Henry Ernest Whitaker and Charles Stanislaus Stafford at Te Aroha
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Bromley Cemetery Guide
Bromley Cemetery Tour Compiled by Richard L. N. Greenaway June 2007 Block 1A Row C No. 33 Hurd Born at Hinton, England, Frank James Hurd emigrated with his parents. He worked as a contractor and, in 1896, in Wellington, married Lizzie Coker. The bride, 70, claimed to be 51 while the groom, 40, gave his age as 47. Lizzie had emigrated on the Regina in 1859 with her cousin, James Gapes (later Mayor of Christchurch) and his family and had already been twice-wed. Indeed, the property she had inherited from her first husband, George Allen, had enabled her second spouse, John Etherden Coker, to build the Manchester Street hotel which bears his name. Lizzie and Frank were able to make trips to England and to Canada where there dwelt Lizzie’s brother, once a member of the Horse Guards. Lizzie died in 1910 and, two years later, Hurd married again. He and his wife lived at 630 Barbadoes Street. Hurd was a big man who, in old age he had a white moustache, cap and walking stick. He died, at 85, on 1 April 1942. Provisions of Lizzie’s will meant that a sum of money now came to the descendants of James Gapes. They were now so numerous that the women of the tribe could spend their inheritance on a new hat and have nothing left over. Block 2 Row B No. 406 Brodrick Thomas Noel Brodrick – known as Noel - was born in London on 25 December 1855. In 1860 the Brodricks emigrated on the Nimrod. As assistant to Canterbury’s chief surveyor, J. -
Henry Ernest Whitaker and Charles Stanislaus Stafford at Te Aroha
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Research Commons@Waikato HARRY AND CHARLES: HENRY ERNEST WHITAKER AND CHARLES STANISLAUS STAFFORD AT TE AROHA Philip Hart Te Aroha Mining District Working Papers No. 159 2016 Historical Research Unit Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences The University of Waikato Private Bag 3105 Hamilton, New Zealand ISSN: 2463-6266 © 2016 Philip Hart Contact: [email protected] 1 HARRY AND CHARLES: HENRY ERNEST WHITAKER AND CHARLES STANISLAUS STAFFORD AT TE AROHA Abstract: Harry Whitaker was a member of a prominent political family, and Charles Stanislaus Stafford came from an Anglo-Irish landowning family. They both invested in mines in the Te Aroha district, Whitaker being particularly active in promoting the interests of the mining industry. But he was also seen as manipulating the share market to benefit himself and as assisting Josiah Clifton Firth’s ‘clique’ to control the field, meaning that for many residents some of his actions were deeply unpopular. Both men acquired and traded in land both within and outside the settlements, and developed their Wairakau estate, all profitably. Whitaker also established the Te Aroha News, and in a variety of ways was a leading member of the community. As a member of the county council he tried to help the district, but once again was seen as working too closely with Firth for their mutual benefit. Stafford also tried to assist local development. Both men were prominent socially, notably in horse races and various sports. Whitaker in particular was renowned for his lively personality, personal charm, and elegant attire, but unusually did not marry nor, apparently, flirt with the opposite sex, which may or may not be significant. -
Warriors Walk Heritage Trail Wellington City Council
crematoriumchapel RANCE COLUMBARIUM WALL ROSEHAUGH AVENUE SE AFORTH TERRACE Wellington City Council Introduction Karori Cemetery Servicemen’s Section Karori Serviceman’s Cemetery was established in 1916 by the Wellington City Council, the fi rst and largest such cemetery to be established in New Zealand. Other local councils followed suit, setting aside specifi c areas so that each of the dead would be commemorated individually, the memorial would be permanent and uniform, and there would be no distinction made on the basis of military or civil rank, race or creed. Unlike other countries, interment is not restricted to those who died on active service but is open to all war veterans. First contingent leaving Karori for the South African War in 1899. (ATL F-0915-1/4-MNZ) 1 wellington’s warriors walk heritage trail Wellington City Council The Impact of Wars on New Zealand New Zealanders Killed in Action The fi rst major external confl ict in which New Zealand was South African War 1899–1902 230 involved was the South African War, when New Zealand forces World War I 1914–1918 18,166 fought alongside British troops in South Africa between 1899 and 1902. World War II 1939–1945 11,625 In the fi rst decades of the 20th century, the majority of New Zealanders Died in Operational New Zealand’s population of about one million was of British descent. They identifi ed themselves as Britons and spoke of Services Britain as the ‘Motherland’ or ‘Home’. Korean War 1950–1953 43 New Zealand sent an expeditionary force to the aid of the Malaya/Malaysia 1948–1966 20 ‘Mother Country’ at the outbreak of war on 4 August 1914. -
Class – a Historiographical Rehabilitation
Class in Colonial New Zealand: towards a historiographical rehabilitation Jim McAloon Lincoln University Untitled Document Note The online version of this article is different to that originally published in the New Zealand Journal of History which incorrectly omitted text from the article’s content during the printing process. At the request of the author and the editors of the New Zealand Journal of History the corrected version is made available here including the omitted text as was originally intended and proofed for publication. Text omitted from the printed journal is displayed in red font. Inclusion of this text means pagination differs in places from the printed version. file:///B|/NZJH%20bengine06/docs/2004/Corrections%20to%20McAloon.htm[11/08/2011 11:04:40 a.m.] 1 Class, once a fundamental organising category of social science, has disappeared from New Zealand historiography. The shaping of history: essays from the New Zealand journal of history apparently represents an attempt to codify a canon of innovative and otherwise central articles on New Zealand history. Gender and Maori themes abound, but there is absolutely nothing about class in that collection; an absence which suggests that class is truly irrelevant to New Zealand historiography, or at least to the authorized version.1 Although the disappearance from, or at least downplaying of class in, western historiography is a well-discussed phenomenon,2 the discussion of class in New Zealand history was frequently lopsided. Most discussions approached class almost entirely in terms of class consciousness, and emphasised the working class from 1890 (which is not to deny the impressive contribution made by labour historians to New Zealand historiography). -
A Report on the Katikati Te Puna Purchase
'JUSTICE, SEASONED WITH MERCY' A report on the Katikati Te Puna purchase BarryRigby A Report Commissioned by the Waitangi Tribunal February 2001 TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION .................................................................................... 2 ( CHAPTER TWO: CESSION OR CONFISCATION? ........................................................ 5 CHAPTER THREE: THE INITIATION OF THE PURCHASE ....••.............•................... 9 CHAPTER FOUR: THE POLITICAL CONTEXT........................................................... 11 CHAPTER FIVE: FALTERING FOLLOW-THROUGH ................................................ 15 CHAPTER SIX: ORDER IN COUNCIL 18 MAY 1865 .................................................... 18 CHAPTER SEVEN: THE COMPLETION OF THE PURCHASE ...•............................. 22 CONCLUSION: THE RESPECTIVE INDIVIDUAL ROLES ......................................... 26 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................. 30 A PRIMARY SOURCES ................................................................................................ 30 B SECONDARY SOURCES .......................................................................................... 31 APPENDIX: DIRECTION COMMISSIONING RESEARCH ........................................ 32 ( MAP: KATIKATI TE PUNA PURCHASE 1866 .•••..•.......•.........•......•................ 4 "'--.;':" '.- . ( CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION The Waitangi Tribunal commissioned this research report -
Sir Harry Atkinson and the Conservative Faction in New Zealand Politics, 1879-1890
Sir Harry Atkinson and the Conservative Faction in New Zealand Politics, 1879-1890 INTERPRETATIONS of Sir Harry Atkinson's role in New Zealand political history have undergone considerable revision since they were first attempted by the nineteenth century historians, W. Gis- borne, A. Saunders and W. P. Reeves. Yet Atkinson remains to us what he was to them, a decidedly enigmatic figure. Gisborne recon- ciled the contradictions of Atkinson's behaviour by explaining that Atkinson's primary political principle was the desire for power.1 Saunders was moved by his hatred of Atkinson to add that Atkinson was a failed farmer who clung to power for the sake of profit.2 But neither Gisborne nor Saunders had an effect on subsequent writers equal to that of Reeves. Reeves was writing the first radical history of New Zealand and to him Atkinson's role was plain: he was the Conservative Premier who had delayed the Liberals' occupation of the Treasury benches. In order to make the revolutionary significance of the change of power in 1890 quite clear, Reeves described Atkin- son, along with Sir Frederick Whitaker and Sir John Hall, as leaders of a New Zealand Conservative party which had held power, with minor interruptions, since 1879. Reeves qualified his picture by pointing out that Atkinson held 'quasi-socialistic views' and was one of 'the more broadminded of the oligarchs'.3 Some twentieth century historians have enlarged upon this, pointing out that Atkinson took radical stands on the issues of female suffrage and social security, and that except on financial ques- tions, he cannot properly be labelled a conservative.4 A small minority 1 W. -
The New Zealand Great Strike and Trans-Tasman Biography
Personalizing Class Conflict Across the Tasman: the New Zealand Great Strike and Trans-Tasman Biography MELANIE NOLAN H is Harry Holland’s nibs fighting Billy Hughes, Harry lashes “Labor” fibs in the red “Reviews!” Holland’s pen is like a lance tipped with boiling gall! He is making Billy’s chance very black and small! With determination, grim, Holland’s fought for years! Prison cannot silence him, nor can bribes or fears. Josiah Cocking on Harry Holland and Billy Hughes, 1910.1 Abstract This is a revisionist account of the New Zealand 1913 Great Strike, placing it in a trans-Tasman framework rather than, as is more usual, local and international contexts. It uses the bitter relationship between Harry Holland and Billy Hughes to personalize and dramatize the wider dynamic between the New Zealand and Australian labour movements around 1913. It contests the view that that the Tasman world was dying or that New Zealanders’ resented ‘Australian intervention’ in the strike. Affective bonds which did not always match trading partnerships indicate the closeness of New Zealand and Australia peoples as indicated by a range of measures such as population exchange, the exchange of parcels in the mail and the strong push for trans- Tasman union and socialist federation. The effect of the 1913 Great Strike followed closely by the war was, however, to destroy the dream of a trans- Tasman ‘One Big Union’. Introduction: Trans-Tasman Revisionism The 1913 Great Strike was one of the most turbulent and violent industrial disputes in New Zealand’s history: there were extraordinary scenes on Wellington’s streets with the military facing strikers and their supporters with naked bayonets and machine guns. -
James Macandrew of Otago Slippery Jim Or a Leader Staunch and True?
JAMES MACANDREW OF OTAGO SLIPPERY JIM OR A LEADER STAUNCH AND TRUE? BY RODERICK JOHN BUNCE A thesis submitted to Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Victoria University of Wellington 2013 iii ABSTRACT James Macandrew, a Scotsman who migrated to Dunedin in 1851, was variously a businessman, twice Superintendent of Otago Province, an imprisoned bankrupt and a Minister of the Crown. He was an active participant in provincial and colonial politics for 36 years and was associated with most of the major political events in New Zealand during that time. Macandrew was a passionate and persuasive advocate for the speedy development of New Zealand’s infrastructure to stimulate the expansion of settlement. He initiated a steamer service between New Zealand and Australia in 1858 but was bankrupt by 1860. While Superintendent of Otago in 1860 and 1867–76 he was able to advance major harbour, transport and educational projects. As Minister of Public Works in George Grey’s Ministry from 1878–79 he promoted an extensive expansion of the country’s railway system. In Parliament, he was a staunch advocate of easier access to land for all settlers, and a promoter of liberal social legislation which was enacted a decade later by the Seddon Government. His life was interwoven with three influential settlers, Edward Gibbon Wakefield, Julius Vogel and George Grey, who variously dominated the political landscape. Macandrew has been portrayed as an opportunist who exploited these relationships, but this study will demonstrate that while he often served these men as a subordinate, as a mentor he influenced their political beliefs and behaviour. -
Fact Sheet from Talking Shop to Party Government
From talking shop to party government: procedural change in the New Zealand Parliament, 1854-1894 John E. Martin This paper is reproduced with permission as published in the Australasian Parliamentary Review, vol 26, no 1, Autumn 2011 This article looks at parliamentary business in the nineteenth-century New Zealand Parliament, making comparisons with the British and Australian state Parliaments. Together with its companion article for the twentieth century, also to be published in this journal, it develops further the argument of a previous paper (see Related Documents) which examined the shifting balance between Parliament and the executive in New Zealand and the rise to dominance of the executive in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. 1 The two articles document changes in procedure accompanying this shifting balance. The second article will look at the strengthening of control over business of the House in the twentieth century as governments sought to pass compact legislative programmes in their entirety, followed by more recent changes which were associated with a lessening of government control in some respects. Today and for the last century almost all legislation introduced into Parliament has originated from government and was virtually certain to pass into the statute book. In the middle decades of the nineteenth century the situation differed markedly. Private members’ bills comprised about 40 per cent of all bills and a substantial proportion of bills – between one-third and a half – did not become law. There were also private and local bills to consider. Governments had to find time for their business alongside these other demands and could not expect that their legislation would necessarily go through. -
Aspects of Rohe Potae Political Engagement, 1886 to 1913
OFFICIAL Wai 898 #A71 Aspects of Rohe Potae Political Engagement, 1886 to 1913 Dr Helen Robinson and Dr Paul Christoffel A report commissioned by the Waitangi Tribunal for the Te Rohe Potae (Wai 898) district inquiry August 2011 RECEIVED Waitangi Tribunal 31 Aug 2011 Ministry of Justice WELLINGTON Authors Dr Paul John Christoffel has been a Research Analyst/Inquiry Facilitator at the Waitangi Tribunal Unit since December 2006. He has a PhD in New Zealand history from Victoria University of Wellington and 18 years experience in policy and research in various government departments. His previous report for the Tribunal was entitled ‘The Provision of Education Services to Maori in Te Rohe Potae, 1840 – 2010’ (Wai 898, document A27). Dr Helen Robinson has been a Research Analyst/Inquiry Facilitator at the Waitangi Tribunal Unit since April 2009 and has a PhD in history from the University of Auckland. She has published articles in academic journals in New Zealand and overseas, the most recent being ‘Simple Nullity or Birth of Law and Order? The Treaty of Waitangi in Legal and Historiographical Discourse from 1877 to 1970’ in the December 2010 issue of the New Zealand Universities Law Review. Her previous report for the Tribunal was ‘Te Taha Tinana: Maori Health and the Crown in Te Rohe Potae Inquiry District, 1840 to 1990’ (Wai 898, document A31). i Contents Authors i Contents ii List of maps v List of graphs v List of figures v Introduction 1 The approach taken 2 Chapter structure 3 Claims and sources 4 A note on geographical terminology -
Quarterly of the Auckland City Art Gallery Number 49/March 1971 Auckland City Art Gallery Quarterly Number 49 / March 1971
Quarterly of the Auckland City Art Gallery Number 49/March 1971 Auckland City Art Gallery Quarterly Number 49 / March 1971 GEORGE RICHMOND Sir George Grey 1854 conte Introduction The Gallery's First Eighty Years Gil Docking Ross Fraser The celebrations marking the centenary of the Declaration WHEN IN THE EARLY EIGHTIES Sir George Grey offered of Auckland as a City provide us with an opportunity to to present his collection of books, pictures and curios to the survey the history of the City's own art gallery, opened only City, the Council determined to erect a suitable building to seventeen years after Auckland was raised to city status. serve both as the Auckland Public Library and an Art In this special issue of the Quarterly we declare our indebt- Gallery for the housing of the Grey and other collections. edness to the founders of the City Art Gallery and to the Founded in 1880, the Library had begun its days in the host of people who have dedicated their gifts, skills and old Mechanics' Institute premises in Chancery Street (now energy to the gallery. Courthouse Lane). The Mechanics' Institute, established in The seventeenth of April 1971 marks the virtual comple- 1842, filled an important function in Auckland during the tion of the first stage of redevelopment. It has been a thirty-eight years of its existence, supplying a circulating complex task of nearly three years: made possible by the library for its members, lectures and classes for the general decision of the Edmiston Trust Board in 1967 to finance the community, and a venue for meetings. -
A Shifting Balance: Parliament, the Executive and the Evolution of Politics in New Zealand *
A Shifting Balance: Parliament, the executive * and the evolution of politics in New Zealand John E. Martin ** Abstract The reforms to the New Zealand Parliament of the 1980s and 1990s shifted the balance between executive and legislature away from the former. Through much of the twentieth century the executive had dominated. This article looks at an earlier period when the balance between the executive and legislature was strikingly different. It describes the shift towards greater executive dominance in three respects important to the functioning of Parliament — parliamentary expenditure, the impact of political parties and electoral politics, and increased government control over business in the House of Representatives. Introduction In a modern society in which government assumes a central place it is easy to take it for granted that Parliament provides the jousting ground for ‘continuous election campaigns’ that allow governments to demonstrate their prowess and Oppositions to put forward an alternative and to examine and criticise current policy. The recent adoption of mixed-member proportional representation (MMP) as New Zealand’s electoral system has broadened this combative atmosphere between contending groups so that a range of parties touts their wares, but it has not deflected the long- term trend towards the electorate and away from the arena of the chamber in which the country’s representatives are gathered. Instead, the continuous election campaign orientation has spread beyond the chamber and into select committees. MMP has undermined the sense of assurance of governments that an unproblematic majority would emerge out of elections and that this would be sustained through a full parliamentary term.