Tamil in G.P.V. Somaratna* BA (hons), MA (Missiology), PgDip (Demog.), PhD “Whoever possesses the history possesses the country, possesses the right to rule, the right to exist” (Hellmann-Rajanayagam 1994:4).

In the analysis of the historiography of Buddhism in Jaffna, several questions surface in determining historical facts. In our study, we have to be aware of who writes history, with what agenda in mind. One has to observe whether the historian’s own standpoint, impacted by national and ideological affiliation, contributes to an agenda. When religion is used as an instrument for politics, the politicisation of religion would result. The historian may be playing, unintentionally or consciously, into such a scheme. There is a danger of the past being abused for someone’s own purposes. This is very clear in the interpretation of historical material as we see clearly the differences and conflicts between the Tamil and the Sinhalese perceptions of . The very selection of sources and the decision to exclude certain sources can bias the result of the historian's work in certain ways. However, the opinion of the historian is not part of the history. History is the part that exists without such opinion. Nonetheless, these opinions would be useful in theorizing various angles as to why events occurred. The among in Sri Lanka has been entangled with prejudices associated with an ethnic dispute between the Sinhala and Tamil people in the recent past. Notwithstanding their association with Buddhism in the past, Tamil people today are adherents of either Saivism, Christianity

*Former Professor of Modern History and Head of the Department of History and Political Science, University of Colombo. Research Fellow of Hebrew University of Jerusalem (1986-87), Dhaka University (1988), and Fuller Theological Seminary (1995- 1996). Presently Research Professor of Colombo Theological Seminary. 1 or Islam, but not Buddhism. Today, in Sri Lanka, the Tamil and Sinhala ethnicity have some correlation with religion. Introduction Ethnicity, without doubt, has emerged in recent years on the stage of history as a major social force, one which has powerfully propelled the events in Sri Lanka during the times of stress caused by conflict and civil war (1983-2009). Polarization and fragmentation of ethnic components of the nation have occurred explosively in the previously politically united nation of Sri Lanka. The people of this country have been forced to discover the potency of ethnicity and the delicate nature of social orders in our multi-ethnic society. Religion in the sense of a social group identified with a particular faith. Sinhala ownership of Buddhism Some scholars have stated that historical accounts have some kind of argument for partiality and are therefore polemic. Others indicate that all history is political, all history is partisan and subjective. Sinhalese Buddhist nationalism is a political ideology which has combined Sinhalese ethnicity with Buddhism. Buddhism is the majority belief system of most of the Sinhalese in Sri Lanka. It has become increasingly assertive in the years following the independence of the country (DeVotta, 2007. 5). A new extremist Buddhist group known as BBS1 has insisted Sri Lanka was and continues to be a Sinhala Buddhist country, not a multiracial or multi-religious country (Colombo Gazette, March 24, 2013). in Sri Lanka There are several Buddhist archaeological sites in the Northern and Eastern which have given rise to controversial claims. As we notices earlier, these Buddhist monuments have been given a politicised interpretation recently with the escalation of ethnic rivalries in the country.

1 (BBS), translated as the Buddhist Power Force, is a Sinhalese Buddhist nationalist organization. It is a break-away group from the right wing ultranationalist Jathika Hela Urumaya organization. The BBS seeks to implement Buddhist predominance in Sri Lanka. 2

Both groups argue with an agenda to promote the claims of their side, overstepping the boundaries of academic impartiality. Ellawala Medhananda, sees even archaeological discovery in the Eastern Province and the Northern Province as sacred sites of Sinhala Buddhists. Alvappillai Veluppillai of the University of Uppsala makes every attempt to interpret the Tamil ownership and Tamil heritage of Buddhist ruins in the North and East. There are writers who claim the entire island as the heritage of Tamils while there are others who claim the island as Sinhala Buddhist heritage. Even scholars of international fame have fallen into this pit. It is true that one has a desire to enhance one’s own heritage and therefore one hundred percent impartiality would be difficult. The question is who these Buddhists were in the present day Tamil lands in Sri Lanka. It is linked with the highly volatile ethnic issue in Sri Lanka. Therefore the subject that I have to handle is a difficult one. I shall try to offer an impartial scholarly analysis. Political use of Buddhism Since the introduction of enumeration in the countrywide censuses from 1871, ethnic composition was clearly known to the public. By the time Anagarika Dharmapala began to link Sinhala and Buddhist as one identity, Buddhists had realized that they were the majority community in Sri Lanka. This tendency was solidified after independence in 1948. The ideology arising from it became a discriminative tendency toward ethnic and religious minorities. The archaeological findings which indicate Buddhism have caused confusion and disputes with the recent development of ethnic polarization of the country. The Mahavamsa written in the fifth century is the key text in all modern writings on the early history of the island. The idea that Sri Lanka belongs to the Sinhalese Buddhists is based on narratives found in the 5th century Buddhist chronicles. This religious myth has been propagated through the system of education ever since the introduction of compulsory free education in 1942. Various political leaders have fully exploited this view of ethno- religious distinction in order to gain political power through the ballot of the Sinhala Buddhist majority. Its usability reached its extremity after the election of 1956 where the election was fought with populist promises with the Sinhala Only programme. Prime Minister S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike was able to exploit this with the help of five groups of the Sinhala populace known as (Bhikkus), Veda (Ayurvedic physicians), Guru (swabhasha school teachers), 3

Kamkaru (workers) and Govi (farmers). After that, every leader who aspired to become the Prime Minister or the Executive President of the country used this populist notion. In 2004 a group of monks formed a Sinhala-Buddhist political party known as the Sinhalese Heritage Party (Jathika Hela Urumaya) to contest parliamentary elections on an ethnic and religious agenda. Ethnic religion Concomitant with this advanced political use of Buddhism, the ethnic ownership of Buddhism by the Sinhala people has been stimulated by the majoritarian system of democracy. The processes of democratisation have given rise to Sinhala majoritarian nationalism. In the twentieth century, Buddhist reformers like Anagarika Dharmapala (1864–1933) and Walpola Rahula (1907–1997) demanded a socially and politically active role for the Sangha. The Buddhist chronicles, the Mahavaṃsa and the Dipavaṃsa, were reinterpreted in order to justify this new function of Buddhism. Universal suffrage given by the British in 1931 enabled every citizen, including the Sangha, to have the right to participate in politics. In this process some parts of the Buddhist literature were reinterpreted to justify and legitimize Buddhist hegemony in the country. The Sinhala community was able to dominate, disregarding the needs of the others. Political leaders cunningly exploited this Sinhala Buddhist consciousness to gain political power even to the extent of taking an anti-minority standpoint. The leaders of Sinhala-based political parties such as the UNP, SLFP, JVP and JHU have resorted to mobilizing religio- ethnic nationalism to secure political gain (Wriggins, 1960, 211-270). British Times (1796-1948) In Sri Lanka, prior to the advent of the British, there was hardly any evidence of social tension generated by ethnoreligious connections. Nationalism is a modern movement. Nationalism in South Asia was an organized political movement which had as its goal the restoration of the independence of the country. In Sri Lanka, prior to the advent of the British, there was hardly any evidence of social tension generated by ethnoreligious connections (K.M. de Silva 1997: 97). Scholars have traced the roots of ethnic and cultural nationalism to the nineteenth century when indigenous responses to the impact of colonial rule emerged (Roberts 2004:94).

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Unequal distribution of western education, decline of the feudal economic structure and the rise of capitalist economics, changes in class structure, and the extension of representative government in the political sphere played a significant role in this change. The new formation of these identities has been placed in the period of colonial construction of social orders in South Asia. and Buddhism Hinduism, with a large pantheon of gods, is also a pluralist religion. As Buddhism has some claims of inclusivism, Buddhists have resorted to seek help from the gods of the Hindu pantheon. Therefore Buddhists and Hindus have had a cordial relationship in times of peace in Sri Lanka’s history. Thus religious differences generally did not add fire to the ethnic tensions. V. Perniola, in observing the social relations at the grassroots level in the Dutch period of Sri Lanka, did not see "any racial distinction between Sinhala and Tamils," but "rather the division into various castes" (Perniola 1983: xxiv). The longevity of the Nayakkar dynasty (1739-1815) in the kingdom of Kandy indicates that there was no requirement for the king to be Sinhalese, while his patronage to Buddhism was insisted upon. Although religion is seen in pre-colonial Sri Lanka as less fundamental than ethnicity, it shares with ethnicity a legitimacy drawn from social acceptance. Religion can be seen as less fundamental than ethnicity, but at the same time, it conceives legitimacy in society. The conflict about the discovery of Buddhist sites in the North and East in Sri Lanka emanates from the attempt to identify religion and ethnicity as two sides of the same coin. Discovery of Buddhist sites Some Sinhala Buddhist scholars have assumed that the presence of Buddhist archaeological sites in the North and Eastern Provinces, where Tamils live today, would prove the presence of Sinhalese there. The impression among the Sinhalese Buddhists is that is exclusively for the Sinhalese (De Votta 2007:18). In this assumption there seems to be an unwillingness to accept that Tamils too were Buddhists in a bygone era. The present Tamil speaking occupants of the lands in the North and East are uneasy about the discovery of Buddhist sites because of the possible political use of it by populist Sinhala politicians. A Buddhist past is unpleasant to many

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Tamils today. Thus they are reluctant to admit the reality that their ancestors had been Buddhists in the past. Today most Tamils in Sri Lanka are Hindu or Christian. Modern researchers on the Sinhala as well as the Tamil side work on an agenda to prove that their side of the story is true. There are scholars who try to prove that these Buddhist sites were the remains of Tamil Buddhists in the Northern and Eastern areas of Sri Lanka. The entire social and political geography of the island had been transformed in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries as a result of the collapse of the hydraulic civilization. Hydraulic civilization of Sri Lanka was based on the agricultural system that was dependent on government-managed waterworks. The centralised state which had been in existence for centuries ceased to exist. The single kingdom was replaced by a number of kings and princes. The population, wealth, and the Sinhalese polity shifted from the north-central part of the island to the southwest and central regions. The political position of Buddhism, Saivism, and other faiths was affected by these changes. The ideological justification of Sinhala ownership of the entire land is based on the collective imagination of Sinhala Buddhist nationhood. The Sinhala and Buddhist are seen as inseparable entities. Today Sinhala Buddhism is radicalized with socio-economic, political and geopolitical factors. The Buddhist mentality today is geared to regain the imagined past. However, one scholar is of the opinion that the persuasive force of nationalism is not in its antiquity but within a historical context in the immediacy (Craig 1974:34). Under these circumstances, one can notice the Sinhala historical consciousness is cyclical rather than linear, insofar as the past is imagined as realizable in the future. There is a mystical ownership claimed by the Sinhalese community of Buddhism today. Scholars have noted that Tamil nationalism is a reactive phenomenon (Wilson 2000:6) JHU leader E. Medhananda Thera has made a political move to discover ancient heritage in Eastern and Northern parts of the country. He has identified several places with ancient Buddhist religious sites in these areas. These historic sites are named by him as puja-bhumi (sacred sites), thereby trying to own the places for Buddhists. He purposely avoids the use of puravastu (archaeological remains) to refer to these archaeological remains for the same purpose (Medhananda 2005:205). This purpose and that of some other Sinhala Buddhist scholars is to use history for modern political ends and 6 to defend the perception that Sri Lanka belongs to the Sinhalese (Medhananda 2009, 187). Buddhism in The presence of Buddhism in Ancient Tamilnadu has a great impact on the Buddhist activities in Sri Lanka and the northern part of the island in particular. The contribution to the history of Buddhism of the Tamil speaking people in and Sri Lanka has only recently received the attention of the academic community (Monius 2001:4). Buddhism in these Tamil lands falls within the ancient period of History. Buddhism flourished in Tamil Nadu in three phases, firstly in the early years of the Kalabhra Interregnum(3rd-7th centuries), secondly in the Pallava rule (400-650 AD), and thirdly in the Chola period (mid 9th to the early 14th century AD). The Buddhist period of Tamil Nadu belongs to the ‘dark period’ known as the Kalabra era (Nilakanta Sastri, 1966: 144) As we go deep into the past the historical documents are comparatively rare and the interpretation of data found in available documents is hard to interpret. Most written after the fifth century of our era by Sinhalese Buddhist monks have not given attention to Tamil Buddhists. In addition, the paucity of research on the history of Tamil Buddhism in Sri Lanka is a great drawback. The fact that Mahinda Thera spent a period of time in the Tamil country in South India would make Sri Lankan Buddhists feel uncomfortable (Hisselle 1968:4). The impression is given in the Sri Lankan Buddhist chronicles is that he came directly to Sri Lanka to preach the Dhamma. He also had a special relationship with the Emperor Asoka as his son; was his daughter. All members of the mission that came to Sri Lanka with Mahinda also belonged to the Maurya royal family, indicating the importance Asoka attached to spreading Buddhism in Sri Lanka (UHC, 1959:130). The Asokan inscriptions mention Kerala, Cola, Pandya and Tambapanni as places to which the emperor sent Buddhist emissaries. Rock Edicts II, V and XIII make specific mention of the Colas, the Pandyas, the Satyaputra, the Keralaputra and the Tambapanni (Dikshitar 1993:57). The indications for the early stages of the dispersion of Buddhism in the Tamilnadu can be noticed from the epigraphical sources found in its ancient caves and rock-beds. A number of caves with Brahmi inscriptions have been found in Tamil country in Madurai, Tiruchi, Tirunelveli

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Tanjaur and several other districts. The Brahmi script came to South India through Asoka’s missionaries (Armstrong 2017:10). There is evidence that Mahinda Thera, the emissary of Asoka, spread the Dhamma in Tamil Nadu before his arrival in Sri Lanka. Although the chronicles say that he arrived through his supernatural powers by air, scholars are of the opinion that he travelled by sea and called at Kaveripattinam on the east coast of Tamil Nadu before he landed at Dambakolaputuna (Hisselle, 1968; H.R. Perera, 2007). Subsequently, Buddhism began to spread in the Tamil country by winning the patronage of the rulers. It is clear that the Tamil country gave some of its supreme scholars to the Buddhist world. Among the greatest Pali scholars in the Tamil kingdoms of this period were , Buddhadatta, and Dharmapala. The Chinese Buddhist monk-scholar, Hsuan Tsang (602–664), who visited India in the 7th century AD, describes , the Pallava capital, as a flourishing city and states that most of its population was Buddhist. He says there were over 100 Buddhist monasteries and over a thousand Buddhist monks. Hsuan Tsang also mentions a built by King Asoka in Kanchipuram (Beal 1885:102). Ancient Kanchipuram was known as the city of a thousand Buddhist monks. The Pallava king Mahendra Varman (600-630) in his work Mattavilasa Prahasana refers to the existence of many Buddhist temples (Vihara), chief of which was the Raja Vihara. Among the notable Buddhist scholars who were natives of or resident in the city, Hsuan Tsang mentions Dharmapala Thera (530-561), rector of Nalanda University, who was a native of the city, as was Thera, author of the Abhidammathsasangaha. Although there is evidence that the Buddhaghosa Thera was resident in Kanchipuram for some time, it is not certain whether he was a native of the city. However, he was in all probability from the Tamil country. A Sinhalese royal fugitive Manavamma (684-719) resided in the Pallava country for a period. He was placed on the throne in 684 with the support of the Pallava rulers of South India. The interaction between the monks of the Tamil country and Sri Lankan monks is also mentioned in the . Buddhism under the Cholas is well-documented and shows that a section of the Tamils continued to follow and patronize Buddhism well into the tenth century.

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Even the Tamil classic Thirukkural is based on Buddhist principles. Even after the rise of the Hindu in Tamil Nadu, Buddhism has contributed a great deal to the enrichment of Tamil culture and has exerted a significant influence, both directly and indirectly, on the Tamil religious and spiritual consciousness, present as well as past. Buddhism flourished in Tamil Nadu in two phases, firstly in the early years of the Pallava rule (400-650 AD), and secondly in the Chola period (mid 9th to the early 14th century AD). Cordial Buddhist relations The Buddhists of Sri Lanka maintained close relations with South Indian centres of Buddhism (Gunawardana, 1984: 133). The interaction between Tamil Nadu monks and Sri Lankan monks is also mentioned in the Manimekalai. Among the other Tamil literary epics which show the influence of Buddhism are the Sillappadhihkaram, Valaiyapathi and Jivaka Cintamani. Tolkappiyam, the earliest , written around the 3rd century BC, was written by a Buddhist. It was widely used in the Buddhist monasteries of Sri Lanka by those who learnt Tamil (Vijayavenugopal, 1993: 93). Charles Godakumbura states that Sidathsangarawa, the classical Sinhalese grammatical work, was based on this work (Godakumbura 1955:318; Srinivasan 1964: 160). Hsuan Tsang, records instances of Tamil Buddhist monks fleeing to Sri Lanka when they were worsted in religious debates and feared the repercussions of the rulers’ change of religion. The Culavamsa states that in the 13th century King Parakramabahu of Dambadeniya brought down Buddhist monks and scriptures from the Chola country to resuscitate Buddhism in his kingdom (Culavamsa; lxxxiii, vv. 7-8). Connections with Buddhism in South India Very little is known about the Sri Lankan connection with Buddhism in South India between the third century BC and the 14th century AD in the Sinhala Buddhist historical writings. The contribution to the history of Buddhism in Tamil-speaking South India and Sri Lanka has only recently become a topic of serious academic study (Monius 2001:4). Buddhism in Andhra and its influence on Buddhism in Sri Lanka is significant in the development of Buddhist ideas, practices, and the artistic portrayal of the Buddha. The celebrated Buddhist scholar of the period (Sree Padma, 2008:106), Buddhaghosa, was actually born in South India and

9 relocated to Sri Lanka in the latter part of his life. The Buddhist centres at , particularly Amaravati and Nagarjunikonḍa, had a close connection with the Buddhist centres in Sri Lanka (UHC 1960:65). The Tamil country lies between two Buddhist centres of the ancient period, Sri Lanka and Andhra. The rise of Hindu kingdoms in Tamil Nadu and their digvijaya (world conquest) relations with Sri Lanka has marred the Buddhist religion’s relationships between the two regions. Historical records that the Sinhalese trust, such as the Dipavamsa and the Mahavamsa, had taken an anti-Tamil stance in the dealings with South Indian kingdoms. The historian Vincent Smith has advanced the view that South Indian Tamils constantly harassed the Sinhalese with invasions (Smith 1999:415). Therefore the Buddhist monks who wrote the chronicles were biased against them and did not wish to give them a place in their books (186). Therefore reference to South Indian Buddhism is absent in these Pali religious classics. It is clear that the Pali chronicles show only the Sinhalese side of the equation. They have left out whatever remains of Sri Lankan Tamil history. Buddhism came to South India before the period in the 3rd century BC. Stone inscriptions of the Emperor Asoka, such as Rock Edict no. III, refer to the Dhamma being spread in Tamil Nadu (Chola, and Pandya country) and Sri Lanka (Tambapanni). Buddhism and the history of Sri Lanka Most historians have indicated that Buddhism spread swiftly in Sri Lanka to all parts of the Island (de Silva 1981:11). However, the story of Valagamaba as recorded in the Mahavamsa states otherwise. When the invaders from South India were pursuing the king, a Jain shouted an insult at him. In addition, a Hindu Brahmin named Tiya revolted against the Buddhist king, which the king had to make a valiant attempt to suppress (Mahavamsa 34:44.4; Paranavitana 1925:325). It is believed that the entire island was Buddhist in the pristine era of Sri Lankan civilization. Buddhism is not an ethnic religion like Judaism or Hinduism. Buddhism spread to other parts of the world through conversion of individuals and communities. Those who try to claim a monopoly of Buddhism as the Sinhalese national

10 heritage run into difficulties, as Tamil Buddhists were there in Sri Lanka from the very ancient past. Some Buddhist scholars in Sri Lanka have stated that the kings of the Sinhalese kingdoms had to be Buddhists because the nation was a Buddhist one. Even those kings who embraced Buddhism on the principle of “Paris is worth a mass” continued to support Hinduism and practised Hindu rituals at home. There was never a compulsion in Sri Lanka for the subject of a king to be Buddhist. There were many areas that were occupied by non-Buddhists in the country. Lorna Devaraja clearly shows the harmonious Muslim presence in the Sinhala kingdom of Kandy. Buddhism in Jaffna As Buddhist missions to Sri Lanka had to come by way of South India, the spread of Buddhism in Sri Lanka and South India took place in the same period. Bhikku Mahinda is said to have erected seven Viharas at Kaveripattinum, on his way to Sri Lanka. The Buddhist activities in South India influenced the Buddhism of Sri Lanka since there were close cultural affinities between Sri Lanka and the Tamil country. There are documents, inscriptions and archaeological remains that bind Jaffna culturally with the rest of the country from the third century BC. Nagadipa is first mentioned in the Mahavamsa in connection with the arrival of the Buddha there. Although this is a religious attempt to connect Buddha with Buddhism in Sri Lanka, the fact that the story is relating to Northern Sri Lanka indicates a solid Buddhist presence in the ancient era. King Devanampiya Tissa’s delegation to the Mauryan court of Emperor Asoka around 230 BC embarked from the port of Jambukola in the . The Buddhist nuns under the leadership of Sanghamitta also arrived at the same port. Jambukola has been identified by historians as modern Sambu-thurai in the peninsula (Rasanayagam 1926: 62). According to the Mahavamsa, several other ancient Viharas existed in the Jaffna peninsula (Mahavamsa 36: 9). Devanampiya Tissa himself built two more Viharas close to Jambukola – Tissamaha Vihara and Pacina Vihara (Rasanayagam 1926: 64). According to the Mahavamsa, monks from Piyangudipa (Pungudutive) participated in the meritorious acts of Dutthagamani. Also according to the Mahavamsa, King Bhatikatissa (143-167

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AD) built the Palu-da-ge at the foot of the Rajayatana (Kripalu) tree in Nagadipa. King Dhatusena (455-473 AD) founded two Viharas in the North, the remains of which have not been located. King Dhatusena also restored the Mahanaga Vihara. The Kelapa or Kolasa Vihara was associated with the Mahanaga Vihara. Salipabbata was a Vihara founded by King Mahallaka Naga. Aggabodhi II (571-604 AD) presented the Unnalomaghara dwelling to the Rajayatanadhatu Vihara, as well as an umbrella to the Amala Cetiya and the Rajayatanadhatu. It is said that at one time, twelve thousand monks had resided in Nagadipa. Three archaeological sites In order to establish the historicity of Buddhism in the Jaffna peninsula, we can take three important archaeological sites. Remains of Buddhist establishments datable to the early centuries of the Christian Era have been found at Kandarodai, , Ponnalia, Makiyapini, , Uduvil, , Punkuditivu, and Neduntivu. Although there are different interpretations depending on the side one can glean some facts about the Buddhist history in Jaffna. Sinhalese writers take them as Sinhalese presence in the area on the assumption that all the Buddhists in every period of time in Sri Lanka were Sinhalese. However, some authorities believe that the discovery of Buddhist images and coins in Jaffna does not prove that Jaffna was occupied by the Sinhalese. They argue that the majority of Tamils were Buddhists. The finding of Buddhist places in the Jaffna peninsula today has created a tension in the minds of both Sinhalese and Tamils because of its political implications ඉගැම. Nagadipa Nagadipa is a small islet adjoining the Jaffna peninsula. The Pali Buddhist chronicles of early from around the fifth century AD state that the Buddha visited Nagadipa to settle a quarrel between two brothers. In later writings, Nagadipa is considered to be one of the sixteen holy places venerated by the Buddhists (Siriweera, 2004:27). Although this legend would not have a historical value it indicates that during the time of the writing of the Mahavamsa the Nagadipa had received the status of the holy place of Buddhists. The District Judge of Jaffna, P.E. Pieris, looked at the available sources and stated in his paper ‘Nagadipa and Buddhist remains in Jaffna’ (1917) that Nagadipa referred to the Jaffna peninsula and its islands. 12

The Vallipuram gold plate, found around 1936, clinched the issue. It confirmed that ‘Nakadiva’ was the ancient name for Jaffna. In Pali, in the Mahavamsa it appears as Nagadipa; in ancient Sinhala, it appears as Nakada (Nagadiva), and in Tamil as Nakatsu. The Mahavamsa records many Buddhist shrines at Nagadipa, which later became known as Yalappanam. King Khallata Naga (109-103 BC) had founded Sali pabbata Vihara and Aggabodhi I (564-598 AD) built the relic house, Rajayatana. The Mahavamsa also records that Mangala Vihara was restored by Dhatusena (461-479 AD). Voharika Tissa (209-231 AD) built walls around the Vihara named Tissa. Kanitta Tissa (167-186 AD) had repaired a temple at Nagadipa. Historians note the island is mentioned in the ancient Tamil of nearby Tamil Nadu such as Manimekalai where it was mentioned as Manipallavam. Ptolemy, a Greek cartographer, describes the Tamil territory including islands around the Jaffna peninsula as Nagadibois in the first century AD. The two Tamil Jain and Buddhist epics of the second century - Kundalakesi and Manimekalai . The Manimekalai and the Mahavamsa both describe Buddha settling a dispute between two Naga princes over a gem-set throne seat on Nainativu. The inscription of the Nainativu by Parâkramabâhu I (1153-1186 AD) states that foreigners landing at new ports must meet at Ūrkāvaṟtuṟai,2 and they must be protected, and if ships to the islet carrying elephants and horses get shipwrecked, a fourth of the cargo must go to the treasury (Indrapala 1963:73 Vallipuram The Buddhist archaeological ruins found in the small village of Vallipuram near Velvettiturai are significant in examining the historical presence of Buddhism in the Jaffna peninsula. A number of scholars have attempted to find the historical background of the Gold Plate inscription, the buddha statue which now is found in a temple in Thailand, and numerous coins and archaeological ruins (Pieris, 1917; Paranavitana, 1930; Pathmanathan, 1978; Veluppillai, 1991; Schalk, 2002). Sri Lankan Archaeologist Senerat Paranavitana deciphered and edited the Vallipuram Gold Plate as follows:

2 Modern name is . The Culavamsa refers to it as Uratota. 13

Sidha Mararaja Vahayaha rajehi amete Isigirraye Nakadiva bujameni Badakara atenehi Piyaguta-Tisa Vihara Karite His translation is: Hail! In the reign of the great king Vaha (Vasabha 67-111 AD) and when the minister Sigiriya was governing Nakaviva, Piyaguka Tisa caused a Vihara to be built at Badakaraatana (Paranavitana, 1936: 237: Dharmadasa 1994: 88-90). Paranavitana’s view is that Nakada was governed in the second century of our era by a minister appointed by the king of Anuradhapura. Thereafter many scholars have taken this to establish that the Northern part of the island was a part of the kingdom of Anuradhapura lasting to the time of the collapse of the irrigation civilization in the thirteenth century (UHC). Some Tamil scholars have challenged this view, stating that the language of the inscription is no indication of the ownership of the area by the king of Anuradhapura (Gunasingha, 1977:5-6, Veluppillai 1981:2-3). Both sides agree that the inscriptions refer to a Buddhist Vihara in Jaffna. The Vallipuram Buddha image was discovered in the 19th century and was subsequently presented by Governor Sir Henry Blake to the King of Siam in 1906 (Ceylon Antiquary 1916-17: 97). There are other places with reference to Buddhism which have been identified (Veluppillai 1990: 15-16). The Buddha image appears, replacing symbols for the Buddha there, only from the end of the 2nd century AD. Therefore the Vallipuram statue belongs to a period after the 3rd century AD. Kandarodai Vallipuram and Kandarodai have very rich archaeological remains that point to early settlement. It was probably an emporium in the first centuries AD. In 1917 remains of several Buddhist ruins were found at Kandarodai by then Magistrate Paul E. Pieris (Rasanayagam, 290; Pieris 1917: 13). He identified the ruins as the ancient Kandarodai Vihara. This group of Dagobas situated close together at the site served as a monastery for Buddhist monks and reflects the rise in popularity of Buddhism amongst Jaffna in the first few centuries of our era. He found remains of a shrine room, several Buddha 14 images, coins, about 60 small and large (), pieces of pinnacles of stupas, pieces of stone with imprints of the Buddha's foot, and tiles from the site. Black-Red ware Kandarodai potsherd with Tamil Brahmi scripts from 300 BC were excavated with Roman coins, early Pandyan coins, early Chera Dynasty coins from the emporium, punch-marked3 with images of the Hindu goddess Lakshmi from 500 BC. Several ancient coins belonging to Parakramabahu I, Nissankamalla, Leelawathi and Buvenakabahu I were also found on the site (Pieris, 1919:57; Godakumbura 1966:25). A piece of a Black-Red pot with Brahmi letters belonging to the early Christian era was found in the Kandarodai area. Similar pieces of Black-Red pots with letters were found from decorating an arch area of the temples in Anuradhapura too. The pieces of artefacts found in Kandarodai had old Brahmi letters with names similar to Sinhala usage. References to Nakadiva and Madrugada (Kandarodai) temples are found in the Nam Potha written in Kandyan Period (Rasanayagam 1926 189). The history of the Kandarodai Buddhist temple may go back to the Anuradhapura era. During the time period of King Devampiya Tissa (307-267 BC), Sanghamitta arrived at Dambakolapatuna (modern Urkavalthurai) in Sri Lanka with a sapling of sacred bo-tree of Buddhagaya. It is said that the road to Anuradhapura from Dambakolapatuna was through this Kandarodai. Therefore it is likely that she visited this temple before arriving at Anuradhapura. Politically motivated destruction of sites Ellawala Medhananda has identified 18 at Velgam Vehera4 in the district (Medhananda 2003:462-468). He also has identified ruins of 25 Buddhist temples in the Northern Province and 75 in the Eastern Province. Sunil Ariyaratne reports of several Buddhist archaeological items destroyed. A Buddhist statue found at Sembimalai located 8 km from Kucchaveli was destroyed in October 1978. A Buddhist temple located on the bund of the Vilaankulan Tank on the road between Trincomalee and Kantale was dismantled in order to build houses for some Tamil residents. A Hindu

3 Punch-marked coins were known as Karshapana in the Manu, Panini, and the Jataka stories. They continued circulating in South India until about 300 AD. 4 Now known to Hindus as Natanar Kovil. 15 temple is built over the ruins of two dagobas at Lanka Patuna. According to Buddhist writings, this is the location where the Prince Dantha and Princess Hemamala landed in Sri Lanka with the tooth relic of the Buddha. A Buddha statue of about 10 metres at Nelumkulama in the Vavuniya district was covered with concrete in order to set up a trishula (Ariyaratne 2006:215). Ancient Vallipuram which now is a temple has remnants of Buddhist origin. This temple is known as Alavar-kowila (Ariyarane, 2006:216). Cyril Matthew, a minister of the government in 1984, announced that 300 Buddhist stupas had been excavated by the Archaeological Department in the North and the East (Island, July 6, 1984). These are the areas populated by the Tamil people. The programme of reclamation of these temples also was announced in compliance with Sinhala Buddhist claims for territorial hegemony. Medhananda Thera cites more places of Buddhist heritage in the Northern and Eastern Provinces (Medhananda 2005). Filippe de Oliveira (died 1637), the Portuguese conqueror of Jaffna, was alleged to have destroyed 500 temples in the Kingdom of Jaffna in 1619-20 (Gaston Perera, 2009:314). The few existing Buddhist temples, together with the Hindu ones, suffered destruction. When the Hindus began repairing the old temples, they attended only to the Hindu temples, as by the late eighteenth century there were no Buddhists among Tamils in the Jaffna peninsula. Conclusion The ambitions of two historically based ethnicities in the new Sri Lankan nation clash. It is well known that history and archaeology have been put to political uses in nation-building programmes. During the period of politicization of the Sinhala Buddhist nation, Anuradhapura came to be shaped by a new nationalist consciousness. This view was that the Sinhala Buddhist nation is a historically homogeneous and consistent entity. The purpose of this interpretation of history would assert connections with the past within an imagined history of Sinhala as well as Tamil ethnic groups. This has led to the rise of perilous nationalism (Nissan 1989:64). Both sides are not really interested in the true facts of history as their aim is to use the name of history for present-day needs.

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In these circumstances, it is noticeable that Tamil analysts of Buddhist history of Jaffna have used it for political purposes. One has to understand the perception of the history of the Tamils in Sri Lanka in the context of the history of all Sri Lanka by the ownership of the Sinhalese. Their presentation of history is to show that they have a right to be in what they perceive to be their homeland. They wish to show that they have a right to exist in this land. They seem to feel that the Sinhalese have stolen their history. In order to protect their rights, they use history as one weapon in their defence. “Whoever possesses the history possesses the country, possesses the right to rule, the right to exist” (Hellmann-Rajanayagam 1994:4). Since the Tamils attempt to prove their right to exist and their right to be there, then the purpose of historical claims of Buddhist heritage in Jaffna is to prove that point. They want to justify their present homeland, whether Buddhist or Hindu, with the interpretation of historical facts amidst the attempts of Sinhala Buddhists to subsume them under a dominant majority with the help of democratic governmental apparatus.

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