a distinctly different pattern, with the highest number of sites located between one and two kilometers from glacial erratics (44.3%), followed closely by sites within one kilometer of these features (30.5%). This suggests that in the Willow

Creek study area settlement patterning was more closely tied to the location of erratics than elsewhere. When viewed in terms of site type, no significant differences in distribution emerge.

This proximity is based on a point placed in the center of each section in which erratics are present, as detailed in Chapter 5. Given that a single section is 1.6 km in length, more accurate plotting of glacial erratics should, if anything, tie the location of archaeological sites and erratics even more closely. Furthermore, if the erratic’s location

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Table 20. Proximity to glacial erratics/number of sites. Calgary Okotoks Willow Creek Larger Study Area (n=1897) (n=880) (n=266) (n=4746) w/i 1 km 246 (13.0%) 25 (2.8%) 81 (60.5%) 237 (5.0%) 1-2 km 386 (20.3%) 29 (3.3%) 118 (44.3%) 311 (6.6%) 1000 2-7 km (52.7%) 215 (24.4%) 67 (25.2%) 774 (16.3%) 7-10 km 79 (4.2%) 145 (16.5%) 0 (0%) 420 (8.8%) 10-20 km 184 (9.7%) 324 (36.8%) 0 (0%) 1876 (39.5%) 20+ km 2 (0.1%) 142 (16.2%) 0 (0%) 1128 (23.8%)

Table 21. Proximity to glacial erratics statistics. Calgary Okotoks Willow Creek Larger Study Area Min Dist (km) 0.04 0.3 0.1 0 Max Dist (km) 20.3 30.1 4.4 50.9 Mean Dist (km) 4.2 11.6 1.5 14.2

data were refined, rock art sites would likely show a closer relationship than other site types, as a large portion of these sites within the study region are found on the faces of glacial erratics.

In the Calgary and Okotoks study areas, as in the larger study region, approximately 50% of archaeological sites are located between two and seven kilometers of springs (see Table 22-23). In the Willow Creek study area, archaeological sites are nearly evenly distributed between the three shortest distances (up to 10 km; see Table 22-

23). A few distinctions are worth noting when this proximity analysis is broken down by site type (Table 24-26). In the Calgary study area, effigies, rock alignments and kill sites, however, are closer to springs (up to two kilometers distant). In the Okotoks study area

50% of rock art sites are within one kilometer of springs.

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Table 22. Proximity to springs/number of sites. Calgary Okotoks Willow Creek Larger Study Area (n=1897) (n=880) (n=266) (n=4746) w/i 1 km 392 (20.6%) 59 (6.7%) 89 (33.5%) 522 (11%) 1-2 km 223 (11.8%) 87 (9.9%) 98 (36.8%) 473 (10%) 2-7 km 995 (52.5%) 401 (45.6%) 79 (29.7%) 2110 (44.5%) 7-10 km 227 (11.9%) 160 (18.2%) 0 (0%) 920 (19.4%) 10-20 km 60 (3.2%) 173 (19.6%) 0 (0%) 536 (11.3%) 20+ km 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 185 (3.8%)

Table 23. Proximity to springs statistics. Calgary Okotoks Willow Creek Larger Study Area Min Dist (km) 0 0 0 0 Max Dist (km) 19 18.5 6.2 38.1 Mean Dist (km) 3.9 6.4 1.6 6.2

Table 24. Proximity to known springs by site type: Willow Creek Study Area. Willow Creek w/i 1 km 1-2 km 2-7 km 7-10 km 10-20 km 20+ km total 1 2 1 - burial (33.3%) (66.7%) 0 0 0 0 3 2 - 48 63 56 campsite (28.7%) (37.7%) (33.3%) 0 0 0 167 9 11 4 3 -cairn (37.5%) (45.8%) (16.7%) 0 0 0 24 4 -effigy/ rock 3 2 2 alignment (42.9%( (28.6%) (28.6%) 0 0 0 7 4 5 5 5 -iso find (28.6%) (0.4%) (35.7%) 0 0 0 14 11 5 6 7 - kill site (50%) (35.7%) (27.3%) 0 0 0 22 8 - rock 4 3 1 art (50%) (37.5%) (12.5%) 0 0 0 8 9 - drive 5 3 3 lane (45.5%) (27.3%) (27.3%) 0 0 0 11 1 4 1 10 -trail (16.7%) (66.7%) (16.7%) 0 0 0 6 11- rock 1 shelter 3 (75%) 0 (25%) 0 0 0 4

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Table 25. Proximity to known springs by site type: Calgary Study Area. w/i 1 Calgary km 1-2 km 2-7 km 7-10 km 10-20 km 20+ km total 1 2 1 - burial 0 (33.3%) (66.7%) 0 0 0 3 2 - 279 162 747 175 33 campsite (20%) (11.6%) (53.5%) (12.5%) (2.4%) 0 1396 6 9 29 8 3 -cairn (11.5%) (17.3%) (55.8%) (15.4%) 0 0 52 4 –effigy/ rock align 0 7 (50%) 7 (50%) 0 0 0 14 7 82 17 12 5 -iso find (5.9%) 0 (69.5%) (14.4%) (10%) 0 118 99 42 116 25 15 7 - kill site (33.3%) (14.1%) (39.1%) (8.4%) (5.1%) 0 297 8 - rock 2 4 1 art 0 (28.6%) (57.1%) (14.3%) 0 0 7 9 - drive 1 2 lane (33.3%) 0 (66.7%) 0 0 0 3 6 1 10 -trail 0 0 (85.7%) (14.3%) 0 0 7

Table 26. Proximity to known springs by site type: Okotoks Study Area. Okotoks w/i 1 km 1-2 km 2-7 km 7-10 km 10-20 km 20+ km total 1 1 1 - burial 0 0 (50%) 0 (50%) 0 2 2 - 78 351 142 147 campsite 51 (6.6%) (10.1%) (45.6%) (18.5%) (19%) 0 769 2 14 1 3 -cairn 4 (16.7%) (8.3%) (58.3%) 3 (12.5%) (4.2%) 0 24 4 -effigy/ rock alig 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 -iso 2 7 2 find 0 (18.2%) (63.6%) 0 (18%) 0 11 7 - kill 2 27 15 21 site 3 (44%) (2.9%) (39.7%) (22.1%) (31%) 0 68 8 - rock 1 art 1 (50%) 0 (50%) 0 0 0 2 9 - drive 2 lane 0 (100%) 0 0 0 0 2 1 10 -trail 0 (100%) 0 0 0 0 1

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The identified patterns may result in part from a lack of documentation of springs in the Calgary and Okotoks study areas. Springs plotted include only those documented by Borneuf (1983) and the few cases where the presence of a spring is noted in the site attribute data. Therefore, the relationship between archaeological sites and springs may be closer than suggested by proximity analysis. Springs in the Willow Creek study area are better documented due to field work in the region in 2011 and 2012, giving greater confidence in the identified patterns. While only one spring is located in each site cluster, there are significantly more sites located within two kilometers of known springs in the

Willow Creek study area.

Archaeological site proximity to named places is shown in Table 27-28. In all cases, approximately 50% of archaeological sites are located between two and seven kilometers of named places. These distances provide access to named places within one

Table 27. Proximity to named places/number of sites. Calgary Okotoks Willow Creek Larger Study Area (n=1897) (n=880) (n=266) (n=4746) w/i 1 km 293 (15.4%) 221 (25.1%) 70 (26.3%) N/A 1-2 km 206 (10.9%) 163 (18.5%) 67 (25.2%) N/A 2-7 km 922 (48.6%) 470 (53.4%) 129 (48.5%) N/A 7-10 km 248 (13.1%) 26 (3.0%) 0 (0%) N/A 10-20 km 228 (12.0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) N/A 20+ km 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) N/A

Table 28. Proximity to named places statistics. Calgary Okotoks Willow Creek Larger Study Area Min Dist (km) 0 0 0 N/A Max Dist (km) 17.1 8.5 9.8 N/A Mean Dist (km) 5 2.7 5 N/A

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Table 29. Proximity to Blackfoot named places by site type: Willow Creek Study Area. Willow Creek w/i 1 km 1-2 km 2-7 km 7-10 km 10-20 km 20+ km total 1 2 1 - burial 0 (33.3%) (66.7%) 0 0 0 3 2 - 43 44 80 campsite (25.7%) (26.2%) (47.9%) 0 0 0 167 7 5 12 3 -cairn (29.2%) (20.8%) (50%) 0 0 0 24 4 -effigy/ rock 3 1 3 align (42.9%) (14.3%) (42.9%) 0 0 0 7 5 –iso 4 2 8 find (28.6%) (14.3%) (57.1%) 0 0 0 14 7 - kill 5 9 8 site (22.7%) (40.9%) (36.4%) 0 0 0 22 8 - rock 3 1 4 art (37.5%) (12.5%) (50%) 0 0 0 8 9 - drive 2 3 6 lane (18.2%) (27.3%) (54.5%) 0 0 0 11 3 1 2 10 -trail (50%) (16.7%) (33.3%) 0 0 0 6 11- rock 4 shelter 0 0 (100%) 0 0 0 4

day (return). In addition, these shorter distances may provide good views of named places, something suggested to be important by visibility analysis. In terms of site type, proximity to named places is extremely uniform across study areas and site types, with the largest share of nearly all types exhibiting the same pattern (Table 29-31). Burials in the Calgary study area, however, are found equally up to seven kilometers from named places. Trail segments in this region are primarily between ten and twenty kilometers of a named place, while 50% of trail sites are within one kilometer in the Willow Creek study area. Notably, the two Macleod Trail segments in the latter are two to seven kilometers

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Table 30. Proximity to Blackfoot named places by site type: Calgary Study Area. Calgary w/i 1 km 1-2 km 2-7 km 7-10 km 10-20 km 20+ km total 1 - 1 1 1 burial 0 (33.3%) (33.3%) (33.3%) 0 0 3 2 - 209 145 682 187 175 campsite (14.9%) (10.4%) (48.8%) (13.4%) (12.5%) 0 1398 7 1 31 10 3 3 -cairn (13.5%) (1.9%) (59.6%) (19.2%) (5.8%) 0 52 4 -effigy/ 1 2 1 rock alig 0 (25%) (50%) 0 (25%) 0 4 5 –iso 12 19 53 24 17 find (9.6%) (15.2%) (42.4%) (19.2%) (13.6%) 0 125 7 - kill 63 38 144 24 site (21.2%) (12.8%) (48.5%) (8.1%) 28 (9.4%) 0 297 8 - rock 2 1 4 art (28.6%) (14.3%) (57.1%) 0 0 0 7 9 - drive 2 1 lane 0 0 (66.%) (33.3%) 0 0 3 3 4 10 -trail 0 0 (42.9%) 0 (57.1%) 0 7

Table 31. Proximity to Blackfoot named places by site type: Okotoks Study Area. Okotoks w/i 1 km 1-2 km 2-7 km 7-10 km 10-20 km 20+ km total 1 1 1 - burial (50%) 0 (50%) 0 0 0 2 2 - 196 141 407 26 campsite (25.5%) (18.3%) (52.9%) (3.4%) 0 0 770 9 3 12 3 -cairn (37.5%) (12.5%) (50%) 0 0 0 24 4 –effigy /rock alig 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 6 5 -iso find 1 (9.1%) (36.4%) (54.5%) 0 0 0 11 7 - kill 13 15 40 site (19.1%) (22.1%) (58.8%) 0 0 0 68 8 - rock 1 1 art (50%) 0 (50%) 0 0 0 2 9 - drive 2 lane 0 0 (100%) 0 0 0 2 1 10 -trail 0 0 (100%) 0 0 0 1

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from a named place. Finally, 50% of burials are within one kilometer of a named place in the Okotoks study area.

In all study areas, the majority of sites are located within one kilometer of major water bodies with no significant differences by site type (Table 32-33). Although this preference for close proximity to water may, in part, be due to cultural choices, it may also reflect survey bias since archaeological survey in the region has concentrated along water bodies. Furthermore, it should be noted that simple proximity does not denote access. Human groups would have required a route down to the river or creek, most of which are located in deeply incised valleys.

Table 32. Proximity to major water bodies/number of sites. Calgary Okotoks Willow Creek Larger Study Area (n=1897) (n=880) (n=266) (n=4746) 1020 w/i 1 km (53.8%) 762 (86.6%) 208 (78.2%) 2793 (58.8%) 571 1-2 km (30.1%) 108 (12.3%) 45 (16.9%) 1103 (23.2%) 306 2-7 km (16.1%) 10 (1.1%) 13 (4.9%) 839 (17.7%) 7-10 km 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 11 (0.2%) 10-20 km 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 20+ km 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%)

Table 33. Proximity to major water bodies statistics. Calgary Okotoks Willow Creek Larger Study Area Min Dist (km) 0 0 0 0 Max Dist (km) 6.3 3.4 2.2 7.2 Mean Dist (km) 1.1 0.5 0.5 0.9

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Table 34. Proximity to trail/number of sites. Calgary Okotoks Willow Creek Larger Study Area (n=1897) (n=880) (n=266) (n=4746) w/i 1 km 77 (4.1%) 32 (3.6%) 37 (13.9%) 174 (3.7%) 1-2 km 140 (7.4%) 20 (2.3%) 35 (13.2%) 255 (5.4%) 2-7 km 528 (27.8%) 217 (24.7) 170 (63.9%) 1195 (25.2%) 7-10 km 205 (10.8%) 201 (22.8%) 24 (9%) 527 (11.1%) 10-20 km 702 (37%) 306 (34.8%) 0 (0%) 1278 (26.9%) 20+ km 245 (12.9%) 104 (11.8%) 0 (0%) 1317(27.7%)

Table 35. Proximity to trail statistics. Calgary Okotoks Willow Creek Larger Study Area Min Dist (km) 0.1 0 0 0 Max Dist (km) 35.3 28.3 9.7 49.1 Mean Dist (km) 11.1 10.8 3.5 14.5

Finally, proximity of archaeological sites to the Macleod Trail was analyzed with the assumption that the historic period trail is a reasonable approximation of the location of the prehistoric Old North Trail, as suggested in Chapter 6. In all study areas, sites tend to be upwards of two kilometers from the trail (Table 34-35). This suggests that, while traveling along this pathway, human groups were choosing to stop in locations easily accessible from the trail, but far enough away that they would not be disrupted by activities on the trail itself. Generally, all site types show this pattern with none standing out at a noticeably closer or farther distance.

Viewshed Analysis

Both ecological and phenomenological models identify views of several features of the landscape as important to past human groups. Consequently, a number of viewshed analyses were undertaken to identify patterns of visibility between cultural features and

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the landscape in the study region. The use of visibility studies in landscape archaeology is well-founded. Visual analysis can suggest the existence of relationships between humans and their landscape, as well as generate ideas about human perceptions of landscape

(Chapman 2006). For this research, it was not possible to look at visibility on the ground in all areas due to the constraints of both time and money. Viewshed analysis, therefore, provides a valuable tool to look at the distribution of sites and their relationship to important landscape features in the region.

In ArcGIS, viewshed analysis determines all cells that have a clear line of site from an observation point or line. The user has the option of specifying an observer height, which is the height above the modeled ground surface from which things will or will not be visible. In archaeological viewshed studies, 1.7 m is typically used as an observer height. This height has been suggested as an average height for an adult human, a fact corroborated by skeletal analyses (Chapman 2006).

Cumulative Viewshed Analysis: Least Cost Path

A viewshed for each the least cost paths in Chapter 6 was calculated in ArcGIS

10.1. The area visible from each individual path was then assigned a unique number

(using the Reclassify Tool), so that any combination of viewsheds would result in a distinctive value when all were combined. Raster calculator was used to add the three viewsheds together, with the resulting raster depicting the similarities and differences in visible area from each path.

Results. The simplified results, which show only differences between the two most divergent paths (the Old North Trail and south-to-north least cost path), are shown in Figure 35. Blue areas are those visible from both paths, red those visible only from the

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Figure 35. Cumulative viewshed analysis: trails.

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Macleod Trail and yellow those visible only from the south-to-north least cost path. In the northern half of the study region, there is little meaningful difference in view, as the two paths are very similar. In the southern portion of the study region, several areas are visible from the Macleod Trail only, while a single large area is seen from the least cost path only.

Figure 36 shows how these differences in visible area relate to landscape features.

No landscape features of relevance have been documented in the area visible from the least cost path only. Tree groves are located in areas visible from the Macleod Trail in the north (in the Willow Creek study area) and wooded vegetation in the south (near Fort

Macleod). Although this vegetation grew in the valley bottom, cottonwoods growing in the region today often protrude above the valley rim and are visible from some distance.

Springs are located along the western edge of the area visible from the Macleod Trail. It is unlikely that these small, unobtrusive features could be seen from a significant distance. However, associated changes in vegetation may have been visible. Glacial erratics appear to be strongly concentrated within areas that are visible only from the

Macleod Trail, with a smaller number located in areas visible to both paths. Finally, most named places in this part of the study region are located where they are visible from the

Macleod Trail only, with the remainder in areas visible from both paths. No features of any kind are located in the area visible only from the least cost path. Archaeological sites tend to be located on the boundary of the area visible from the path, west of the Macleod

Trail, just out of sight.

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Figure 36. Views from paths and important landscape features. 233

Viewsheds: From Trail

Building on the above analysis, viewsheds from the section of the Macleod Trail running through each of the three study areas were calculated. This analyses helps determine which landscape features were guiding human travel through the region.

Results. Figure 37 and 38 show trail visibility in relation to landscape features and archaeological sites in the Willow Creek study area. The valley bottom where tree groves are located is not directly visible from the Macleod Trail, though the tops of the trees may have been visible above the valley edge. Springs tend to be located in areas which are visible, but these features are small and unobtrusive and would not be visible from significant distances. However, springs may create more lush vegetation, a landscape difference can be seen from greater distance. Glacial erratics are most strongly correlated with visible area, with all erratics located where they can be seen from the trail. Finally, with the exception of Pine Coulee, all named places in the Willow Creek study area are visible from the Macleod Trail. The polygon representing Pine Coulee has been placed in the bottom of the coulee and, as such, is not visible. That being said, it is unclear which part of this glacial outwash channel was associated with the name by the Blackfoot people and large portions of the coulee are visible from the Macleod Trail. Finally, archaeological sites tend to be located on the margins of visible area, just out of sight to those traveling along the trail. The large majority of sites are located west of the trail.

A significant amount of the western portion of the Calgary study area is not visible from the Macleod Trail (see Figure 39 and 40), though east-west trails would have been present here. Most landscape features of interest are not located in this part of the study area, but in the eastern portion closer to the Macleod Trail. As in the Willow Creek

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Figure 37. View from Macleod Trail and landscape features: Willow Creek Study Area.

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Figure 38. View from Macleod Trail and archaeological sites: Willow Creek Study Area.

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Figure 39. View from Macleod Trail and landscape features: Calgary Study Area.

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Figure 40. View from Macleod Trail and archaeological sites: Calgary Study Area

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study area, wooded vegetation is located primarily in non-visible valley bottoms. Prairie level above the valley is visible, and treetops may have been seen above the valley edge.

Visibility of springs does not seem to be a major factor; most are located just out of sight.

Glacial erratics are all found in large visible areas. Finally, named places are strongly correlated with locations visible from the Macleod Trail. There are a few exceptions to this, namely those located in the western portion of the study area (The Bow and The

White Precipice) and The Plateau, which is located on the northwestern slopes of a prominent landform. Visibility of these named places from the trail network is, nevertheless, important. The latter named places are most likely visible from a number of east-west trails which run through this area (the Bow, for example is along the Morley

Trail). Again, archaeological sites are generally located further from the trail, near the edges of visible areas or in areas not visible from the trail itself. The majority of sites in this study area are located west of the Macleod Trail, though this pattern is less pronounced than in the Willow Creek study area.

Figure 41 shows landscape features and visible area in the Okotoks study area.

Tree groves are visible from the trail, while the continuous vegetation in the Bow River valley is only visible over part of its distance. While springs are, with a single exception, located in areas visible from the trail, this is only relevant if associated changes in vegetation can be seen from significant distance. Although all erratics present in the study area are visible from the trail, there are large visible areas in which no erratics are located. Like elsewhere, named places are located where they can be seen from the trail.

Finally, in the Okotoks study area archaeological sites are often visible to the trail and are

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Figure 41. View from Macleod Trail and landscape features: Okotoks Study Area. 240

Figure 42. View from Macleod Trail and archaeological sites: Okotoks Study Area.

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relatively equally distributed on both west and east sides of the Macleod Trail (Figure

42). This is a distinct contrast to the Calgary and Willow Creek study areas.

Additional Visibility Analysis

For each study area, viewsheds were calculated for named places and the site clusters identified by density analysis. Since viewshed analysis requires either point or polyline data for analysis, the polygons representing named places and site clusters could not be used directly. Consequently, a point representing each named place or cluster was placed on the highest landform within the relevant polygon.

Results. In the Willow Creek study area, the placement of site clusters provides almost complete visual coverage of the study area with minimal overlap. This is similar to the Calgary and Okotoks study areas, although the overall coverage in the latter two cases is less. This suggests that archaeological site clusters are distributed in a way that maximizes the overall view of the landscape, providing largely different views from each cluster. In this way, groups inhabiting each locale would be able to share information and maximize their knowledge of the location of game, human groups and other resources. In the Willow Creek study area, glacial erratics are visible from all but one site cluster and at least one named place is visible from each cluster. Views of springs and tree groves are more sporadic. In the Calgary study area, all clusters have views of at least one spring and at least one (in most cases two or more) named places. The relationship of site clusters to wooded vegetation and erratics is less uniform. Finally, in the Okotoks study area, glacial erratics, at least one named place and at least one tree grove are visible from each site cluster. There does not appear to be a relationship between the location of site

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clusters and springs (in terms of visibility) in this study area. The site clusters themselves are not inter-visible in any case.

Visibility analyses of named places in the Willow Creek and Calgary study areas show similar patterns (Figure 43 and 44). There is minor overlap in individual viewsheds, near their edges. Consequently, when you are almost out of sight of one named place, you are just within site of the next. The exception in Calgary is that The Plateau and where- the-buffalo-run-down-the-hill have extremely similar views. In the Willow Creek study area, views overlap linearly from north to south, suggesting that these named places were important landmarks for north-south travel along the Old North Trail. In the Calgary study area there is more variation in direction, with views overlapping in a series of north-south and essentially east-west bands. This is because the Calgary area was a prehistoric travel hub, with many north-south and east-west trails meeting here. In both of these study areas, archaeological sites tend to be located within or immediately adjacent to areas from which one or more named places are visible.

In the Okotoks study area, there is greater overlap in visible area, particularly in the northern portion of the study area (north of the Bow River). Archaeological sites along the Bow tend to be located within or immediately adjacent to areas from which one or more named places are visible, as was noted in the other two study areas. However, archaeological sites located along the Highwood and Sheep Rivers tend not to have views of named places. There are, however, views of these places from the nearby prairie level in most cases.

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Figure 43. Views from named places: Calgary Study Area.

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Figure 44. View from named places: Willow Creek Study Area.

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Fuzzy Logic Site Selection Model

GIS models should be treated as models, or as hypotheses that may be tested on the ground (Chapman 2006:127).

Based on the analysis presented in this chapter, it is possible to discern a series of trends in terms of where sites should be located in relation to landscape. The goal of creating a fuzzy logic suitability model is to determine if analyzing land use patterns based on culturally specific variables known to date to the Late Prehistoric Period is appropriate when the site sample is largely undated.

Fuzzy logic is an overlay analysis technique most commonly used to solve site selection problems and create suitability models. For this analysis, the fuzzy logic tools available in ArcGIS 10.1 were found to be too rigid and to inaccurately represent the expectations derived from proximity analysis. Therefore, a unique methodology was developed. The results of proximity analysis for each variable (excluding proximity to trail) were used to define the most suitable location for archaeological sites, based on that particular variable. As in fuzzy logic, locations were not assigned binary values (suitable

– not suitable), but values that represent a degree of suitability. To do this, each set of buffers was converted to a raster using the Polygon to Raster tool. The Reclassify tool was then used to assign each raster cell a value equal to the percentage of sites found within that buffer. This process was repeated for each variable. These five rasters were added together in Raster Calculator, resulting in a single raster that represents the degree of suitability of the landscape for archaeological sites based on all variables.

Suitability models were created using the results of proximity analysis, which examined all recorded sites in each study area, many of which are undated. Although the

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majority of these sites most likely include a Late Prehistoric component, the site sample also includes occupations from the Early and Middle Prehistoric Periods. Given that phenomenological expectations rely on culturally specific variables, we would expect that there may be dissimilar settlement patterns through time. For this reason, dated sites were plotted against each study area’s site suitability model. Of particular interest is the degree to which sites dating to the Late Prehistoric Period fit the model, as the majority of these sites are representative of the ancestral Blackfoot.

Results. Dated prehistoric sites have been plotted on the site suitability model resulting from this analysis, shown in Figure 45 through Figure 47. The sites dating to the

Late Prehistoric Period are highlighted in blue. In each case, although the Late Prehistoric sites are not located only in the most suitable areas, they tend to be located in areas of overall high suitability. In addition, in each study area there are subtle differences in the location of sites dating to Early, Middle and Late Prehistoric periods. These differences are most pronounced than in the Willow Creek study area. In no case are sites from any period located in areas of low suitability.

Discussion

GIS should increasingly be considered as a place to think, where the models being generated are thought of as heuristic models (Chapman 2006:128).

In this chapter, spatial statistics, notably cluster analysis and tests of spatial autocorrelation, were used to test assumptions of both ecological and phenomenological models. Further spatial analysis was conducted to determine which landscape features may be correlated to the clustering identified through spatial statistics. The purpose of this analysis, as suggested byChapman (2006), was to use GIS to generate possibilities

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Figure 45. Site suitability models showing dated prehistoric sites: Willow Creek Study Area.

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Figure 46. Site suitability models showing dated prehistoric sites: Calgary Study Area.

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Figure 47. Site suitability models showing dated prehistoric sites: Okotoks Study Area.

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rather than realities. Here, spatial analysis was designed to create a series of hypotheses and a body of evidence with regards to which variables affected settlement choices in this region, within the wintering grounds of the Blackfoot people. This evidence will then be used to evaluate the relative merits of ecological and phenomenological models for settlement patterning in Chapter 8.

Lobb (2009) conducted a similar series of statistical tests on archaeological data from the control study area, the Piikani Reserve. Average nearest neighbor analysis of archaeological features was performed in ArcMap 9.1 These results are shown in Table

36. Lobb (2009) divided the dataset for better quality analysis, so that un-surveyed areas did not bias analysis. The results from the Piikani dataset show similar patterns to the

Willow Creek, Calgary and Okotoks study areas. In all three regions of the Piikani

Reserve analyzed by Lobb (2009), archaeological features were found to be strongly clustered.

Lobb (2009) also calculated the Moran’s I statistic for the Piikani dataset using

ArcMap 9.1. These results are shown in Table 37. In all three regions of the Piikani

Reserve he analyzed, Lobb (2009) found that archaeological features show a strong pattern of positive autocorrelation or clustering. This means that particular, specialized types of activities tended to occur at a single locale. This is a distinct difference from the patterns of spatial autocorrelation observed in the Calgary, Okotoks and Willow Creek study areas.

The archaeological sites in the Calgary and Okotoks study areas show a strong pattern of negative autocorrelation or dispersion. Functionally, this shows that numerous different activities, rather than only one activity, were occurring in each locale. In

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Table 36. Average nearest neighbour statistic: Piikani Dataset. Nearest Z-score P-value Neighbor Ratio (R) North Data 0.3111 -25.4208 0.01 West Data 0.4252 -12.2953 0.01 Southeast Data 0.2139 -28.8889 0.01

Table 37. Moran's I spatial autocorrelation test: Piikani Dataset. Moran’s Index Z-score P-value North Data 0.257 12.8023 0.01 West Data 0.197 4.1949 0.01 Southeast Data 0.193 7.8607 0.01

the Willow Creek study area, the Moran’s I statistic indicates that archaeological sites show neither positive nor negative autocorrelation. While sites of the same type do not tend to be located near to one another, they also do not tend to be preferentially located far from one another. The pronounced differences in results of Moran’s I calculations in the Willow Creek, Calgary/Okotoks and Piikani study areas may suggest that different processes were at work in settlement choices across study regions. However, it should be noted that in the case of the Piikani dataset, Lobb (2009) was able to perform spatial autocorrelation tests on feature specific data, as the Piikani dataset included a single point for each archaeological feature, rather than each archaeological site. In the case of the

Calgary, Okotoks and Willow Creek study region, spatial autocorrelation tests were undertaken on less fine-grained data, in the form of archaeological sites as defined in

Chapter 5.

In the control study area on the Piikani Reserve, Lobb (2009) attempted to relate site clustering to landscape features, analyzing 20 variables suggested to be of importance

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in prior land use studies. However, Lobb (2009) used a very different approach than this research, applying a discriminate function analysis to 20 variables including ecological and some cultural variables. Lobb’s (2009) analysis found 15 out of 20 analyzed variables to be statistically significant. This led him to suggest that “none of the variables derived from [previous] land use models…adequately characterize or explain archaeological site location in this area” (Lobb 2009:175). The variables that were found to be relevant in Lobb’s (2009) study include total viewable area, slope, distance to vegetation, distance to kill sites, distance to and views of ceremonial sites, distance to major water bodies and distance to a number of named places. Distance to springs/minor water bodies and trails were not found to be significant, while glacial erratics were not analyzed as they are not present in the Piikani study area.

The importance of total viewable area and the location of ceremonial sites, major water bodies and named places are themes repeated in the current analysis. In all areas, sites are located such that viewable area is maximized, allowing for the monitoring of game, human movement and the environment. However, in the case of Lobb’s (2009) research, this variable is maximized for each individual site, while along the Old North

Trail viewable area from a collection of sites is maximized. Overall, though Lobb (2009) indicates that a complex model of land use is required, he seems to give primacy to total viewable area and views of named places.

Both studies identify the distance to major water bodies to be important, with the directional trends present in archaeological site data oriented to these major water bodies.

However, while Lobb (2009) found that this variable was highly statistically significant, in the current study the importance of proximity to major water bodies is overshadowed

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by proximity to named places and glacial erratics and views of these features.

Additionally, springs, as opposed to major water bodies, tend to be more commonly associated with site clusters. That being said, Lobb (2009) does suggest that sites visually appear to coincide with ephemeral water sources rather than rivers.

Lobb (2009) found little correlation between the location of archaeological sites and of trees, which he notes is in contrast to the typical pattern of winter sites. He believes that the evidence shows the sites on the Piikani Reserve were spring and summer occupations. These sites are primarily located far from wood and near ephemeral water sources only available in the spring and early summer months. In the current analysis, the location of wooded vegetation does, in some cases, appear to have informed human site selection, particularly where discrete tree groves are present. Strong, year-round springs were relatively consistently identified in association with the placement of archaeological sites, although at a greater distance than expected by ecological models. Furthermore, the large number of double stone circles and prominent internal hearths recorded at campsites in the Willow Creek study region is indicative of winter occupation of the area (see, for example, Oetelaar 2003).

Finally, Lobb (2009) found no statistically significant correlation between archaeological sites and distance to known trails. In contrast, in the Calgary, Okotoks and

Willow Creek study areas, a consistent pattern was identified in which archaeological sites are located between two and seven kilometers, one half day’s walk, from the

Macleod Trail. The latter pattern suggests that human groups were choosing to stop at locations that were easily accessible from their main route of travel but were not immediately on that route. The importance of this distance is also indicated by viewshed

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analysis, which showed most archaeological sites to be located just outside of the area visible from the Macleod Trail, affording groups occupying these sites a certain degree of privacy. This is similar to a pattern suggested by Lobb (2009) for the Piikani dataset. He noted that there is a visual spike in frequency of archaeological sites at four and eleven kilometers from trails.

Chapter Summary

As put forward by Lobb (2009), the analysis conducted in this research suggests that no single landscape feature can account for all variability in location present in the archaeological site dataset. Further, models of land use which rely on limited variables are too simplistic and largely inappropriate for modeling prehistoric human behaviour on the Northwestern Plains. With this in mind, Chapter 8 will examine the patterns identified here to evaluate the relative merits of both ecological and phenomenological models for site selection, and to explore how this evidence suggests differences in land use in different parts of the Blackfoot homeland.

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CHAPTER 8: DISCUSSION AND INTERPRETATION

Introduction

In the previous chapter, spatial analysis of archaeological site distribution was undertaken using spatial statistics and a number of descriptive methods available within

ArcGIS. The goal of this chapter is to interpret these results by considering previous models of land use, the landscape, the archaeological data and the culture history of the region. This will allow for a greater understanding of human behaviour in this part of the

Northwestern Plains. The evidence presented, in some cases, supports either ecological or phenomenological models for settlement patterning. Consequently, the relative merits of each model will be critically evaluated and the derived archaeological signature for each assessed. By doing so, the spatial relationships identified along the Old North Trail can be better understood and the reasoning behind the land use decisions of pre-contact human groups in the region assessed.

Seasonality, Duration and Ethnicity of Occupation

Winter occupations appear to be the best known in the archaeological record, but the distribution of winter sites is obviously not simple. Currently, we have a number of large winter camps on the major rivers, and smaller camps on tributary streams, especially at the western edge of the plains. The large winter camps seem to be isolated, whereas the smaller camps form more continuous distributions along the river valleys. Investigation of the factors accounting for these patterns would be fruitful (Vickers 1991:66).

Seasonality

The Porcupine Hills and the study region have traditionally been interpreted as the wintering ground of both the bison and the Blackfoot people (e.g., Blackfoot Gallery

Committee 2001; Conaty and Beierle 1997; Uhlenbeck 1911). Determining whether the

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archaeological sites present in the study region do represent winter occupations is key to evaluating ecological and phenomenological models of settlement patterning. Season of occupation will affect resource availability, visibility of landscape features and ease of travel as well as the group’s primary activities and level of sedentism. Seasonality, therefore, affects human land use choices. Due to the improved quality of data available for the Willow Creek study area, seasonality of human use of this study area will be evaluated as a proxy for the remainder of the study region.

The inference of winter occupation in the study region is supported by archaeological evidence from the Willow Creek study area. Numerous kill sites which provide circumstantial evidence of seasonality are present. Jump sites located in the study area are consistent with large, communal bison kills undertaken most commonly in the fall or early winter. Of sixteen recorded kill sites, only four of these are large communal jumps while nine are small kill sites in box canyons or other natural traps. The latter is the type of kill expected to be undertaken by Blackfoot groups in the late winter. At this time, small herds or individual bison were opportunistically hunted as food supplies began to dwindle. In The Willow Creek study area, these late winter kills tend to be located farther west than the larger kill sites. Only one kill site, EbPk-4/15 (the Women’s

Jump), provides a concrete indication of seasonality. This site is a large, deeply stratified jump and associated processing campsite located on the west side of Pine Coulee. The presence of a number of very young bison in the faunal assemblage suggests a late summer to early winter use of the site. It should be noted, however, that this inference is based on very limited data (Fedirchuk 1991). It was also possible to determine seasonality for a single processing campsite located at the bottom of Pine Coulee (EaPk-

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201). At this site, an early winter occupation was posited based on a single juvenile mandible present in the faunal assemblage (Hjermstad 1998).

Where available, seasonality data from kill sites in the Calgary study area supports the suggestion of winter habitation. Using dental cementum increment analysis,

Peck (2004) identified kill events occurring in late December through late March at the

Fish Creek Bison Kill (EfPm-7) and EgPn-440. The former is located along Fish Creek within the Calgary city limits, while the latter is a bison kill site located just west of the city on the south side of the Bow River (Peck 2004). Though not a kill site, the HMCS

Balzac site (EhPm-34) has also provided an indication of seasonality. This site is a multicomponent processing campsite which includes both Avonlea and Old Women’s

Phase occupations. The presence of foetal bison in the site’s faunal assemblage suggests a late winter/early spring occupation (Peck 2011).

Furthermore, kill sites identified in the larger study region are consistent with winter use of this part of the Northwestern Plains. Dental cementum increment analysis identified late December through late March kill events at the Head-Smashed-In North

Kill (DkPj-1), a large kill site located just southwest of Fort Macleod, and at the Junction site (DkPi-2), a bison kill and processing site located on the Oldman River two kilometers upstream of Fort Macleod (Peck 2004). The pattern of predominantly winter kills in the study region is supported by Cooper’s (2008) work which identified a winter bison procurement pattern for the Northwestern Plains. Furthermore, she notes that

“winter and spring kill sites are tightly concentrated towards the north and west of the research area, in the foothills of the Rocky Mountains and adjacent plains” (Cooper

2008:240). This suggests that the western portion of the Northwestern Plains was a

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Table 38. Evidence for winter occupation at stone circle sites, Willow Creek study area.

Borden Stone Circles Double Wghted Single Int Ext No. Complete Partial Rings Rings Rings Hearth Hearth EaPk-18 7 1 7 0 1 4 0 EaPk-37 76 16 33 7 52 15 0 EaPk-42 2 0 2 0 0 2 0 EaPk-49 5 1 6 0 0 0 2 EaPk-59 3 1 1 2 1 0 0 EaPk-86 2 0 0 0 2 0 0 EaPk-90 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 EaPk-92 1 0 0 0 1 1 0 EaPk-107 3 1 1 0 3 0 0 EaPk-113 7 4 7 2 2 3 0 EaPk-119 11 0 4 6 1 0 0 EaPk-129 2 1 2 0 1 0 0 EaPk-130 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 EaPk-133 2 1 3 0 0 2 0 EaPk-135 1 1 2 0 0 0 0 EaPk-224 1 2 0 0 3 0 0 EaPk-228 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 EaPk-230 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 EbPk-30 4 3 3 2 2 0 0

wintering area for both the Blackfoot and the bison, as indicated in ethnographic accounts.

In addition to excavated faunal assemblages, surface stone features provide evidence of seasonality. Large numbers of double stone circles and heavily weighted single rings are present in the Willow Creek study area. Some campsites also include stone circles with prominent interior hearth features. These sites are summarized in Table

38. Both of these characteristics are indicative of winter use (Amundsen-Meyer 2013a,

2014d). Overall, the archaeological evidence available from both campsites and kill sites

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in the Willow Creek study area supports the assertion that this region was occupied primarily during the winter months. Furthermore, this same pattern of winter occupation and winter bison procurement can be seen in the larger study region between Calgary and

Fort Macleod.

The location of the Willow Creek study area, at the border of the Foothills Fescue and Aspen Parkland Natural Sub-Regions, is consistent with the inferred winter occupation of this region. Willow Creek and Pine Creek dissect the study area, providing both shelter and, in the case of the former, water. A number of springs are present along the flanks of the foothills and river banks in this region. This is in distinct contrast to the prairie to the east where very few springs are located. Some of these springs are only seasonal, while others continue to flow year round and would have provided a steady and readily accessible source of water for human groups during the winter months. The undulating prairie, rolling hills and deeply incised river valleys that make up the study region provide opportunities for human groups to choose a campsite well-sheltered from winter winds and snow storms. Furthermore, human groups could remain in relatively sheltered areas while they traveled to the camps of their relatives, a common winter activity. To the east of the study region, the topography is much more level, with only the wooded river valleys providing shelter. These river valleys are not located close to one another; traveling across the open prairie between them during the dead of winter would be quite dangerous. Finally, ecologists suggest this area is the wintering grounds of the bison herds that, like human groups, need access to water and shelter during the winter months. In this way, the characteristics of the study region make it a better choice of

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wintering ground than the prairie to the east. The same argument holds true for the remainder of the study area between Calgary and Fort Macleod.

Finally, analysis of the distribution of archaeological sites in relation to the trail network supports the inference of winter occupation along the Old North Trail. Spatial analysis showed that archaeological sites are located near to, but not immediately on, the trail network. Sites were easily accessible from the trail in one half day, but were far enough away that human groups would not have been disturbed by activities occurring along it. Similarly, sites tend to be located just out of sight of those traveling along the trail, allowing for a degree of privacy. Winter camps were occupied for six to eight months of the year, with low residential mobility. Movement in the winter was primarily related to travel to visit friends and relatives at nearby camps within the wintering grounds (Oetelaar 2003; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2006, 2010). Locations just off the trail allow friends, who know where you are camped, to find you while remaining out of sight of your enemies. In this way, the relationship of archaeological sites to the trail network is consistent with winter occupation of the region (Blackfoot Gallery Committee 2001;

Glenbow Museum 2012). Furthermore, there is a tendency for site clusters to be located west of the trail, suggesting that the Old North Trail may have marked an admittedly porous division between the summering grounds to the east and the wintering grounds of the foothills and foothills front to the west.

Duration

Within the study region, duration of site occupation varies from a few hours (seen archaeologically in isolated finds and small artifact scatters) to camps that were occupied for a period of many months. There is, however, evidence of extensive re-use, both in the

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high number of sites present and the specific attributes of numerous sites. Because fieldwork in the Willow Creek study area has significantly improved the information available for sites in this region, it will be discussed in detail as a proxy for the study region as a whole.

The presence in the Willow Creek study area of ten sites with four or more occupations, nineteen sites with two or three occupations (see Figure 48), one site with 92 tipi rings, four sites with twenty to thirty tipi rings and eight sites with ten to twenty tipi rings (see Figure 49) suggests that this region was used continuously by human groups over a long period of time. The majority of the stratified sites, including the three most deeply stratified (EaPk-200 – 5 occupations, EaPk-201 – 7 occupations, EaPk-202 – 7 occupations), and the majority of sites with greater than ten tipi rings (including EaPk-37

– 92 rings) are found in a dense cluster of sites near the confluence of Pine Creek and

Willow Creek, suggesting reuse of this area by human groups (Amundsen-Meyer 2013a).

While the presence of high numbers of stone circles could represent a single large occupation as opposed to multiple smaller occupations, the type and distribution of features at a number of these sites is indicative of repeated use. The presence of partial stone circles at numerous stone feature sites provides evidence of reuse. These stone arcs represent tipi rings whose stones have been recycled by later occupants of the site. This type of reuse is prevalent in the Willow Creek study area (see Table 38). Furthermore, such evidence of reuse is found not only at large sites such as EaPk-37 (92 stone circles), but also at small sites with less than ten stone circles (e.g., EaPk-113, EaPk-119, among others, Amundsen-Meyer 2013a). In addition, at EaPk-37 and EaPk-135, for example, several stone circles are located in between drive lanes. These lodges could not have been

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Figure 48. Stratified sites, Willow Creek Study Area.

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Figure 49. Number of stone circles at campsites, Willow Creek Study Area.

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inhabited at the same time that the drive lanes were in use. Finally, the presence of multiple drive lanes at a number of drive lanes sites (e.g., EaPk-37, EaPk-131, EaPk-135) show that the drive lane complex was remodeled through time to be more efficient, indicating that human groups were returning to these places and reusing the infrastructure

(Amundsen-Meyer 2013a; Brink 2008). Together, these lines of evidence suggest that human groups were repetitively using and occupying the same sites within the Willow

Creek study area.

Similarly, the extent and depth of bone beds at several bison kill sites in the study region show that multiple large kill events were undertaken at these sites over an extended time period. In the Willow Creek study area, the Boneyard Coulee Jump (EbPk-

2/7), Women’s Pound (EbPk-4/15) and Ghost Pound (EaPk-111) show extensive evidence of reuse, as does the Nanton Buffalo Jump (EbPl-1) just north of the study area, the Old Women’s Buffalo Jump (EcPl-16) near Cayley and Head-Smashed-In Buffalo

Jump (DkPj-1) near Fort Macleod. In addition to the mere size and depth of the bone bed, both Women’s Pound and Ghost Pound have two or more discrete bone layers separated by sterile soil (Amundsen-Meyer 2013a, 2014a, 2014c, 2014d). This indicates not only that human groups were reusing these sites, but also that they were returning to the same place to undertake the same activity even after evidence of previous use had been covered by natural sedimentation.

Finally, in several cases rock art sites show evidence of repainting (e.g., EaPk-61,

EbPk-43, EePm3; Amundsen-Meyer 2013a; Amundsen-Meyer 2014c). The most interesting example of this phenomenon is found at EePm-3 (Big Rock; okotoks), located in the Okotoks study area. In addition to the sheer number of pictograph elements present

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Figure 50. EePm-3 Panel 6; note multiple painting events.

on this erratic, examination of the pictograph panels using Dstretch, a program designed to enhance ochre pigment, shows clear evidence of repainting with multiple overlapping elements on several panels. An example of this repainting from Panel 6 is shown in

Figure 50. Panel 1, in particular, includes three or more overlapping painting events in which similar motifs have been painted on the same face of the rock in essentially the same location (see Figure 51). This evidence points to the importance of the act of painting, rather than simply the presence of rock art, as a reason for returning. By coming back to this place and repainting the rock art, human groups were able to ritually renew

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Figure 51. EePm-3 Panel 1; note multiple painting events

the spirit of the place (Amundsen-Meyer 2014c; Brink 2011). Together, the reuse of campsites, kill sites and ideological sites such as rock art shows that human groups were repetitively occupying the same places within the study region. Furthermore, this reuse was not limited to large sites, but can also be seen at small campsites, for example.

Time Depth and Ethnicity

The study region was inhabited by human groups during the Early, Middle and

Late Prehistoric Periods. However, use was heaviest during the Late Prehistoric Period with the majority of dated components in the region belonging to this most recent period

(see Table 39). Dated sites include only those at which diagnostic projectile points have

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Table 39. Dated sites in the study region. Early Middle Late Proto Total Prehistoric Prehistoric Prehistoric historic Dated Calgary Study Area 52 (11.2%) 194 (41.8%) 217 (46.8%) 1 (0.2%) 464 Okotoks Study Area 17 (4.7%) 66 (43.4%) 69 (45.4%) 0 (0%) 152 Willow Creek Study Area 3 (3.8%) 17 (21.8%) 57 (73.1%) 1 (1.3%) 78 Total 72 (10.4%) 277 (40.0%) 343 (49.4%) 2 (0.3%) 694

been recovered or radiocarbon dates obtained. While the trend for Late Prehistoric sites to dominate is pronounced in the Willow Creek study area, it is much slighter in the Calgary and Okotoks study areas (though still present). This may be due to a lack of excavation and, in particular, deep testing, in Willow Creek. That being said, many surface sites which have not been assigned a date likely also belong to this later time period due to the slow rate of deposition on upland areas of the prairie. Most tipi rings sites, kill sites, rock art sites, petroforms and cairns in southern Alberta and adjacent Montana date to the Late

Prehistoric period. Therefore, the assumption is that the majority of sites in the study region should exhibit signs of use during the Late Prehistoric, though they may also have been used in earlier periods.

Determining the ethnicity of human groups occupying the study region during the

Late Prehistoric Period is key to evaluating settlement patterns. The Blackfoot were the primary inhabitants of southern Alberta at contact, with a homeland that extended from the North Saskatchewan River to the Yellowstone River and from the Rocky Mountain front to the Great Sand Hills (Blackfoot Gallery Committee 2001; Oetelaar and Oetelaar

2006). Blackfoot named places and oral traditions linked to landscape are present within

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this homeland, indicating Blackfoot use of the region. The three sacred Blackfoot peaks,

Swan’s Bill (Devil’s Head), Crowsnest Mountain (home of Raven) and Chief Mountain

(home of Thunder) are located in the eastern Rocky Mountains and can be seen from various locations within the study region (Fidler 1991:22, 42; Oetelaar and Oetelaar

2006; 2010:92) While the presence of numerous landmarks with Blackfoot names and associated stories does indicate Blackfoot use of the region in the period immediately prior to contact, it does not necessarily mean that the Blackfoot were the primary users of the region during the earlier part of the Late Prehistoric Period. However, archaeological evidence from the region indicates its use by ancestral Blackfoot from, at minimum,

1,400 years ago to contact.

Many important Blackfoot places, often associated with names and/or Napi stories, are found throughout the study region. The Old Women’s Jump (EcPl-1) and

Women’s Jump (EbPk-4/15), associated with the Napi story of the First Marriage, are named bison jumps located along the Old North Trail and likely served as visible markers of its route. The bone bed at the Women’s Jump (EbPk-4/15) extends over two meters below the surface and includes two or more discrete cultural layers. Radiocarbon dates and projectile points from both components indicate an Old Women’s Phase occupation.

Excavations at the associated campsite revealed four cultural levels which date to the

Early through Late Old Women’s Phase. The presence of multiple, discrete occupation layers belonging to the Old Women’s Phase indicates reuse of this site by the ancestral

Blackfoot. Furthermore, this record of use at a Blackfoot named place indicates Blackfoot use of these places well beyond the Protohistoric Period and speaks to the time depth of the Blackfoot presence in the study region (Amundsen-Meyer 2013a, 2014a; Brewer, et

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al. 1995; Fedirchuk 1991; Hjermstad 1998). Other Blackfoot named places provide similar evidence. The archaeological record of Old Women’s Buffalo Jump (EcPl-1) also shows an extended time depth of use. This use began during the Pelican Lake Phase

(3,600-2,100 B.P.) and continued through to the Protohistoric Period, with multiple occupations dating to the Old Women’s Phase (Forbis 1960). Similarly, Head-Smashed-

In Buffalo Jump has a Blackfoot name and an associated story, again with an archaeological record showing extensive time depth of use (nearly 6,000 years; Brink

2008). Where available, the archaeological record from Blackfoot named places points to significant use over an extended time period at these places. This indicates that the

Blackfoot were utilizing the study region well beyond contact.

The archaeologically visible Old Women’s Phase (1,100-250 B.P.), identified at each of these named jump sites, represents the ancestral Blackfoot. This assessment is based on the coincidental geographic distribution of this phase and the Blackfoot homeland as well as the presence and distribution of artifacts such as iniskim, Cayley series projectile points and Saskatchewan basin pottery and features such as Napi effigies and medicine wheels, all of which have been linked to the Blackfoot people (Peck 2002,

2011; Peck and Ives 2001; Vickers 1986, 2003; Vickers and Peck 2009). It has also been suggested that Avonlea (1,350-1,100 B.P.) is indicative of the ancestral Blackfoot (Peck

2011; Peck and Hudecek-Cuffe 2003; Vickers 1986), or that a single Avonlea Phase defined by Cayley Series points and Ethridge ware is ancestral Blackfoot (Meyer and

Walde 2009). Numerous sites belonging to both the Old Women’s and Avonlea Phases have been identified within the study region. Furthermore, many of the artifacts

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associated with the Old Women’s Phase have been recovered from archaeological sites in the study region, providing additional evidence of Blackfoot use.

Cayley Series projectile points and Saskatchewan Basin: Late Variant pottery (or

Ethridge ware) are generally considered indicators of Blackfoot use (Peck and Ives 2001;

Vickers 1986; Vickers and Peck 2009; see also Murchie 2013 for issues with this classification). A search of the Alberta sites inventory for these items proved to be of little value, with only 108 sites identified in the province at which either Cayley Series points or Saskatchewan Basin pottery (Late or Early variant rarely specified) have been recovered. This is primarily because pottery type is rarely indicated (simply “plains pottery” is identified) and points are generally recorded as Late Period side-notched.

Despite the limited data, with the exception of a single site north of Edmonton, all sites with Cayley Series points or Saskatchewan Basin pottery are found within the area the

Blackfoot identify as their traditional homeland, as shown in Figure 52.

Within the Willow Creek study area, a nearly complete pottery vessel was recovered from EaPk-111 (Ghost Pound; see Byrne 1973). This vessel has been classified as Ethridge ware by most researchers, a type associated with the Old Women’s Phase.

Walde (personal communication 2014), however, has expressed a degree of skepticism with regards to this classification suggesting it should remain an unassigned type pending further investigation. Surface collections from cultivated fields and farmers collections recorded in the Willow Creek study area in 2012 allow an assessment of projectile point styles. The majority of collected points, shown in Figure 53, were recovered on the east side of Willow Creek and Pine Coulee which seems to have been more heavily used earlier in time than sites west of these valleys. Two Late Period points were recovered;

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Figure 52. Sites with Cayley Series points and/or Saskatchewan Basin pottery.

one fits within the Cayley Series while the second is not a form commonly seen on the

Northwestern Plains and may be intrusive. A larger sample is available in Oliver

Seward’s collection from Boneyard Coulee (EbPk-2 and area), located on the west side of

Pine Coulee near Stavely. Of 32 Late Period arrow points in his collection, thirty are

Cayley Series points while two are of an unknown type. Together, the presence of Cayley

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Series projectile points and what may be Ethridge Ware in the Willow Creek study area are indicative of a Blackfoot presence in the study region.

Artifacts from EcPm-7, a large bison processing site and campsite near Longview, also allow assessment of ethnicity. Six pottery sherds were recovered during 2012 fieldwork at the site. Five sherds are undecorated, the sixth cord-roughened. The latter is indicative of a post-Avonlea pottery style. Although this may be Ethridge ware, it could

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also be Cluny or Morkin type pottery (Amundsen-Meyer 2014b; Walde, personal communication 2012). Six projectile points and three projectile point tips, shown in

Figure 54, were also recovered from EcPm-7. One of the complete points is a triangular preform which cannot be assigned to point style. Three of the remaining points fit within the Cayley Series, while two are Avonlea points (Amundsen-Meyer 2014b). Combined, the presence of Cayley Series points and pottery which may be Ethridge Ware suggests a

Blackfoot use of the site. Furthermore, the presence of an Avonlea component indicates an extended time depth of use, also related to the ancestral Blackfoot.

Iniskim (buffalo stones) are an important ceremonial object that has been used to identify Blackfoot ethnicity in the archaeological record. These objects, usually fossilized ammonites, were commonly used by the Blackfoot in buffalo charming rituals and in both ceremonial and personal bundles. Oral traditions relating to the use of iniskim are omnipresent in Blackfoot culture (Peck 2002, 2011; Vickers 1986; Vickers and Peck

2009) . Furthermore, Peck (2002) demonstrates that traditions regarding use of such stones are very limited in other Northern Plains cultures, suggesting that the presence of iniskim is a distinctly Blackfoot signature. This suggestion is supported by the recovery of ammonites in eight Old Women’s Phase sites, including Majorville Medicine Wheel where 43 iniskim were found associated with Old Women’s Phase materials. Iniskim have been recovered at several sites just outside of the study region defined for this research, including EaPo-4 (the Saamis site) located in Seven Persons Coulee, DlPd-3 (the Ross site) located on the south bank of the Oldman River near its confluence with the Little

Bow and EdPc-1 (Majorville Medicine Wheel) located near Bassano, among others (Peck

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2002). The presence of these sites in southern Alberta indicates a Blackfoot presence in this portion of the province.

A single iniksim was recovered at EaPk-1 (Col D’Arse Cave), located on the west side of Table Butte in the Willow Creek study area. Excavations within the cave recovered a human phalanx, bird bones, a shell bead, numerous bone beads, marine and dentalia shells, a single “miniature” stone maul head, 175 projectile points and an iniskim.

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Based on these excavations, it was suggested that Col D’Arse Cave was the burial place of a single individual of unknown sex and age. The burial was believed to be a primary internment (Amundsen-Meyer 2013a; Peck and Sinkey 2000). Re-analysis of EaPk-1 has led to a different interpretation of the site’s context. Col D’Arse Cave is closely associated with EaPk-61 (Split Rock), a split erratic on which numerous pictographs are present. Although EaPk-1 was reported to be a human burial, only a single human bone, a phalanx, was recovered from the site. Among the Blackfoot, as among many other indigenous plains groups, it was common practice to cut off a portion of your finger and leave it as an offering (Wissler 1918). Given the nature of the additional excavated materials (the large number of projectile points and the iniskim, for example), EaPk-1 may represent a bundle or offering associated with EaPk-61 rather than a human internment.

The projectile point assemblage from Col D’Arse Cave includes one Besant point, three Avonlea points and 171 Late Period side-notched points. Analysis of the Late

Period point assemblage showed that these points are part of the Cayley Series, exhibiting the most similarity to early Cayley Series points (Peck and Sinkey 2000:9). Peck and

Sinkey (2000) believe that the assemblage represents a single event which dates between

1,100 and 1,200 B.P. As previously noted, Cayley Series projectile points are one aspect of material culture that define the Old Women’s Phase and have been linked to the

Blackfoot. The presence of an iniskim in the assemblage supports this suggestion.

Together, the evidence indicates that the Blackfoot were visiting Table Butte for ceremonial purposes. Furthermore, episodes of repainting at an associated site, Split Rock

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Figure 55. EaPk-37 Rock Alignment 4. A possible death lodge type medicine wheel. Note that the center of the feature has been disturbed, potentially by looters.

(EaPk-61), suggest that while Col D’Arse Cave (EaPk-1) may represent a single event,

Blackfoot ritual use of Table Butte was repeated through time (Amundsen-Meyer 2013a).

Medicine wheels including Majorville, Manyberries, British Block Cairn and

Grassy Lakes Cairn contain diagnostics of the Old Women’s Phase, suggesting an association with the Blackfoot people. Furthermore, medicine wheels, like Napi effigies, are concentrated spatially in the Blackfoot homeland (see Brumley 1988; Peck 2002;

Vickers and Peck 2009). Death lodge type medicine wheels (Brumley’s Type 3 and 4), in particular, were built by the Blackfoot in the Historic Period to commemorate the death of an important individual (Brumley 1988). One of these features is present at EaPk-37

(see Figure 55), a site which also has a Blackfoot name (Ghost Pound; Amundsen-Meyer

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Figure 56. EaPk-122 Rock Alignment. In the 1970s, a series of 50 foot spokes were recorded around the feature which could not be identified in 2012.

2013a, 2014d) . Additionally, a possible Type 1 medicine wheel (see Brumley 1988) is located at EaPk-122, on the west bank of Willow Creek (see Figure 56; Amundsen-

Meyer 2013a). The presence of these features in the study region provides additional evidence of Blackfoot use.

Finally, rock art from the study region provides clues to the ethnicity of its inhabitants. Magne and Klassen (1991), have argued that Plains Ceremonial rock art, which includes shield bearing warriors, v-neck anthropomorphs and hourglass figures, dates to the Late Prehistoric Period in Alberta (see also Keyser and Klassen 2001;

Klassen 2003). It is difficult to make an assessment of ethnicity for most rock art sites because motifs such as the shield-bearing warrior are ubiquitous on the Northern Plains.

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However, Keyser (2007) notes that the Blackfoot are the only group who drew triangular bodied warriors as part of their robe art. Consequently, sites with this motif most likely have a Blackfoot cultural affiliation. Digital enhancement of rock art at EaPk-38, EcPl-

16, EbPl-3 (the Nanton Erratic) and EePm-3 suggests that triangular bodied warriors are present at these sites (Amundsen-Meyer 2013a, 2014b, 2014d). The presence of this motif suggests that these sites were produced by Blackfoot groups.

Vertical Series rock art provides another clue to ethnicity. This rock art tradition includes repeated geometric symbols or ideograms in linear groupings which are thought to be a standardized shorthand for recording events or tallying objects (Keyser and

Klassen 2001; Klassen 2003). While Sundstrom (1984, 1990) has suggested that these sites were created by Siouan groups, Keyser and Klassen (2001, see also Klassen 2003) note that the Vertical Series rock art sites in Alberta stand out as different from those elsewhere. They believe the Blackfoot were responsible for the creation of vertical series rock art in southern Alberta. Big Rock (EePm-3), located near the Sheep River in the

Okotoks study area, contains one of the only examples of Vertical Series rock art in the province (see Figure 51; Amundsen-Meyer 2014c; Klassen 2003). Two additional

Vertical Series rock art sites were recorded by Dewdney near Calgary (Keyser and

Klassen 2001:290-291). If Keyser and Klassen (2001) are correct, these sites were created by the Blackfoot. This assertion is supported by the association of EePm-3 with a

Blackfoot name, okotoks, and a Napi story (Bullchild 1985:167-171; Grinnell 1962:165-

166; McClintock 1910:342). In his description of conventionalized symbols used in this type of rock art, Wissler (1911:42-43) indicates that V-shaped symbols are representative of travois marks which point in the direction of travel while circles represent camps.

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These observations are interesting in the case of Big Rock (EePm-3), given the association of the site with the Old North Trail. The large number of camps and amount of travel indicated on Panel 1, shown in Figure 51, may represent a long distance journey along this trail to the south, as indicated in Blackfoot mythology.

The Blackfoot were the primary inhabitants of the study region at contact and many sites with Blackfoot traits have been identified archaeologically. However, they were not the only users of this part of southern Alberta during the Late Prehistoric Period.

This region would also have seen periodic use by Kutenai, Ktunaxa and other groups who came through mountain passes to hunt buffalo east of the Rockies, for example (Binnema

2001). Similarly, sites such as Cluny, located on the Siksika Reserve west of Calgary, provide evidence of small, intrusive groups from the south inhabiting the Northwestern

Plains (Nicholson, et al. 2011:159, 171-172). Within the Willow Creek study area, intrusive point styles suggest forays by intrusive groups into the region (see Figure 53).

Furthermore, evidence of the use of this region by non-Blackfoot groups is present at

EaPk-214, located on the west side of Pine Coulee. At this site, a series of Columbia

Plateau petroglyphs are etched on a glacial erratic, shown in Figure 57. In Alberta,

Columbia Plateau rock art sites are found in the eastern slopes of the Rockies and western margins of the Plains. This rock art is thought to have been produced by the Ktunaxa and other mountain groups. EaPk-214 is, therefore, evidence of the presence of these groups in southwestern Alberta (Amundsen-Meyer 2013a; Klassen 2003). That being said, the number of sites with Blackfoot characteristics in the study region far exceeds the number of sites which can be assigned to other cultural groups, suggesting that the Blackfoot were the primary inhabitants of this region.

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Figure 57. Columbia Plateau rock art at EaPk-214.

Finally, Longley, et al. (2005:346) note that dispersed patterns are generally the result of competition for space, wherein each object establishes its own space and excludes other. Viewed in this context, the clustering of archaeological sites identified in the study region is interesting. Rather than competing for space and excluding others, human groups were choosing to be close to one another and to share space and resources, while at the same time distributing site clusters on the landscape in such a way as to maximize knowledge of the overall landscape by maximizing views. This suggests that the majority of these sites were inhabited by multiple bands belonging to the same cultural group, in this case Blackfoot (as indicated by the archaeological evidence from the study region), rather than by competing cultural groups. This is supported by

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McClintock (1910) who describes the camp of Brings-Down-the-Sun in a way that suggests clustering of household groupings.

The archaeological evidence indicates that the heaviest use of the study region occurred during the Late Prehistoric Period when the ancestral Blackfoot were the primary inhabitants of southern Alberta. Numerous traits specific to Blackfoot culture can be identified at archaeological sites in the study region; traits which can be traced backwards in time through the Old Women’s (1,350-250 B.P.) and potentially Avonlea

(1,750-900 B.P.) Phases. Although the Blackfoot were not the sole users of the study region, the number of sites with Blackfoot characteristics far exceeds those that can be associated with other cultures. Accordingly, the assumption is made that the majority

(though not all) of the archaeological sites in the study region date to the Late Prehistoric

Period and can be attributed to the Blackfoot people. We can, therefore, assess ecological and phenomenological models which rely on culturally specific variables unique to the

Blackfoot using this site database.

Ecological Model: Relative Merits

It is the custom of the several bands of this tribe to locate in sheltered and otherwise eligible places, in the vicinity of wood, water, and grasses in the early winter, where they remain as inert as possible until the melting of the snow (Stevens, 1860, vol. 12 pg. 102 in Ewers 1955:124).

Ecological models expect the location of wood, water, bison and shelter to influence human land use decisions. Wood and water are the winter resources with the most restricted distribution on the Northwestern Plains and should, therefore, have the greatest influence on settlement patterns in the region (Vickers and Peck 2004). While the placement of archaeological sites is affected by the location of wooded vegetation, it is

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not consistently important in all study areas or using all analysis techniques. In contrast to previous studies which emphasize the importance of immediate proximity to wood, the analysis conducted here suggests that locations within one half day’s walk of wooded vegetation are preferentially chosen and that this distance is adequate to meet the need for fuel (as suggested by Fidler 1991; Landals 2004). That being said, a significant number of sites are also located within one kilometer of wooded vegetation, a distance which would allow its use for both fuel and shelter. This evidence supports Landals (2004) assertion that the importance of wood has been overstated in previous studies.

While water sources (both springs and major water bodies) are correlated with site location, this relationship is also not as direct or consistent as expected of a critical winter resource. Although snow could, in theory, be melted to provide water, there is no guarantee of snow in the fall when groups first arrive at a winter camp or through the entirety of a winter. Fidler (1991:27) does note this practice, but only at campsites where the group was staying for only a short period (see also Ewers 1955). Therefore, ecological models expect the majority of winter camps, which are relatively permanent, to be located in the immediate vicinity of a water source. In most cases, major water bodies are located within site clusters. However, the presence of a water body is not enough to indicate the presence of a cluster, and a small number of clusters are located well away from these features. This pattern may result from the fact that seasonal fluctuations in flow and turbidity do occur and, therefore, only a portion of each water body would have provided a source of drinking water year round. Fidler (1991:33) demonstrates that this type of variation was also the case in the past, noting that in

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December Sheep Creek contained very little water in it while the Highwood River was flowing well with good and clear water.

The close relationship identified between archaeological sites and major water bodies, with the majority of sites located within one kilometer of these features, is as expected in ecological models. However, the question of access from prairie level, where most archaeological sites in the study region are located, remains unresolved. Only those sites that are near to a draw or tributary coulee would have easy access to the river and water. In the Willow Creek study area, numerous sites (e.g., EaPk-113, EaPk-131, EaPk-

37) are located on prairie level where access to the river valley is available within approximately 100 meters of the site. This pattern fits ecological expectations. However, other sites which are within one kilometer of Willow Creek are misleading (e.g., EaPk-

119, EaPk-240, EaPk-90), because they are located where immediate access to the river is directly down a steep bank (Amundsen-Meyer 2013a, 2014d). In the latter cases, although distance to water as the crow flies is very short, the distance actually traversed by human groups to access these water sources would be much greater.

Springs provide a reliable source of water in a region where many other water bodies experience strong seasonal variation in flow or accessibility, as described above

(see, for example, Ewers 1955; Fidler 1991; McClintock 1910). Therefore, archaeological sites should be preferentially located at springs because they provide the most dependable source of water during the winter months. This is not the pattern identified by spatial analysis in the study region. Only a single spring is located in each site cluster in the

Willow Creek study area, while elsewhere the relationship is even more distant. Overall, the trend is for sites to be located two to seven kilometers from springs, too far for these

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features to have provided the primary source of water for a communal kill or semi- sedentary winter camp. Although human groups could, as in the case of wood, travel to these springs and bring water back to camp in a single day, this is less realistic with a resource needed daily in such large quantities. Furthermore, ethnographies provide no known examples of this practice. For these reasons, the identified association between springs and archaeological sites is not as expected ecologically. While the presence of wood and water can, in some cases, explain the location of archaeological sites, the relationships identified are not as close as expected based on ecological models. Instead, these critical winter resources seem to be playing a more general role in human site selection in the region and influencing the placement of archaeological sites on the landscape only on a larger scale.

Ecological models also expect sites to be found at locations providing shelter from winter winds and snowstorms and access to bison herds. The extreme importance of bison as a resource to the Late Prehistoric inhabitants of the Northwestern Plains is clear in the archaeological record of the region. Archaeological sites containing bison remains are nearly ubiquitous in southern Alberta, with large amounts of bison bone present at kill and processing sites throughout the region. Furthermore, the presence of fire broken rock and highly fragmented bone in processing campsites dating to the Late Prehistoric is indicative of extensive processing of bison carcasses (Bamforth 2011; Brink 2008; Peck

2011). This evidence points unequivocally to the importance of bison in Late Prehistoric

Blackfoot culture.

The location of bison herds was not static and changed regularly within the wintering grounds. Consequently, most locales would have access to this resource at

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some time. As winter progressed and rivers froze, bison may have stayed in pastures farther away from Blackfoot camps, requiring human groups to travel greater distances to hunt (e.g., Schultz 2002). However, this could be accomplished by hunting parties moving out from the main camp on logistic foraging trips (see Binford 1980). Therefore, it would only have been necessary to choose site locations within a few days’ travel of the herds. Given the presence of bison in this area in the fall, winter and early spring and the mobile nature of the herds, the entirety of the study region would have been suitable for occupation based on the location of bison. In this sense, the need for bison as a resource influenced the location of the wintering grounds of the Blackfoot people, but had little impact on the particular placement of archaeological sites within that wintering ground. Like bison herds, shelter is essentially continuously distributed across the study region. Topography here varies from the foothills through rolling prairie and other uplands to the flat, open plains. Deeply incised river and creek valleys are common and were home to wooded vegetation which gave additional protection. The region’s variable topography means that shelter is plentiful and nearly continuously distributed throughout the study region, and most sites are located in relatively sheltered locations.

Within the Willow Creek study area, a small number of sites are located on prairie level adjacent to river valleys where topography does not provide shelter or in other exposed locations. Some of these sites likely represent spring or fall camps on uplands above winter camps, a practice documented ethnographically (see, for example,

McClintock 1910; Uhlenbeck 1911). However, several exposed sites show evidence of winter occupation (e.g., EaPk-42, EaPk-119, EaPk-240; Amundsen-Meyer 2013a). The location of these sites does not fit the ecological requirement for shelter during the

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winter. Nevertheless, the majority of archaeological sites in the study region are, in fact, located in the shelter of the foothills, a river valley, an elevated landform or within an area of wooded vegetation. Numerous campsites (e.g., EaPk-49, EaPk-59, EaPk-113 and

EaPk-119, for example) are situated in the shelter of rolling topography adjacent to the

Willow Creek valley, at a location where a tributary coulee or draw leads to the valley bottom allowing access to both wood and water. Double stone circles at these sites, and prominent interior hearths in a single case (EaPk-113), indicate winter occupation.

Intriguingly, none of these campsites are associated with a spring. Finally, while the presence of one or more partial stone circles at each of these sites indicates repeated use, the extent of reuse appears to be quite limited (Amundsen-Meyer 2013a). The ecological model is able to adequately explain not only the placement of these latter sites on the landscape but also the features present.

While the greater topographic relief of the study region may have caused human groups to choose it for their winter camps, as opposed to more exposed areas farther east, access to shelter cannot explain why particular locations were chosen for occupation while others were not. Furthermore, several sites on exposed landforms show evidence of winter occupations and thus are not consistent with ecological expectations. Nevertheless, the placement of archaeological sites in the study region overall does correlate with access to bison herds and shows a preference for sheltered areas in the majority of instances. However, these resources are nearly ubiquitous in the study region and do not restrict site selection to any significant degree.

Since the specific location of bison herds within the wintering grounds varied from year to year and any instance of a resource is as good as another (dependent, of

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course, on supply), ecological models expect sites to be randomly distributed on the landscape. This is not the pattern identified in the study region, where sites are consistently clustered at a 95% confidence level. Even kill sites, which could be expected to be randomly distributed due to the mobility of bison herds and logistical foraging parties used to access them, are clustered in all but the Willow Creek study area.

Furthermore, following the ecological model, there is little incentive to return to the same place year after year, particularly if the locations of resources change or resources become depleted. Consequently, there should be a low instance of site reuse. The extent of reoccupation is difficult to assess in the Calgary and Okotoks study areas. However, as noted at the beginning of this chapter, archaeological evidence from the Willow Creek study area is indicative of extensive reuse, which does not fit ecological expectations.

Finally, since the location of resources drives human decision making, ideological sites should be found at the same places as resources; ideological sites should not stand alone and should not have a different distribution than other site types. Negative autocorrelation of site type identified for the Calgary and Okotoks study areas does fit this expectation. This negative autocorrelation means that numerous different activities are occurring at the same place. However, in other ways this expectation is not met. In the Willow Creek study area, the distribution of sites with ideological constructs is noticeably different than that of other site types, with a mean center further north.

Similarly, in all study areas the distribution of cairn sites which do not belong to drive lanes is noticeably different than the distribution of all other site types. According to ecological models, these differences should not occur.

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While ecological expectations can account for many of the settlement pattern trends identified in the study region, the ecological model fails to explain several key patterns. Furthermore, not only are numerous archaeological expectations derived from ecological models not met, but the opposite is observed. Therefore, while ecology is influencing settlement patterning at a general level with sites placed in an overall ecologically rich and sheltered landscape, the location of resources cannot explain the particular placement of archaeological sites within this ecologically rich landscape.

Phenomenological Model: Relative Merits

Knowledge arises in the context of alliances and reciprocal relationships. Implicit is the notion of partnerships that entail obligations or responsibilities on behalf of both parties. In consequence, to see knowledge is to take on grave responsibilities...Without taking on these responsibilities, Niitsitapi knowledge does not arise, and we fail to come to know (Bastien 2004:55).

According to the phenomenological model, archaeological sites should cluster at and around named places and prominent landmarks which are connected by paths. The heaviest occupation should be seen at these places, with more temporary use along the trail networks that connect them (Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2006). Within the study region, the expectation is that sites will cluster around or within site of cottonwood groves, springs, glacial erratics and named places, all of which have spiritual significance to the

Blackfoot people. In between these landmarks, intensity of occupation should be lower with fewer/smaller sites and site clusters. As expected, in all study areas archaeological sites show a statistically significant pattern of clustering with site clusters in and around important features, most often named places and glacial erratics. The identification of positive autocorrelation of site size, with sites of similar size tending to be grouped

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together is consistent with Oetelaar and Oetelaar’s (2006) model. Human groups returned to the same places near important landmarks each year and habitually occupied the same sites, while areas in between these places saw less intense use.

Bastien (2004:134) describes “Niitaoni’pi kitao’ohsinnooni” or “how we recognize our land by its geographic features”. The relationship of the Blackfoot people to named and other sacred places is a lived example of this concept. Prominent features are often important landmarks or sacred sites, sometimes associated with names or stories. These features allow human groups to orient themselves to the landscape

(Oetelaar 2012; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2006, 2010; Sundstrom 2003). The pattern of linear, overlapping views of named places documented in the study region supports the assertion of Oetelaar and Oetelaar (2006) that these landmarks were markers of important travel routes. In each study area, the next in a series of places becomes visible when the previous is just out of sight. In the Calgary and Willow Creek study areas, this pattern has a distinct north-south trend suggesting that these named places were markers of the Old

North Trail, the main north to south route through the region. This is supported by the fact that each of these places can be seen from the Macleod Trail. A similar, though less pronounced, east-west pattern of overlapping views is present in the Calgary study area.

The latter places were markers of other east to west trails at this pre-contact travel hub.

This evidence indicates that landmarks were not only important because they were mnemonic pegs of oral tradition, but also because they served as markers of key travel routes on the Northwestern Plains and guided Blackfoot groups through their ancestral journey.

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Figure 58. Visibly interlinked sites with ideological constructs (Nanton - Claresholm)

Ideological sites played a comparable role to named places in this sense, as demonstrated by results of 2012 field studies. A series of ideologically significant sites are visibly interlinked from EcPl-16 west of Nanton (Williams Coulee Cave), south through EbPl-1 (Nanton Buffalo Jump), EbPl-5, EbPl-3 (Nanton Erratic) and EbPl-6, to pictographs at the north end of Pine Coulee (EbPk-6, EbPk-43 and EbPk-44), EaPk-61

(Split Rock) and ultimately Chief Mountain, the home of Thunder, which is visible from on top of Split Rock (see Figure 58; Amundsen-Meyer 2014d).

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An examination of the Women’s Jump (EbPk-4/15), an important Blackfoot named place, demonstrates how the attachment to place suggested by phenomenological models can be visible at individual archaeological sites. The Women’s Jump is the place where men and women first came together, as recounted in the story of the First

Marriage. The Blackfoot know of two places called Women’s Buffalo Jump; one on

Willow Creek northwest of Claresholm and one near Cayley. The Cayley jump (EcPl-1) was said to be the older of the two jumps, as it is the place where Napi went to find women and, ultimately, brought men and women together (Forbis 1960:61). The second

Women’s Jump, EbPk-4/15, is located on the west side of Pine Coulee in the Willow

Creek study area (see Amundsen-Meyer 2014a: for full discussion). The site shows a continuous record of use beginning early in the Old Women’s Phase and continuing through the end of this period, indicating its use by the Blackfoot people. The presence of two or more cultural layers at the EbPk-4/15 kill site and four or more cultural layers at the associated campsite is indicative of the repetitive occupation suggested by phenomenological models. Furthermore, the cultural layers present in the kill site are extremely thick with dense layers of bison bone, indicating extensive use. This use occurred in multiple, discrete events over a period of more than 1,000 years, but shows the same cultural signature (Old Women’s Phase). This indicates that human groups were habitually returning to this place (Amundsen-Meyer 2013a, 2014a; Brewer, et al. 1995;

Fedirchuk 1991; Hjermstad 1998).

Why would human groups repeatedly return to this place, over hundreds of years, to hunt the bison? The simplistic answer to this question is that at this location the environment lent itself to a successful drive, ensuring a winter food supply for the

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Blackfoot people who returned here. That being said, other areas of the Great Plains where similar landscape features exist, for example west Texas and Colorado, have no archaeological record of such communal bison jumps (see Cooper 2008). Furthermore, on the Northwestern Plains a large portion of the western edge of the Porcupine Hills is suited to this type of drive event and, in fact, many bison kill sites have been identified in this region. However, only a small number of these bison kills show the degree, intensity and consistency of use seen at the Women’s Jump. This suggests that this particular jump held greater importance than the average kill site due to its association with a name and a story (Amundsen-Meyer 2014a).

The Blackfoot would have seen the Women’s Jump (EbPk-4/15) as a place with special powers due to its association with a Napi story and because so many bison offered themselves up to the group for food at this place. The regeneration of the herds and their return to this place proves their willingness to continue to give themselves up to human groups. However, this will only occur if the remains of the bison are treated properly after each hunt. Rituals honoring the bison often focus on the bones of the bison, as the

Blackfoot believe they represent the living animal and, consequently, have the power to control living bison herds (Brink 2008; Grinnell 1962). In the archaeological record, evidence of ritual is present in the burnt and calcined bone found in the EbPk-4/15 bone bed and charcoal staining on the cliff (a pattern repeated elsewhere, for example at the

Nanton Buffalo Jump [EbPl-1]; Amundsen-Meyer 2013a; 2014d). Oetelaar (2014) suggests these characteristics of bison jumps are evidence of ritual burning of unused parts of bison carcasses by the Blackfoot people, consistent with phenomenological models.

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Figure 59. EaPk-18 ribstone.

The association of the Women’s Jump with a ribstone (EbPk-18; Figure 59) further speaks to the importance of this named place. Ribstones house the guardian spirits of the buffalo and were prominent in a number of bison-related rituals (Brink 2008;

Fedirchuk and McCullough 1991; Sundstrom 2003). The association of such an important ideological feature as the ribstone with the Women’s Jump (EbPk-4/15) further points to the importance of the Women’s Jump to human groups inhabiting the area and demonstrates the need to connect ritually with bison herds killed there. By returning to the Women’s Jump, telling the story associated with it and performing the appropriate rituals, Blackfoot groups ensured the renewal of the bison herds and their return to the jump (Amundsen-Meyer 2014a).

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Named places (such as the Women’s Jump) and glacial erratics stand out as the most important and consistent influences on land use in the study region. This is likely because winter was the time for story-telling (Yellowhorn 2002), the time during which the study region was inhabited. Named places are associated with site clusters in all study areas. In the Willow Creek study area, a single named place is associated with each cluster, while in the Okotoks and Calgary study areas multiple named places are located on the periphery of site clusters. Archaeological sites tend to be located within one half day’s walk of these places and at least one named place is visible from the majority of archaeological sites in the region. This pattern, along with the tendency for named places to be located near the periphery of site clusters, suggests that views of named places and/or access to them in a single day, rather than immediate proximity, was most important to pre-contact human groups in the region. This is consistent with the importance of these features for story-telling.

Along the Old North Trail, Blackfoot groups were preferentially selecting locations near to but not immediately on and/or from which they could see named places, so that they could tell the stories associated with them and perform appropriate rituals. As in the case of Ngarrabullgan in Australia, the choice to stop near to named places, rather than directly at or on them, may reflect a respect for the inherent power of the place. By stopping to tell the stories, Blackfoot groups teach morals and codes of behaviour, ensure ecological renewal and pass on their history and oral traditions to a new generation. The continuation of this practice across generations leads to reuse of the archaeological sites associated with these named places. This is seen in the archaeological record of Women’s

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Jump (described above), the Old Women’s Buffalo Jump, Head-Smashed-In Buffalo

Jump and at Ghost Pound (described below), among other sites.

Archaeological evidence from Ghost Pound (EaPk-37, 38 and 111) points to the importance and reuse of Blackfoot named places, as does the archaeological record of the

Women’s Jump. In describing Ghost Pound, Brings-Down-the-Sun says:

On its shore [Ghost Piskun Creek] is a miniature cliff about three feet high. At the base of the cliff are small circles of stones, similar to those made by the Indians for their lodge fires. It looks to us if, at one time, there must have been a miniature Indian camp there. If you visit the place in the morning, you will see many mice. We believe these mice are the ghosts of the buffalo, which take the form of mice, whenever people look at them (McClintock 1910:437).

Archaeological features at Ghost Pound (EaPk-37, 38 and 111) are shown in Figure 60.

These features cover an area of over 500 square meters. A series of pictographs are present on the sandstone cliff of the jump which is, as noted by McClintock, smaller than the cliffs at many other jump sites in the region. The bone bed at Ghost Pound is over one meter in depth, representing the accumulation of debris from numerous large kill events over an extended time period. In addition to the jump, 92 stone circles, 470 cairns (in 6 drive lanes as well as additional cairns of another function) and two rock alignments have been recorded at the site. The presence of six drive lanes indicates drive lane remodeling, a sign of reuse. Furthermore, stone circles are present in between drive lanes. These dwellings could not have been occupied at the same time as the buffalo were run, indicating multiple uses of the site either in different seasons or different years

(Amundsen-Meyer 2013a, 2014b). The reuse documented at Ghost Pound (EaPk-37, 38 and 111) shows that people were returning specifically to this named place, a pattern expected phenomenologically.

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Figure 60. EaPk-37 (Ghost Pound) site map.

Blackfoot groups were returning to Ghost Pound due to its sacred nature, as indicated by the presence of Foothills Abstract rock art and the distribution of stone features at the site. A series of cairns ring the top of a small, raised landform immediately southeast of the jump. A spoked rock alignment, potentially a death-lodge type medicine wheel, is present on the east edge of this landform. Other than a large effigy, no stone features are located in the center of the landform. The effigy consists of three continuous stone lines, each approximately 100 m long (see Figure 60; Amundsen-Meyer 2013a). It is likely that the effigy includes a representation of a buffalo given the distinct hump on

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the most northerly rock line and the association of Ghost Pound with the ghosts of the buffalo (see Johnson 1971; McClintock 1910). This effigy may memorialize the spirits of the buffalo who died at the jump or have been used during ceremonies associated with the communal hunting of bison. The lack of stone circles in the center of the landform is interesting given its sheltered nature and the large number of rings present at the site.

This landform could have had a ceremonial purpose making it culturally inappropriate to camp in this portion of the site. If this is the case, the cairns ringing the landform may have served as boundary markers delineating a division between the ceremonial space of the landform and secular space in the remainder of the site (see Amundsen-Meyer 2013a;

Brink, et al. 2003; Kennedy and Reeves 2013). The presence of an effigy on a ceremonial landform adjacent to the jump at Ghost Pound is indicative of ritual occurring as part of the use of an important, named buffalo jump. The large degree of reuse and presence of a distinct ceremonial space at Ghost Pound provide archaeological evidence of the importance of this named place and of the habitual return of human groups, in line with phenomenological expectations.

Glacial erratics, focal points of spiritual energy due to their association with Napi, also stand out as key influences on land use in the study region. Least cost path and cumulative viewshed analysis indicate that human groups were diverging from the most efficient route of travel through the region to be closer to these features and to traverse routes from which they were visible. This is most likely because glacial erratics stand out as dark spots on a snow-covered landscape. Given their inferred association with the Old

North Trail in Blackfoot oral tradition and the close spatial correlation of these features with the trail, glacial erratics, like the named places, appear to have served as visible

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markers of this travel route. The ability to use erratics as waypoints during winter travel may have drawn human groups to the western route. This is supported by visibility analysis which found a strong correlation between glacial erratics, site clusters and the trail. Overall, the location of glacial erratics heavily influenced human movement through the region and the location of key travel networks.

Additionally, if glacial erratics were visited to tell the story of Napi and the Rock, archaeological sites should be located close to these features so that they could be accessed when telling the story and making offerings to the associated spirits. Spatial analysis did, in fact, identify a strong relationship between the location of archaeological sites and glacial erratics in the study region. Clusters of sites are located around erratics and the majority of archaeological sites are found within two kilometers of these features.

Furthermore, archaeological sites tend to be located on the west side of the Macleod

Trail, closer to these rocks than uninhabited areas to the east. The Okotoks study area is the exception to this pattern with most sites found within one half day’s walk of the erratics. This is due to the greater-east-west length of the Okotoks study area. At this distance, the erratics could nevertheless be visited in a single day to leave offerings.

The importance of erratics to human groups on the Northwestern Plains is further indicated by the nature of the sites most closely associated with these features. Rock art is commonly found on glacial erratics, including the Big Rock at Okotoks (EePm-3), the final resting place of the rock that chased Napi (also EaPk-61, EbPl-6, EhPl-2, EfPm-

161). Split rocks, the form of the rock at the end of the story, are almost invariable painted with red ochre, often in the crack of the rock (e.g., EePm-3, EaPk-61, EbPl-3,

EbPl-6 Amundsen-Meyer 2013a, 2014c, 2014d; Blackfoot Gallery Committee 2001:8;

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Bryan 2005:144). Klassen (2003:155) notes that “…rock art symbolizes the sacred connection between the people, the spirit world, and the natural landscape”; its presence on glacial erratics points to their importance to the Blackfoot people. Furthermore, repainting events visible on several of the pictograph panels indicate the return of human groups to the place and the ritual repainting of the rock, a practice consistent with phenomenological models.

At Split Rock (EaPk-61), for example, the inside walls of a split erratic have been extensively smeared with red ochre. Numerous pictograph elements are also present on the ceiling panel, including bird tracks (Figure 61). Klassen (2003) suggests that this rock art, which belongs to the Foothills Abstract Tradition, is ceremonial in nature. The abstract nature of this tradition and the tendency of the painted erratics to be located on high, prominent landforms which are preferred by shamans suggest the use of these pictographs to obtain spiritual power through ceremonial activities. Specifically, the physical act of smearing ochre on rock during rituals undertaken here would have connected individuals with the spirit of the rock and led to the acquisition of medicine

Figure 61. EaPk-61 (Split Rock) roof panel.

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power (Keyser and Klassen 2001; Klassen 2003). In one version of the Napi story, it is the nighthawks who are finally able to stop the rock and save Napi (McClintock

1910:342). The possibility exists that the bird tracks at EaPk-61 are representative of the nighthawks, and that rituals occurring at this place were related to the telling of this Napi story. The archaeological evidence from EaPk-61 demonstrates the importance of this place and of glacial erratics to the Blackfoot people. Blackfoot groups were returning to this particular place to perform rituals and to tell the story of Napi and the Rock

(Amundsen-Meyer 2013a). Throughout the study region, the particular placement of archaeological sites on the landscape was influenced by the location of glacial erratics, with a preference for sites and travel routes near these landscape features. Human groups were traveling closer to and stopping at these sacred rocks to tell the associated story and perform rituals to honor the ancestors and Napi.

Spatial analysis also identified significant relationships between archaeological sites and the location of both springs and cottonwood groves, though these patterns are not as strong as the associations with named places and glacial erratics. Both springs and cottonwood groves are ecologically and phenomenologically important. However, the evidence indicates that these features are related to archaeological sites in a way that cannot be due to ecology alone.

Cottonwood groves were created and managed by Blackfoot groups as burial places for the ancestors and as repositories of traditional knowledge. That these groves were important stopping places is noted by Fidler (1991:33), who discusses Blackfoot groups camping in one of two stands of poplar at Spitzee, and McClintock (1910:149-

150) who describes visiting a grove near camp with Onesta to pay tribute to the deceased

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(see also Schultz 2002:, for example). This function is limited to groves and is not associated with areas of continuous wooded vegetation. Groves do appear as a factor in site selection more consistently than continuous wooded vegetation, with archaeological sites clustering in and around the former. If the primary purpose of visiting the groves was to pay respect to the ancestors buried there, it would be necessary to camp very close to them. A large portion of the archaeological sites in all three study areas are located within one kilometer of wooded vegetation, with this relationship intensified in the study areas where groves are present. However, this close proximity may also result from the use of wooded areas for shelter, a variable identified as important in ecological models.

Furthermore, in the Calgary and Willow Creek study areas, a significant number of archaeological sites are also found within one half day’s walk of wooded vegetation. The latter pattern is more consistent with a general ecological influence of wooded vegetation on site location.

Overall, the evidence indicates that the location of wooded vegetation was influencing the particular placement of archaeological sites on the landscape, with cottonwood groves specifically having the greatest influence. However, this may be a result of either their ecological or their cultural function. Viewshed analysis suggested that views of wooded vegetation may be relevant if the tops of trees were visible above river valley edges. Place names support the idea that groves were visible to travelers.

Spitzee, for example, which translates as “high wood” describes a place where the tops of tall trees could be seen above the valley edge from the surrounding prairie. These groves were placed along known and repetitively used trails (see also McClintock 1910; Schultz

2002). The association of cottonwood groves specifically with site clusters and the closer

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associated between burials and wooded vegetation suggests that the groves were stopping places for the Blackfoot people because they were a managed resource and home to the spirits of the ancestors. While a preference for locations near cottonwood groves is indicated, named places and glacial erratics had the ability to supersede this and had a greater overall influence on settlement patterning in the study region.

As noted previously, the presence of a single spring in site clusters in the Willow

Creek study area and the tendency of archaeological sites to be located two to seven kilometers from these features is not as expected if their primary importance was as a water source. The relationship identified between springs and archaeological sites may, instead, have been guided by Blackfoot ideology. Oetelaar and Oetelaar (2003) note that the origin of springs is explained in the story of the Bunched Stars (see also Yellowhorn

2002), and Sundstrom (2003) discusses the practice of leaving offerings to the spirits of the lower world at these places. Blackfoot groups are, therefore, expected to stop close enough to springs to travel to them to leave offerings and to tell the associated story. This practice fits with the pattern identified in the study region. The majority of archaeological sites are within one half day’s walk of a spring and the presence of a single spring in each site cluster would be sufficient for this purpose. Furthermore, if the primary influence of springs on site location was spiritual, there should be a closer association between springs and ideological constructs. In some areas, rock art and rock alignments are more commonly located within one kilometer of springs than other site types. Consequently, although the relationship between springs and archaeological sites is not one of immediate proximity, these features were influencing the land use decisions of pre-

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contact inhabitants of this region. Furthermore, this influence is consistent with their ideological rather than ecological importance.

Like springs, other sources of water serve both an ecological and an ideological purpose on the Northwestern Plains. Wissler (1912:174) discusses the practice of leaving offerings for water spirits at stream and river crossings to ensure safe passage, and

Sundstrom (2003) notes that in many Plains cultures confluences are inherently sacred. If these functions were the primary draw of major water bodies, archaeological sites should be concentrated at fords along trails where offerings were left and at the confluence of rivers and creeks. Along the Old North Trail between Calgary and Fort Macleod, the presence of dense clusters of archaeological sites at stopping places, most commonly at fords where wooded vegetation is present (see Figure 22), superficially supports this assertion. Further examination is required to determine if this pattern is a result of survey bias and to identify named places, landmarks and ideological constructs which should, if this model is correct, be located at each of these stopping places. The occurrence of site clusters and stopping places with evidence of reuse at important landmarks suggests that human groups were habitually occupying particular places on the landscape year after year.

At first glance, the pattern in the Okotoks study area, where archaeological sites are continuously distributed along all major water bodies, does not fit these expectations.

However, density analysis identified a site cluster at the confluence of the Sheep and

Highwood Rivers and a large cluster immediately west of the confluence of the Bow and

Highwood Rivers. Slight concentrations of archaeological sites are also visible on either side of the ford across the Sheep River. Archaeological sites in the Willow Creek study

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area are concentrated at the confluence of Willow Creek and Pine Creek where a large site cluster is present. At no point does the trail cross these water bodies. Finally, the

Calgary study area includes the confluence of the Bow and Elbow Rivers, which is also the location where the trail crosses these water bodies. No site cluster has been identified and few archaeological sites are recorded at this locale. This is because this is the oldest part of the City of Calgary and much of this area was disturbed well before the introduction of cultural resource management legislation. Overall, confluences do appear to be focal points of activity. The importance of fords is difficult to assess as only the ford of the Sheep River has appropriate data.

If the site clusters at river confluences result from the practice of leaving offerings at sacred places, the clusters should include a high percentage of ideological sites and isolated finds, the latter representing small offerings or temporary occupations. The site types present in clusters at confluences of the Sheep and Highwood Rivers, Bow and

Highwood Rivers and Pine Creek and Willow Creek are shown in Table 40. While sites at the Willow Creek and Pine Creek confluence do include rock art, rock alignments and cairns, this may relate to the presence of a named place (Ghost Pound), glacial erratics, cottonwood groves and/or a spring at this location. Clusters at the remaining confluences include few ideological constructs and a high percentage of campsites, a pattern which does not fit with phenomenological expectations. However, the clustering of campsites at these major water bodies does fit with ecological expectations for camps to be located at a permanent water source. Overall, the evidence for spiritual use of stream confluences remains inconclusive. There is little evidence of spiritual practice where the Highwood

River meets either the Bow River or the Sheep River. While there is evidence of ritual

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Table 40. Site types in clusters at river confluences. Camp Cairn Rock Iso Kill Rock Drive Trail Align Find Art Lane Sheep/ 98 6 0 1 20 0 0 0 Highwood Bow/ 103 0 0 2 16 0 0 0 Highwood Pine/ 57 7 2 1 5 2 3 1 Willow

practice at the confluence of Pine and Willow Creeks, this may relate to other variables identified as important phenomenologically.

The distribution of ideological sites in the study region is informative in additional ways. In some instances sites with ideological constructs stand alone, a pattern which ecological models do not allow for. At the north end of Pine Coulee, for example, three rock art sites are present (EbPk-6, EbPk-43 and EbPk-44). No other sites have been recorded in this locale and extensive survey in 2011 and 2012 failed to identify any additional sites. The pictograph sites are located where Dawson (1884) drew a cottonwood grove (which is no longer present) and two of the sites are associated with springs. While grove and spring could have been important ecologically, the lack of campsites or kill sites points to an ideological attraction to this place.

Furthermore, the distribution of ideological sites is often slightly different from that of other site types. Rock art tends to be located in closer proximity to glacial erratics than other site types, something already discussed in detail. In the Okotoks region, rock art is also commonly found within one kilometer of springs and, in the Calgary study region, rock alignments and effigies show this same pattern. This is in contrast to the majority of archaeological sites of all other types which tend to be located between two

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and seven kilometers from these features. In this way, the distribution of ideological features supports the suggestion that the primary influence of springs on site selection was not as a water source. Instead, the fact that they connected middle and lower worlds was key. Similarly, burials (unlike other site types) tend to be found within one kilometer of wooded vegetation, supporting the use of groves for scaffold burials and the association of these features with the spirits of the ancestors. Finally, the distribution of ideological sites as a whole (burials, rock alignments/effigies and rock art) in the Willow

Creek study area has a mean center approximately five kilometers north of that for other site types (see Figure 29). Such a difference should not occur in the ecological model.

Springs, cottonwood groves and glacial erratics are all distributed approximately equally in the north and south parts of the study region and are, therefore, most likely not the cause of this pattern. There is, however, a higher frequency of named places in the northern portion of the Willow Creek study area. This concentration may be the cause of the more northerly distribution of ideological sites. Together, the placements of ideological constructs on the landscape suggest that human groups were traveling to particular places with sacred landscape features to perform spiritual acts.

The presence and distribution of cairn sites in the study region is similarly informative. In all three study areas, the placement of cairn sites which do not belong to drive lanes differs from the normative pattern (see Figure 30-31). In his work along the

Old North Trail in Montana, Reeves (1991) notes three types of cairn site connected with the trail. These include cairn alignments associated with the trail, cairns on ridge tops which serve as markers, and isolated cairns with no apparent association to anything but the trail itself. In some cases, cairns were placed on elevated landforms as navigational

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devices to mark direction of travel and guide human groups during winter snowstorms

(Brink, et al. 2003; Reeves 1991; Sundstrom 2003). Additionally, Sundstrom (2003) discusses the practice of adding a rock to a cairn along a trail as a prayer to the spirits for safe passage. A large number of cairn sites in the study region appear to serve these functions. Cairns at EaPk-37 mark a division between sacred and secular space. Cairns at the Leavings (EaPk-226), an area used heavily both prehistorically and historically, were associated with the Old North Trail, serving as markers of the route or as offering piles.

Other cairn sites (EaPk-41, EaPk-131, EaPk-232, EaPk-18, EaPk-86, among others) are found on high ridges and were most likely markers of travel routes or important places.

Finally, EaPk-41 is a single cairn line consisting of 23 visible cairns located on a flat area high above prairie level (Amundsen-Meyer 2013a, 2014d). While its function is not yet known, it may be a linear arrangement of cairns associated with the Old North Trail, similar to those alignments recorded in Montana by Reeves (1991).

EaPk-18 (Figure 62) is a particularly interesting cairn site, located on prairie level overlooking a broad, flat tributary valley to Willow Creek. The site is split in two by a small coulee. West of the coulee, a line of large cairns (average 57 stones) and a single rock alignment (500+ stones) ascend an adjacent ridge. The size and placement of these cairns suggest they were visible markers of the site. The remaining 182 cairns, which average only 12.4 stones, are located on the east side of the coulee. The cairns at this site are an anomaly. They are not laid out in a distinguishable pattern and are not associated with any other cultural features. A spring and glacial erratic are located on the bank of the tributary coulee 100 meters east of the site. The small cairns may be an offering to spirits associated with these features, while the large cairns on the nearby ridge may mark their

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Figure 62. EaPk-18 site map.

location. Alternatively, the large cairns may mark a location where the trail crosses these drainages and the small cairns may be offerings to the spirits associated with travel

(Amundsen-Meyer 2013a).

The association of cairn sites (non-drive lane) with travel routes and the spiritual function of many of these sites explain why their distribution is different than that of other site types and the more pronounced, linear directional distribution of these sites in the Okotoks study area. Archaeological sites overall tend to be located away from the trail and other travel routes, just out of sight to those traveling along these paths. If cairn sites were associated with the Old North Trail, served as markers for travel routes and other important places and were places for offerings to the spirits associated with travel,

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they should be more closely associated with the location of paths. Furthermore, to serve as markers they need to be located at highly visible locations and are, therefore, more frequently placed on high landforms.

While the location of archaeological sites in the study region can be explained generally by the location of resources, the ecological model failed to explain the presence of site clusters and the particular placement of sites on the landscape. The location of archaeological sites and site clusters is, however, closely related to the presence and location of important landmarks identified in the phenomenological model including named places, glacial erratics, cottonwood groves and springs. In this sense, the location of archaeological sites is conditioned on a large scale by the presence of resources which dictate the portion of the Northwestern Plains used as a wintering ground. However, the specific location of archaeological sites within this ecologically rich zone is determined by the location of sacred places, most notably named places and glacial erratics.

Locations with views of and relatively easy access to these features are preferentially selected. This does not mean that ideology alone is determining settlement patterns along the Old North Trail. It does mean that ideology is playing a significant role in settlement decisions and is of far greater importance than previous studies of land use in the region have allowed.

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Discussion

Conceptual issues such as areas considered as ‘good’ or ‘bad’, perhaps in terms of physical or spiritual frameworks, will influence the position of cultural remains in a way that cannot be explained purely by environmental modeling (Chapman 2006:138).

The Piikani Dataset

Lobb’s (2009) analysis of the Piikani dataset identified different settlement patterns than the current research. Some of these differences, in particular the identification of positive autocorrelation among archaeological features in the Piikani dataset, most likely result from the fact that Lobb (2009) was able to analyze feature specific data rather than site data. It is expected that if feature data were available for the current study similar results would be seen. The most notable difference between studies is that sites in the Piikani study area are believed to be primarily spring/summer sites while the archaeological evidence along the Old North Trail is indicative of winter occupation. Ultimately, this is the root cause of other differences in settlement patterns identified in each study.

Lobb (2009) identifies a preference for sites to be located on high landforms with a large viewable area. Furthermore, the site clusters which he identified are visible from one another. In the spring, Blackfoot groups would move to uplands near their winter camps while they waited to leave the wintering grounds (e.g., McClintock 1910;

Uhlenbeck 1911). In this season, residential movement was an important activity as small related groups came together and made their way onto trail networks. This seasonal movement was east-west, towards the Sun Dance grounds (see, for example Oetelaar and

Meyer 2006; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2006). Ephemeral water bodies such as sloughs fill

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with water during the runoff and springs that run dry later in the year flow strongly, opening a large portion of the landscape for occupation. Furthermore, high landforms are clear of snow, while lowlands remain snow covered or very damp. Water bodies formed during the spring runoff allow occupation of high areas from which the next camp as well as the camps of relatives who are being met can be seen (Lobb 2009).

In contrast, the sites in the current study region tend to have much lower viewable areas. Only a small portion of the sites along the Old North Trail are located on high, exposed landforms and site clusters are not inter-visible. This is because these sites represent winter occupations, as demonstrated by archaeological evidence from the study region. In this season, shelter and permanent water are more important in site selection and camps are essentially stationary. While residential movement is rare, travel occurs regularly north-south along the Old North Trail as individuals visit friends and relatives in nearby camps. In this context, views of other site clusters are not important, as each group knows where their relatives are camped (see, for example, McClintock 1910;

Oetelaar 2003; Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2010). Instead, maximizing an overall view of the landscape, so that related groups inhabiting each winter camp can share information on the location of bison herds and other intruding groups, for example, is key. This is the pattern identified along the Old North Trail. Since camps are only moved if resources become scarce, Blackfoot groups do not choose highly visible landforms to settle on, but rather areas just out of sight of the trail where they will be relatively undisturbed by those traveling along this path during the winter months.

Lobb (2009) found there to be a statistically significant relationship between archaeological sites and distance to kill sites in the Piikani study area. This variable was

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not examined in the current study. Preliminary visual analysis suggests that site clusters within the Willow Creek study area do, in part, correspond with the location of large kill sites. The three northern clusters are located at Boneyard Coulee Buffalo Jump, Women’s

Pound and Ghost Pound respectively (see Figure 63). However, a single large jump in the latter two clusters (Ghost Pound – EaPk-37 and Women’s Pound – EbPk-4/15) has a

Blackfoot name. Given that all site clusters are associated with a named place, it is more likely that the draw of these jumps was in their association with a Blackfoot name, rather than their use as a jump site. Proximity to large kill sites does not appear to be an important factor in overall site selection here, as opposed to Lobb’s (2009) study area.

This may, once again, relate to differences in seasonality as spring was the time for a large communal buffalo hunt.

That being said, the distribution of sites with ideological constructs may relate to the location of large kill sites. When differentiated by site type, sites with ideological constructs in the Willow Creek study area show a clustered pattern that has a less than one percent likelihood of resulting from random chance. Visual analysis of site distribution suggests that these ideological constructs are clustered around large communal bison kill sites, which cluster analysis show to be randomly distributed (see

Figure 64). The exceptions to this pattern are burials whose location does not appear to be related to large kills. While no jump site has yet been recorded in Cluster 1, the landowner has suggested that there is a kill site present here, noting a layer of bone in the coulee bottom during the digging of a well. The remaining clusters are located at large, intensively used communal kill sites (Amundsen-Meyer 2014a). The clustered pattern of ideological constructs identified by statistical analysis appears to be related to the

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Figure 63. Site density and large kill sites, Willow Creek Study Area.

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Figure 64. Willow Creek study area showing cluster of archaeological sites and location of ideological constructs (left) and relationship of ideological constructs to jump site (right). 315

location of large, repetitively used (and in two cases named) jump sites. This association points to the social and spiritual importance of these jumps to the Blackfoot people, as suggested by Lobb (2009).

Despite the differences identified in the two studies, visibility of landscape features which serve as markers of travel routes is key to land use in each region. Along the Old North Trail, named places are visible from the trail and serve as markers of its route. These named places, as well as glacial erratics, stand out on a snow-covered landscape allowing travelers to keep their bearings while moving along this path. Named places lead travelers along this winter route and guide human groups to the camps of their relatives, which are located just out of sight and away from the trail. In Lobb’s (2009) study, the intervisibility of site clusters on high landforms serves a similar function. In the spring, the time of year when the sites studied by Lobb (2009) were occupied, the ability to see the camps of others is important as they serve as a guide for movement at a time when smaller groups come together and converge onto major trail networks.

A Sacred Landscape

Reeves (1991) argues that the Old North Trail developed as an significant travel route due to its importance in trade, travel and warfare, activities which had a north-south trend. The pattern of seasonal settlement and resource procurement documented among the Blackfoot would, in contrast, result in east-west trails. This suggestion is supported by the differences identified between the study region and the Piikani dataset. Named places and glacial erratics mark north-south travel routes in the former, while a pattern of west- east movement was identified in the latter. Furthermore, in his work along the Old North

Trail in Montana, Reeves (1990b, 1991) noted that there are a large number of rock

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alignments and other archaeological sites associated with the trail that differ from the normative pattern of camping, suggesting a sacred dimension to this route. Spatial analysis conducted in three study areas located along the Old North Trail in southern

Alberta supports the argument presented by Reeves (1990b, 1991). In this region, campsites and kill sites, the most frequent archaeological site types in southern Alberta, are present, along with a large number of sites with ideological constructs. The Willow

Creek study area in particular includes an unusually high percentage of ideological constructs compared to even the Calgary and Okotoks study areas. Furthermore, the recurring importance of cairn sites which mark important places and serve as offerings suggests that there was a significant spiritual dimension to travel through this landscape.

The Old North Trail is located in a landscape with an inherently sacred dimension, something that sets it apart from the Piikani study area. The high number of ideological constructs seen in the study region versus the control Piikani dataset is due to ceremonial use of the trail, as suggested by Reeves (1991). Both the Old North Trail and the Northern Rocky Mountain Front (Mistakis) were focal points of spiritual energy and

Blackfoot spiritual belief (see Reeves 1991). Many sacred events in the mythical past occurred in the study region, including the story of Napi and the Rock and the Napi story that explains the origin of the world, both of which are inferred to have taken place along the Old North Trail. Napi’s adventures are marked out on the landscape in this region in the form of the hills, trees and named places, among other things (Oetelaar 2012;

Oetelaar and Oetelaar 2010). The evidence presented here supports the assertion that the landscape through which the Old North Trail runs was home to a number of important named places and other sacred landmarks and that these places were drawing people to

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them and causing human groups to stop at particular locations. These culturally significant places were key to winter settlement patterning as this was the time for storytelling.

Tilley (1997) believes that human created places, here the glacial erratics, named places and other landmarks found to be important in settlement decisions, draw on the natural qualities of the landscape to create significance for people who used them (see also Moors 2007). This type of significance creation has occurred over a long time period along the Old North Trail, creating a landscape with an inherently sacred dimension for the Blackfoot people. This sacred dimension is marked by the types of archaeological sites present in the region as well as its settlement pattern. Furthermore, the evidence of reuse identified in the study region suggests that these traditional beliefs were passed on and honored through many generations.

Nested Landscapes

The settlement pattern identified along the Old North Trail in the Late Prehistoric

Period is one of nested landscapes. This research has identified landscape variables of both ecological and phenomenological significance which were important to site selection in this portion of the Northwestern Plains. However, ecological and phenomenological influences on land use worked at different scales in this region. While it could be argued that the relationship between cottonwood groves, springs and archaeological sites is due to their ecological importance, the pattern identified is different than one would expect from ecological use alone. Furthermore, if only ecology was a factor in site selection, features such as glacial erratics and named places, which do not have an ecological role, should show no influence on human settlement decisions.

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Instead, the latter variables have the most common and consistent relationship with archaeological sites and seem to be primary influences on the specific location of both travel routes and archaeological sites in this part of the Northwestern Plains.

This is not to say that ecology does not play a role in settlement decisions. Human groups do, obviously, need to meet their basic needs. Consequently, the presence of wood, water, shelter and bison conditioned human settlement decisions on the

Northwestern Plains at a general level and dictated the location of the wintering grounds in the larger landscape. However, for the pre-contact Blackfoot, meeting spiritual obligations was also a basic need which ensured survival and the renewal of resources.

This spirituality is reflected in the presence and location of site clusters and the particular placement of archaeological sites on the landscape; this placement is most closely tied to the location of named places and glacial erratics. While ecological variables condition human choices at a large scale, the specific location of archaeological sites within an ecologically rich landscape is determined by the presence of named places and important landmarks such as glacial erratics, springs and cottonwood groves. In this sense, the

Blackfoot were using a collecting strategy in which culturally significant landmarks determined the specific placement of site and logistic mobility was used to target important ecology resources.

The marrying of ecological and phenomenological variables in site selection should not come as a surprise. Through the lens of the Blackfoot worldview, ecology and ideology cannot be separated; they are one and the same. Rituals and ceremonies which pay tribute to places and spirits and renew resources are basic needs, just as food, shelter and water are basic needs. The Blackfoot can no more refuse to stop at a named place to

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tell its story than they can avoid drinking water. In the Blackfoot world, there is a spiritual dimension to most of the earth’s plants, animals and natural features, a large number of which are relied on for survival, and the relationship of human groups with these spirits must be nurtured to ensure resource renewal and human survival. Wissler

(1912) indicates that animal spirits are commonly found in the habitats where they live.

Birds and other sky beings are found in trees or hills, water beings in lakes and rivers and earth beings at many natural features. In this sense, there is a spiritual dimension to all of nature. It is this spiritual dimension and its relationship with human groups (as mediated through ritual) that determines the presence, location and renewal of necessary resources.

This closeness of nature and culture is both understandable and unavoidable for a group such as the pre-contact Blackfoot who relied so heavily on the natural environment for their very existence.

Chapter Summary

Critical evaluation of the merits of ecological and phenomenological models of settlement patterning on the Northwestern Plains has identified a uniquely Blackfoot pattern of land use along the Old North Trail. On a larger scale, ecology and the presence of important resources including wood, water, bison and shelter governed the location of the Blackfoot wintering grounds. Human groups on the Northwestern Plains were choosing to winter in the study region because it provided the necessities of life in this harsh season. Within this ecologically rich wintering ground, the location of landscape features of phenomenological importance, in particular named places and glacial erratics, but also cottonwood groves and springs, were determining the particular placement of archaeological sites on the landscape.

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This analysis has shown that phenomenological variables were an important influence on land use on the Northwestern Plains, something that has not figured prominently in most previous discussions of the region’s settlement pattern. Furthermore, movement itself and the dominant type of movement in each season are key to settlement decisions across the Blackfoot landscape. In this sense, it is not possible to separate

Blackfoot belief and culture from natural resources and ecology in the study of settlement patterns, nor would such a separation be profitable. In the future, as suggested by Lobb

(2009:227), “…models of site prediction need to include cultural variables because groups living within Southern Alberta prehistorically included cultural reasoning when selecting site locations”.

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CHAPTER 9: CONCLUSION

The complexity and statistical significance of the land use criteria indicate that the placement of sites on the landscape is not just simply based on the immediate needs of food, water, and resources. Rather, the decisions are based on a variety of natural and cultural attributes of the landscape (Lobb 2009:231).

In this dissertation, a spatial story involving the relationship of people and place has been developed. The goal of this research was to evaluate competing models of settlement patterning on the Northwestern Plains using a sample of sites located along the

Old North Trail, an ancient pathway within the traditional homeland of the Blackfoot people which extends along the foothills of southern Alberta and central Montana. Three study areas within the wintering grounds of the Blackfoot were evaluated: Calgary,

Okotoks and Willow Creek (west of Claresholm), along with a control study area on the

Piikani reserve. It was hoped that a better understanding of the distribution of sites in this region would allow human perceptions and uses of the landscape to be explored.

Ultimately, this spatial analysis suggests that both ecological and phenomenological models were influencing settlement patterning on the Northwestern Plains. However, the evidence, developed through a combination of spatial statistic and descriptive spatial analysis, indicates that phenomenological variables play a greater role in the selection of particular places for the establishment of campsites and other site types than previously thought.

The ecological model of settlement patterning is based on Western perceptions of the world, with nature seen to be the primary influence on human behaviour. On the

Northwestern Plains, the movement of human groups across the landscape is constrained generally by the seasonal migration of bison between their summer pastures on the open

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prairie and their wintering grounds in the sheltered valleys of the foothills. Following this model, the selection of particular places to camp along the Old North Trail is conditioned by the location of water and wood, the critical winter resources with the most restricted distribution in this region.

Based on this model, we expect sites to be located in sheltered areas, within the wintering grounds of the bison herds, where water and wood are immediately available.

The majority of sites within the study region are, in fact, located where shelter and bison were available, as these resources are nearly continuously distributed on the landscape.

Similarly, both wood and water appear as influences on settlement patterning, but not necessarily in the way expected of critical winter resources. While the majority of sites were found very close to major water bodies, these water bodies are in many cases not easily accessible given the deeply incised river valleys below sites. Furthermore, many such water bodies experience strong seasonal fluctuations in flow. In this context, one may expect springs to be a more important water source. However, the latter features did not show a close relationship in terms of proximity to archaeological sites, with only a single spring in each site cluster and most sites one half day’s walk from these features.

In most cases, the majority of archaeological sites are found up to seven kilometers, one half day’s walk, from wooded vegetation. This distance is sufficient to provide fuel if work parties are collecting wood and hauling it back to camp, though not necessarily efficient for a camp that will be occupied for six to eight months of the year. However, the tendency of site clusters to be located near tree groves as opposed to continuous wooded vegetation suggests that factors other than ecology are at play. Furthermore, since any instance of a resource is as good as another and the location of bison herds

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change from year to year and day to day, it is expected that sites will be randomly distributed on the landscape. There is little incentive to return to the same place, particularly if the location or reliability of resources changes or resources become deleted or polluted. Consequently, there should also be limited evidence of reuse of sites following this model. Neither of these expectations are met. Archaeological sites as a whole and, for the most part when differentiated by site type, exhibit a statistically significant pattern of clustering on the landscape. Furthermore, the presence and density of site clusters and the cultural remains at numerous sites exhibit a pattern of extensive reuse, primarily during the Late Prehistoric Old Women’s Phase (where dates are available).

The phenomenological model of site distribution, in contrast, attempts to understand how human groups perceived their own world and is, therefore, culturally specific. For the Blackfoot, places on the landscape are mnemonic pegs of Blackfoot culture and areas where spiritual power is concentrated. This model of site distribution proposes that people moved from place to place following a network of established trails which connected landmarks and their associated narratives, songs and rituals. These places would be revisited year after year, creating clusters of sites along the trail network and evidence of repeated use at these socially and spiritually important places. In this model, sites should occur at named places and other important landmarks including glacial erratics, cottonwood groves and springs, all of which have spiritual importance to the Blackfoot people.

The pattern of clustering and reuse discussed above is consistent with phenomenological models for settlement patterning in the region. Following this model,

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site clusters with extensive reuse should be found at and around named places and other important landmarks, a pattern observed in the study region. Throughout all analyses, named places and glacial erratics, both of which are associated with Blackfoot names and/or stories, recur as important variables in determining the particular location of archaeological sites on the landscape. Furthermore, overlapping views of named places define travel routes, including that of the Old North Trail, indicating that named places served as markers of this important route. Similarly, views of erratics are consistently available from the trail, which is also closely correlated with them in terms of location, suggesting that these features performed a similar function. The location of wooded vegetation and springs did recur as important variables in site selection, though these features appear to be secondary to the placement of named places and erratics. While the importance of both wood and springs in site selection could be a result of either their ecological or phenomenological importance, the evidence indicates that this importance was not, in all cases, related to ecology. Tree groves, which were managed resources that housed the spirits of the ancestors, appear to be more important than other wooded vegetation. A large number of sites are located within one kilometer of these features, a distance from which the spirits of the ancestors could be visited and important offerings made. Similarly, while springs are consistently associated with clusters of archaeological sites, only one spring tends to be located in each cluster and the majority of archaeological sites are two to seven kilometers from these features. This pattern is more consistent with travel to springs for an ideological purpose and to leave offerings than with their use as a water source in campsites.

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Overall, while many sites are placed at locations where ecological requirements are met, the placement of some sites on the landscape and their associated features cannot be explained by ecology alone. Nevertheless, ecology clearly plays an important role in site selection. That being said, there is increasing evidence that ideology conditions movement on the Northwestern Plains. Here, I propose that there is a series of nested cultural landscapes in this region. In this nested landscape, sites are chosen for ecological reasons at a larger scale, ensuring that basic needs of water, food and shelter are met.

These basic needs determine the selection of the Blackfoot wintering grounds within the larger landscape. At a finer scale, the particular locales chosen within this ecologically rich wintering ground are selected for their phenomenological importance. In this sense, sites will be located within an ecological rich zone where shelter, wood, water and bison are all available in the general area. The specific location of ideological sites and site clusters in particular will be determined by the location of phenomenologically important landmarks, most often named places and glacial erratics in the region along the Old North

Trail, both of which served as landmarks for travel through the region. Although primarily spring sites located away from the Old North Trail, the selection of particular places to camp in the control Piikani study area was nevertheless designed to facilitate movement across the landscape (see Lobb 2009), as in the study region.

The settlement pattern identified along the Old North Trail is a distinctly

Blackfoot one. Since the phenomenological model relies on culturally specific variables such as the location of named places, the theoretical framework will be unique to each particular group, even if two groups inhabit the same geographic territory. The identified importance of Blackfoot named places and Blackfoot landmarks such as glacial erratics

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indicate that the settlement pattern identified for this region is uniquely Blackfoot. As indicated by Lobb (2009:232) in his study of the Piikani dataset, “Many of the variables derived from landscape archaeology are characteristically Blackfoot. The regular distances between clusters and the views of Blackfoot named places suggest that the land use patterning is a specifically Blackfoot one.” Furthermore, the clustering and reuse present in the study region shows continuity of cultural traditions and the importance of these places through time.

Archaeological evidence from the study region supports the assertion that this settlement pattern is Blackfoot. The majority of excavated sites have occupations dating to the Late Prehistoric Period and most tipi ring sites, kill sites, rock art sites, rock alignments, and cairns in southern Alberta and adjacent Montana date to the Late

Prehistoric Period. This suggests that many undated surface sites should also exhibit signs of use during the Late Prehistoric, even though some sites may also have been used during earlier periods. The Rocky Mountain foothills of southern Alberta, including the study region, were the favoured wintering ground of the Blackfoot people.

Archaeological features present in the study region including iniskim, triangular bodied warriors in rock art, medicine wheels, Cayley Series projectile points and Saskatchewan basin pottery indicate a primarily Blackfoot use of the region. The presence of distinctly

Blackfoot aspects of material culture, including numerous sites belonging to the Old

Women’s Phase, and the importance of Blackfoot places suggest that the land use pattern identified is distinctly Blackfoot.

This model of nested landscapes and the importance of both ecological and ideological factors on site selection on the Northwestern Plains should not come as a

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surprise. In Blackfoot culture there is an intricate linking of nature and culture, humans and the natural world and biological and ceremonial needs. From a Blackfoot perspective, there are both ecological and ideological requirements for survival which are, often, inseparable. For resources to be renewed, spiritual places must be visited to perform rituals and leave offerings and in this way honor the place and keep the spirit of the place alive. In this sense, Blackfoot ideology is intimately tied to natural features, resources and particular locations on the landscape and, as such, ideology has a spatial dimension and is part of the landscape. This concept is eloquently stated by Sundstrom (2003:261) who states that Native Americans “…are taught to seek revelation in the world around them...[T]heir beliefs can no more be separated from the spatial dimension than Western religions from their historical context.”

Implications for Future Work in Region

...archaeologists should begin to see that if they can work out how they can bring their formidable analytical techniques to bear on matters of importance to Indigenous people, they will be able to produce a much more comprehensive and thus more powerful archaeological understanding of the past (Darvill 2005:235).

This research was designed to analyze data collected during cultural resource management survey, the largest body of data available for southern Alberta, and to advance our understanding of pre-contact peoples through analysis of the region’s settlement patterning. Using a combination of GIS and spatial statistics, ecological and phenomenological models for the Northwestern Plains were evaluated and a number of suggestions regarding the importance of various landscape features made. While the results of this analysis have advanced our knowledge of human behaviour in the region, a number of data gaps remain which should be filled in order to better validate and refine

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this model. To make this research complete, the land use model created here needs to be tested in the future through both traditional land use studies and comparison with additional archaeological data.

No model of land use on the Northwestern Plains will be complete or accurate until traditional aboriginal knowledge is incorporated. Therefore, future research should involve collaboration with the Blackfoot community to undertake traditional land use studies which will allow this land use model to be evaluated from a Blackfoot perspective. Given that both ecological and phenomenological models are under study, this should include not only collaboration regarding traditional uses of resources, but also traditional knowledge of place names and related stories and their relationship to the landscape. These place names and stories can, in this way, be tied to particular locations on the landscape and related to the archaeological evidence present at that place.

Additionally, since the presence and location of recorded sites in the study region results primarily from cultural resource management work, there are a number of inherent biases in the data (discussed in Chapter 5). These problems were addressed to the degree possible with the available data during this research. While this has created a valid model, it should be tested against a fourth study area on the Old North Trail for which survey coverage is complete. This will allow evaluation of whether the land use model is appropriate when these data biases are removed.

Synthesizing traditional knowledge and archaeological data in this way is becoming increasingly important in the modern world. Cultural landscapes are not only socially constructed, but highly contested (see, for example, Byrne 2008). As more indigenous land claims are brought forward, aboriginal groups are increasingly asked to

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provide evidence of traditional land use. While traditional knowledge is valuable, it often does not provide the “scientific” evidence required in current society. Therefore, by combining archaeological and Blackfoot knowledge, the oral traditions of the Blackfoot people can be supported by an additional body of data. Whether examined by cultural resource management or academic archaeologists, using data generated by CRM to answer broader research questions is essential to the continued public relevance of archaeology as a discipline.

Hunter-gatherers on the Northwestern Plains lived their lives in the holistic and mobile sense of an entire landscape, not at individual sites (e.g., Byrne 2008; Darvill

2005). For such groups, the act of moving or going hunting, for example, may, in fact, be more important than the “campsite” or “kill site” defined by archaeologists (see, for example Byrne 2008:157 for an example among the Australian Aborigines). As Byrne

(2008:157) states:

We know that many of the places we call heritage 'sites' are often really just points on pathways (or 'trajectories'). They are 'moments' in a journey or trip across the landscape. When using a site-based approach to heritage, the points on the pathway have tended to dominate our thinking and the pathway is lost sight of.

This type of larger view of human behaviour across the landscape is difficult to access in a single cultural resource management project. However, given the great body of data generated by the CRM sector, a database which research surveys cannot strive to match, research questions need to be addressed with this body of data. There is efficacy in this approach and this data can and should be used to answer larger, regional scale questions.

Provided that we make an effort to examine our CRM data in a critical and analytical

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fashion we have a good deal of data which can productively be used to answer important research questions.

Given that CRM data is the largest body of data which archaeologists have to work with on the Canadian Plains, including the region studied here, it is important to consider theoretical issues related to CRM work and how significance and heritage value are assigned. These issues may affect the analytical power of studies seeking to advance our understanding of human behaviour using CRM generated data. When creating CRM programs, how can the best determination of value be made with this in mind? Moreover, how does this affect decisions regarding which sites should be preserved, excavated or allowed to be destroyed?

As stated by Mason (2008:107), “…values are fundamentally contingent – in other words, they are socially as well as spatially constructed.” Furthermore, value is not binary (i.e., significant or non-significant) and can be perceived differently by different stakeholders (Darvill 2005; Mason 2008; Smith 2005; Tainter and Bagley 2005).

Archaeological sites hold both social and professional or historical significance (the former referred to as value and the latter as importance; see Darvill 2005). Social value is shared by society and thus reflects contemporary societal values. Archaeological importance is a professional judgement made by archaeologists regarding the potential of a site to contribute to our understanding of past human behaviour. Unfortunately, as archaeologists we have become focused on defining importance based on which sites are the oldest, deepest, largest or thickest, somewhat out of economic necessity. While there is nothing wrong with excavating these sites, defining importance in this way leaves out an entire range of human behaviour, including many day to day activities, and does not

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necessarily account for the importance of sites to the groups whose ancestors actually inhabited them (Darvill 2005; Tainter and Bagley 2005). As shown in the Australian example of Ngarraballan, such cultural importance can, in some cases, be evident in an absence of sites or presence of small sites and isolated finds. In this research, cultural significance regarding the importance of place, named places and other sacred landmarks was shown to be key in settlement decisions on the Northwestern Plains, something echoed by Lobb (2009). Given the importance of these culturally specific places, we must, as suggested by Mason (2008:109), seek out elusive values and stakeholders regarding the importance of archaeological sites, so that the spiritual values, senses of place and cultural values of often disadvantaged communities can be incorporated in decisions regarding the management of archaeological sites.

In addition to value and importance, Darvill (2005) discusses the idea of representativeness which he suggests should be a primary goal of CRM. In essence,

Darvill (2005) is suggesting that CRM should strive to study a sample of cultural remains from a particular geographic area that reflects the entire range of activities and cultures that occurred there. This point is key in studies which attempt to construct a holistic view of human behaviour on the landscape. If the site sample does not include the full range of human behaviour, one cannot properly address these types of research questions. As this study has shown, even the presence or absence of small artifact scatters and isolated finds can be important in understanding human activity in the past. Furthermore, in some cases the sites most visible on the landscape and, consequently, most studied during CRM work, represent activities undertaken for only a limited time. The everyday actions of individuals may leave only a faint trace.

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We often assume that the least salient parts of the archaeological record represent less interesting behaviour, but this is not necessarily true. Instead, the day to day business of hunting and gathering may leave a minimal imprint in the archaeological record. This is true of the study region, where the most commonly excavated sites, large communal bison kills, were in fact only used for a few weeks or a month in an entire year. In this sense, to allow the evaluation of research questions such as that examined here and to better understand human behaviour, archaeologists may be justified in re-evaluating how they define the importance of a site and how this can be reconciled with the economics of

CRM practice. As suggested by Tainter and Bagley (2005), instead of only assessing significance based on the material record present at a site, the significance of a site should be assessed on the basis of the human behaviour that created it. While this may sound simple, putting such a concept into practice would require changes in legislation and additional support for the environmental and archaeological assessment process from regulators and development companies, something that is not realistic at this time.

Chapter Summary

The ceremonies, land, stories, ritual, languages, roles and responsibilities are the hallmarks of a holistic worldview. They are intertwined and interdependent with each other and form the cultural and ceremonial integrity of Niitsitapi (Bastien 2004:90).

The incorporation of ecological, ideological and social variables in the application of GIS within archaeology is relatively new. The approach used here, in which ecological and cultural data are combined in spatial analysis, is one that has not yet been attempted on the Northwestern Plains. By combining these data, it has been possible to create a land use model for the region. This model shows that while ecological factors were important,

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they conditioned human behaviour and site selection on only a general level. The specific location of archaeological sites was, instead, defined by the location of culturally significant named places and sacred landmarks. Ultimately, I hope that this research has helped build a better picture of past lifeways in this region and improved our understanding of human perceptions and uses of the landscape. In the process, I have identified some gaps in our knowledge that, if addressed, could help direct similar studies in the future. Finally, I believe that this research has shown how CRM data, by far the largest body of archaeological data available to those working in the study region, can effectively be used to answer larger regional scale research questions.

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