The Parish Monstrance of St. Kolumba: Community Pride and Eucharistic Devotion in Cologne Around 1400 Heather Mccune Bruhn
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The Parish Monstrance of St. Kolumba: Community Pride and Eucharistic Devotion in Cologne around 1400 Heather McCune Bruhn The Church of St. Kolumba was the oldest and richest parish cent Kolumba Monstrance was not the donation of a single church in late gothic Cologne.1 However, Baroque and Ro- wealthy patron but of the parish as a whole, and that it repre- coco remodeling, secularization under the French, and Allied sented the community pride and Eucharistic devotion of the bombing in World War II led to the loss or disbursement of parish well into the modern era. most of its treasures (Figure 1). Late gothic panel paintings The term monstrance refers to a vessel that is used to from St. Kolumba’s, including Rogier van der Weyden’s St. display the consecrated Host for veneration by the faithful, Kolumba Altarpiece and several anonymous masterpieces, whether it is placed upon an altar or used in procession.4 receive the greatest amount of art historical attention.2 Conse- Monstrances developed as a result of the institution of the quently, the four remaining pieces of medieval goldsmithwork feast of Corpus Christi in 1264.5 This new feast was intended from the parish church, now in the Cologne Cathedral Trea- to celebrate the sacrificial, redeeming and miraculous nature sury, are largely ignored. They consist of a shrine-shaped crys- of the consecrated Host. The earliest statutes and offices for tal reliquary from the late twelfth century, a small silver reli- the feast of Corpus Christi simply mention that the conse- quary monstrance from the mid-fifteenth century (Figure 2), crated Host should be honored with readings and hymns.6 Ex- and two exquisite pieces from around 1400, a highly orna- position of and processions with the Host came later. The first mented processional cross and a large, beautifully worked host documented Corpus Christi procession was held at the church monstrance titled, for purposes of discussion here, the Kolumba of St. Gereon in Cologne before 1277.7 Following the earlier Monstrance (Figure 3).3 This paper suggests that the magnifi- custom of not exposing the Host except at the moment of el- This article represents a portion of my recently completed dissertation on und in seiner Entwicklung (Munich: Max Hueber Verlag, 1932) 348-411; late gothic monstrances. I would like to recognize Dr. Elizabeth B. Smith Lotte Perpeet-Frech, Die gotischen Monstranzen im Rheinland, Bonner and the other members of my committee for their continuing encourage- Beiträge zur Kunstwissenschaft 7 (Düsseldorf: Rheinland-Verlag, 1964) ment and assistance. My research would not have been possible without 9-67. Holger Guster is currently writing a dissertation on the formal devel- funding from The German-American Fulbright Commission, The Medi- opment of the earliest monstrances under the guidance of Johann Michael eval Academy of America, and the Pennsylvania State University. Prof. Fritz. Other useful studies include: Anton Joseph Binterim, “Über die Johann Michael Fritz guided my research in Germany during the academic heutigen Monstranzen (Schaugefäße) für das allerheiligste Sacrament,” in year 2002-2003. For my access to the Kolumba Monstrance and the Binterim, Die vorzüglichsten Denkwürdigkeiten der Christ-Katholischen Solingen-Grafräth Monstrance, I wish to thank the staff of the Deutsches Kirche aus den ersten, mittlern und letzten Zeiten, vol. 7 (Mainz: Simon Klingenmuseum in Solingen-Grafräth and the Domschatz in Cologne, par- Müller, 1833) 365-376; J. Corblet, “Des ostensoirs,” in “Des vases et des ticularly Dr. Leonie Becks and master goldsmith Cordula Baumsteiger. ustensiles eucharistiques,” part 8, Revue de l’Art chretien, ns 4 (1886): 49-58; Édouard Dumoutet, Le désir de voir l’hostie et les origins de la 1 Eduard Hegel, St. Kolumba in Köln: Eine mittelalterliche Großstadtpfarrei devotion au Saint-Sacrement (Paris: Gabriel Beauchesne, 1926) 80-85; in ihrem Werden und Vergehen, Studien zur Kölner Kirchengeschichte 30 Peter Browe, Die Verehrung der Eucharistie im Mittelalter (Munich: Max (Siegburg: Verlag Franz Schmitt, 1996) 37-40. Hueber Verlag, 1933) 98-102; Michel Andrieu, “Aux origines du culte du Saint-Sacrement: reliquaires et monstrances eucharistiques,” Analecta 2 Recent studies of interest include: Alfred Acres, “The Columba Altarpiece Bollandiana 47 (1950): 397-418; Charles C. Kovacs III, “Monstrances,” and the Time of the World,” Art Bulletin 80.3 (Sept., 1998): 422-451; in Eucharistic Vessels of the Middle Ages, exhibition catalogue (Cam- Angela Kulenkampff, “Stifter und Stiftungen in der Pfarre St. Kolumba in bridge, MA: Harvard University and Garland Publishing, Inc., 1975) 97- Koln in der Zeit von 1464-1487,” Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch 48/49 (1987/ 103. 88): 443-452; Kulenkampff, “Der Dreikönigsaltar (Columba-Altar) des Rogier van der Weyden: Zur Frage seines ursprünglichen Standortes und 5 The feast was established when Urban IV published the bull Transiturus des Stifters,” Annalen des historischen Vereins für den Niederrhein de hoc mundo in 1264. The text of the bull is printed in: Peter Browe, inbesondere die alte Erzdiözese Köln 192-193 (1990): 9-46. Textus antiqui de festo Corporis Christi, Opuscula et textus, Series Liturgica, ed. Richard Stapper and A. Rocker, Fasc. IV (Münster: 3 Leonie Becks and Rolf Lauer, Die Schatzkammer des Kölner Domes, Aschendorff Verlag, 1934) 27-33. Meisterwerke des Kölner Domes 6, ed. Barbara Schock-Werner and Rolf Lauer (Cologne: Verlag Kölner Dom, 2000), cat. 52, 61, 78, 80, pp. 41, 6 Browe (1934) 1-40; C. Lambot, “L’Office de la Fête-Dieu; aperçus 47, 54, 55; Walter Schulten, Der Kölner Domschatz (Cologne: Greven nouveaux sur ses origins,” Revue Benedictine 54 (1942): 95-123. Verlag, 1980), cat. 26, 27, 36, 82, pp. 18-19, 21, 120-1. 7 The document describing the institution of Corpus Christi and the proces- 4 The most complete studies of the liturgical function of the monstrance and sion at St. Gereon was first published, with commentary, by Richard Stapper its historical and stylistic development are by Joseph Braun and Lotte and later included in Peter Browe’s collection of texts relating to Corpus Perpeet-Frech. Joseph Braun, Das christliche Altargerät in seinem Sein Christi. Richard Stapper, “Der alte Gereonsaltar und die früheste Form der ATHANOR XXV HEATHER MCCUNE BRUHN evation, it was carried in a closed pyx. Although some churches that the Kolumba Monstrance has more than just a simple continued to conceal the Host as late as the fourteenth cen- buttressed chapel housing a cast figure of the Madonna. In- tury, the earliest known monstrance can be securely dated to stead, St. Kolumba stands within a web of delicate tracery and 1286, and monstrance use was firmly established by the end is surrounded by colonnettes, flying buttresses and cast pin- of the fourteenth century.8 Monstrances are constructed with nacles (Figure 5). A smaller chapel above her houses three central crystal vessels that, according to a document from 1343, additional virgin martyrs cast in silver. The dome of the spire, allow their contents “to be better protected…and to lead the which also serves as the lid of the crystal vessel, is beautifully people to greater and better devotion.”9 The Host is held up- engraved with the symbols of the four evangelists. On most right in a lunula, a crescent-shaped holder that stands inside monstrances, this area would be studded with cut enameled the central vessel. Though early monstrances had widely var- flowers or left undecorated. Flowers can also be found at the ied and experimental forms, by the late fourteenth century center of spirals below the buttresses of most monstrances. monstrances were being made according to standardized The Kolumba Monstrance, however, has tiny animated corbel types.10 The Kolumba Monstrance is a tower monstrance, the figures that appear to support each buttress. The stem and most popular type in the late gothic period, and the form of its base of the crystal vessel, which receive only the most basic spire, buttresses and carrying knob indicate that it was made ornament on other pieces, are here decorated with colonnettes, in Cologne.11 overlapping ribs and fine crosshatching (Figure 6). The com- Even among the highest quality tower monstrances, the plex stepped base of the stem resembles that of a compound Kolumba Monstrance ranks as an outstanding example of the pier. This architectural emphasis suggests that the Kolumba goldsmith’s art. A comparison with the well made but more goldsmith might have had the geometric design training rec- standard Cologne monstrance from Solingen-Gräfrath, also ommended by the goldsmith Hans Schmuttermayer in his 1486 made around 1400, will help illustrate what makes the book on finial design.13 Finally, the foot of the Kolumba Kolumba Monstrance so extraordinary (Figure 4). At 88.5cm, Monstrance is a masterpiece in its own right (Figure 7). Each the Kolumba Monstrance is among the tallest of its time, while of the six lobes is engraved with an enthroned saint contained the Solingen-Gräfrath Monstrance has a more typical height within a plain border and finely crosshatched background. In of 69.4cm. Both consist of a vertical crystal vessel within an each lobe either a foot, a piece of drapery or a portion of throne elaborate silver gilt architectural framework supported by a overlaps the plain border. Compositionally and stylistically stem, knob and foot.12 But in the case of the Kolumba these enthroned saints resemble painting and manuscript il- Monstrance, the goldsmith has gone far beyond fabricating lumination in Paris and the Low Countries. A strong com- the required elements. If we compare the two spires, it is clear parison can be made with André Beauneveu’s miniatures of Fronleichnamsfeier in Köln,” Annalen des historischen Vereins für den H.A. Gerstenberg, 1973) 51 (page citations are for the reprint edition). Niederrhein inbesondere die alte Erzdiözese Köln 106 (1922): 130-141; Browe (1934) 44-46.