Detroit to Fort Sackville, 7778-7779 Hamilton's Surrender at Ft. Sackuille, by Frederick C. Yohn TO FORT SACKVILLE, 1778-1779 irhe Journal of Normand MacLeod

edited with an introduction by William A. Evans with the assistance of Elizabeth S. Sklar foreword by Alice C. Dalligan

from the Burton Historical Collection published by the Press for the Friends of the Detroit, 1978 Copyright © 1978 by the Burton Historical Collection of the Detroit Public Library

All material in this work, except as identified below, is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 3.0 License. To view a copy of this license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/us/.

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Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

MacLeod, Normand, ca. 1731–1796. Detroit to Fort Sackville, 1778—1779.

Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. MacLeod, Normand, 1731—1796. 2. Clark’s Expedition to the Illinois, 1778–1779—Sources. 3. Northwest, Old—History—Revolution—1775–1783— Personal narratives. 4. Soldiers—Great Britain— Biography. I. Title. E234.M28 1977 917.7’01’0924 77-13078 ISBN 978-0-8143-4338-8 (ebook)

Grateful acknowledgment is made to the Friends of the Detroit Public Library for financial assistance which makes possible the publication of this volume.

The publication of this volume in a freely accessible digital format has been made possible by a major grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities and the Mellon Foundation through their Humanities Open Book Program.

Wayne State University Press thanks The Burton Historical Collection of the Detroit Public Library and The Historical Bureau for their generous permission to reprint material in this book.

http://wsupress.wayne.edu/ Contents

Foreword by Alice Dalligan vii Historical Introduction ix Editorial Note on the Text xxxviivii The Journal of Nonnand MacLeod I Bibliography 135 Index I37 Map inszde back cover

Foreword

Not since the days when Milo M. until 1774, but there is evidence that his Quaife was official editor for the Burton business affairs brought him here as early as Historical Collection has there been an op- 1768, so he was well acquainted with the town portunity to publish a major item from the before assuming the position of town major. collection. A bicentennial is a great catalyst, While not in the forefront of the action, the and it provided the impetus for the Friends fort at Detroit had an important role during of the Detroit Public Library to sponsor this the . Its strategic loca- work. The manuscript was purchased at an tion as a British outpost made it a point of auction in , Canada, in 1971 with interest to military leaders of both sides. money from the Burton Endowment Fund. It MacLeod's journal describes just one of the is a small vellum bound notebook in fairly episodes planned within its walls. good condition, although evidence of part of Our gratitude for this chance to see one a torn leaf indicates that some of the journal of our manuscripts come to life goes to the may be missing. The writing is fairly clear Friends of the Detroit Public Library and and the remaining pages intact. After one Paul Scupholm, Executive Director. Dr. R. D. reads the journal, however, it seems remark- Miles, Department of History, Wayne State able that it is so well preserved. We can only University, and the staff of the Burton imagine the hazards faced by the luggage in Historical Collection, particularly Joseph which it traveled. Oldenburg and Noel Van Gorden, who also Although Normand MacLeod was a Brit- prepared the index, had a hand in this ish officer, Detroit may fairly claim him as its production. The editor, William A. Evans, own. He did not arrive in an official capacity was a graduate student at Wayne State Uni- VVIIIIII Foreword versity when he began this work, and is now This first publication of Normand Mac- archivist of the Health and Hospitals Govern- Leod's journal is a worthy keepsake from ing Commission of Cook County, Chicago, Detroit's history in its two hundred and Illinois. seventy-fifth year.

Alice C. Dalligan Chief, Burton Historical Collection Detroit Public Library

yVII. Historical Introduction

In 1783 the peace treaty that ended the pressure of Indian attacks on the frontier the American War for Independence was settlements. The Americans correctly felt that signed in Paris. But the colonies had gained the overall direction for these attacks came more than their independence; they had also from the British authorities at Detroit. acquired a great amount of territory extend- Clark recruited a small army of about ing to the and north into the 175 frontiersmen from what is today Ken- Great Lakes. Since 1774 most of this trans- tucky, Tennessee, and western Pennsyl- Appalachian west had been part of the vania. The first goal of Clark's expedition was province of . In fact, its incorporation to be the seizure of the Illinois settlements into Quebec had been one of the major at Cahokia and Kaskaskia on the Mississippi reasons for colonial discontent that erupted a and at Vincennes on the . year later into revolution. Under British These were British settlements in name administration the direct control of the area only. The inhabitants were Frenchmen, north of the River, traditionally known nearly to a man. Clark was betting that any as the Old Northwest, was exercised from allegiance these Illinois French paid to the Detroit. In 1778-1789 Virginia, who felt she British authorities was only of the most per- had the best claim to the area, acted unilater- functory sort. He was also armed with the ally and sent a military expedition into the news that the Bostonnais, as the French Northwest under the frontier leader George called all American rebels, and the mother Rogers Clark. If successful this expedition country France were now allies. After Caho- would reinforce Virginia's claim to the area kia, Kaskaskia, and Vincennes, Clark would and, it was hoped, at the same time reduce then be in position to strike at what many ix Journal of historians believe to be his ultimate objec- American war prevented their establishment. N~mandMacLeod tive, Detroit. Henry Hamilton, commissioned a justice of Detroit was the headquarters of the man the peace along with his appointment as many Americans of the frontier considered lieutenant governor, and holding the king's one of the greatest villains of the war, Henry commission as an army officer, was the real Hamilton. Hamilton was the lieutenant gov- power in the vast Northwest. Under his ernor of Detroit. He had taken up this post in direction Detroit became "the great war November 1775 after a perilous journey emporium of the We~t."~ through the American lines at the besieged Hamilton's villainy is questionable in the city of Montreal, and was the first to hold it eyes of many historians. He was vigorous and under the vast governmental reorganization authoritative, qualities generally lacking in that took place with the passage of the important British commanders during the Quebec Act in 1774. The earl of Dartmouth Revolution. He actively encouraged the Indi- had appointed two other lieutenant gov- ans within his area of control to pursue a ernors in the Northwest area: Patrick Sinclair policy of continual attack upon the frontier. at Michilimackinac, and Edward Abbott at The Indian attacks inflamed the frontier and Vincennes. But it was Hamilton who was the enraged the Americans. Although the war dominant power in the British government of the Indians carried on was neither more nor the west. Detroit was the administrative head- less vicious than it had been for the previous quarters of the Northwest, and its lieutenant fifty years, the victims needed villains, and governor was the most important western Henry Hamilton became known as the "Hair official.' Buyer" to the American frontiersmen. All of Quebec province, including the Clark gathered his forces at what is today newly added Northwest, was under military Louisville, Kentucky in May 1778, and in late rule.2 The civil government of Detroit was June started down the . But intended to consist of the lieutenant governor instead of going all the way to the Mississippi and civil and criminal courts, although these he cut overland through southern Illinois, courts were to be inferior to those at Mon- taking the river settlements completely by x treal and Quebec. But the outbreak of the surprise. Kaskaskia fell 4 July, and Cahokia quickly afterwards. Clark's reasoning had earnest in September 1778. His subordinates Historical been correct. The French had no desire to at Fort Saint Joseph (now Niles, ) Idl-odwfion fight for the British, and when informed of and Michilimackinac were informed of his the Franco-American alliance became willing plans and ordered to gather their Indians partners in Clark's expedition. Vincennes and militia and move down the Illinois River surrendered to Clark after Cahokia's priest in support of Hamilton's operations. Jean and doctor told them of the news he brought. Baptiste Ckloron, the son of the famous On 20 July Clark administered an oath of Indian leader Pierre Joseph Ckloron de allegiance to the French inhabitants, and with Blainville, was sent with war belts to rouse the it they ceased to be British subjects and Indians of the Miami and Wabash to Hamil- became citizens of Virginia. ton's standard. Clark was not as benevolent with the On 24 September 1778 Hamilton Indians. The neighboring chiefs were assem- launched his advance party down the Detroit bled, but the traditional policy of soliciting River and into the wilderness. It was com- their friendship and aid with presents and manded by Capt. Normand MacLeod and promises was abandoned. Clark abruptly told consisted of about fifty militiamen, including them that if they wanted peace that was all a master carpenter, five pairs of oxen, ten right, but if they wanted war that was fine too. horses, three sets of wheels, and 33,000 This tactic seems to have impressed the pounds of supplies. MacLeod and his ad- Indian leadership, and for the time being at vance party had the job of preparing the way least they chose peace with the Americans. for Hamilton's main contingent. They would The next step in Clark's plan was some- cut wood, build storehouses, and most impor- how to gather reinforcements and move tant, build carts and clear the way for the against Detroit. But this would take time. arduous portage between the Miami and In Detroit Hamilton had received word 8 Wabash Rivers. August 1778 of Clark and his incursions into The route took them down the Detroit Britain's domain. With a great and rapid River and into Lake Erie. Skirting the west- display of energy, he prepared to launch a ern shore of Lake Erie, they entered the counteroffensive, beginning his campaign in Miami River4 at what is now Harbor View, xi Journul of Ohio, east of Toledo. From there they would mid-November. But the hostile weather and N~~ndMacLeodproceed up the river to its headwaters at the unusual state of the river slowed things present-day Fort Wayne, Indiana. From that down considerably. point the portage was about nine miles to one Finally in the first weeks of December the of the of the Wabash. Hamilton expedition began its final push Because of unseasonable dryness it be- against Vincennes. Again contradicting the came almost impossible to use the heavily myths of British military incompetence when loaded boats efficiently as the expedition faced with the American wilderness, Hamil- dragged its way to the main river. Hamilton ton showed a high degree of military and devised the clever expedient of alternately wilderness ability. His Indians, aided by opening and closing beaver dams to keep British Indian Department officers, ranged enough water in the channel to float the in front and on his flanks. Seemingly all the boats. The boats themselves were of maxi- scouts put out by the Americans were picked mum draught, laden with men, animals, up by Hamilton's Indians. Certainly the supplies and one artillery piece. By Novem- American commander at Vincennes, Capt. ber the expedition was on the Wabash, but by , had no idea what was about then the weather was alternating between to descend on him. Detachments were also freezing rain and snow. During much of the ordered to cover the Wabash and Tennessee day the men had to work in the freezing Rivers. water manhandling the boats over difficult On 17 December 1778 Hamilton struck passages. at Vincennes. The whole operation was a As Hamilton forced a tortuous way down masterpiece of anticlimax. The French in- the Wabash, he visited various Indian en- habitants, who had so quickly and without a campments and picked up more and more qualm shifted their allegiance to the Ameri- reinforcements for his expedition. Ultimately cans, now with no more hesitancy shifted the force Hamilton commanded exceeded back to the British. Captain Helm, in newly 600 men, of which 550 were Indians. The named Fort Patrick Henry, found himself in time table that he had established for himself command of a garrison of but one American. xii called for his army to be at Kaskaskia by Resistance would have been absurd and he surrendered. Fort Patrick Henry became water, could hold Vincennes against any of Historical Fort Sackville again; the British flag fluttered the upstart Americans. In the spring John I*oductiontion over Vincennes again; and Lieut. Gov. Henry Stuart, the British Indian agent in the south, Hamilton settled down to prepare for the was to gather his tribes and march to meet next stage of his operations. He also learned Hamilton on the Tennessee River. Between for the first time that his opponent was the two the Americans would be driven back someone named . across the mountains once and for all. The Nature, as if to compensate for the only flaw in Hamilton's plans was his failure unseasonable drought which had made Ham- to appreciate the imagination and daring of ilton's passage to Vincennes so difficult, now his opponent, George Rogers Clark. dumped a torrent of water on the Illinois When Clark, at Kaskaskia, finally re- country. The deluge flooded the countryside ceived accurate intelligence concerning Ham- for miles around Vincennes. The British, ilton and the situation at Vincennes, he set Indians, and French sat as though on an about implementing his most audacious op- island in the midst of a vast lake. Whatever eration. He realized his own force, and Hamilton thought of the military ability of probably the whole American cause in the Clark and his Americans, it must have west, was doomed if Hamilton were able to seemed obvious that nothing was going to regroup his army in the spring. As bad as happen in the near future. Vincennes and things were for Clark in the winter of 1778- Fort Sackville were like a medieval castle 79, they were not going to get any better if he surrounded by a great moat of swamp and waited. water, and Hamilton decided to stay where Operating on these assumptions, Clark he was for the winter. He was safe and he began to create the maximum strike force could use the time further to solidify his that could be brought together in the situa- position. tion. He first made a warship out of a barge, Hamilton felt his position was so secure arming it with two cannon and four swivel that he sent the Detroit militia home and guns. Powered by oars, it would be able to released his Indians to hunt until spring. He operate on the rivers. If this boat could go kept eighty men who, aided by winter and down the Mississippi and then up the Ohio xiii Journal of and Wabash Rivers to Vincennes, it would Hamilton and his soldiers at the fort were Normand MacLeod ~rovideat least some of the firepower Clark even aware of it. assumed he would need to attack Fort Sack- For two days the Americans and ville. After providing the gunboat with a crew French sniped at Fort Sackville and its occu- under the command of his cousin John pants. Hamilton was uncertain. The French Rogers and sending it on its way, Clark was inhabitants were again supporting the left with only some eighty Americans at Americans, and he was outnumbered. The Kaskaskia. He therefore set about augment- boldness of Clark's attack made the British ing his strength with French militia units commander suspect that the American force from Kaskaskia and Cahokia. This gave him in front of him was the advance detachment another ninety men, and with this mixed of an even larger army. Hamilton and Clark force he set out overland to Vincennes. began to parlay. The issue was finally de- George Rogers Clark's march to Vin- cided for Hamilton when Clark had a cennes has become a classic of endurance and group of Indian captives executed by fortitude, ranking in American annals beside tomahawking in front of the fort. Hamilton Arnold's famous march to Quebec. The surrendered. twenty-six-year-old frontier general pro- Thus Henry Hamilton's grand plan of posed to take his little makeshift army on a western conquest came to a rather pitiful end march of over two hundred miles in the dead in a little backwoods town. To the victor of winter. The entire southern Illinois coun- belong the spoils, and among the spoils is a try was a mass of frozen swamp and waist- secure niche in history. George Rogers Clark deep water, and the men had to sleep tied entered the pantheon of American heroes, standing to trees. After eighteen days of while Hamilton has been branded a villain. intense suffering and hardship, Vincennes But Henry Hamilton's life did not end at was in sight. Clark's gunboat had not arrived, Vincennes. After a harsh and cruel captivity but the Virginian determined to pursue the in Virginia he was exchanged, returned to element of surprise. His operation was so England, and finished his career in the West unexpected and stealthy that he had his force Indies, serving first as the governor of Ber- xiv in position in the houses of Vincennes before muda and then of Dominica. , Both Clark and Hamilton provided ac- America, and he played his part in the Historical counts of their respective expeditions into the development of the American frontier. Con- Introduction . These accounts have been sidering the conditions under which a field the basis for numerous histories of the journal of a military expedition was kept, struggle for control of the west. But in the MacLeod's seems rather literate. He appar- 1970s a new account of Hamilton's expedi- ently had a touch of the reporter and story tion from Detroit to Vincennes became avail- teller, and it is hard to believe that such an able in the form of the journal of Capt. able writer did not leave a more extensive Normand MacLeod. Secondary sources tell record of himself than has so far come to us very little about him. He was not a star or a light. What we know of this man forms a major character in eighteenth-century badly fragmented portrait, with the largest American frontier history. But he was a single piece his journal of the Hamilton supporting character, and the study of his life expedition. But this item covers only four has historic validity. months in a long and very active life. Sadly, MacLeod was the former British army there are no references to the past in the officer, Indian trader, fur trader, and mer- journal. The second biggest piece that fits chant from Detroit who was given command into the puzzle portrait is made up of numer- of Hamilton's advance party as he moved ous letters a Normand MacLeod wrote to Sir down the river route to Vincennes. From 25 William Johnson in the late 1760s and early September 1778 until 22 January 1779 Mac- 1770s. All the evidence would support the Leod kept a comprehensive record of events assumption that the journal writer and Sir as Hamilton's polyglot army advanced into William's correspondent were the same man. the wilderness. On 22 January MacLeod was But even this puzzle piece is far from perfect given leave to return to Detroit, and thus he because so many of the letters were destroyed had the good fortune to avoid being captured in the New York State Capitol fire of 191 1. when Hamilton surrendered. The other pieces that contribute to the Normand MacLeod seems to have been a portrait of Normand MacLeod are small and rather classic type created by the tumultuous scattered. Given these conditions, the histo- world of eighteenth-century Britain and rian can either leave the pieces as they are or xv Journal of he can try to make judgments and assump- and Brabant (present-day Belgium) is also No-ndMacLeodeod tions that will draw the pieces together into a supported by the fact that in 1747-48 the more meaningful pattern. Black Watch fought there. In 1748, the end Secondary sources tell us that Normand of this period of service in the Low Countries, MacLeod was born on the Isle of Skye in the size of the regiment was greatly reduced. S~otland.~We know his approximate age It is entirely possible, and indeed probable, because MacLeod wrote a letter on 6 January that a very junior grade officer such as 1780 to Captain Matthews, secretary to Gen- MacLeod would have been placed on the eral Haldimand, and said that he had "faith- half-pay list. full services from the beginning of the year MacLeod's service in America would one thousand, seven hundred & forty seven then date from June 1756, when the Black in Holland, Brabant & North America to the Watch arrived in New York as part of the end of the year one thousand seven hundred army under the command of Gen. Sir James and sixty four."6 The British army lists show Abercrombie. Although we know nothing that Normand MacLeod was an ensign in the about the activities of MacLeod himself, the Forty-second Highlanders (the Black Watch) movements of his regiment are known. For a in 1756.7The size of this famous regiment year the regiment was inactive at Albany, was being increased prior to its sailing to New York until it was taken to Halifax, Nova North America to serve in the war against the Scotia. At Halifax it was to be a part of Lord French. However, a question arises about the Loudon's attempt at the French citadel of years between 1747, when MacLeod claims Louisbourg, but the expedition was abortive. his service began, and 1756 when we find the Loudon was recalled and Abercrombie as- first written record of it. A history of the sumed command of the army. In 1758 Highland regiments shows that when the Abercrombie began his ill-fated campaign Black Watch was augmented in 1756 Ensign against the French fortress Carillon (later Normand MacLeod was raised from the Fort Ticonderoga) at the foot of Lake Cham- half-pay list.8 This necessarily means that he plain in New York. was in service with the regiment prior to The result of this campaign was the xui 1756. His claim of having served in Holland slaughter of the Black Watch in one of the most brave, futile, and asinine attacks in operations in America. When the Eightieth Historical British military history. General Abercrombie Regiment was begun as part of General Introduction threw the Forty-second Highlanders against Abercrombie's reforms of the army, it too was the prepared defensive emplacements of the meant to be used for scouting and skirmish- French. Most of the Highlanders never ing only. In this and other ways the regiment reached these breastworks, and when the reflected American influence on tactical attack was finally called off, more than half of fighting style, and in fact Americans were the men and twenty-five of the officers were used to train it. The choice of Thomas Gage dead or wounded. Ensign MacLeod's luck to command this special regiment was also must have held that day, for his name does consistent. Gage had been with Braddock on not appear on the casualty lists. the Monongahela in 1775, and he could not In the fall of 1760 MacLeod transferred have failed to learn that European combat to the Eightieth Regiment, Gage's Light styles were futile in the American wilderness. Infantry, and was promoted to captain lieuten- The Eightieth Regiment thus displayed ant on 4 October. His transfer to the Eighti- both British and American influences. The eth is both logical and interesting in light of uniforms of Gage's Light Infantry were dark his earlier career. Although it is popularly brown rather than the regulation red coats. believed that the British learned nothing The coats themselves were "skirtless," short from their American military experience, the jackets without any lace or adornment, and creation of Gage's Light Infantry tends to leggings were worn instead of breeches. The refute that belief. The first light infantry in officers were also expected to wash their own the British army were the Highland regi- clothes and carry their own gear-aB radical ments, who were drawn up on the fringe of departure from general eighteenth-century the formal line of battle, their purpose being military practice. On the other hand, the to move rapidly to wherever they were similarity of the Eightieth to the Highland needed and generally to harass the enemy.g Regiments and their interrelationship may be Because of their experience in this role seen by looking at the officer rolls and noting Scottish units were among the most fre- that almost all the officers of the Eightieth quently used forces during Britain's military had Scottish surnames. Thus MacLeod's xvii ~ournalof transfer from the Forty-second to the Eighti- meeting on 9 September 1761 we find "Capt NormandMacLeod eth is not surprising. McLeod of Gages Regt." as one of the British Seen in retrospect, 176 1, the year after representatives, alongwith Sir William, George MacLeod entered the Eightieth, was a year of Croghan, Captain Campbell, the commander great importance in his life. With his new at Detroit, and Lieut. Guy Johnson, Sir Wil- regiment MacLeod made his first trip to liam's nephew, who was acting as secretary. Detroit, and while there he seems to have In letters to Jeffery Amherst and William made his first acquaintance with Sir William Walters dated 10 September 176 1, Sir Wil- Johnson. Sir William, the so-called Baron of liam writes that "Cap't McCloud" will return the Mohawk, was probably the single most to Niagara with all but 120 men of Gage's dominant character on the British colonial regiment to get fresh supplies for Detroit. frontier in the northern colonies. Besides The following year found MacLeod in com- being a man of immense wealth and power, mand of the post at "Oswegatchy" or Fort he was also a man of tremendous ability. For Ontario (now Oswego, New York), having the next decade Normand MacLeod's life was meetings with the Indians in that area. to be closely tied to Sir William Johnson, and Ontario was well within the domain of Sir the experience was no doubt a strong deter- William Johnson, so it is logical to assume that minant of the path that life would take. Most their acquaintance was developing. Gage's ofminant what weof knowthe path of MacLeodthat life would during take. the Most regiment was reduced in 1763 at the end of period 176 1-72 comes from the papers of Sir war, and MacLeod again went on the half-pay William Johnson.l0 list, but when between 31 July and 3 August The two men met at the Niagara-Detroit 1764 Sir William held a meeting with the Indian conference of 1761. The conference western Indians (the Niagara Indian Con- was one of the many major gatherings of In- gress), the minutes of the meeting recorded dians that Sir William held throughout his ca- that "Capt Normand MacLeod of the late reer. Its purpose was to negotiate treaties that 80th Regt" was present, presumably as an would enable him to continue to exert his aide to Sir William. Thus the Scottish army influence over the Indians in frequent face- officer was moving along the path to becom- xviii to-face meetings. In the proceedings for the ingUSBOTGFU an American frontiersman. A number of later references suggest a 23 March 1766 letter to Sir William from Historical that MacLeod and Sir William Johnson had Augustine Prevost at Albany: Introduction become friends. For example, in November 1765 George Croghan wrote to Sir William At a meeting lately of the Fraternity, Brother saying that MacLeod would be delivering a McLeod begged leave to ask the chair if he had large package to him from New York City. got a fc w lines from Sir William Johnson as had On 4 March 1766 MacLeod wrote a friendly reasox- to think he had a great desire to be a master, his Worship's answer was that he had letter to Sir William. By then he was living in not received any answer from brother Johnson, New York City and there was a Mrs. Mac- but when he desires, he should think himself Leod. He was still on half-pay and needed a honored in waiting on him at Johnson Hall if job. Sir William answered that letter 15 agreeable to the Lodge which at that time was in March 1766, and although only portions of due form and no objection was made and as there is a meeting Thursday the 27th thought his reply have survived, those which remain myself obliged to acquaint you that the consent indicate that the two men had become famil- of the Lodge will be asked, but perhaps you iar. Sir William tells of trouble with his would rather greet them at Schnectady which "bowells" after an eating and drinking bout. will be equally alike and beg an answer on the It is not possible from the context of the letter subject. to determine whether MacLeod was present at it or not, although in light of later From this we can see that Normand MacLeod references it is a good bet that he was, along was an active Mason and thus a fraternity with George Croghan and Daniel Claus. Sir brother in Sir William's lodge. Their connec- William went on to ask MacLeod to get him a tion was further strengthened. new cloth for his billiard table, and also told Another piece of the puzzle that is the him that his son John had been knighted by man MacLeod was added in his next letter to the king. He mentioned the Stamp Act and its Johnson. Referring back to Sir William's probable repeal. Finally, he sent compliments remarks on the Stamp Act, MacLeod com- to Mrs. MacLeod and signed himself "your mented on the New York Sons of Liberty. most cordial friend and wellwisher." Again the letter is in poor condition, but a A new element was added to the story in portion of it reads: "[A] Lieutenant of a Man xzx Journal of of War lying here thought [to] liken the Sons July 1766 MacLeod got his appointment as No~-~~~~ndMacLeodof Liberty to My Rebellious Country men . . . commissary at Fort Ontario in upstate New for which the libertins intend to make him York. The role of commissary was originally [suffer] if they can catch him." The rebellious proposed by Sir William Johnson in his "plan countrymen of MacLeod's reference are the of 1764" which he had submitted to the board Scots who supported Charles Stuart in the of trade in the mother country. By the spring Rising of 1745. MacLeod's overall tone is as of 1766 Johnson had received authority from contemptuous of them as he is of the Sons of the board and begun to implement it. Liberty, which suggests that MacLeod was The plan of 1764 envisioned Britain's probably a Scots supporter of the Hanoveri- American colonies divided into northern and ans. This would also be consistent with southern districts for purposes of Indian MacLeod's earlier allegiance and obviously control and trade. The superintendent of the with his later ones as well. northern district was Sir William Johnson. It should be mentioned in the way of The northern district was then divided into background that there is nothing very un- three subdistricts with a deputy superinten- usual about this position on the part of a good dent in charge of each. George Croghan Scotsman. At the battle of Culloden, where commanded the western district, which in- the duke of Cumberland crushed Bonnie cluded Fort Pitt, Detroit, and the Illinois Prince Charlie's rebellion, there were as many country. The middle district, which covered Scots who fought for the Hanoverian as Michilimackinac, Niagara, and Ontario, was fought for the Stuart. Normand MacLeod under Guy Johnson. Daniel Claus, Sir Wil- was obviously then a Whig, or Hanoverian, liam's son-in-law, supervised the Quebec dis- Scot in sympathy. His service in the Black trict. Within each subdistrict, at major posts, Watch, a Scottish regiment raised to suppress were the commissaries, the superintendent's rebellious Scots, would be further proof of direct representatives to the Indians. It was to his persuasion. Fort Ontario in the middle district that The last extant MacLeod-Johnson corre- MacLeod came as commissary. An interpre- spondence from this period in New York City ter and a smith were assigned to assist the xx is dated 14 April 1766. Between that time and commissary at each post. The basic idea behind Sir William's plan the sale of rum, swan shot, and rifled guns to Historical was that the Indian Department was to have the Indians. On top of these duties they were Introduction complete control of Indian affairs, The per- also to gather intelligence and were em- mission of the superintendent was necessary powered to act as justices of the peace. In this for anyone, even the governors, to hold last capacity they could try all civil suits that meetings with the Indians. The heart of the arose between traders and between traders plan was to protect the Indians from the and Indians. In criminal actions they were traders and politicians, but thus inherent in empowered to commit persons for trial, the plan were the seeds of its ultimate presumably at subdistrict level. It is interest- destruction. Sir William was threatening the ing to note that in this legal context the trading interests and at the same time arous- testimony of Indians was valid. ing the jealousy of the colonial political and About the thirteen men who were se- military leaders. Under the plan traders had lected to be commissaries Sir William wrote: to be licensed, post bond, and present an "The persons I have appointed as commis- itinerary of the posts and towns where they sarys are gentlemen of understanding and intended to trade. When a trader entered the character known to the Indians and ac- area of jurisdiction of a particular commis- quainted with their dispositions." Thus with sary he had to report to that commissary's MacLeod's appointment as commissary at post, present his license to trade and an exact Fort Ontario in 1766, we may conclude that invoice of his goods, and open his packs for his status as an American frontiersman was inspection by the commissary. When his secure. According to Sir William's own words, business at the post was concluded the trader he was known to the Indians and knowledge- had to obtain a pass from the commissary to able about them, and there would have been allow him to move on to the next post. few persons in America more capable of mak- The commissaries set prices on trade ing that judgment. As it happened, Sir Wil- goods to the Indians, established and col- liam's judgment apparently was vindicated. lected a tariff on the goods sold, and set In a report of an Indian congress held 15-16 geographical limits to the operations of the October 1766 at Ontario, at which the great traders. They were also ordered to prevent Mohawk chief Joseph Brant was the interpre- xxi Journal of ter and Teyawharunti was the speaker of the fear of one trader that another might be N0-d MacLeod Onondagas, Teyawharunti praised MacLeod: given an unfair advantage in the ginseng root "Sir William Johnson often told us that he trade. Ginseng root was primarily valued as was looking for a good man to take care of us, an aphrodisiac and is not one of the com- and all Indians in general, who may come to modities generally mentioned in history this Post. He has now found one." books as an Indian trade item. Letters written after MacLeod had as- In the same month MacLeod again sumed his post shed light on the variety of wrote, this time mentioning that Joseph matters with which he had to be concerned. Brant had visited him and desired that For example, in August 1766 he wrote to Sir MacLeod should have "a young Indian com- William telling him of a visit he had had from panion." The reader is left wondering what Pontiac. MacLeod reported that he had given gender of companion Brant had in mind. In the famous chief four pounds of brown sugar early September MacLeod reported a possi- and a bottle of madeira "to make him some ble Indian uprising to Johnson. He also toddy," which made Pontiac very happy. But mentioned that the commissary and his staff perhaps the most interesting part of the letter were being treated less than graciously by the was rather prophetic. military at the post, which confirms later historians' conclusions that the military ac- Last night one Monsieur Dejean arrived here tively opposed the 1764 plan. from Detroit, he tells me that it's firmly believ'd at that place, that Pondiac is to recieve ten MacLeod's activities from fall 1766 to Shillings sterling a day from the Crown of winter 1766-67 are difficult to-deduce from Great Britain, it seems this report has been used the extant correspondence. The next letters by his Enemys, to Create a Jealousy amongst MacLeod wrote to Sir William were from the Indians that will end in his ruin. The New York City, and it is unclear whether Frenchman offered to lay me a beat [bet] that Pondiac would be killed in less than a year, if MacLeod was on leave or whether he had the English took so much notice of him. resigned as commissary at Ontario. A pay list dated 9 December 1766 shows him as com- The rest of the letter reported the petty missary, but in a letter from New York 28 xxii bickering of the traders. The main issue was December 1766 MacLeod complained to Sir William of the governor's injustice in land Leod must have been quite lovely to merit Historical affairs. He went on to say that he was going to Croghan's "Dear Little Helen of Greece" Introduction write to the deputy secretary of state for title and another is that when her husband American affairs and suggest that the post of was at a frontier post she did not accom- "commissary general" for the Indian depart- pany him. Perhaps that is why Joseph Brant ment be created. The whole tone of the letter wanted MacLeod to have a "young Indian is disgruntled, and it may be that MacLeod companion." had resigned both out of frustration over his Whatever his original intentions, Mac- dealings with the military at Ontario and in Leod seems to have spent the spring of the hope of obtaining land. 1767 in New York. Sir William received a On 29 January 1767 Sir William wrote letter from him sent 27 April 1767 which to MacLeod at New York City and offered asked him to excuse his long delay in New him the post of commissary at Niagara. York. The delay must have extended This post had previously been held by Ben- another month because 8 June 1767 John- jamin Roberts but Roberts now appears as son received a letter from John Van Eps, a the commissary at Michilimackinac. What trader at Schenectady, saying he was send- MacLeod's answer was is not immediately ing certain items up to Johnson Hall with known, but he and his wife seem to have Captain MacLeod. However, it becomes evi- moved around. On 23 February 1767 dent in a letter dated 8 September 1767 George Croghan wrote to Johnson from that MacLeod had taken the new position Philadelphia: "P.S: I have had Capt. and was finally on the job. He writes of Mccloud and his Dear Little Helen of "bad belts" (war belts) being circulated Greece hear this three Weeks past they go among the Senecas in his area. The letter is home In two Days and after a Little Rest endorsed "Niagara, Indian Commissary." Proceeds to Johnson Hall Whare Me Lady I While in the controversial and seemingly Supose will Spend the Sumer Either with yr thankless position of commissary at Niagara, honour or Capt Guy Johnson who She MacLeod seems to have done a reasonably Spakes in Raptures of." There are a couple good job. Many of MacLeod's letters report of implications here. One is that Mrs. Mac- altercations he has been involved in while xxiii JOU~Lof trying to control the traders. But some of I am sorry to hear that the famous springs you Nonnand MacLeod these men seem to have appreciated his have been at has not been of much service to efforts. The superintendent received the you. I Send you by the Bearer Daddy Farrell, a bottle which contains a sort of Oyl taken off the following letter dated 22 October 1767 from surface of a small Lake near the ~aiadeon a group bf Niagara traders. Castle. The Indians have great faith in it for performing all manner of Cures; it is very Your letter under head of the 29th of May last penetrating, so much so, that if you rub a little Subscribed to Normand McLeod Esqr. Capt. of it on the back of your hand when going to Lieut. late 80th Regt. and Commissary of bed, in the morning you will find it on the Indian Affairs for this place and its District has inside of it, it is a fine cure for all green wounds, been laid before us, from which we find a for all Rheumatick pains, &ca &ca &ca it can Sevear Complaint [ . . . ] exhibited by the also be taken inwardly and a small quanitity of it Trading People of Canada to their lieutenant makes a good purgative. I dare say before you Governor against the Several Commissarys of have it long you will find out more of its virtues, Indian Afairs, impeaching them with Partiality if it has any.'^ shall therefore say no more about and several Acts, of Violence. it only Sincerely wish it may be of service to you We, the Traders at Niagara, think, that in should you chuse to try it, we call it here Ash, justice to the above Mentioned Gentleman's cu, shang's Oil that being the Name of the Character it's our Duty to Acquaint you Lieut. person that brought it to this place. Governor Charlton and the Public, that since The same letter also carries an interesting we have had the Pleasure of being under his Directions, that Trade has been Carryed on biographical clue. with the greatest impartiality and mildness, So My better half thanks you for your kind that any Complaints laid against him with Re- Compliments, and desires me to acquaint you gard to Partiality, Acts of Violence or any that she is very well and likes Niagara, She other abuse in his Office as Commissary of hopes in a few weeks [to present] you a Godson Indian Affairs, is false, Malicious and who shall be the ablest General who ever sway'd Groundless. [ . . . ] Truncheon and begs you'll accept of her In between bouts of defending himself kindest Compliments and best wishes. from attacks by disgruntled traders MacLeod This passage clearly refers to the coming also dispensed local folk medicine to his birth of a MacLeod, and also implies that patron to ease his afflictions. On 25 October Mrs. MacLeod is now accompanying her xriu 1767 he wrote to Sir William: husband to his post. Later letters show Sir William did not get his godson but the Guy Carleton, lieutenant governor of Historical MacLeods did gain a daughter, probably Quebec, or it could have been Thomas Gage, Introduction their first child, in either December or his former commander in the Eightieth Regi- January. ment. As to selling his commission and November found MacLeod still be- leaving the army, MacLeod either changed deviled. his mind or was unable to make the sale as he was not removed from the army rolls until There are now a pace1 of Damn'd French 1787, twenty years later. Traders on the Other side of the Lake, the There is no more extant correspondence principl Man of which is Call'd Curott. I wish we could fall on some Method of punishing from MacLeod until 12 August 1768, when their insolence. he wrote a very unhappy letter. From the context of the letter it appears to have been to It seems we poor Commissarys are great Eye Guy Johnson but the endorsement has been Sores to the Commandants I hope they will not destroyed. have the liberty of using us in the Manner Mr. Roberts has been trated with impunity. Yesterday I receiv'd your disagreeable [letter] which has intirely spoiled all my Schemes and Evidently MacLeod's disgruntlement caused left me destitute of Bread. Yet I hope if Sir Wil- Sir William to wonder what path the commis- liam, can in any way employ me so as to aford a sary intended to pursue. MacLeod explained Comfortable Living for my Wife and Family that he will not forget me, and I hope that is still himself in a letter 3 December 1767: in his power, if not, I am to be pittyed.

I am very far from having the smallest thoughts As to Indn News there's none, the Comman- of leaving [ . . . 1 Service as long as I can stay in dant and I have not put up our Horses well it. My intentions are if the General will do together and he is very happy at being rid of an anything for me which he has more than once Indn. Commissary but sorry for the loss of his promised to do to sell out of the Army [ . . . I Interpreter. thereby recover the Money my purchase Cost. The reason for MacLeod's loss of his job was Which general MacLeod wants help from, not personal but rather that the government however, cannot be determined from the was reorganizing the Indian Department, no context of these letters. It might have been doubt in response to pressures from the xxv .]ourd of trading- interests, the military, and the colo- Command, and that you may not be led to Normand MacLeod nial officials. The reorganization was ex- certifie any, As from this Period no funds being- plained in a letter dated 29 August 1768 from assigned fbr such Expences, they must of course be rejected. General Gage to Capt. John Brown, the commmandant at ~iagarawith whom Mac- Although MacLeod's career as an Indian Leod seems to have been at odds. commissary was rapidly drawing to a close, it did not end as abruptly as the tone of the I Am to acquaint you, that a New Plan has lately been adopted at home relative to the Manage- previous letters would indicate. Sir William ment of Indian Affairs upon this Continent, the ~ohnsonwas still a power unto himself and chief alteration which it is necessary for you to his plan was for a more gradual phaseout. On be acquinted with, is that the Management of 20 November 1768 he wrote to General Gage: the Trade is taken from the Superintendant, and is put under the direction of the several You will please to recollect that Sometime ago 1 Provinces, who are to bare respectively the wrote you, that I thought it best not to remove Expences attendant thereon. This Regulation the officers of Trade too suddenly, but to which seems intended to lessen the Expences of continue them to next March to give the the Indian Department, will render the Resi- Colonies time to form necessary Establish- dence of the Commissarys at the Forts unneces- ments, otherwise they might in case of any sary, as they were appointed thereto for the disturbances alledge that the removals were better Regulation of Trade only, and puts an made before their Legislatures had time to end to all Articles of Expence there, as none can make the Necessary provision, of all which you well offer, but for the purpose of Commerce, were pleased to approve. in consequence with which the Commandg Officer has now thereof I directed them to retrench as much as nothing to do, further than to give Protection to possible but continue in office till farther the Traders, to keep up Order, and Regularity, orders,-Now as they can't possibly stay with- and to prevent the Indians meeting with any ill out provisions &ca I think it best to direct treatment; You will be pleased to pay Attention McLeod &ca to buy [ . . . ] flour &ca to give to this; And tho' I am to suppose that Sir occasionally when Necessary until you will William Johnson has acquainted those acting please to give Orders for their receiving provi- under him, of these New Regulations, yet I sions till March, [ . . . 1 I am on the subject I think it necessary to explain this matter to You, would desire the favor of you to [ . . . ] whether in Order that no Expences whatever, may for you think best that the Comissys. In-terpreters xxui the future be contracted at the Fort under Your & Smiths Should be directed to Withdraw. As a consequence MacLeod continued on as money with him, there's some difference be- Historical commissary at Niagara but was now very tween Mr. Mackivers and Mr. Watts about the Introduction much a lame duck. His letters 4 January and lowering of Bills which prevents both of them from paying any Money, as to the Generals 23 January 1769 report to Sir William that money his pimp of a Secretary allways makes things are going down-hill with regard to the delays. I have no News as I keep much at home traders and the military and their practices on acct. of the Sickness of my only Child. toward the Indians. According to the account In January 1770 MacLeod began send- books of the Indian Department MacLeod ing Johnson reports of the boiling political continued on in an official capacity until the pot in New York. On 6 January he wrote: end of March. But the Johnson correspon- dence shows that MacLeod was still sending The Sons of liberty have been Assembling here several times; There first assembly was to reports of Indian affairs from Niagara until prevent there representatives from granting 22 May 1769. £2000 for the use of the Troops, but they did By October 1769 MacLeod was back in not Succeed as I believe the money will be voted New York City where he set about trying to for by the House, they passed a bill for making collect money that was owed to him. The paper Money to the Amount of £20,000 which is to be issued the 10th of June next, I am former commissary seems to have been un- informed that by private letters from home the employed and probably broke, and there was present Lt. Governor will have the manage- also sickness in his family. He wrote to Sir ment of this Province during his life and that William 30 October 1769: his Majesty should have Said that so old and loyal a subject deserved that, if not a better I have been Several time at the Generals House reward for his good Services. There is now but have not yet Seen him I Begin to think he two very strong partys in this Town one don't chuse to see me until1 Mr. Adams leaves for electing the members of the House or the Town as perhaps he may think that I hve Assimbly by Ballot, the other for contin- some directions from you concerning the uing the old Method, which of them will money Matters of your department and that carry the point is not known, but both partys two troubling him at once when he has no are very Sanguin, as to my part I would not give inclination to give money would be too much. I one Copper to deside it, nor do I care one am very Sorry that Mr. Adams is likely to return farthing which way it may be determined, or to you without being able to bring one farthing what side wins the battle, let the Affair be mvii Journal of desided as they please, they can never prevent on the publication of Brutus, a parcel of Brutes NmndMacLeod bribery and Corruption in elections, if they can, went to the flax Seed and flour Stores where a they can do more than their Mother Country number of the Soldiers were at work and ever could. turned them all about their business upon which the Soldiers published the paper I had On 27 January 1770 he wrote to his friend the pleasure of sending you by last post, and andQBUSPOK again, producing what must be yesterday the inclosed paper came out which I considered his best letter in that it is very think is one of the best party publications I have informative about political matters, especially seen in this place. I have this moment got the paper Called Brutus which I inclose you, it was the doings of the Sons of Liberty and Mac- the original cause of the battle fought in the Leod's attitude toward them. fields between the Soldiers and inhabitants, they say it was very diverting to see the battle, The Sons of what ever you chuse to call them One Soldier with a dirty short cutlash driving are at the present pritty quiet and I suppose hundreds of the brave Yorker before him who studying what mischief they'll do when they can were better armed than him, but the unfortu- get a proper opportunity. The principle people nate Soldiers who knew nothing of the riot and at least two of them are known, one of them is were unarmed paid for it, for there's near Called Isaac Sears, the others 1 do not know, twenty of them wounded the wounds of the but I am informed that the Governor and inhabitants are as much concealed as possible Council are come to a resolution that on the but its thought they at least double the Soldiers. very first disturbance that happens in the Town I'm sorry Mr. Sears and some others did not them two are to be immediately secured and lose a pair of Ears each at least. . . . prosecuted to the utmost rigour of the Law, for being the principle abettors of the late distur- The Sons of Liberty in New Jersey have put a bances, I approve much of the resolve, but stop to the Courts of Justice in that Province, would approve more of it had they resolved to for which Governor Franklin is resolved to do punish them without farther Ceremony. all the justice to some of them. The Sons of Liberty in People of Sense in Town rail oppenly against this Town locked up the assembly room while them I'm Sorry I can not send you the Scandal- the Members were all in debate in the House ous paper Signed Brutus wrote by them Block and Carryed the key away with them and they heads and one Samuel Broom Junr. the mean- were oblige to brake the door to get out this ing of the paper was to vilify the Army and to happened on Friday last. The Council was in an prevent the inhabitants from employing any of other room waiting for the Members of assem- muiii them in their stores or other ways, immediately bly at last their patience being worn out, they went to enqire into the reason of their being so health which gave great uneasiness to every- Historical tedious and found them shut in and Assisted body but none so much as to Normand Mac- Introduction them in opening the door. There's a New Leod and his little Wife. but thank rod we have liberty Pole a making which is to be put up on since been informed of your recovery,- I hope friday it's to be Cased in Iron, the Corporation my Worthy Friend Col. Guy is also recovered is divided whither they will allow it to be put up There's little or no news here at present what or not, the fear of offending the mob will make the greatest noise here is the Confinement induce them to allow it to be put up. of Mr. MacDougal, and the observation of one of the prisoner when MacDougal In early February both Mrs. MacLeod was sent to jail which was, fine times indeed a and the child were ill. The Sons of Liberty son of liberty sent to jail and the liberty pole put were putting up a new liberty pole and in Irons, which are both facts. you have heard MacLeod was still having money problems. before now of their Method of flinging the Corporation who refused them ground to put Messrs. Phyn and Ellice have this day sent me a up the liberty Pole by purchasing a spot of their most surprizing accompt, which makes me own on which it is now erected in spite of them. trouble you with the following request which is. in consequence of there [ . . . ] I mean the If there yet remains any of my orders upon you Corporation they published the enclosed adver- in their favour unpaid, that you'll be so good as tisement [ . . . ] send a News paper extraordi- to stop the money in your hands until1 such nary which perhaps you have not seen The time as I can clear up accompts with them, as at Sons of liberty have also purchased a House I present I think they use me extremely ill. If think from [ . . . ] they wanted it to Celebrate you'll be so good as to forward the enclosed as the anniversary of the repeal of the stamp act Soon as posible it will add to the many obliga- and to rent it but Col. Morris would not rent it tions I already lye under to you pardon the [ . . . ] what he would sell it for he answered trouble. £600 which was [ . . . ] by 100 of them who laid down their six pounds each There's an other On the 19 February MacLeod wrote express- liberty Pole put up before this House with 45 ing his concern over his friend's health and [ . . .I on it which was put up for my Country giving more reports on the fortunes of the men to scratch themselves on. I have this Sons of Liberty and their poles. moment purchased the enclosed paper called Junius which they tell me is a very inflammatory Mr. Roberts arrived here some time ago with piece as it is but just come out and the Post most alarming accounts of your bad state of going away I have not time to read it. I should mix Journal of be happy in hearing from some of your good becomes apparent in two letters from Sir Normand Machod family and I am still oneasy about your William Johnson to Goldsbrow Banyar, one wellfair. of his agents. At the very end of the letter he adds: "I am Col. Claus, McLeod and Roberts will be much Just now informed that the scratching Pole obliged to you for the Trouble you intend to for my Country men was pulled down Satur- take in their Locations which are to be as I day night not known by whom." before described them, with this difference By the end of February MacLeod's let- only, that, they are to Join to ye Northampton ters reflected his growing anxiety, and show a Patent to Eastward. man greatly harassed. His family had been ill Capt. Claus was of the Royal American Regmt. most of the winter, he was unemployed and Capt. Lt. MacLeod of the 80th., & Lt. Roberts in debt, his patron was in bad health and of the 46th. McLeod says he is entitled to 3000 perhaps dying, and the actions of the mob Acres, they are verry desireous of having the Affair finished as Soon as may be. obviously irked him. It cannot have been a very pleasant period in Normand MacLeod's MacLeod was obviously after land and was life, and in a letter Sir William received 12 about to try his hand at farming. The land he March 1770, he seemed resolved to leave it obtained was along the Mohawk River. behind, saying: "I shall have the pleasure of What MacLeod did with this land is hard waiting upon you as soon as I can beg borrow to determine. From the context of letters or steal as much money as will pay my Debts written by him and by Sir William, it seems in this Damned Town." that MacLeod did most of his farming on an One way or the other MacLeod did get estate owned by Sir William. The MacLeods' out of New York and begin a new phase of his farm was at Coghnawage and things do not life. "Captn & Mrs. McLeod is arrived at seem to have gone as well as he would have Albany & will be here tomorrow," wrote liked. There is very little correspondence Daniel Campbell from Schenectady 10 June from him in the Johnson papers during this 1770. The MacLeods' destination was John- period. That which does exist concerns vari- son Hall, as James Rivington mentions in a ous squabbles he is involved in with his xxx letter of 18 June. The purpose of the journey neighbors. These problems may have been sympto- his Family, and that it does not seem to me Historical matic of his inability to make a go of it as a probable, that he will have much to do in ye Introduction farmer. Whatever the case, MacLeod seems Winter at a Post of late Years so little fre- to have asked Sir William to come to his aid quented if it appears to You in the same light, I dare say You will take his Circumstances into again. In September 1772 Sir William wrote Consideration, However I could not avoid to General Gage: "Your Consideration of saying something in behalf of a Gentleman who Capt. McLeods circumstances is very hu- with a verry good character has been so mane; & I shall let him know it; he is a unfortunate. Worthy Man, who stands in Need of Assis- Haldimand replied on the twentieth of the tance, & would doubtless meet with yours if same month: in your power at present." It took time, but The turbulent turn of mind of the Indians in ultimately MacLeod's entreaties and Sir Wil- General had made it necessary in my opinion, liam's connections paid off. MacLeod re- that Captain McLeod shou'd be at Ontario, that turned to the army and was given command any Material intelligence might be Transmitted of the now almost deserted post where he had you and me, with more Expedition, but since you interest yourself in his favour and don't see begun his career as commissary, Fort On- his stay at Ontario, in the same light that I do, I tario. It appears, however, that he did not shall consent to his remaining with his Family want to return there immediately. Maj. Gen. till next Spring when it will be proper that he Frederick Haldimand received the following shou'd be glad to serve Captain MacLeod being letter from Sir William 15 October 1773: a Gentleman for whom I havea particularregard. The last letter in the Johnson papers I have been much sollicitted by Capt McLeod to represent his situation to you, and the concerning MacLeod is dated 20 January ~ardshi~he must suffer if oblidged to go im- 1774. It was written to one John MacLeod, mediatelv to Ontario, I am sensible of all this, who may have been ~orrnand'suncle, but the at the same time, I would by no means take identification is uncertain. Sir William's life upon me to request any indulgence, for them was nearly at an end but his friendship for that was inconsistent with the good of the Ser- vice, but as the Season is so far advanced that MacLeod still was strong, and certainly it it will be in some measure impracticable for would be hard to imagine that MacLeod ever him to dispose of his little matters, & remove had a friend who did more for him. xxxi Journal of Your [ . . . ] Capt MacLeod came to my hands New York. Somehow he and his family got to Nonnand MacLeod last Summer just as I was setting out for the Sea Detroit and MacLeod set up as an Indian Side for the benefit of my health, which trader. On 14 April 1774 Normand MacLeod prevented me from answering it at that time & occasioned its being mislaid till the other day. was one of the nineteen men and firms in Detroit who signed an agreement setting up a I am now to thank you most kindly for your "general Rum Store" and stating that "no very friendly Letter and favorable preposses- sions of me. Assuring you that the accot. I have Indian should have more than one glass at a of yourself is a Sufficient inducement to me to time."" Signing along with MacLeod were Cultivate your friendship especially as I have a merchants of great importance in the history great Esteem for Capt MacLeod who is a of eighteenth-century Detroit: Gregor Mac- Worthy Man and one I am always disposed to Gregor, Simon MacTavish, Alexander Serve. I had it in my power for some time to do so, & much regret that occasion does not now Macomb, and William Edgar. offer for doing it more effectually. he has been Along with his business MacLeod also lately appointed Commandt. of Fort Ontario served in a military capacity. In 1777 he was with a Sally. of 5sStr. a day, & has been appointed town major, the chief executive indulged to Continue on a Farm of mine officer of the garrison, but in a garrison town (where he has resided some time) until this Summer. I hope he may continue to Experi- such as Detroit was at this time, the office may ence the regard of his friends as his Finances also have had a civil role equivalent to that of require it, my cooperation in any thing for his mayor.12 By this time of course the war was advantage shall not be wanting whenever op- going on, and MacLeod's duties seem to have portunity offers. been primarily with the militia, with overlap- Perhaps it was Sir William's failing health ping administrative duties in the garrison. In and death that same year, or perhaps his lack the Hamilton expedition of the following of success in the Indian service and at year, MacLeod drew his pay on the rolls of farming, but whatever the reason, MacLeod the Detroit Volunteer militia.13 left New York and his previous life and McLeod of course was one of the more moved to Detroit. ~o~~ac~eodfinanced his fortunate members of the expedition because establishment in the west we do not know. It he received leave to return to Detroit and did xxxii is not inconceivable that he sold his land in so just prior to Clark's arrival and Hamilton's surrender and captivity. Sharing in Mac- to MacLeod's role as town major and gener- Historical Leods good fortune in being out of Fort ated some interesting corresp&dence. The Introducth Sackville at its capitulation was Alexander first is a letter from ~eneral~aldimandto McKee, the famous Tory Indian leader. Major de Peyster, the commandant at De- MacLeod wrote to him in April 1779 con- troit, and is dated 30 August 1779. gratulating him and making some interesting Lieut. Governor Hamilton not having had observations on the Detroit militia and condi- Authority to empower him to appoint a Town tions in Detroit in general. Major at Detroit Mr MCLeod cannot be admit- ted as such, there being no establishment of the Dear Sir Permit me to express my happiness for Kind for the Upper post, which is the only your leaving Fort Sackville the Seventh of reason for my discontinuing Mr. McLeod's of February, by which you have escap'd sharing whome I have had a favorable character.I5 the unlucky fate of the Lieut. Governor Major Hay and Lieut Schiefflin who was made pris- MacLeod responded in a letter to Captain oners fifteen days after your departure with Mathews, General Haldimand's secretary, 6 twenty of the 8th & the two artillerymen with the loss of four men killed & 6 wounded we January 1780: hear the Volunteer Company refus'd to fire a Sir, A few days after Major Depeyster's arrival Shott at the Enemy, for which reason Lamothe at this place: he read me a paragraph in a Letter & them are prisoners at large. from His Excelly General Haldimand, wherein I am Heartily sory for the Governor and am he says, Whereas Lieut. Governor Hamilton much afraid he will be ill treated by the made an appointment of Town Major which he populace, The return of the vessel sent to Fort had no authority to do, that he could not Erie last week is daily expected by whom Capt. continue Mr. MacLeod notwithstanding he Lemoult expects a reinforcement Our Garrison heard he was a good man, as there was-no at present consists of one Hundred & twenty appointment as yet made for the Upper Posts, Officers included and our New Fort is carried on which I reply'd that His Excellency never on briskly under the directions of Lieut. Duver- continued me, he then desir'd I would explain net three Bastions is almost finished. I hope to myself, I told him that as I found that Generals have the pleasure of seeing you soon in this Carleton and Haldimand had not approved of place.I4 said appointment that I never took the pay that was drawn for me, altho' offer'd repeatedly, & A small controversy developed in 1779 as beg'd he would do me the Justice to acquaint xxxiii Journal of His Excellency therewith. But being fearfull West Company and in 1796, in Montreal, he Normand MacLeod that he may forget, I make bold to give you that died.ls If we assume Normand MacLeod trouble & depend much upon your friendship. began his army career at the usual age of If ever such an appointment should take sixteen, then he would have been born in place, that you will lay in my claim, if faithfull 173 1 and thus have died at sixty-five. services from the beginning of the year one Had MacLeod never lived it is hard to thousand, seven hundred & forty seven in imagine that the course of history would have Holland Brabant & North America to the end been greatly different. What makes his life, of the~-- vear,- one thousand seven hundred and sixty four should merit any prefferences with his letters, and his journal valid for study is his Ex~ellency'~ that they show us the thread of the normal and average in the web of history. To study a With the war drawing to an end and George I11 or a Washington is fascinating, conditions in Detroit in doubt, MacLeod but theirs can hardly be considered typical prepared to uproot again. In July 1782 lives. To study a MacLeod shows us an records show he was still in Detroit; the average life of ups and downs, false starts, survey or census of Detroit in 1782 shows that small personal tragedies, irritation, anger, Normand MacLeod's family consisted of him- and happiness. It is a life most of us can self, his wife, one female child, one female understand. But he also left a record of his slave, and two cows." But by December of participation in events of great magnitude in that year the documents all originate from the and of America. Be- Mackinac. cause MacLeod was born Scottish and died The records of the great fur-trading Canadian it must not be forgotten that he was organization, the North West Company, also a Detroiter, and for most of his life an show that in 1783 MacLeod entered into American. His loyalties and interests placed partnership with John Gregory. The firm, him on the losing side, but it would be a Gregory, MacLeod and Company, was ab- disservice to our history if we did not recog- sorbed by the North West Company in 1787 nize his experiences as being as authentically with MacLeod a silent partner in the later American as those of the winners in the xxxiv firm. In 1790 he sold his interest in the North American War for Independence. Notes Historical Introduction n 1. Nelson Vance Russell, The British Regame in Michigan Highland Clans, and Higland Regtments, 2 vols. (Edinburgh and the Old Northwest, 1760-1 796 (Northfield, Minn.: and London: A. Fullarton & Co., 1879), 2: 336. Carleton College, 1939). 9. J. W. Fortescue, A History of the British Army, 10 vols. NTX 2. Clarence E. Carter, Great Britain and the Illinois (London: Macmillan & Co., 1899). 7: 591. Count?, 1763-1 774 (Washington, D.C.: The American 10. Sir William Johnson, The Papers of Sir WilliamJohnson, Historical Association, 1910). ed. James Sullivan, Alexander C. Flick, Almon W. 3. Russell, British Regtme, p. 186. Lauber, and Milton W. Hamilton, 14 vols. (Albany: 4. Maumee and Miami are the same thing; Maumee is a State University of New York, 1921-65). All sub- phonetic spelling of the Indian pronunciation of Miami sequent quotations, unless otherwise noted, are from this 5. William Stewart Wallace, ed.,Documents Relating to th, edition. North West Company, Publications of the Champlain 11. Silas Farmer, The Histoty ofDetroit and Michigan Society, no. 22 (Toronto, 1934). pp. 481- 82 (hereafter (Detroit: S. Farmer & Co., 1884), p. 837. cited as North West Company Documents). 12. Wallace, North West Company Documents, pp. 481-82. 6. Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, 40 vols. 13. Michigan Pioneer Collectwn, 9: 484. (Lansing, Michigan: 1874-1929), 10: 375. 14. Ibid., 10: 283-84. 7. Edmund B. O'Callaghan, ed.,Documents Relative to th 15. Ibid., 9: 633. Colonial Histoty of theKeltie, State ofNm (Albany: York, 15 vols. (Albany: 16. Ibid., 10: 374-75. Weed, Parsons & Co., 1853-87), 8: 228. 17. Ibid.. p. 608. 8. John S. Keltie, A Histo? oftheHScottish Scottish Highlad, 18. Wallace, North West Company Documents, pp. 48 1-82.

xxxu

Editorial Note on the Text

Both MacLeod9sspelling and his tense of regular verbs; it never occurs in the punctuation are idiosyncratic and inconsis- possessive case. tent by modern standards. Frequently he For the most part this text reproduces as spells the same word several different ways, faithfully as is consistent with clarity the particularly in the case of proper names. features of the original, including pagination (The name Gouin, for example, appears as and lineation. MacLeod's grammar has not Gawin, Gowen, Gowan, and Gown.) It is per- been tampered with, and his spelling and haps possible to detect MacLeod's Scots pro- punctuation have on the whole been pre- nunciation in certain spellings, such as nare served. The following principles have been for near or consither for consider. His capitaliza- followed for spelling, capitalization, and tion also is erratic; while he frequently em- punctuation: ploys lowercase letters at the beginning of 1. Spelling errors obviously the result of sentences, he tends to capitalize insignificant carelessness or haste have been silently words, apparently at random. A minimum of emended. punctuation is found in the journal. The 2. Uppercase forms have been provided most frequent mark is the dash, while Mac- for the initial letters of all sentences and for Leod uses the comma and period sparingly proper names. and never employs the quotation mark, ques- 3. The modern letters has been substi- tion mark, or colon. Only one semicolon tuted for MacLeod's obsolete eighteenth-cen- appears, and it is probably an accident of tury form. penmanship. The apostrophe appears exclu- 4. Editorial discretion has been exercised sively in contractions, particularly in the past in instances of ambiguous letter formation. xxxvii ~ournulof 5. Full stops have been provided for all one considers the hazardous conditions Nmnand MacLeod complete sentences. under which it was written. As we now have 6. Occasional commas have been pro- it, it begins in the middle of MacLeod's entry vided to separate items in a series and to for 25 September 1778 and breaks off at the make phrase and clause divisions. entry for 22 January 1779. Because the 7. Colons have been provided to intro- expedition left Detroit 24 September and duce lists or quoted letters and speeches. MacLeod was given leave to return there 22 8. Superscript abbreviations and other January, it seems likely that no more than one words added above the line have been or two pages are missing. On the back of the brought down. journal, very possibly ir, MacLeod's hand, are 9. All abbreviations have been preserved written the latitude and longitude of Detroit with the exception of the superscript for and the latitude of Niagara; what appears to pound as a unit of weight or volume, which be a different hand has written Maire has been brought down and emended to lb. McLond. Accidental features of the text such as blot- ting, deleted words or phrases which do not affect the sense, inadvertently repeated words, and extraneous marks have not been noted. All other editorial emendations and explications appear in brackets. (Purely tex- tual emendations appear in Roman, editorial comments in italic.) These consist chiefly of conjectural readings of blotted words or letters and clarification of possibly confusing spellings. In cases where such a spelling appears more than once, the word is expli- cated only on its first appearance. MacLeod's journal has survived almost xxxviii two centuries reasonably intact, particularly if The Journal of Normand MacLeod

25 September 7778 to 22 January 7 779

25-26 September 1778 about three in the afternoon it began to rain. Care was taken to have Every thing well coverd and at nine oClock mounted a Guard Consist ting of one Officer one Serjeant & 15 men. [Continu] -all rain all this Night-

226.6 This morning I Permited some men to go ahunting. One of which Spocke with an Indian who came from Otter Creeckl and told him that he had seen two Frenchman there with a Canoe and said they came from the Miam[i] Town2 with the Frenchman calld the black Ribbon3 who had that morning gon by land to Detroit to aquai[nt] the Governor4 that the Virginians had sent a Belt5 to the Miami Indians. A little after Sun Set the wind a bated and I Propos'd going as fare as Point or River of Rocks6 as we had moon light. But my Companions Messers. Loran & Gowin7 said the wavers] Run still high and that it was dangerous going in the night with so manny pirogus8 in case the wind shoud rise, which happen'd to be the case for it began to

1. Also called Otter River, it is located between the Rai- present-day Fort Wayne, Indiana, at the junction of the sin and the Maumee rivers and flows into Lake Erie. Saint Joseph and Saint Mary's rivers, and consisted of 2. Chief town of the Miami Indians, one of the main two villages and the houses and stores of several traders. tribes of the Wabash Indian group. It was located near (Notes continued on p. 4) 3

3

3 The main village was , the home of Pacane, in this case was one of war. The recipient could either head chief of the Miamis. accept or reject the belt. 3. Probably Charles Beaubien's Indian name. Beaubien 6. Riviere aux Roches, present-day Rock River, is lo- was an interpreter to the Miami Indians; earlier in 1778 cated between the Huron and the Raisin rivers, and he was one of the leaders of the war party that Bows into the western end of Lake Erie. captured and brought him to Detroit. He 7. Nicholas Lorrain, storekeeper at the Miami Town; Lt. was one of the men that left Vincennes along with Mac- Charles Gouin, Detroit Volunteer Militia, whose brother Leod just prior to its capture. Also Bobian, Bobean, and Nicholas was also on the expedition. Also Gowen, Gawin, Baubin. Gown, and Goun. 4. Henry Hamilton. 8. Large open boats, frequently made from hollowed 5. Wampum belts were used to convey messages, which tree trunks.

. 26-27 September 1778

Blow a bout eight oclock. At nine we [saw] a Sail Pass the mouth of the River whch we haild but would not come too, upon which 1 order the Boat after them, And was brought bake [back] about an hour afterwards. I found they were the two men that the Indian spock with at Otter River. They confirmed what the Indian had said, and told me that Mr. Bobian was the Person that had gon to Detroit. I keepd them all night. The Guard this night as usual-

27

I wrote a letter this morning to G. Hamilton and an other to Mrs. MacLeod which I sent by the two men that came from the Miami Town. At nine the wind abated and we Embark'd at twelve oclock. The wind began to freshen and we was oblig'd to Put in under Point Rai~in.~Calmd, at three oClock & Sett off. Arrived at Point 0 Shain1° at ten in the Evening. Guard as usual-

9. Located at the Lake Erie mouth of the Raisin River. 10. Pointe au Chene, located at the north side of the Maumee River where it enters Maumee Bay.

5 28-29 September 1778

28th It began to rain this Morning at half after three, & Continued till twelve, when I order the Loadings to be examined But found nothing damaged. Only a few bags of Flour had got a little wate [wet]. I then desired the men to dry there own Nesessarys" which was much wanted. At half after one we left Point oShain and Arrived at the Point Oposite Island Giete12 at half after five, we had a Strong head wind all this day. The usual Number on Guard.

229 Continual rain all this day, from about 2 oClock in the Morning till 7 in the afternoon, much about this time we heard a Bell and People driving Cattle. I order three men to go and Stop them & bring their Commander to Camp; that I might speak with him. About eight they brought two Frenchmen with them who told me they were driving Cattle belonging to Mr. Isaac Williams from Sandusky to Detroit

11. Necessaries, the soldiers' personal gear. 12. Probably one of the small islands in Lake Erie near the mouth of the Maumee River. 6 29-30 September 1778 and that Isaac Williams two Sons was along with them. I ask'd them if they heard any news along the Road, they Answer'd that Alexr. Elair told them that he had met Mr. Bobian within a days Ride of Detroit and that he told him, he must have one of his horses as he was going Express to aqua[i]nt the Governor that the Virginians was acoming to auPort,13 three Thousand in number, & that Belts had arrived from them at the Miami Town before his departure, & that he was of opinion, the Indians there was going to Join them. They like wise told me that Elair had lost a horse, Upon which I orderd them to stay all night as I intended to take two of their horses from them to replace the other two. Guard as usual.

2300

This morning I order'd all to Embark about 7oClock and Proceed to the foot of the Rapits and there wait if they found they could not get farther But if there was any Posobility to get a long to Proceed their Rout. A But [about) Same time I order'd Messrs. Lorin & Gowin to go and Chouse the two best horses amongest them that I had Stopd. On their arrival with the horses I gave the men an Order

13. Or Opost, an early name for Vincennes. O  30 September 1778

on Mr. Hay14 for the Payment of them, they were vallued at 250 cash. And then wrote the following Letter to the Governor-

Sir

The bearer of this informd me that Mr. Bobian on his way to you took one of the horses Sent from Detroit and that one is Since lost, which induc'd me to take two of Mr. Williams to replace them, Being well informd that the Service wanted the number Sent first. I have been Like wise told that he makes no Secret of telling every Indian & white he meets that there is no less than three Thousand Virginians at the Misisipee and that Belts had arrived from them at the Miami Town before his departure, and that he was of opinion they were going to join them. I expect to be at the foot of the Rapits in two hours hence, and Mr. Gowan will go Immediately off for the Miami Town. I have the honor to be Sir your most Obedt. Servt. After which we Sett off and Arrived at the foot of the first rapit about Eleven oclock. Got about 2 miles farther when Mr. Loren informd me that it was

14. Maj. Jehu Hay, MacLeod's commanding officer in American Regiment and served as Indian Commissary the Detroit Volunteer Militia, second in command to at Detroit while MacLeod held similar posts at Ontario Hamilton. He began his career as an officer in the Royal and Niagara. 8 30 September 1778

Necessary to Stop and have all the Flour landd in Order to dry Such bags as had got wet as that would Sower all the rest. I therfor Orderd the whole to be Unloaded, Mr. Gowin with one Carpenter departed for the Miami Town about half after one oClock; it began to rain about 2, and half an hour after Mr. Bobian Arrived with young Mr. Schefflin15who told me, he had Orders to Put himself under my Command, Mr. Bobian Said that he had Orders from the Governor to take Mr. Schefflen a long with him, But I thought it would be tou fatiguing for him and Accordingly desired him to Stay a long with me, Upon which Mr. Bobian Departed, Smittering Rain all this afternoon Prevented our dry the bags or geting farther. I therfore desired them to Encamp and order'd the usual Guard to mount-

15. Lt. Jacob Schieffelin, Detroit Volunteer Militia; he was captured with Hamilton, but in 1780 he escaped from jail in Williamsburg, Virginia, and made his way to British-held New York City. Also SchefJlen and Shuffelin.

9 1-2 October 1778

October 1st 78

As it had rain'd all night and till Eliven oClock this forenoon I was Advised by Mr. Lorin to Stay & have the Bags of Flour and the mens Necessarys dryed. At 12 fair weather, at 3 got every thing Pretty dry. At which time I order them to load & Push on. At 6 the 4 formost P[irogues] Arrived at Pri~quill'~and Not with standing the weather Promisd Very fair a Little before this, all on a Sudint it began to thun -der & Lightning Accompanyd at same time with such rain as quit[e] dround our fires. The 4 Sternmost Pirogus was obligd to Stop at the foot of the Rift and it was 9 [?I oClock before I got the other twelve togeth -er. Every man as wet as water could make them and Could not make as much fire as Cook the mens kettles.

2d The Rain Still Continued all this day with dificulty Boild Some Victuals. At eight in the Evening fair weather, mead [made] good fires for the night. Guard as usual.

16. Presque Isle; the term means "peninsula," and was 10 applied to many places that jutted into a lake. 3-4 October 1778

Presquille Octr 3d 78

Faire weather all this day un loaded the Priogus and dryd our Flour, Bearskins & other Covering. Loaded again at ?4 hafter five in the Evening- Mounted the usual Guard and Sleeped all night.

Octr 4

At two this Morning Nicolas & Charles Gowen arrived at our Camp with the Carpenter that was Sent with Mr. Gown from the foot of the Rapits and a Miamie Indian, who told me that Mr. Seloron" had Arrived at the Miamie Town before they departed from thence and that 2 hundred Virginians and 2 hundred Frenchmen was within a days March of Owials before Mr. Seloron came away and that a Pace [peace] belt and a Warr belt was from them arrived at the Miamie Town before Mr. Nicolas Gowen left that Pla[ce]. They Stayed with me till about Six oClock- Gave them a man to assist them as the younger Gowen was sick. Gave them Some Provisions and wrote the following letter to the Lieut. Governorlg-

17. Jean Baptiste Ci.loron, the son of the famous Pierre vance into the Ohio valley, thus precipitating the French Joseph Celoron de Blainville who led the French ad- (Notes continued on p. 12) 11 and Indian War. Jean CCloron was the British Indian 18. Another name for , the main village of agent at Ouiatenon, and was considered to be so effec- the Wea tribe of the Wabash Indians. It was a large tive at holding the Indians to the British cause that trading post located about halfway between the portage Clark sent out a special expedition to dispose of him. on the Maurnee River and Vincennes. Also Wia. Celoron fled, but Hamilton never forgave him and sus 19. Edward Abbott, headquartered at Vincennes. pected him of being a double agent. Also Siloron. 12 4 October 1778

Presquille the 4th October 78-

Sir

On my Arrival at the foot of the Rapits four Days ago Mr. Gowen took his departure for the Miamie Town, and three days Continual rain Prevented my Geting any farther than Six miles Since then- This morning about two oClock Mr. Nicholas Gowen arrived here on his way to you, and his Brother being un well Return'd along with him. But forwarded your Spetch [speech] to the Indians with the Strings of wampum, by Mr. Bobean, who is gon forward; My People is quainted with the News Mr. Gowan brings, And they Receved it in Such a manner as makes one a fraid that I will gain no honor by being their Commander, Messers. Loran, Gaffie and Young Schefflen being the only Person I can depend on-Whenn 8IFO I arrive at Rush de -beautz0I will order the Cattle to go on, & Endevour to have them Encamp along with me every night I have the honor to be Sir Your most huble Servt. Normd. MacLeod As Soon as it was clear day light we Embarked, And

20. Rocher de Bout, a rocky projection into the Mau- mee River. 13 4 October 1778

Arrived at Woolfs Rapit about $4 After three in the afternoon, a little afterwards Patrick Magluskie and Captain Magieszl boy arrived who told me that they had an other man along with them But left him at the foot of the Rapits with 19 [?I horses. And that they came after me to get Provisions, as they had non for three days Past. I ask'd them where they had left Captn. Magie they Said at Moguagors [?IHa They likewise told me that Lieut. la Presnier de KenderZ3with 13 mens Came along with them. And Said they had a man Droun'd a Crossing the River Huron. Mr. deKender 8c his men was Very much in want of Provisions & beg'd I would [senld them some. After this I order'd the People to Encamp a little above Mr. McDrums [?I house and orderd Mr. Loran to Issue three days Provisions to Magluskie and his two men. I then got a tent from Said Magluskie; And took ten Bear Skins from Mr. Daniel Bowen for which I gave a recept, then Ordered the Guard to mount as usua1C:S: Hamiltonz4

2 1. Magze is probably Alexander McKee, the famous de la Picanier. There were three lieutenants named De British Indian leader, at this time a captain in the In- Quindre on the Hamilton expedition, all in the Indian dian Dept. Dept.: Fontiney, Francois, and Ponchartrain. Fontiney 22. Possibly Monguagon, now a township in Wayne captured Daniel Boone. Also de Kender, de Kander, de County, Michigan. Kaint, de Kent, and de Quundre. 23. One of the De Quindres, probably Francois, Sieur 24. C:S: stands for "countersign." 14 5 October 1778

October the 5th 78-

This morning when I was ready to embarke Alexander Elair came to me and Said that neither he nor any of his men had any Provisions, that they had lost all thier Bisquits a Crossing the River. This is the man that was Sent from Detroit as guid with the 5 Pair of Oxen & the ten horses. The Same day I left that Place, knowing that there was a Great dalle [deal] of rain fell I thought his Story was true. Therfore Order him and his four men two days flour But no Pork as I know the rain would not damage it-On On this I was immedately Sorounded by my own Party Some of whome told me that they had lost thier Bread owing to the bad Covering they had for their Periogues. This I know to be Very true And therefor order'd them 45 lb. flour. Half after eight embark'd & Proceeded on our Voage. At 12 Lieut. de Kander overtook me. We din'd together and at one oClock Sett off again. Arrived above the Great rapitsZ5a little after three. Half an hour after Mr. AinslieZ6and Mr. de Kenders Party Arrived who complaind of the want of Provisions

25. Probably near the present-day town of Grand Rap- ids, in Wood County, Ohio. 26. Amos Ansley, a master carpenter. 15 5-6 October 1778

I then Ordered my Party to Encamp and Mr. Loran Issued one days Provisions to Mr. de Kender & his 13 men. I then Ordered Mr. de Kender and Party with Elair & his 4 men to encamp at some little distance below us and during the night to keep three Centrys upon the road and the Cattle betwixt the Centrys and River and in case of an alarm in the night to Join me Immediately with all his Party. C.S. for this night Detroit-I I forgot to mention a man I left at Mr. Bowens this Morning that had been Several days Sick. He was Victualed to the 1 lth Instant-

6th This morning Embarked at Seven oClock and at three Arrived Neare the Island Beman. And half an hour after a Boat [with] four of the men that was with Mr. Fontaney de Kender [agailnst Fort Boonz7Arrived at Camp came from the Miami [Town] the 4th Instant and brought me a letter from Mr. Bobian Setting forth that things was not as bad there as he Imagind at his departure from me, two miles above the first Rapit. Likewise mentioned that he had Spoke with all the Indians thire and with the French also And that all of them Seemed [to] be well disposd, And wished the Governors Arrival. He further

27. Possibly a reference to the fort at Boonsborough the Kentucky River in present-day Fayette County, Ken- 16 erected April 1775, located about sixty yards south of tucky. It was often under attack by Indians. 6 October 1 778

Said that he had Sent to the ShawnnouesZ8to come as Soon as they could. He beg'd I would send Lieut. de Kender and all his Party to forward the Necessary workes before we arrived. I forgot to mention that I mett Mr. Seloron at nine oClock this morning on his way to meet the governor in a Periogue with three men. He told me that he was Present at the Wia when one Mr. Deq~anic~~Indian Interpreter for the Rebels Arrived there, the day before he came away. Mr. Dequanic and the few that acompanyd him Said that they came to Speak with the Indians and that they had two belts for them, the one was for Pace [peace], the other for Warr, and that the Indians might take their Choice, that they were Prepar'd for them. On which Mr. Seloron desired they might meet in his house, which they agreed to. Mr. Seloron heard every thing that was Said at this meeting and took a Copy of the whole which he Carries to the Governor. Mr. Seloron farther sais that he Recived a letter Since his departure from a Servant of his who informs him that One James Rogers30 at the head of 200 Virginians & 200 French Arrived at Wia the

28. Shawnee Indians. 29. Possibly Ambroise Dagenet, a pro-American Vin- cennes merchant. 30. Probably Lt. John Rogers, cousin to George Rogers Clark. 17  6 October 1778

Day after he Said Siloron came away, their Commander One Colonel Clark, or Some Such name had Stayd at Post St. Vin~ine,~~and that One Miate Cardinale32had Rais'd a Company there of which he himself was Captain and was Along with those that Arrived at Wia. It Seems they Desired the Indians to keep quite, as the Present warr did not Concern them. Mr. Seloron likewise told me that one Mr. Bollon from the Ilinois went to Virgina In order to bring troops to Garrison that Place- The 2 men being only Victualed to this day I ordered Mr. Loran to Issue five days Provisions to the whole. My Party is now 72 men myself Included. After this the Camp was form'd. The Guard as last night- C:S: Lernoult. After this I wrote the following Letter to the Goverenor:

Camp at Island Bima 6th. Octr 78- Sir At nine oClock this Morning I mett Mr. Seloron on his way to you And by what he Says I am Convinced of the Truth of Mr. Gowens news-OnOctober receiving the enclosd at half three, I ordered Lieut. d Kender with one man & two

3 1. A variant name for Vincennes, which was also called was killed fighting against the pro-British Indians under Saint Vincent's or Post Vincent. in 1780. 18 32. Millet Cardinal, who was actively pro-American and 6 October 1 778 horses to make themselves ready to sett off to morrow Morning for the Miamie Town, leave there horses there, take a Cannoe from thence, and come &join me as Soon as Posible. On hearing of this Messrs. Loran & Ainslie offered themselves. And I am Very happy they did as I think they will execut that busness better than the others. I intend going on Sloly Until1 I meet them which I am Sure will be four days hence. The Men that carrys you this had their Boat full of Packs belonging to Mr. Bobian. And I ordered them to leave them Stored at Mr. Bowans and go in there Empty Boat till they meet you. And I thought it might be Necessary to lighten Some of yours- I have the honor to be- Sir Your most Obdt. Servt. Normd MacLeod A little after I had closed the above letter one J. Petty of my Party cut his foot with an Ax on which I orderd the Boat to Stay till Morning & take him along with them.

778 6-8 October 1 778

The four men was Served three days Provisions. And Petty had five as he had recived his before they cam. Wrote a Letter to Mrs. MacLeod. 6-8 At day break the Boat went off, andwe embarked '/2 Past Six. Messers. Loran & Ainslie took thier depar -ture at the sametime. Arrived at the Pei Pla33 at three oClock. And as I found it Convenient for our encampment having so manny horses & Oxen I ordered the whole to halt and Encamp. Guard as Usual. C.S. Montreale- 6-8 Embarked at Seven oClock this morning Weather Very fogie till about 11 oclock. A Very Strong water for three Leagues. The black bass is so Plenty in this ~iverthat Several have jumped into the Periogues. This happen'd there three or four days. On my Arrival at the Grand Gla~e~~at one oclock, the Indans on each Side the River turned out & Saluted us in their Usual manner. A little above the Indian Houses, finding it convenient

33. The pays plat, the flat country about twenty-five 34. Grande Glaize River, present-day Auglaize River, 20 miles from the mouth of the Auglaize River. the principal of the Miami. 8 October 1778 for the Cattle & Perogues I order the whole to encam[p]. About half and hour after the Chief & 16 of his followers came & gave me thier hand. After they were Satted [seated] I fill'd my Ca~umett~~and Sett it round. The Chief then advised me as follows, I am Glad to See you here So is my Young men. I heard you was Coming therefor Sent Some of my Young men a Hunting to kill Deer to make you Soop, the wea -ther being tou warme the Vennison would not keep. I am Sorry for it however I brought you a Side it is all I got. But Should you make any Stay you Shall have more. He Said he heard the Great man36was Coming. And that he hoped he would bring them a little of his Milk3' and Some Tobacco to Smoak as they intended Not to go from home till he Arrived. I said it was 16 day Since I left Detroit and that I was like themselves that I drank my Bottle the day before my departure But never Carried any along with me when I went to Warr,

35. Calumet, or Indian pipe. 36. Henry Hamilton. 37. Liquor.

81 8 October 1778

that the weather was Very bad most of the time Since I came away. And that I heard the Road was not Clear, that I Sent the French [at] dusk [?]with a Young Englishman away yesterday to See if the Road was Still open to the Miamie Town and that I intend to go on Sloly till I mett them. I then got two Bottles Rum indeed it was all I had. I told them that that was all the Rum I had got And that I was Very Glad to have it to give to them, that I lookd on them as friends, that i was Sure they did not Encourage the big knives38to Stope the Road, that I was Sure the Great Man there father would be here in a few days & would bring them everything that wase Necessary for them. But in the mean time I would give them a Carrett39 of Tobacco Some Powder and Ball-theyAr UIFZ seemd to be well Plased at Parting. C.S. Quibec the usual Guard. At Seven oClock Messrs. Cottrel, la Fontain, and St. Marie40 Arrived in Camp from the Miamie Town.

38. Indian term for the Pennsylvania-Virginia frontiers- men. Long knives, which occurs later in the journal, seems to be synonymous. 39. A large twist of tobacco. 40. Three traders from the Miami Town.

1778 8 October 1778

They brought me a letter from Mr. Bobean desi[ri]ng I would forward Lieut. de Kender & his Party. These Gentlemen Said that the Virginians was no farther then St. Vincenns Yet and that they were not to Come farther till they had an Answer from all the Indians to whome they had Sent Belts. At half Past Seven I wrot the following letter to the Governor and Sent off two men in the Cannoe the above Gentlemen Arrived in-: Sir Camp at Grand Glace 8th Octr. 78 At Seven oClock Messers. Cottrel St. Marie & La Fontain Arrived here from the Miami Town and brought in the inclosd. They informe me the [sic] that the Ribels has not left St. Vincens. Nor will they Until1 they have an Answer from all the India[nsl to whome they have Sent Bilts. Mr. Bobian Says Much the same in his letter to me. Lieut. de Kinder and Party with all the Cattle goe on Early tomorrow Morning And I follow as fast as I can-

1778 8-9 October 1778

I might almost be there be this time if I had Such News as this from Messrs. Gowan & Seloron But there News So Intimidated my Party that I am Sure ten men would take us all Prisoners. I therefor was Obligd to Act Cautiously- I have the honor to be sir Your most huble Servt. Normd MacLeod

eod

The first Part of this morning nothing could be don as it Rain'd So much, it began last night at half Past ten Accompanied with a Great [deale] of Lightning and Very Loud thounder. I thought to have Sent Lieut. de Kender and Party off early this morning But the four horses that was left here Some days ago by Messrs. Gowan & Bobian Could not be found and I did not think it Proper to leave them behind. On which I ordered men to go and hunt for them. And at Same time Orderd Bogard and Montrea41 Immediatly off for the

4 1. Two carpenters from Detroit.

24 9 October 1778

Miami Town and on their Arrival there to Put themselves under Mr. Ainslies Command. The Gentlem[e]n that Arrived here last night returned a long with them. Gave each of them a horse and they departed at 12 oclock. I wrote the following letters, one to Mr. Ainslie, the other to Mr. Baubin: Ainslie Mr. Sir I have sent you M +BDP and Montrea to assist You in Cutting and Preparing Timber Until1 Lieut. de Kender & Party Arrives which I Supose will be a day or two after them. Mr. Cottrel Says you can borrow Some Tools from the inhabitants, in Particul[ar] from a Carpenter who lives there. Your first care Should be to the Carts and have at least two long Wagons mead to Carry over the Boats. A Store House would Likewise be Very Necessary and as Barke will not Peill [peel] to have it Coverd with Straw. In four days after this you may Expect me there. I am Sir your humble Servt. N MacLeod

42. Apparently an error for Bogard.

25 9 October 1778

Sir Camp at Grand Glaze 9th Octr. 78 Your letter to the Governor was forwarded an hour After it Arrived. And I return you my thanks for your active bheaviour [behavior] Since your Arrival at the Miamie in forwarding His Majestys Service. I have Sent you two Carpenters to assist Mr. Ainslie in Repairing the Carriages and if Posible make two Long wagons to Carry over the Boats. Mr. de Kender and Party with all the Cattle will go immediately after them. You will Employ every Person You can to carrie on the Service. But Such' Poor People as cannot find themselves Provisions you will buy it for them, and keep a Regular acct. of the Same till the Governors Arrival who will order it to be Payd. And as Barke will not Peile at this Season of the year you will cover the Store Houses with Straw or Grass. I hope to have the Pleasure of Seing you in a few days. I am Sir Your most Huble Servt. To Mr. Baubin Normd MacLeod

778 9-1 0 October 1778

At 2 oClock it Cleard up and order the People to Embark. I left Lieut. de Kender there waiting 2 horses the Indian had the other Side the River, the other two was on our Side but could not be found. I desired him to leave a man or two behind to bring them on when found and march on himself and Party. At half Past four we Encamped at Prarie Point about Six miles from the Grand Glaze. The usual number On Guard C.S. Mercer.

10th

Embarked at Seven oClock, at 12 Lieut. de Kent and Party Overtook us. And told me that one of the four horses that was left at the Glaze could not be found. As he and his Party wase only Victualed to the 11th I orderd them two days Provision being 11 in number which Serves to the 13th. And on that day I expect to be at the

27 10-1 1 October 1778

Miamie with myon GuardParty-Encamped 1 four Miles below the Marie de L~rme~~at five oclock. The usual Number on Guard C.S. Divernett-

10-1

This morning Embarked at Seven oclock, at nine mett Mr. Loran on his way from the Miamis above the Marie de Lorme with three French -men and the Grand Sou, an Indian Chief who Carries the following letter with one from Mr. Bobian and one from Mr. Loran to the Governor: Marie de Lorme Sundy mg nine oCloc[k] Sir I mett Mr. Loran on his way from the Miami. He tells me that he Spocke with the Indians there and assured them that you are on your way. And will Soon be there. This they would not belive from Mr. Bobean. They are now Pleased and are determind to Stay at there houses Until1 they See you. The Express Mr. Bobian Sent to the

43. Le Marais de I'Orme, the marsh of elms, present- day Mary Delarme Creek. It is located halfway between Defiance, Ohio and Fort Wayne, Indiana.

28 I I October 1778

River angi~~~is Arrived and bring Certine Intelige[nce] that there is only forty Virginians at St Vinciens & that they have no Intension of coming up the Wabash. But an Indian report revales that they go be the way of Shucag~~~and there build a Fort. But on my Arrival at the Miamis I will Sent off an express to St. J~sephs~~to know the truth of this Story. Mr. Loran has built Oven enough to Carry on the Bakeing busness. And I shall be there the day after to morrow to Expedite the other workes. The day before yesterday I sent off Bogard & Montry to Cutt and Prepare timber with Mr. Ainslie and disired they would make two long waggons to Carrie the Boats and Perogues over the Portage. I have the honor to be Sir Your most Huble Servt. Normd MacLeod

44. Probably Rivicre a I'Anglais, present-day Langlois river. Fr. Joutel, who came with LaSalle in 1687, said Creek. the place was called Chicagou because of the powerful 45.times Chicago, applied an Indian word meaning "great" or "power- smell of garlic growing there. Also Shicagoe. ful," and designating the location of present-day Chi- 46. A fort at present-day Niles, Michigan; it was occu- cago, Illinois. According to M.M. Quaife it was some- pied and destroyed by the Spaniards in 1881. times applied to the Mississippi to indicate it was a great

778 11-13 October 1778

After closing my letter, Sent the Indian Cheif and two Frenchman in a Cannoe to meet the Governor and a little after 11 oClock we Embark'd and followed the rest of the Perogues. At half Past four Encamp'd Near Point Carrial. The People being only Victualed to this day I Ordered Mr. Loran to Issue four days Provisions fore Fifty Six men Incluiding myself and the other three Gentlemen- Guard as Usual. C.S. for this night Bird-

13th1th Enbarked this Morning at Seven oClock and arrived at Sun Sett at our Encamp- -ment four miles above Rapit de Beuf. Guard as usl. C:S: this night Shorde.

13th This morning Enbark'd at half Past Six And Arrived at the end of the Plain 2% miles below the Miamie Town, mead a little halt before we Set off.

11 13 October 1 778

Mr. Francois Ma~onvill~~Arrived. He Said Mr. Nicolas Gowen was along with him but that he had gon on to his ho;se. He then handed me his Instructions from the Governor which was wrote the Sixth instant. In which I Saw there wase a Discratonary order for me leaving me to act as I Pleasd. ~fterChating alittle we pushed on And Arrived at the p own-at four oClock when the Inha -bitants and Indians Saluted us in forme. On which I Ordered my People to return the Salute to which we aded three ~hears.I ordered the People to encamp on the Bank in the front of the Houses. Mounted the usuale Guard. C:S: Caldwell. All the Trading People waitd Upon me and Very Politely Said they were glad to See me. Mr. Bobian ask'd me to his house and Said the Indians would com and Speak with me the[re]. On his Arrival he told them I was the first Chief

47. Francois Maisonville, the boatmaster of the expedi- captivity rather than take an oath of allegiance to the tion. He seems to have been both a boatbuilder and a Americans. His scalping is considered to be one of sev- woodsman, and often acted as a guide. At the siege of eral acts of unnecessary cruelty that Americans engaged Vincennes he was captured before the fort fell and was in during the campaign. Others included killing Indian partially scalped by Clark. When Hamilton sur- prisoners and cruelty toward the British after they rendered, Maisonville chose to stay with the British in surrendered.

31 13 October 1778

they would see, And whatever I told them they might be assured was true. Alittle after this they came with one Chief at there head. After Shaking of hands and lighting the Pipes I Spoke to them as follows: My friends I hope you are now Convinced that Your father at Detroit is Comming Meirly to assist you. I am come before him with nothing but Provisions. You Se I have a Great dale. But it is nothing in Coparison to what coms along with him. He bring[s] Every thing Necessary for your Women & Children to Cloath and feed them. He likewise brings every thing that is Necessary for a Warrior with Plenty of milk to the Wise Cheifs. I know you heard bad News from the Wabash. But I am Surprisd you Would listen to Such bad Birds. The long knives you know has been thretning not only the Indians But you[r] father at Detroit this three Years Past, But you See with Pleasure they could do nothing.

13 13 October 1778

They have not been able to Save thereown People. Has not Some of your Warriors in this Village Arrivd the other day with three of their Scalps. An other of your Chiefs is Soon Expected and I hope he will Bring more. The long knives knows the Indians on the Wabash has not Struk them yet and therefor they were not afraid of comming amongest them. They tell them that they are Strong enough to open the Road and disire the Indians to be quate [quiet]. They tell them thus because they are afraid of them, they desire them to mind there hunting. But what will they hunt with, has the long knives been able this three years Past to give them any thing to hunt with. No they go naked themsel- -ves. [ . . . ] your father at Detroit that gives and send you all. And you Shall Soon [Sele him here with a good number of brave Whitemen and Indians and open the Road to the Misisipie

13 13 October 1778

which road you wase mead to belive wase Stoped by the long knives. I hope you will keep quite at your houses till he comes and in the mean time I will give you a dram to drink his health. Which went round- They replyed that they heard I was comming the which mead them Glad. They were happy in Assembling there together and that Some of them [ . . . ] Present had true hearts. They further Said when they heard from there father at Detroit they were Very Glad and any News from him mead there hearts Eaies [easy] as they belived what he Said or desired Should be told was truth. But whenever they heard any News the other way meaning the Wabash they were afraid & Trembled. But tho they had Prepard themselves to go to there Winter hunting they

13 13 October 1778

Declin'd going when they heard he wase Comming and that not aman of them would Stir from there Village till he did Com. But in the mean time would be glad to taste a little of his Milk and Some Tobbaco to Smoak, Upon which I gave them four Bottles Rum and three Carrots Tobacc- There was one of this Village Arrived from Detroit at the Same time as I did who brou ght Rum with him and gave them to Drink berfore they came to See me. He that Spoke was drunk. Which in a Little time he ownd and Saing he could not Speak any more he was drunk on which we Parted. But about an hour after

13 13-1 4 October 1 778

I was in bed in my Tent Mr. Bobian came and told me the Indians wanted to Speak with me. I Put on my Cloaths and went along with him. They began to Speak but nothing more than a Repetition of what they had formerly Said. I was however detaind two hours with them and Obliged to give an other dram before we Parted-

778

This morning I ordered all the People to be Assembled to wit English & French to have the Oath of aligiense administred to them which I did myself. I then desired Lt. de Kent to Deliver all the Oxen, horses, harness ase. [etc.] to be to Mr. Nicolas Gowen And such of the Inhabitants as had horses & Carts to be Very obedient and ready to asist him whene he Command them to carry over the Portage. Then Orderd 4000 [pounds] Flour to be landed & delivered

13- 14 October 1778

to Mr. Loran with 6% Barrels Pork & three Firkins Butter. After this was don I ordered the Boat and all the Perogues to Proceed to the Landing & then Unload and Camp till farther orders- After the Perogues was gon I wrote the following Letter to Governor Hamilton: Sir Miamie 14th Octr. 78- I have the Pleasure to aquaint you that I Arrived here at four oClock yesterday afternoon and Soon after the few Indians that are here assem- -bled. I told them that 1 hoped they were now- Convinced that you are Comming. And that they would Soon See you here, that you came Purposly to assist them, and with a good number of white men and a Great many Indians of different nations you would Open to [the] road to the Misisipi which road they were mead to belive was Stoped by the long knives. They Said when they heard

1778 14 October 1 778

Comming or any news from you that they were happy and there hearts were Glad. But whene the news came from the Wabash they were afraid and Trimbled. One of there Nation called the wild Beast went to See the long knives. And laid his hand on the head of there Chief and told him that he was a lyer and that he would not belive any thing he Said. That there father at Detroit only Spoke the truth to them and he only they would belive. On which they used he [him] very roug- -hly and turnd him out of there Counsills But that he is now Satisfied his father is comming and hopes to be revengd of his afronts- I ordered the Oxen horses & etc to be deliverd to Mr. Gowen, at the Same time take all the Carts and horses in the Place and Commanded the People to be Obedient when he had Ocation to call for them. I assembled all the Inhabitants and had them

14 14 October 1778

Sworn in due forme. I am Sending four men to the Wia to bring Intelligence from thence and one to St. Josephs with a letter to Mr. She~ally~~desiring him to let me know if there is any truth in that Report of the Virginians going to Shicago. I took the liberty of telling him that you would be here about five days hence and would be glad to have the Pleasure of Seing him here. Should this meet your aprobation I Shall be Very happy. But if not I hope you will look upon it as an error not Intentionally don but rather through ardent zeale for his Majestys Servic. I ordered flour to be landed here to have Bread enough baked on your Arrival. The Perogues is gon to the landing to unload and tomorrow morning Shall begin to Carry over. Which I hope will be finishd four days after this. All the Young Traders here French as well as English Seems alert & willing to Serve you.

48. Louis Chevalier, a trader at Saint Joseph. Also She. vallier and Shevallze.

1778 14 October 1778

After finishing my letter as I thought I order Mr. Loran to issue eight days Provisions to the five men that was order to go [to] the Wia and St. Josephs, two days to Lieut. de Kent & 10 men, two days to Mr. Ainslie and 2 Carpinters, and two days to Mr. Francois Masonvill & 2 men who was going with him to meet the Governor and Carry my letter. When they were ready to go being about 12 oClock the Pa~kan~~Arrived from the Wia and I must here what he had to Say before Masonvill could depart. After he had Dressed himself I waitdd on him. He then began as follows. Father hearing So much talk of the long knivs Comming I left there without telling any Person my intention. Arriving at the River AnguS0I met the Son of the Tobaccos1 who told me that he had brought the long knives

49. Pacane, the Nut, head chief of the Miami Indians. 50. Either identical with MacLeod's earlier River Angu or means the Riviere a I'Anguille, the present-day Eel River. 51. Also known as Young Tobacco, son of the Pianka- shaw chief, Old Tobacco. Both seem to have had some allegiance to the Virginians.

14 14 October 1778 along with him. They were good People and they had given them there hand on which he asked what the Packan his Grand father as he Calld him Thought. He Answered nothing at all which answer Silenced the Son of the Tobacco for some tim. But in alittle after Said the long knives was to give him the Command of one hundred Soldiers at the head of which he would open the Road for the north, on which the Packan Replyd are you, you Fools, able to lead People, after you Sold your lands to them you came to us to meet your father and to Conduct him to St. Vinces. You now fort get [forget] him and you Come to open the road to the long knives. On this they Parted an[dl Packan went to the Wia. The long knives came there that day and Called a Councell of the Indians at which

14 14 October 1778

he was Present. He Says that there Commander gave his left hand to the Indians as he came along, till he cam to him and gave him his right- on which the Packan demand the reason whie he gave him the right and the others the left. He Says they had two Interpreters, the one was an Englishman Spoke good Illinois and French, the other was an Old Frenchman And that they both began to dispuit about what the Indians were Saying on which they Laughd and came away. He Sais that Some of the other Chiefs wase for killing the long knives Seing there wase but 25 [?I of them But that he himself told them that they were fools to think of Such a thing at Present as we hav[e] no Certain News from our father and if there Comes no more than thise we have time enough.

14 14 October 1778

Next day he and the other Indians came away and at Some distance from the Place they halted and laid a Plot to take all the long knives Prisoner that Very Night. The Packan was to go to the bake of the Fort to alittle Gate and call to the Godfroy~~~who he knew would lett him in. The other Indians was to go in at the other Gate and So Sease them all. He Says this might Easly be Executed as they drank much and Fought amongest themselves. The Indians went back to Execute there Plan but the long knives was gon. After telling me all this he Said if Masonvill would wait till he Spoke with his friends in the vilage he woud go along with him and meet the Governor. This mead me write the following adition to my let[ter]:

52. Probably the fur trader Daniel-Maurice Godfroy de Linctot and his family. This is an interesting incident because Godfroy, or Linctot, was one of Clark's most enthusiastic supporters.

1778 14-15 October 1778

I finished my letter at 12 oClock and Mr. Masonvill was then ready to Sett off. But the Packans Arrival from the Wia Prevented his going till late in the night and as he Acompanys him I need not mention what he Said on his Arrival. But not withstanding the Good News he brings, I have Sent off the four men to the Wia and one to St. Josephs to bring Still more fresh Inteliginces and Perhaps more to be depend on. I am as before Sir Your most Huble Servt. Normd MacLeod

14-15

As it began to rain about 9 oClock last night and Continued till this Morning to 12 oClock the Packan would not go and of Course Put a Stop to Masonvill. This wase not our only hurt by bad weather, it Prevented us geting any thing over the Portage. At one oClock fair weather and the Packan and Masonvill took their departure. At 2 I dined with Mr.

14-15 15-16 October 1778

Loran. I immediately Sett off for the landing Place, at the Same time desired Mr. Gowen to have all the Horses and Carts at the end of the Portage at night in Order to have them Loaded early in the Morn ing. Mr. Gowen did not arrive at Camp all night nor any of his People. C:S: Haldiman-

116th

At Seven this morning I ordered Mr. de Kent to make himself ready to go along with ten men to the other Side the Portage taking five days Provisions with him and three Axes to Cut firewood for the Troops and Repair the road if necessary. At Eight I ordered all my People to Parade on which I told them that thirty two of them wase to return to Detroit, nine to Stay with me, Six with Mr. Gowen, two with the Carpenters, and two with Mr. Loran, Besides Mr. de Kents ten, and one that wase Sick in the Town. I told them they knew one anothers familys and at this Season of the Year their Necessitys. I woud

1545 16 October 1778

be Glad they would turn out of there own acord and not oblige me to take them out of there ranks, that I belived.thos that had wives and Children Ought to have the Preference, and that if I wase oblig'd to take the Number I wanted I Certinly would take the Youngmen. On which the most of them did turn out. And I wase Oblig'd to Call a few by there Names. Our different numbers being Cornpleated I ordered Mr. Gaffie to go and Draw five days Provisions for the whole 75 men, giving two Kettles, two Axes, four bags, and three of the worst Perogues to them that was going to Detroit. At half Past eleven Mr. Gowen Arrived with Seven Carts at which time came Messers. Cotrell, Wigans and Fonteny with their own Carts and a horse each. In all ten Carts and these Loaded, Consisting of the following articles, Vidz. 8800 lb. Flour, 12 Bales dry Goods, 7 oil Cloaths Calling [called] Russian Sheating, Such tho with- out every [one] being Painted and 112 Bear Skins,53in order

53. Bearskins were the eighteenth-century equivalent of sleeping bags. Oilcloth was usually painted to make it waterproof, so the unpainted oilcloths purchased by the party would have been of dubious value.

46 16 October 1778 to Cover those things at the other Side the Portage. After this wase don I wrote the following letter to the Governor: Miamie landing 16th October 78 Sir At eight oClock last night Messers. St. Marrie and FouchieS4Arrived here in four days from the Wia and met the four men I ordered to go there, who returnd with them. They Say much the Same as the Packan that there wase only twenty five Virginians, and about as manney French Voluntires. They are all gon down the Stream. But not before they Pack up two or three old Kettles andSPotts,a few Peuter Plates and an old Ax the Property of Mr. Seloron. All the People there took the Oath of Neuterality, which they Say they wase oblig'd to do. The rain and Snow Yesterday put a Stop to our worke. Nothing carried over Yet But Shall begin to day. I have the honor to be Sir Your most Huble Servt. Normd MacLeod After I closed the above I wrote one to Mrs. MacLeod, one to Mr. Mucnamara & an other to Mr. Macpher~on,~~

54. Probably Foucher, a Canadian trader who joined the expedition. 55. Macnamara and Macpherson were Detroit business- men; MacLeod later refers to Macnamara as his partner. 147 16 October 1778

on which Mr. Gaffie went to the Town with those that was going to Detroit and Part of them that wase to Stay in Order to draw their Provisions from Mr. Loran. After Mr. Gaffie took down all there Names that wase going home, the Number of Kettles, Axes, bags, Perogues, etc. I wrot as follows under there names: As it is not necessary to keep these men longer they have my leave to depart taking along with them four Good Perogues I saw in the River on my way up here. And when they meet Governor Hamilton to Present him this with a letter. Normd MacLeod Miami landing 16th Octr. 78 Before this was all don a Number of Indians men and Women Arrived with I Supose fifty horses in Order to Carrie things across. I told them they Could not get flour unless they Put the bags in there Blanketts as the Bags wase Rotten with the rain. Several of them did this and others took Ferkins,

16 16 October 1778

Kegs and Bales. We loaded forty of there horses in this manner and I mead Young Schefflen make Bons [boats?] for every two Pices [pieces] and ordered Lt. de Kent to receive them the other Side. Mr. Gaffie Returnd at four oClock and told me that a Perogue had gon a drift from the Town last night and that he had Commanded the men going to Detroit to Pick it up and take it along with them- The Carts Returned at Six oclock. I ordered them to unyoake and keep Centrys a round the Cattle all night, the rest to encamp with us. Mr. Ainslie and his four men Spent this day in Grinding there Axes and Preparing tim -ber for Trucks and long Waggons- Only Six men on Guard this night- C:S: England.

16 17 October 1778

Camp at Miamie Landing 17th Octr. 78 At Sunrise the People that drove the Carts went to look for thier horses which wase all found but Mr. Wiggins. At half Past Seven Nine Carts wase Loaded and Sent off. Some time after Mr. Wiggins Arrived with his horse, But as he could not get an other to yoke with him went home. There was only here to be found three of the Detroit horses one of which cou'd not draw, the other two lame. At ten oClock Mr. Gowen Arrived from his house. I asked him Where all the Horses wase. That out of thirty five horses we had only eighteen employed. He Said the Detroit horses was good for nothing, Lame and Poor and not able to worke. I told him that he never had Assembled all together to

50 17 October 1778 make any trial of them. Notwithstanding I gave him as manny men as he wanted Since my arrival, and that I could not help thinking But more could be don then there wase. And that I wase Sure four of the Perogues might be at the other Side this night if things had been Properly Managed. He answerd that every truck required Six horses. I answerd there was eighteen with the Carts and 12 for the two Trucks wase no more than thirty and that I allowed five to be Sick and Lame. He then told me that Bobean had Lent two of the Kings horses to the Indians to go a Hunting. On this information I ordered Mr. Gaffie with three men to go immedately to the Town and tell Bobean from me to deliver him the Kings horses and that I thought it would be much more Prudent of Mr. Bobean to give his own horses to forward the Service then tacke any from it, that he ought to have given a good Example to all the People in the Place. But

17 17 October 1778

in Stead doing that I Saw he hinderd the Service, that he knew Messers. Wiggans, Cotrell and La Fontain had but one horse each and that they came in person to worke them. Mr. Gowen went away at the Same time with Mr. Gaffie. But what he is going to do I cannot Say, but that I am Sure he is Very Neglectful1 of the worke of the Carrying Place. The loading of the Nine Carts Consisted of the following Articles, vidz: 7600 lb. Flour, 4 Bales, 11% Barrels Pork, 1 Firkin Butter and 9 Bear Skins, 4 oil Cloths. Deliverd Mr. Loran 15 Boards to make tables for the Bakers. I had Messers. Loran, Gowen and Wiggans to examine four Perogues I ordered to be taken from the Town, one the Property of Mr. Cotrell at one hundred & eighty livers, one Mr. Loran two hundred & fifty one, St. Marrie 270 lb. one Mr. LorimeS6. . . 270 lb. I was informd this day that there wase two or three horses in the Town Unemploy'd besides Bobians. Upon which I gave the following order to Mr. Gowen to take them:

56. Peter Lorimier, or Laramie, a British agent who had a post near the portage between the Great Miami and the Saint Mary's rivers.

52 17 October 1778

Sir Camp at Miamie Landing 17th Octr. 78 You will take all the horses you can find belonging to the Inhabitants for his Majestys Service, The two employ'd for the use of the Bakers excepted. And keep an Accompt of everyday they worke- I am Sir Normd MacLeod To Mr Nicolas Gowin: The nine Carts returnd from the other Side at half Past two. I disired them to unyoke and let the horses feed a little while they were Eating thier dinners And afterwards get the two trucks and load them with two Perogues to be ready to morrow morning. One Centry at our Camp this night. C:S: Delgarnoc. There was 9 horses of Mr. Gowins employd Yester -day and 8 this day-at aBU Seven in the afternoon I received the following Note from Mr. Baubin: Mr. Normand MacLeod Sir I have the honor to let you know that I have

17 17-18 October 1778

Sent every horse that can draw to the Portage. There is a few remaining. I Shall Send to look for them to morrow morning and Send them to the Portage. I have the honor to be Sir Your Huble Servt. Ch: Baubin

818th

At Seven this morning I sent off two Trucks with two Perogues. Messers. Gowen, Cotrell, Wiggens and La Fontain Arrived from the Town. Cotrell and Wiggens tooke a load each in there Carts Consisting as follows: 3 Bags Flour, 13% Barles Pork, 2 Bales, 1 Box and three Small Kegs Nails, 2 whipe Saws & 2 oil Cloths. At eight finished a New Truck and Sent off another Perogues. At nine oClock Sent Mr. Gaffie to the Town with 4 men and an Order to Bring Nine Bushels Indian Corn for the Use of the Kings draught Horses and 12 Pound of Butter to Grease the Cart and Trucks with.

1778 18 October 1778

Ordered Mr. Gowen with five men to go and Repair the Road & Bridges. Mr. Gowen Employd 8 of his horses this day, and one of Baubins which I Intend keeping in Service The Same number of days as the Indians keepd the two horses he lent them of the King- At half Past one finish'd a Truck and Pass'd an other Perogue. La Fontain wint with this. As there is five horses in every Truck I send two men with each. At half Past four the Three Trucks retu[rnl -ed together. I thought to have mead two trips with the two Sent first But they were Deter- -mined to make but the one and therfore Stayd Latur than usual. Mr. Cotrell broke Exe[l] -tree [axletree] of his Cart above three miles from th[is]. Came back and got an other and Unloaded at the other Side and was here as Soon as them that went off at Seven in the Morning. The fourth Truck came back at Seven oclock. We had a horse of Morten's employd this day [this line stroked out in manuscript]

1778 18 October 1778

The man I Sent the 14th to St. Josephs Arrived this Evening and brought me a letter from Mr. Shevallier the Contents of which is as follows: St. Josephs 16th Octr. 78 The Guard as Yus. tonight. C:S: Masonvill. Sir Manney reasons wou'd engage one to come According to your Polite invitation in So much as to have the honor to Speake to his Exelencey the Governor, And to answer Verbatimly Your Obliging letter. Should 1 go that Jaunt it wou'd be more Service to myself than to the Government. I Prefer the Interest of the State to my own Property. I want to Reconcill myself in the Confidinse of the Governor But the Venom'd and Perjured Tongue has ende- -vowed to lessen me in his esteem. I will hower [however] endevour to gaine his Confidence more By my beheavour than I could by Speaking to him. And if I thought it was Very Necess -ary to Stay and Guard this Post I would. I am transport [sic] myself to where you are and

18 18 October 1778

Not withstanding that I am but a Single Person here I can be informed of every thing and then informe others. If the Governor Should think it Necessary that I Should abandon this Place for a few days, I am ready to Condesend to go. I had the honor of Receiving a letter from him and had the Pleasure of answering it by the Same Chief that brought me his and in whome he Places Confidences. To answer your intent I will tell you that two Indians Sent by the Governor has gon to discharge themselves of their Embassy in a worthy manner, tho almost with out any Effect, as there is but Six determin'd to Join you. In [illegzble] truth abut them that harkens to what there Father or I say. They Arrived here when the others wase gon to there Wintering Ground. There fear of the Rebells mead them departe Very Precipitantly. There Terror is in Comon with the Traders of the Post who ran into the land to Secure there Inter- -est and of course deserted the Service.

18 18-1 9 October 1778

By my Instigation the Cutt nose is gon amongest them to rise a Party, but Cannot Promise he will be Succe- -ssfulle. Nothing Certen concerning the establishment of Rebells at Manijnoc, based near Shicagoe. I had the same report from Some of the Savages. And I will endevour to come at the truth and aquaint you theroff. They have assured me there was Some at ope [aupost?] Fort. The Ball you are Preparing for the Rebells fills me with Satisfaction. But would be more So if I was Present at the Dance. Permitt me at lest to wish Conservation for his Majestys Loyal Subjects- and in Particular for him who I have the honor to be his Most Obdient Humble Servt. Lewis Shevallie-

18-1

At Seven this morning Sent off 5 Perogues with whome went Messers. Wiggens, Cottrell & La Fontain with a Horse each. I ordered Mr.Gowen to go along with the Trucks this day in order to make two Trips which the first two might have don Yesterday. And one St.Marrie being the cause of that Neglect loses his pay for that day.

18-1 19 October 1778

Mr. Gowen has only 6 horses employd this morning & Baubian one. At half Past Twelve the first two Trucks that went over this morning arrived, Gave a little feed to there horses and Sett off again- Two of the Kings horses being tired wase Replaced by two of Mr. Gowens. At one oClock I received the following Billet from Mr. Baubin. Sir if you had any thing to Say to the Shawanoes that arrived Yesterday I will bring them into the Fort that you may Speak to them & it Seems they came to see the nation here and to here what wase to be Said to them from the Governor. I belived they intended to go away Soon. I am Sir C: Baubin To which I Sent the following Answer: Sir Camp at Miamie landing 19th Octr. 78 As I have nothing Particular to tell them I have two Reasons to Prevent me from Seing them. The first is that I have no Instructions Concern- -ing the Indians and my next that I have noth- -ing to give them. But I hope You will aquaint

59 19 October 1778

that the Governor is daily Expected and that Captain Maghie is gon to Assemble their Nation and let them know the Governors intentions and Sentiments. I am Sir Your Huble Servt. Normd MacLeod To Mr. Baubin This morning Sent to bring two Perogues from the Town one belonging to Mr. Adhimer57200 lb. and the other to Property of Mr. [blank space] Vallued at 100 lb. In Place of geting ten Perogues over this day as I expected I only got nine owing to the misman- -agement and Negligence of Mr. Gowen. For had he Atended the Busness of the Carying Place Properly all our Perogues would have been over this day. But as he is not ac[cu]stomed to obey orders or execute any Busness briskly we have Six Yet to Pass over. Three of our Trucks arrived at Six oClock the other two Stayd at the other Side. Guard as last night. C:S: Grant.

57. St. Martin Adhemar, one of the commissaries for the Indians.

60 20 October 1778

October 20th 78- Some of our horses and Part of the harnish being left at the other Side yesterday through Neglect and Laisiness of the Carters, and carelesness of Mr. Gowen, obligd me to Send Mr. De Kaint the following note- Camp at Miamie landing 20th Octr. 78 Sir As I Plainly See the People are Negligent in Carrying on the Service by leaving Part of their Horses and harnish at your Side You are Orderd not to Permitt any Such thing for the future- To I am Sir Your Huble Servt. Lieut. De Kaint Normd MacLeod Finding I could not get my Boat over this morning owing Chiefly to Part of the mess being left the other Side Yesterday and likewise breaking Two Trucks I Sent over my little Bagage with Messrs. Gaffie and Shefflins, with a Keg of Ball I took from Rush de baut belonging to Mr. Adhemar. At three oClock the Truck first Sent off this morning arrived & Sent it off directly again with my Boat, which is the last of my escor[tl.

61 20-21 October 1778

The Carts and Trucks Arrived here from the other side Before Sun Sett except the last which Carried the Boat. I was obliged to make Ainslie leave his worke this Day and Send him with five men to repair the road. Not with Standing Lieut. de Kaint and Party had orders to repaire it the 16th when he went to the other Side and Mr. Gowen with five men the 18th. But both Indolent and thought nothing of the worke they were Sent about-TheG 5IF Guard as usual. C:S: Burnett.

221th

This morning Sent Mr. Gaffie to the town to draw Provisions for Forty seven men, officers and Volunteers included. I Order'd Mr.Gaffie to deliver Mr. Lorain a Perogue of his that wase taken here the Seventeeth and Vallued at 250 lb. But on Mr. Gowen aquainting me that it wase tou wake and Could not be Carried over I orderd it to be returnd him. Left eight men with Mr. Gowen two of which is Voluntiers, gave leave to Montrea to go to the Town as he cutt his foot Yester day which rendered him uncapable of working. Ainslie and Bogard making long wagons. Deneson left with them to make Trucks. Eight Detroit men to Cutt wood

2621 22-23 October I778

[There is no headzng for 22 October in the manuscript.] Arrived here with one Indian woman & four horses from the River angie. He has been at the Wia Since Foushic & St. Marrie Came away. He Confirms what they Said in regard to the number of the Virginians. But Says they had Spaniards as well as french Amongest them. At Seven orderd two Centrys & to be relived every two hours till day light- C:S: Bitton.- 22-23 About Seven oClock Mr. Dubois loaded his four horses But befor his departure he bought Lieut. de Kaints horse for one hundred & fifty Pounds Tobacco Payable nixt Spring at the Miamie town. After he had finished this bargin, he asked if I had any Commands for him I disired him if incase he Saw the Governor give him my Compliments. He Answered, and Said he came Purposely to See him and to go along with. On which he wishd me a good morning and Sett off. Immediately after his departure Sent young M~ran~~to Town to know the Reason whey the five Voluntiers did not come yesterday according to my order to Mr Bauben and he telling me in his own house that he Sent them yester day morning before my arrival there.

58. A member of the Charles Moran family of Detroit 22-23 23 October 1 778

At four oClock Morran Returnd and brought me the following letter From Mr. Baubin: Miamie 23th Octr. 78 Sir You shall know that the five Voluntiers that wase to go to the other Side the Carrying Place is Deserted. After inquring of every Person what Road they went a Woman told me She Saw them at ten oClock yesterday morning on the Shawanoe Road. I order'd Mr. Bourbon St. Marrie to carry you my Report and he Sent to tell me that he wase not made for that use and that I might Carry it myself. And that is the reason you had not Word Sooner. I wait your Order on that Subject- I am with all Possible Attentin Your most Huble Servt. C: Baubin On Receiving this I Sent a man with the following Answer-CampSoonner- at the Little River 23d Octr. 78- Sir I am very much Surprisd you did not employ Indians to go immediattly after the Diserters, or at lest aquaint me Soonner-

64 23 -24 October 1 778

But as I expect the Governor is arrived before this reaches you, I hope you will aquaint him there with. But incase he Should not be arrived You will write him Immediately. And at the Same time get aparty of Indians to go after them with orders to take them Dead or alive. I am Confiden[t] the Governor will be well Pleas'd if they are taken and So will he Who is, Sir your Very Huble Servt. To Mr. Baubin Normd MacLeod At six oClock mounted a guard of Six men, two Centrys during the night. C:S: Abbott.

2thh

At Seven oClock this morning I sent Messers. Gaffie and Shefflen with two men to draw Provisions for fortyone men differently employd. 1 desird him to wait on the Governor if he wase Arrived and ask him how manney days he Should dra[w] 24t for and make him a Report of our number, & how they were Employ it [employed]. He came bake at Six and told me the Governor wase arrived. And he Desird him to draw for as manney days as he Pleasd-

23 24-25 October 1778

at the Same time Saying he would See me to morrow. Young Shefflin Stayd with the Governor. CS: this night Hay. The Guard as usual. Received two letters from Mrs. MacLeod one 4th the other dated the 15th-

2425

At nine oClock this morning I left the Camp at Little River in order to go and See the Governor, and make him a Report of all my Transactions Since my departure from Detroit. And having no written order from him when I came away I was afraid that a blind Zeal for the Service might Perhaps induce me to do things wrong. When I cam to the eight men I left Cutting wood the 21th I found they had about one & a half Chord cutt on which I told them that I would aquaint the Governor of their behavour and hoped he would Punish them for their Idleness. On my Arrival at the Town the Governor 8s Messrs. Hay, Davernett and Doctor M~Beath~~was at the Packans house and on my entering he received me

59. Lt. Henry Du Vernet, a Regular Army officer of the King's Regiment; Surgeon McBeth, the expedition's medical officer. 66 25-26 October 1778

Very kindly and was obliging enough to thank me for my Beheavour Since my departure from Detroit.- On which I told him if I had the good luck to have don my Duty So as to Please him I was myself Very Satisfyd- After which he and major Hay askd me to dinner. I Stayd all night in his Camp and Sleepd with Capt. Masonvill. He was Captain of the Day and went three Rounds during the night. Lieut. ShabearG0who sleepd with us went this day on Visiting Round at four oclock.

26th I left the Camp at eight this morning and took two men of Captain Masonvills Company with me to Carry four Spades to the end of the Portage when I dismissed them, and Order'd a Serjeant of Lieut San- -combs6' Detachment to take Six of the wood Cutters with two Spades, two Axes and go and repair the road. I then marchd on and arrived at my Camp at the Little River62 at one oClock. The Guard this night as usual, two Centrys. C:S: take care- Ainslie, Bogard & Dennison arrived here at Six to repare the Perogues.

60. Lt. Fran~oisJoncaire Chabert, Detroit Volunteer 62. Petite Rivii.re, also known as the Little Wabash Militia. Also Shabert. River, is located at the far terminus of the portage and 61. Lt. Pierre St. Cosrne, Detroit Volunteer Militia. Also is a tributary of the Wabash River. st. come. 177867 27 October 1778

27

I Sent Lieut. de Kaint and four men in a Perogue at Seven oClock this morning to Cutt the branches on Each Side the River, and fallen trees or logs if there be any in Order to have the Boats Pass with more eas[e]. I Likewise Sent Mr. Gaffie with two men to Town to draw Provisions which Comences to morrow- At Twelve oClock Seing no Boats Arrive from the other Side I wrote the following letter to major Hay- Sir Camp at little River 27th Octr. 78 You'll Please to remember that 1 told you, that I thought it Necessary to have an Active officer at the landing to See that Mr. Gowin did his duty. He had twenty three Horses and Six Oxen idle yesterday with whome he might have Pass'd five Boats. What he intends doing this day I cannot Say. I left Lieut. St. Come and Party there to guard the Stores and Boats, with Orders to Join me the moment an other officer arrive[s] from your Camp. I have Sent Lieut. de Kaint this Morning to Clear the little River. And St. Come gos to Morrow if he Arrives this night-BogardMorrow tells me that you have a young man who has been in Mr.McCregorsMr.McCregors

27 27 October 1778

Vessell, that he is a good Caulker. I wish you wou'd send him to assist here1am Sir Your most Huble Servt. To Major Hay Normd MacLeod At three oClock I recceved the following letter from Mr. Adhmar: Sir By order of Major Hay I Send you a Pair of Oxen to be Distributed amongest your men in Place of Pork when their Provisions becomes due- I wish you Good health and to Mr. Gaffie I am Sir Your Huble Servt. Adhemar St. Martin Immediately after I wrote Lieut. Devernett the following Letter: Camp at Little River 27th Octr. 78 Sir Permitt me to give you a hint, that I think it is Necessary to keep a tight hand over Mr. Gowen. I expected he would have Passed three Boats Yesterday and three this day having no less than thirty five, or thirty six horses to worke. But he has Employ'd no more than twelve. Till your Arrival I would be glad you woud Spare Lieut. St. Come & Party as I have but ten men here, and I want to send

27 27-28 October 1778

him with Some men to Cleare the little River and the Covert way. Major Hay Send me a Pair of Oxen and Adhemar Says in his letter that they are to be given to the People I had here and your end of the Portage. I woud be glad to know from you if a Pice of Beef woud be ofensive at twelve or one oClock to Morrow. You have Six trucks and two long waggons and I imagm you can Send eight Boats over to morrow. I am with Complimints to C: Lieut. Schuffelen Sir Your most Huble Servt. Lieut. Devernett Normd MacLeod

228th

Gave leave to Lieut. de Kaint to go to Town to see his Brothers. Messers. Shufflin and Gaffie went along with him. Killd an ox this Morning & Issued three Days Provisions to thirty Seven men. The Detachment Lieut. St. Come March here at 12 oClock are incluedd. I Recieved the following Billet from Major Hay: Dear Sir Captn. Masonville leaves this in an Hour hence for the Carrying Place who I hope will forward things Very Differently from what they have been. I am Your Huble Servt. Jehu Hay

870 28 October 1778

About two oClock I received an other from Lieut. Divernet- Camp au Pied Froide Octr. 2G78 By favor of Mr. St. Come I am to acknowledge Your Favor, I am much obligd to you for the relative to Gowen and will take the Precautions Necessary. Captain Masonville I expect this day, & my Stay I am in hopes will not be many Hours more-So 4Pt that the Beef you mention will hardly be worth while to Send, as we Shall Join you Soon I am Sir with Mr. Schuffelins Compliments- Your most Huble Servt. Henry Du Vernet P.S. I have orderd one of my men to make all repaires Possible to Mr. Gowins Carts and intend leaving him on this Side to follow his Direction- Being reinforced with St. Come and party mountd a guard of an Serjeant, one Corporal & nine men. C:S: Montreal. At half Past Six Lieut. Duvernet and Schuffelen Arri- ved with their Detachments And mountd a Guard Each of one Corporal and Six men. I gave them the Counter sign and orderd thier men to Camp on the Left of ours-

71 29 October 1778

29th

Sent Lieut. St. Come with five men in a Perogue down the Little River with Bilhooks, Axes & Spades for two days to Cutt the branges [branches] and trees, Such as might Stope the Boats on our away down- At one oClock the Governor arrived, at three he ordred Lieuts. Duvernet and Shuffelin with thirty two men to take the Artillery Stores and as much Proviss -ions as would load Seven Perogues and Proceed to the Wabash and there Encamp till further orders or till he himself arrived there. He went himself in a light Perogue to See of there was Water Enough for the Gun Boat. Before he Embarkd I askd him the Counter Sign for the night which is Beaufort. The Loading was Comple- -ated and Sett off at four oclock. The Loading Consisted of the Following articles, viz. 200 Flour, 16 B: Pork, 18 Ferkins Butter, with orders to Join Leut. St. Come at the Camin Couvert & Make the best of his way to the Fork of the A~abashe.~~there to remain to further Orders.

-- 63. The Wabash River. Also Owabachie.

72 30 October-1 November 1778

Order, Octr. 30th 78 Watchword Philadelphia Lieut. De Quandre to Proceed directly with 7 Perogues loaded with 145 lb. Flour and 16 Barrels Pease and join Lieut. Du- -Vernet. Taking 1 Serjeant and 14 men with him- -Orders Octr. 3 1th Watchword: Egmont Orders November 1st 78 Watchword Sterling The detachment of the Kings Regiment to be in readyness to Embark in an hour hence which time as allowed to Cook the Kettles. The Ottawas and Chippoweys will be warned for the Same time. Any person Sent down the Petite Riviere by Major Hay will be Challenged by the out Sentries and must be furnishd with a counter sign agreed upon by the Lt. Governor and Major Hay before the detachment leaves the Beaver Dame [dam]- when the Miamis with the last boats are past the beaver Dame, the Officer who commands will tak Particular care to keep the boats together that in case any Accident they may assist each other. The boats painters are Strong enough to remove any logs that may lye across the river.

73 1 November 1778

Received these orders at ten and at 12 Embarkd. The Governor, myself, Messers. Belfrey, Gaffie young- Shuffelin, 2 Serjeants and the detachment of the Kings Consisting 24 Private with Six of the Detroit Voluntiers. Major Hay came along with us to the Beaver dame 3 miles from our Camp. The night the Governor had been here he damed upe the water and left one Serjeant and three men to guard it with one Boat and one Perogue both loaded. Upon our arrival there the dame was let open and we went through. Major Hay Stayd ther to See it made up again and we proceeded through the Camain Couvert, a nerrow little gut full of willows almost meeting over your head and scarce the length of a boat without a Point which makes it very Serpintain. After geting through you get into a quagmire wher you can Scarce observe anything of a River and the Stream barly Percievable. About Sun Sett we encamped 6 miles below the Cumen Couvert laying our Boats a cross a River to rise the water-

74 2 -5 November 1 7 78

2d Octr. [sic.] 78 As the dame keepd the water up we could get any farther the Indians having an intention to go by land to the Little Owabashe or opeid R~ches.~~the Governor Orderd a Corporal and 5 men of the Kings to embark in their boat with orders to cutt all the trees and logs in the river or about that would obstruck the boats on there way down and after they had don to Put themselves Under the Comma- -nd of Lieut. Du Vernet. After they were gon all the men off Guard was employd in Daming up the River to have the Greater quainted [quantity] of water when Major Hay opened his above and come down: C:S: this night Amherst. Orders November 3d Watchword Awabache All this day was employd in making the dame. The Guard as usual. Major Hay arrived with the last division. November 4 Watchword Bergoyen This morning Major Hay with Captain Masonvill and Twenty men went to the River Langloy in order to make a dame there. And as ours was finished the men had leave to Rest themselves. November 5th Watchword Howe This morning at Seven oClock we began to open our dam and at nine got all the Boats through when we embarkd and arrived at the River Langloy at three where we found

64. Little Owabashe is the Little Wabash River, but the identity of opeid Roches is uncertain. It may be Petit Rocher, a rocky point in the vicinity of Rocher de Bout. 75 5-9 November 1778

Major Hay and Party had made a dame which reased the Water Six feet here. We Encamped with him all night- this is the day the above happened. November 6th Watchword Carleton November 7th Watchword Boulogne This morning embarkd at Seven and arrived at Twelve oclock, made a little halt then Proceeded and enterd the Shallow Country where the water was Very Shallow and the River full of large Stons and Rocks. Every man was in the water draging till Seven in the evening whene we was obligd to Encamp, hardly two Boats together and the men so fatigued that they were Scarce able to mount guard- November 8th Watchword Danvers This morning we began to drag the Boats after taking half the loading out and with dificulty arrived at the Petite Roche at ten tho not above a mile from us in the Morning whene we Sett off. Captain Lamotheti5with about Twelve Boats Could not get forward till every ounce of the loading was taken out. After this was don we Encamped. 778 Order Camp below the Forks of the Owabash, Wd. O~iat.'~ Eight Perogues with 90 men to go up to the Petit Roche tomorrow to bring down Provisions. Three Subalterns for this Duty

65. Capt. William La Mothe of the Indian Dept. and the in the campaign. 76 militia. He led a large contingent of English and French 66. Possibly Great Ouiat, another name for Ouiatenon. 9-1 1 November I778 the Batteaus to be hauld up that the carpenters may set about their repair immediately- Order November 10th Watchword George Three Perogues to be Sent off to morrow morning early to bring down the rernander of the Provisions from the Petit Roches. Order November 11 th Watchword Charlotte All the Powder and the ball Catridges which the Several divisions may have in Store to be given in charge of the Artillery Directly. Should to morrow Prove fair each division will fire 3 rounds Per man at a mark Set on the opposite Shore for each division. The Officers will attend and direct the immidi- -ate repair of any of the Arms which may be found out of order. After the Camp is changed this day any damaged cartredges to be given in to the Artillery and the men to be compleated with fresh ones. The officers to assemble for the future at 3 in the afternoon at Major Hays tent to recive the orders. Those of the Indian department will attend at the Same time.

I77 13 -1 4 November 1 778

November 13th

We continued repairing the Boats and Perogues till this afternoon. The 19 horses that came from the Miamis, the eight was employed in carrying Flour to the Le Rapanehia to make the Boats go light as the water is Very Shallow on this Side, the distance being for [four] Leagues. At four in the afternoo[n] received orders to have every thing in readiness to Embark early in the morning.

Novr. the 14th

Embarked at twelve oClock in the following order, Governor in the front followed by the first division of the Voluntiers Commanded by Captain Lamothe, Next Captain Masonvill and Company. Serjeant Parkison and the first division of the Kings Regt. followed by Lieut. Duvernett with the Gun Boat and two Perogues of Artillery Stores Serjt. Chapman and the Second division of the Kings, after which I followed with my Company. And Lieut. Shuffelin with the Second division of Voluntiers Composed the Rear Guard. And major Hay took his Station in the Rear of this Division-

13 14-1 5 November 1778

The Rifts having Very little water in them we was obligd to drag and the Gun Boat being much heaveyer than any of the other Boats Ocationd the men belon- -ing to it, to be almost continually in the water which was Very cold acompanied with a hard northwestwind obliged the men to make many halts in order to warme them. This Ocation'd a long rear. And After going about four miles encampd. We had about half the Troops with us. And the other half that went forward encamped in three differant Camps or bodys.

115th

Embark early in the Morning and Arrived at the Governors camp at Lerabpan~her.~'About two in the afternoo[n] we encamped with him and those that came along with him. And Orders was given to have Such of the Boats as was two Leaky to be immediately Repaird. Watch word this night St. Thomas--

67. L'irable penchie, the sloping maple, a landmark below the forks of the Wabash River.

79 16-18 November 1778

November the 16th

At day light Mr. Francios Masonvill as Boat Mr. [master] Visited all the Boats and Perogues and regulated the Loading. Acordingly we had an adition of 14000 lb. of Flour to take in here that the horses took or carryd from the forks of the Owabachie. We had very little Draging this day. Encamped three miles below the River Sal~monie~~ 17th Embarked at day break in the usual order and Encamped about four oClock three miles above the River Massi~nnisie.~~Very Strong rapeds this two day and the Boats much in danger of being Broken-

1 Embarked at daylight in the usual order. At three in the afternoon we met three Potawatamis from the Village of River Angie with whome we made a little halt. The Governor Sent Messers. Elliot and Lacel170 along with them to acquaint

68. The first important tributary below the forks of the 70. Matthew Elliott was one of the principal intermedi- Wabash River. aries between Hamilton and the pro-British Indian 69. The Mississinewa River, a tributary of the Wabash leaders. Lacell is probably Nicholas Lasselle, storekeeper 80 located below the forks. for Hamilton's militia. 18-1 9 November 1778 the Chiefs of the Villiage to come and Speak with him to morrow at Arbere Mallachi, Affter they departed we Proceeded our Rout. And Arrived at the Foot of the Raped de Calumet71 at five oClock where we Encamped.

19th

At nine oClock this morning the Indians from the Village arrived Consisting of Potawatamis, Miamis and KecabuseT2about forty in number and one Mr. Du bois at their head. They formed on the tope of the hill above our camp and Saluted in their usual manner. Our Troops was under arms and their Silute was Answered by three Guns. After this the Troops was ordered to fire three rounds each man at Targets in Presence of the Indians. And the Indians was Very will Pleasd at their Performance. At the Same time Mr. Duvernett fired three round Shott at a mark & one Canister, which Pleasd the Indians mightily.

71. Part of the Calumet River which drains from an area south of Chicago. 72. Kickapoo Indians, spelled Quiquaboes by the French. 778 19 Nouember 1778

This being over they were Saluted by Shaking of hands which being don a Councell was formd, with all the officers Present and the Chiefs belonging to the differe- -nt nations that is along with us. The governor told them that he was glad to See Such a fine day for them to met and give their hand to their Strong Bretheren. He then adressed himself to those from the Village and Said that he told them last year at Detroit whenever the Enemy of the King entered their ground that he would com and assist them and drive the enemy out of their Country, that he now heard the Rebells had Come into their Country So fare a[s] Owia, And accord- ing to his Promis he was come with those of his Child -ren now Present and was determined to open the [way] for them through the whole Country and that he Expected they would help to do it themselves- To which they answered that they were more ignorant than their Bretherin that was along with ther father,

1778 19 November 1778

[thlat he was Senceable him self and made them So, for there Part they lived remote in the woods and had fewe white- men comming amongest them to learn them anything. They said that the English, French and Spainards was all Senceable- But that the long knives were fools. But however they did not come in order to go to war but in a friendly manner to com and See him and his men, and that after he would open the road they would follow him. The Governor then got up and Said he did not come to Stell [steal] their young men But Such of them as he gave the Ax to last year to return it of [if] they did not chouse to follow him, that he had men enough to Clear the count- -ry of the Rebells now along with him, that the Stream was now in his favour and he would clear the road by Land. On which he wished them a good day & departed. Some time after this 22 of them came and got there Equipment and encamped with us in order to go a long with-

1778 20-21 November 1778

November 20th 78

At nine oClock a Councell with all the Cheifs and those from the Village Angie Present. And on hearing the Governor Speak in much the Same manner as Yesterday and lik -wise being afraid of the Ottawas they Said the Chief that Spock Yesterday had Said every thing without consulting them. And that both he and them now Saw that he Spoke Wrong but their eyes were now oppend and they would act with the rest of their Bretherin and ende- -vow as much as any of them to keep the rebells out of their Country- Major Hay and Captain Maghie went to the Village and on their Arrival and giving Such an agreeable account of it the Governor went a little after their arrival by which we had a resting day-

21th

Embarked this morning at 8 oClock in our usual way But the water being so Very low and full of Rocks & Large Stons that with dificulty one half of our army arrived at 4 oClock within a mile of the Great rapid. The Govr. and Captain Lamothes division got as fare as the foot of the Rapid. But Masonvills Company and Part of the 8th was obligd to leave their Boats & Perogues almost in 84 21 -24 November 1 778 the middle of the River, bring there Necessaryes on Shore and encamp at a Great distance from them. My company Being near the rear of the Army was at the distance of a mile from the Rapid where we Encamped by the direction of Major Hay-All We the Indians Boats and Cannoes Being light went on to the Governors camp at the foot of the Rapid. The greatest Part of the Indians went by land in order to hunt for themselves and those that went by water. 22d We embarked at eight oClock and with a great dalle of hard Labour arrived at the foot of the Rapid at two oClock- Some time after wards hauled up some Boats that was tou leakie and had them repaird- 22d This day we could not Proceed on our Voage till the Carpenters had finished the Boats and Perogues they had to repair- 22dI Embarked at 12 oClock the Sick only excepted who was ordered to go by land in order to lighten the Boats. Passed Some Rapids this day where the men was much Fatigued with draging, the water very cold and [ice?] cutting thier legs. About half amile of the 778 ed/PWFNCFS

River was entirely closed up by the ice and was obliged to cut our way through, But keepd us So late that it was dark night before we encamped about half amile above the Rapid of Petie r~che~~-

RUIof

We embarked this morning at eight oclock, Passed the Cut Island at 12 where the water was So Shallow that all hands was draging even Major Hay, which happened to be the Second time Since we left the Miamis. We encamped this Evening at 4 oClock nere the foot of the Cut Island Rapid and was Saluted on our landing by a few Miamis Indians, after which they waited on the Governor and three of their young men intends going along with us to morrow morning-

RUI

This morning embarked as usual at eight, met with Several Shoal and a Great dale of ice in So much that we had dificulty in landing when we wanted to make fires to warme the men. After Passing the Rapids at 4 oClock we encamped below Gorlick Island.74-

73. Rivikre de Petit Rocher, a tributary of the Wabash below the Eel River. 74. The Isle of Garlic (1'Isle a I'Ail), located four miles 86 from present-day Delphi, Indiana. 27 November 1778

1778

Embarked at eight as usual, met with Great fields of ice this day But Pretty good water. So that we made use of our Oars only in two Rapids where most of the men was obligd to drag especially those in Boats because they draw more water than the Perogues, besides this the channels in the River are as if cutt Purposely for no other , Craft than Perogues. We arrived at K [one or two words illegzble] at 4 oClock called [sic; camped?] 10 miles from we at on^.'^ Just as our tents were Pitched five Savages from that Plase Arrived in camp, who aquainted us that there was no less than 200 of their nation ready to Joins us the moment we arrived at the above Place. They further told us that the Rebels had abandoned Au Post. How true this is alittle more time will discover. But it agrees with my own opinion for I never once thought they would make a Stand either there or at the Illinois with So numbers especially on hearing that the Lieut. Govr. was comming who they know had all the Indians ready at [hils call-

75. A possible variant of Ouiatenon.

87 28 November 1 778

28th

We did not embark this morning be fore nine oClock because Major Hay with all the Indian Chiefs and interpreters went off before us to take Possion [possession] of the Fort of Owia. A Very od Circum -Stance that this Place has been twice taken in the Space of two months without the firing of a Gun-TheGovernor Governor halted at the Pans to Speak with some Wiatono Indians that was there at thier winter hunt. We all arrived nare the Fort about 4 oClock where we encamped. Alittle after the Camp was formed Mr. Chap~ton'~of Detroit arrived and waited on the Governor. But what Passed there on in the fort with major has not come to my knowledge. Everything Seems to be carried on with great Secrcay [secrecy] not with Standing that every Batteauman or ingatie [?I we meet is well aquainted with every Surcumstance Concerning the Rebels both at Au Post and Ilinois-

76. Jean Baptiste Chapoton, a Detroit trader who appar- ently also operated at Ouiatenon.

28 29-30 November 1778

129th

We had a rest day this day. The 6 pounder was fired at ten oClock to Salute the Indians. About that time Chapoton came to camp and waited on the Governor and the Governor Seemed to be very angry with him for going to the Ilinois because he had only liberty to go to aupost. If there was any thing els against him we did not know it and therfore was Sorry for his il tretment- Some of the officers and men having obtained leave to go to the Fort in order to buy some things was informed that major Hay had ordered them, the People there, the Preceeding day, not to Sell anything to either officer or Soldier, and besides Said he took an inventory of every Sort of goods. They had Liquor [use and dry goods; reading uncertain].

230th

This being St. Andrews day77I asked all the Officer to dinner. The Governor and Major Hay would not dine with us upon account of Chapoton being asked and in Company. All the Divisions fired at Targets Seperately this day and the Governor Seem'd to be very well Pleased at the airing.] At 4 in the Afternoon Some of the

77. Saint Andrew's Day is Scotland's national holiday

230 30 November-1 December 1778

Indians of this Place who had been a hunting and Sent for by the Governor Arrived and was Saluted with a gun. After dinner we Spen'd the day in Great Chearfullness and mirth-

December 1st 78

At ten oClock this Morning the Governor assembled the Owiatans Indian[s] And the Kicabuse together in Councell, where they own that he had given them the Ax at Detroit in behalf of their Great father the King, But that maters were not explained to them Properly by the Interpreters. They however owned that they did not act with that Spirit they ought to have don, on the Arrival of the Virginians And therfore returned the Ax to the Governor and begd him to Sharpend it for them. This Ceremony being over, Miti~agie'~Gave them two belts which he had received from the Six Nations, Desiring the Kicabus[e] and Owiatonos to Act like men for the General cause with the Rest of thier Breetheren and Strick hard with the Ax they had Recieved from thier father the King, and not Permitt any of his Rebelliou[s]

78. Methusaagai, A Chippewa chief.

  1 -2 December 1 778

Children Put a foot on their Lands. The Second Belt was from the Women of the Six Nations to the Kicabus and Wiatono women beg- -ing they would not be Idle But the one vey [vie] with the other in industry by riasing Plenty of corn whilst there husbands and Relations was at War- After the Counsel1 was over twenty two of the Wiatonos waited on the Governor to get their Cloathing and other Necessarys to go along with him, the Kicabus followed there example and ten of them entered the lists of warrior[s].

December 2d 78-

The Indians was to be Spoke with this day So that we could not think of going. Besides Egu~hewa'~and all the other Chiefs had a feast at which the Governor and most of all the officers wase Present. This ended at one oclock. The Divisions then fired at markers. The Governor was well Pleas'd at their firing. At three anoth -er Party of Indians [arrlived which I Supose will keep us here to morrow-

79. An Ottawa chief. Also Egccthewai and Agwhewai.

91 3 -4 December 1 778

November [sic] 3d 78-

There was nothing don this forenoon but Councelling with the Kicabuse- At two oClock Messers. Wiggins, Dawson, Thompson and Cottrell came in eight days from the Miamis. In Company with them came three of Captain Lamoths Company and one of mine that was left at the Miami, them of Lamoths from Detroit. They brought a Great many letters for different People in Camp. After thise four Gentlemen deliverd the letters they brought all to the Govr He Asked them what Company or division they would Chouse to Join, they told he that if he had no objections they would Join my Company. And they came immediately and aquainted me there with. I thankd them And I was certainly very happy in geting four Such men- 4th All this day was Spent waiting for an Indian Cheif called Croocked Legs and his band Consisting of thirty one men But they Arrived So late that the Governor had not time to Speak to them. We was therfore obligd to Stay one night more in our Disagreeable camp.

792 5 December 1778

November [sic] 5th 78--

This morning at half after Seven the Indians that arrived yesterday came to Camp. They are of the Oweaton tribe and had about 30 miles to com. This Chief had received a Flag from the Ribels. On Speaking to the Governor he Said that he had given his hand to the long knives and received that Flag from them But that he did not look upon them as their father nor in any other light than their being white men. However he was Very Sorry that he had Spocke to them and much more so for taking there Flag. But he was now ready to give it up to him whome he knew to be the right father and also to [be] Ready to go along with him with Seven of his People. After this was over And their Cloathing given them five Guns was Ordered to be fired. And tent to be Struck. Mr. Chapton was deliverd the Packet of letters for Detroit, and we Embarkd. [And enlcamped Nine Miles from Oweat-

93 6-7 December 1 778

6th decr.

This morning embarked as usual at Seven oClock and at four in the afternoon Arrived at the Rejoicing fields where we encampd. The Indians encampd Pretty near us this night for the first time.

decr. 7th

The embarkation this morning as usual. Drissling rain all this Morning. At one oClock Arrived at the River Vermilli~n,~~on the north Side of which Stands a Very Pretty Indian Village. But all the People belonging to it is at the Highlands at their winter hunting. Game of a1 Sorts is Very Plenty in this Country, the Deer in aboundance [illegzble] across the River, and Many large flocks of Turkeys and horn Pheasants. At three oClock we Arrived at our encamping Ground Six miles below the River Vermillion. The People was very wet at landing as it had raind most Part of the day, and Continued till 12 at night. The men lay very bad as the Ground was mudy & wet.

80. A tributary of the Wabash, Rowing from the north- west in the Kickapoo Indian area.

778 8 December 1778

8th It began to Snow at one oClock and at three began to Freese very hard. We were obligd to make fires in the Tents in order to thaw them before we embarked which was not be fore ten oclock. The Boats was ordered to be Six, five or four a breast According to the number in the division. The Chiefs of all the different nation[s] waited on the Governor and begd that he would only go only about Six or Seven miles before we would encamp. We accordingly encampd at [blank space]. The Indians after they encamped Prepared their Mediciens and at night began to dance, Sing and Conjure according to their custome. The Pottawatamis, Chippiwas, Miamis and Kikapuse is much noticed fore this custome. The Hurons and Shawanous does not give much Credit to thise Antiant [ancient] Ceremonys. Notwith Standing the others holds it in Great esteem, where they began to discover what thier manitousl had told them, the Chief Manitoe was a turtle, and it Seems Said that the Governor was to be killd and almost all the English. Isidore Shaneg2was to b[e taklen Prisoner and a few of the French kill'd- But [the Indians?] was not to Sufer much- [The last line is badly damaged.]

81. A manitou was a spirit or deity. 82. Probably Capt. Isidore Chesne of the Indian Dept., an interpreter for Hamilton.

1778 9 December 1778

[decr.] the 9th 78-

This morning at eight oClock embarked in the Same order as yester -day and Passed the little Vermillion R.83or as the Frenchmen call it the Yallow Vermillion about one oclock. As the Indians was firing at large flocks that was flying across the River, a ball Struck the Shawanou Cheif as he was Sitting in Captain Maghees Boat and Carryd away his Eye after which it went through the mans coat Sleeve that was Sitting nixt him and then Passed by Mr. Elliots Nose. The Doctor was immediately called to dress him- we came about 27 miles this day and encampd at [blank space].

9UI

The last night being very windy acompanyd some time with rain and Sometimes Snow Prevented our embarking till one oClocke- The Indian Cheifs came and Spoke to the Governor before we embarked, Said they were very Sorry for the Accident that happend to one of there Brothers yesterday, and that for the future they would not Permit any of [their] Young men to fire at any Game in the River. We came about 9 miles before we encampd. [Both entries on this page are clearly dated the ninth.]

83. The Little Vermillion River drains into the Wabash at a point south of the Vermillion River. 9  10-1 1 December 1778

lth

This morning embarkd at nine oClock and at 2 landed in order to refresh the men. But befor we had time to make fires two Indians came to camp. They were Something Surprisd to See So many boats and Perogues and I belive So many men. They Said their Cabines was a days march from the River. They could not give any account of the Rebels farther than that they heard they gave the Indians at the Ilinois and Auport as much Rum as they could drink. Talking to them two take up Some time, and therfor it was thought Necessary to order the People to encamp, clean their Arms and have them will flinted as was only 15 miles from the hight land the Place the Indian Congurers Said we was to be attack'd at-

1 lth

This morning the men was called under Arms to have their Arms examind and have the orders of the day read them. The orders was So far- Necessary and Good, that Part that related to the manner of the landing. But to order a Parcel1 of Millitia to Charge the Enemy with Indian knives in Place of Bay[onets in a] Country full of Brush and underwood,

1971 1 1 December 1 778

is to me Something %[range] from an Officer of Governor Hamiltons knowledge and experriance. After the order was read to the men and Grummets afixed to their Oars we embarkd. The Indians all Painted blak this morning as they made Sure of being attacked this day at the Highland, but on our Arrival their how Pleasd they Seemd to be when they found no Virginians there, a People they are much afraid of- Six miles below this we was Saluted by 30 Pesians who drew up on the Shore and fired Pretty regular and at intervals beating a Drum much like Military beatings. We all Put to Shore. The Governor landed and took them all by the hand. A little below this Mr. Gamlinss4 is close to the River bank. Major Hay land then and took Mr. Gamlin along with him in his boat, I Supose to give all the information he Could to the Governor. At four oClock we encamped 2 miles below Gamlins and a little after Gamblin Arrived with the 30 Indians that had Saluted us. After they were Seated the Chief began as

84. Lt. Medard Gamelin, Detroit Volunteer Militia. Also Gamblin.

1 1 11 December 1778

follows: Father I am Sorry you had So much truble to corn So fare for Seven men for ther is no more at the Auport. It is true Said he there was 20 Passd this [way] and was at oweat. We might have taken thim Presonor, I now wish we had. But as the father we had a little time at the auport left us and hering no news of his coming again made us think that things had not goon well with our Great father the King. The long knives made us a Great many fine Promisses and Said they would drive all the Kings troops and friends out of the Country and that if the Indians did not keep themselves quite they would drive them from off thier lands. Also that they expected a Great many Troops to follow them and that they would open the road to Detroit and every other Part of the Country. But I find Said he that they are lyers and cannot do any thing they Said, and therfor I and [am] ready to go along with you. And father you and I only are able to take the Aupost. The Governor Said he would answer them in the morning. Mr Gamlin was introduced to the Governor by Major Hay but he [Seemd to] recieve in very cooly and never askd him any questions.

99 11 December 1 778

But I am enformed [thalt he told Mr. Belfry that there were no more than Seven of the Virginian Rebels at Auport and fifty Frenchmen they enlisted there and Payd at the rate of eight Dollars Per month. They have three Enterpreters to whom they Pay three Dollars Per day. The whole of these Vagabonds are Commanded by one Captain Helm85and [an] old Pack horse man, he Speaks two or three Indian Languages well and is Cliver in his Speeches to them, in short he is Said to be Perfectly well aquainted with their Customs. His Lieut. one Williams86is Said to be a Gentiell Young man and an exelent mark sman. Mr. Gamlin Says that they had once an intention of attacking us at the highland, But lately Says that they have no Ocation to leave their Garrison to Come So fare to meet us, as he the Captain is Determind to ma[in]taine and keep his Garrison or lose his life. They have two Carriage Guns mounted and in Good Order. But Powder is Very Scarce with them for when 20 men came from the Ilinois to go and take Possion of the Owiat they could find no more than Seven Pounds even to buy at a very dear rate.

85. Capt. Leonard Helm of the American army. Also Helem. 86. Lt. William Williams of the American army.

7100 11 December 1778

They have two Flags, one hoisted, the other is carryd about wherever Captain Helm goes. He is much given to Liquor and is every 12 hours Drunk. He is Some times lockd out of his Gar,rison when he is tow late in town with Major la Gran8' or Some other of their officers. His men are as drunken as him and therfor lock him out. They mount no more than five men on Guard- He Pays his men and the merchants he buys any thing from with bills of Exchange on Colonel Clark at the Ilinois- And he Pays in the Same manner by drawing on an English mercht [merchant] at New Orleans. Mr. Gamlin was offered at Lieutcy. which he declind taking. He had a letter from thence ten days ago in which there is men- tion made of Some two or three Boats being expected there in a few days with Flour, Liquor and dry goods. I forgot to mention that the Youngest brother of the Fouches left the Oweat two days before we arrived there and came this way. He told Mr. Gamlin that the Governor had 500 Indians, 600 whitemen and 5 Pices of Canon along with him but that

87. Probably Maj. Le Gras of the Vincennes militia.

11018 11 -12 December 1778

he did not expect he would be able to come farther than the forks of the Owabash this winter as his Boats was all Frose up there in the Middle of the River. He had two horses with him when he arrived here but turnd them loose and Stayd here ten days to make himself a canoe in which he departed two days before our Arrival here. Mr. Gamlin Likewise informs us that the Peisans that Saluted us on our arrival had built a Fort of Picketts 15 feet high to defend themselves from the Chipiwas as they herd that there was no less than 1100 of them with the Govr. and they are Prodigiously afraid of them, but the reason I do not know-

81th

This morning the Guns was taken on Shore and fired as early as Possible and at nine oClock three Guns was fird to return the Indians Salute. Yesterday Provisions was Issued to 36 of them but they did not Say how many was to com along with us. All they Said was that they would be up with us. At half after ten we embark, and about one we Saw a Small Raft going a drift, on which orders was given to land immediately and form. The Indians Sent out a few Runners. They discoverd a few tracks

1102 12 December 1778

which they followed a consitherable distance, and on thier return at night they Said there was no more then three Persons, that they ran into the land towards the Plains and that they could not come up with them. The method we was formd in, on landing was as follows: the Indians on the left, Captain Lamoths Division nixt them facing to the Left outwards to cover the left Flank of the Company of Captain Masonvill, the Regulars and Duvernets Division of Artillery men. My Company was advanced 50 yds to the right of the Artillery Division facing to the right outwards, and Lieut. Shuffelins Division, I Supose as a Corps de reserve, a little in the Rear of the right. We remained in this Order a quarter of an hour And the Governor came along the line and Saw that the men was drawn up according to his orders. He then ordered three Sentrys in the front of every Division and rest to Ground thier Arms. Orderd the Boats and Perogues to be brought as closs together as Possible and to get the tents a Shore and encamp. The Guards and Piquitt as usual. We [went] 12 miles in this 2% hours.

1103 13 December 1778

decr. 13th

This morning the Indians wanted to go ahunting on which the Governor told them they might go as we was not to leave our encamp- ment this day. A little after this a young Ottawa calld Kissingua cam to the Governors tent and Said he would go befor us, that he was tyred of Staying along with us, that he wanted to eat Buffelow, and that he would take a prisoner or a Scalp befor we arrived, and Sais he I will go to my tent, Smoak one Pipe and Sett off. He did according to what he Said, took one of the Indian Canoes and went his way. But whither his Going will be hurtful1 to our enterprise or not we cannot Say befor our Arrival at Auport. It is Said by the Indian Officers that he went away very much displeasd because he was refused a little flour last night. When they were Victualled, the rest of his Companions made Choice of Corn and he wanted Some Flour along with the corn which major hay forbade Mr. Gaffie to give him. At one oClock 17 of the 36 Peseans that Saluted us the other day came to Camp in order to acompany us to the Auport. This was Perhaps the Govrs. reason for Staying here to day waiting for them.

7104 13 December 1778

Kissinguas8 the young Indian that left us this morning on returning from the Governors tent to that of Egushewas opend his Pack and took out all the Presents he had recieved, and Said as he was going away he would leave every thing the Great man had given him there, that he would take non of his Presents along with him. On which Egushewa & Mishamindawass told him if he was dissatisfyd with the Govrnor or with them, he might depart as Soon as he Pleasd and go and Join the Ribels, and aquaint them that they would Soon See them- At ten oClock young Der Kinder, young Cowisa and two Indians was ordered to embark on board of a Canoe and Proceed down them River till Sun Sett and then encamp at the Same time. Six Indian Runers was orderd on each Sid the River and Join Lieut. De Kinder, Encamp with him and Stay there till the Governor Arrived. Seeing the track of three men the other day and the raft gave room for Suspition that [some] of the Enemy was lurking about us,

88. Identified by Hamilton in his journal as a mixed Ottawa and Miami Indian in company with the Wea tribe. 89. Probably Chamintawa, like Egushewa an Ottawa chief.

1105 13 -1 4 December 1 778

and on that accou[nt I] presume Mr. DeKinder and Party was orderd ahead in order to make Some discoverys- At 4 oClock an Indian that was ahunting arrived in camp and Reported that he tracked 5 horses about 5 miles from camp, he Said they Seem to have ben on the Gallop and going towards Auport. This 1 gave Very little credit to because they had not time enough to Send any of their People So far up the river Since Young Fouchis Arrived amongest them as he had but two days Start on us from Mr. Gamlins house-

decr. 14th

As the weather was Very Severe last night, wind blowing hard and Squally, Some Snow and a keen Frost we did not embark before nine oclock. At 12 we Arrived where Mr. De Kinder had encampd last night and was Surprizd to See Kissingua and the three that we had trackd two days ago along with him. De Kinder Sais that he overtook Kissingua alittle befor he had encampd and asked him what made him com away and where he was going,

1106 14 December 1778 on which he Smild and Said he did not intend going any further till the army arrived and that all he Said or did was a meir Joke- The other three he met much about Same time. They are Miamis and they Say that they had been hunting and lost themselves and that they made raft to cross the River on knowing the Army was on the Oposite Side. When they left us he ask'd them if they did not here the three Guns that was fird two days ago. They answerd no and Said that if they had not met him they would go Straight on, as they immagind the Army was before them. They left us the tenth and all this time was not missed or Say Reported by either of thier Chiefs or by Mr. Bobian their Officer and Enterpreter. However I must Observe that their Cannoe and track lost us aday and a halfs time and in all Probability we would be a aupost this night ha[d] we not Seen either of these things- We encamped at half after three and Came 36 miles this day but they Seem to me very Short miles-

1078 15 December 1778

decr. 15th

This morning at day break two Lieuts. of the Indian department with Several Indian went on each Sid the River both as a cover- ing Party and to make discoverys incase the Enemy intended attackg us on our way down in Some advantagious Place. At ten oClock the Boats a head discoverd Somthing like Cannoes on Shore, on which Captain Lamoth with his division was orderd to land and Send a few men to reconiter the distance of one mile from the Shore. On landing the[y] found Seven or eight Indian cannoes that had been left there by Some Indians that went into the land to their winter hunting. Most of our Indians was this day in the front. At two oClock we heard four Yells from the Party that went On the left Shore. We all Put to the Shore and landed, and there found one of the De Kinders with the Packan and his Band who had taken Lieut. Bruitegoof the French Rebels Company at auPort and three men in a Cannoe Sent by Captain Helem from there to look out for us and had Orders to go as fare as the Owiat incase they could not see us in their way hither. This fellow had

90. Lt. Michel Brouillett of the Vincennes militia; he found himself in the awkward position of having ac- cepted commissions in both the British and American forces.

1778 15-16 December 1778

Recieved a Commission from Lieut. Governor Abbott, and very un- -lucky for him had received his Present Commission the very day he Came away which was the 13th Instant. They Say there is not an English- man at auPost but Captain Helem and Henry the Gun Smith.g1But that one Captain Bolo a native there had raisd a Company of 50 men who does duty in the Fort, And that their Numbers at the Ilinois does not exceed 50. Every other thing they Say corispond with what Mr. Gamlin told us a few days ago. After this we embarkd again and encampd alittle above the cutt Point. 24 miles this day.

decr. 16th

This morning embarkd at eight oClock and after Rowing nine miles we met two Canoes with Indians comming from auPort. We landed a little below them and my Company and Masonvills was ordered to encamp and ten of Lieut. Duvernets Division, the Division of the 8th Regiment, Captain Lamoths Company. Lieut. Duvernet with the Gun Boat was ordered to refresh themselves and be ready to embark when orderd. A few of the different nations of Indians was likewise

91. Also known as Henry the Armourer, he is reported by Hamilton as having at a later date tried to persuade Clark to moderate his desire to slaughter Indians whole- sale.

1 16 December 17 78

to be in readiness to go along with those, to go and take Possion of Fort Patrick Henryg2under the Command of major Hay. The Governor Stayd with us. At three oClock they embarked and went away. We all thought they would get immediate Possion knowing thier was no more than Fifty men had taken Armes for the Rebels. Indeed we was of opinion that Captain Helm would make his Escape as Soon as he had Intilligences of our near aproach, as he could not have much dependance on those he Commanded. Major Hay landed about 6 miles above the Fort and there made fires and Stay'd till day light, then embarkd and came within half amile of the Fort. But before he came this length he Sent Lieut. Fontany De Kinder with a party of Indians a cross the Plains to Guard the road to the Ilinois incase Captain Helm Should go that way himself or Send any Person to aquaint Colonel Clark of our Arrival- When the St. Georges Flag which was hoisted on board the Gun Boat was Seen from the Fort and Town, Major La Gran and Mr. Henry carried two Rebels Collowers [colors] with them and went to meet Major Hay. Henry on his arrival attempted to take him by the hand which the major refused telling

92. Fort at Vincennes renamed by Clark when he took it from Hamilton. Patrick Henry was then governor of Virginia and had backed Clark's plan for the defense of the west.

111078 16-1 7 December 1778 him that he was very impudent to offer his hand to him after his taking the Rebels by the hand and immidiately ordered him Prisoner- Not with stand all this I am enform'd by Some of the Gentlemen there Present that he not only gave his hand to Major LaGran, Captain Boserong3 and Som others but kiss'd them, and recived them with every mark of friendship. And thos three officers told major Hay that Captain Helm was diserted by his Soldiers that he had inlisted here, and at that moment had but four men along with [him] in the Fort. He never attempted to com near the Fort till our Arrival which was half after 12. The 17th. On our landing the Governor order'd a man to remain in every Boat and Perogue. Mason- -vills Company was order'd to face to the right and march towards the Town. I had orders to remain with my Company where I was till I had orders from him to move. ?4 of an hour after I recieved orders to march my Company towards the Town and form them 100 yds. to the right of Lieut. Schuffelins Division. As Soon as the Governor arang'd his little

93. Capt. Bosseron of the Vincennes militia.

1 17 December 1778

Army he sent to the Fort to demand of Captain Helm to Strick [strike] his Collowers, that Governor Hamilton was comming in his Majestys name to take Posession of it immediately. Captain Helm reply as to this mesage, ask the Governor on what terms he expects the Collowers will be struck and the Fort Surenderd. On which the Governor Said he would Soon Sho him on what Terms, then ordered Lieut. DuVernet with the Gun to march on to the Gate. The Detachment of the 8th followed him, then my Company followed by Masonvills and Captain Lamoths in the Rear. The Poor man Deser- -ted by his Officers and men having at this time but three and Seing the Governor Determind to lose no time he Struck the Collowers. When we came within 20 yds. to the Fort Gate, and notwithstanding every Percaution taken to Prevent the Savages geting in, a Number of them got in through Gun Ports and began to Seas [seize] every thing they coud com at, in the first Place Anumber of Horses and Hogs. Others again broke the windows with their Tomhawks and got into the house and took every thing they could carry away, one Barrel of Tafia,94Some Corn and Papers excepted.

94. A type of rum.

7112 17-18 December 1778

After the Savages had gon away with the Plunder the Troops was orderd to take the boats and Perogues under the Fort, bring their tents & bagage on Shore and encamp in the Fort. In the mean time the Governor had Some Private talke with Captain Helm. He Seems to be a Plain honest disinterested brave man, his conversation entertaining and Spirited, and I belive the Governor looks upon him as Such for which reason he is a Prisoner at large on his Parole of honor. This endid this days worke. I am enform'd that Major Hay amongest the rest was mindful1 of his interest as he Pickd out the best horse that was in the Fort.

718th78

The first Part of this day was Spent in cleaning the mens Arms, dressing themselves and at 12 oClock all the Troops was drawn up on the Esplan- -ade where a Royal Salute was fired and three Vollies of Small Arms followed by 6 chears, three in English and three in French. Then the Governor very Politely thanked the Officers for their readiness and good beheavor on the march to this Place. The Inhabitants was disarmd this day-

1778 19 December 1 778

decr. 19th

The Governor ordered all the inhabitants to asemble in the Church and after reprimanding them for their weke, unmanly and ungenerous beheavor he told them that Such as thought themselves Forced to take an Oath Alegiance To Congress, that he did to not look upon it in anyways Binding And therfor that he would Propose one for them Such as would Voluntarily take it to King George the third. The Oath was to this Purpots [purpose]: Beging his Majesty Pardon for their Past ofenses and disiring his forgiviness and to receve them as his faithful1 Subjects. They were made repeat every word, tooke God and man to witness their oath and after Repeating the words Kissd the Cross. There was no forss in this Oath for he rather forbad them to take it if they found any thing containd in it that would hurt their Concisnees [consciences]. However I belive they all took it without acception [exception]. At 2 in the afternoon our Sentrys on the Boat Guard Saw 2 Perogues comming up the River on which Report I went with two men in a Boat to See who they were. And as there was Boats daily expected from the Ilinois with Rum & Flour, we had a Strick

778 19-20 December 1778 lookout for them. I met them 2 miles below the Fort and on Examining them they told me that they came from hunting. At this Time there was no less than 60 men from this Town on that busyness. On their Arrival at the Fort there was Some Papers found on them for which reason they were Suspected and threatened to be hung if they did tell every thing they knew of the Enemy. But they Persisted in there Inocenes. They then were orderd Prisinors in one of our Guards during this night-

778

The Prisoners being called in this morning for examination would not Discover anything of the Enemy if they knew any. They Said that they left 2 Perogues 36 miles below this with People in them that was making Wine and likwise hunting. On hearing this Lieut. Schuffelen with ten men was immediately ordered to go and take up to the Fort. Those that were in the Guard Releassed. But what wild Beef they had in there Perogues was taken for the use of the Garrison. Lieut. Sheffelen and Party Arrived in the evening with out Seing any People but Indians. And they were Surprisd to See him knowing him not to be a Virginian-

778 21 -24 December 1778

decr 2[l]d 78

Nothing this day but attending those that came to take the new Oath. After Gun firing Lieut. Chabert with a Party went down the River. The Guards this night as usual. [The last sentence is crossed out.]

decr. 22d

Lieut. Shabert arrived at 12 oClock who Says he Saw nothing, that is to Say no Perogues or Boats comming up the River which was his orders to look outfor-Nothing t/PUIJOH y- farther all this day- 2d This morning the Carpenters was order to make a Sort of a Magazine Covered with Cowhides, after which they began to mak a double Shad [shed] for to lodge the men in. It is to be open in the Roof and the fires in the middle which I belive will ocation Plenty of Smoake-

2d As the Indians was asking leave to go home and others to war, Equshewa waited on the Governor and told him that he intended going down the River and See if he could mett any of the Enemy. 116 On this Lieut. Scheffelin was ordered to get himself ready with Seven of 24 December 1778

Lamoths Company to go a long with Equshewa. What orders he receivd is not know, But one thing Sure he must be derected by the Indians. They embarkd at ten oClock and went away. Much about the Same time Mr. Mathew Elliot with a Party of Indians went towards the falls of the Ohio to intercept a Boat that was expected there from the Ilinois Loaded with Salt. At 8 oClock Lieut. Sheffelin wr[o]te a Letter to the Governor aquainting him that he mett with one Mr. Lature who had been at the Ohio River a hunting and told him that he had Seen a Dalewar [Delaware] Chief on his way to the Gerokie [Cherokee] River to meet 400 Gerokies, Chikisas and Creeks with afew Shawanous & Dalewars and that they intended killing every Virginian they would catch going up or down the Ohio River. This Lature likewise confirmed Some newes we had formerly heard of a Batteau Going from the Ilinois to the falls with Salt, and I belive Mr. Elliot went to intercept and this finished this days transaction-

1117 25-28 December 1778

Decr 25th 78

The letter mentioned yesterday I belive Ocationed the Governor to Send One Haze11g5and Kissingua Accompany'd with a few Indians after Lieut. Scheffelen with letters, Belts etc. to the Gerokee River, I Supose to invite them Indians and their Leader here. What Success that messange will have time will discover. The Carpenters worke and Cutting fire wood was the rest of this days employment- decr. 26th There was nothing Material all this day farther then what the orders of the day will Show- 27th This morning 5 of the Kicabuse went to the Ilinois to Carry oflf] a Scalp or Prisoner which every body is of opinion they will do, as they are Recconed very good warriors. Nothing farther worth mentioning-

2th

Mr Bobian with Young Mr. Bolon and 13 Indians took thire departure for the Ilinois. Mr. Bolon I am informed was entrusted with a Letter from the Governor to the Inhabitants of that Place, But I am ignorat of the contents of it. I belive Mr. Bobian

95. Edward Hazle, sent with Kissingua by Hamilton to woo the Cherokees and Chickasaws at the Natchez.

71188 28 December 1778

and the Indians desired to carry off a Prisoner if Possible- Yesterday the Governor gave a Verbale order that all the Inhabitants Should give in a list of all the Liquor, dry goods & Tobacco in thier Possession to Major Hay. On the hearing of this Order I waited on the Governor And told him that on my Arrival here I had ordered the Italian to buy me three Barrels Tafia and as much Tobacco as he could Pay for, that I wanted the Tobacco for my trad[e] at Detroit and expected he would not take it from me and likwise hoped he would Permite me to keep one of the three Barrels Tafia. He answerd very cooly and Said that it was his Orders that all Should be taken without exception, that he had no body to advise with and not acountable to non in America for his Conduct but two whose names was very well known, that if he did wrong this road was open for Representation and Complaint. I told him that if Piople thought themselves agrived the road was very long if open to represent or comp- -lean of things they did not like-

11998 28-29 December 1778

He then in a more milder manner Said that Captain Masonvill had applyd to him for a Barrel of Taffia as I had don and that he had given him a denyall and of course could not think of giving or Granting me a Privelage he had refused to others- I could not help Answering him, and Said I did not look upon it as Previlage or favor to keep as much of my own Liquor that I had Payd for as I thought would Serve me while I Stayd in the Place- However I was obliged to com away without any hopes of being allowed to keep one Single Gill-

729th

This morning Mr. Adhemar went round to every house who gave in Any returns for Tafia or Tabacco which he took giving only recpts for the quaintitys and Lodged the whole at Bossorons. What Prices is to be allowed for these Articles I am as yeat igorant of but I am sure we Shall lose no less than four hundred Pounds by this Order, and their is no way left us for Redress at Present.

1120 29-31 December 1778

Agreeable to the orders of the 26 there was no less than 32 of my company had given in thier names to go home and 25 of Masonvills on which The Governor gave orders that they Should receive thier Pay to the 20th January, ten days Provisions to carry them to the Miamis and ten days to carry them from thence to Detroit and march off from thence a Friday nixt being the first day of the Newyear- From the 29 to the 31 there was nothing happend worth mentioning- But this being the last day that the Dischargd men was to Stay I was obliged to Settle their Accounts to the 24th and gave each man a draft on my Partner Mr. Macnamara for the Ballance of their different accounts, and as they had delivered their Armes they had leave to Lodge in the Village or any where els they Pleased. It Rain'd So hard this day that it Prevented Several of the men to come and get thier drafts and me from writting them, being Lodged in a very bad raged [ragged] & old tent.

7121 1-2 January 1779

January 1st 79

This day I Settled with all my Company Such of them as was Dischargd, But the rain continouing prevented their going away and as they could not get away they began to buy Guns for themselves, being only allowed one for every two men by the Governor, and they thought it was very ill usage to be So Striped of their Arrnes So far from home- To Save truble to Major Hay the Governor gave them in Place of a discharge each Only a Pass with all their Names Mention'd in it and what pay was alowed them. And this Gener- -all pass or discharge was given to old Serjeant Burgois with Orders to conduct the whole to Detroit-

72nd

Notwithstanding the Governors own Order in regard to the People taking their discharges, he was disapointed in his expection, for he did not think half the Number would have taken thier dischar -ges at this advanced Season. And now Seing the rain had continu- -ed for Several days Which ocationed the Rivers to raise and a Great Part of the Country over flowed it being very flat for Several miles

71229 2 -3 January 1 779

from the River, He thought proper to give out an Order command- -ing all those that was Dischargd and Lodged in the Village to be Punctual1 in attending Rollcalling, Mount guard and779 go fatigues as usual. I belive he thought he would frieghten them by this and that they would beg leave to Stay in their different companys as they formerly were-

779

The order of yesterday had no other effect than this, that very early this Morning they embarked their Little Baggage on board four Perogues and was all off befor ten oClock except the English Merchants that was of my company. They went by land as they had bought a horse each. With those Gentlemen I Sent a Negroe man named George that I engagd to Serve me 12 months for the Consitheration of E 36 Newyork Currency. They took their depa- -rture at 12 o'clock and I finish this days worke as nothing els happened-

12379 4 -6 January 1779

January 4th

Preparing timber for Barracks and Fetching firewood from the Oposite Side the River was all this days employment-

75th79

This day employd the People as yesterday. Several of our Indians took their departure this day. Indeed their is hardly aday that Some of them does not go away. But as no Person is Present at their Councills but the Governor, Major Hay and the Interpreters I am ignorant of what Passes amongest them. Yet I am very Sure the Indians are dissatisfyed and makes no Scruple of Saying that they are ill treated and that all their Plans are always rejected.

5t6h79

This day the Governor Ordered one Mr. M~mbro,~~a man that was a Lieut. under Captain Helm and one of the 4 that Stayed with him in the Fort when we took Posession of it, to command all the inhabitant in their turn to cutt and cart out of the woods large Square Logs to make three Block Houses. And Such of them as refuised

96. Probably Montbrun, adjutant in the Vincennes mi- litia.

712479 6-7 January 1779

to obey him to report them to him and he would find out some way of Punishing them. The Governor has taken Particular notice of this Lieut. Mumbro for his Spirited beheavour with Helm and his open and free Conversattion when he Spock to him, by Saying that he had niver taken the oath of aligiance to King George. And as he had taken a Comm- -ission from Captain Helm and likwise Swore Aligience to Congress that he intended to have don his duty as long as he could and as well as he was able, But that he now was convenced that he was wrong, and that Piere GibauS7 had forced the oath upon him against his inclination and therfor does not look upon it any ways binding, he was ready to take the Oath to the King and would Serve him with all his heart.

17th

This day the Governor Sent for all the Officers of the Militia Such as Lieut. Governor Abbott had given Commissions to. Every one of them had taken commissions from Captain Helm but Since our Arrival they took the Same Oath to King George as was Prescribed to the inhabitants by the Lieut. Govr. and taken in the Church. He has been Pleased to give every one of them Commissions Signed by himself and the Same Rank as

97. Father of Kaskaskia, a strong sup- porter of the Americans, characterized by Hamilton as a "worthless mortal."

1712579 7-9 January 1779

They had by Lieut. Govr.Abbott and Captn. Helms Commissions- And at the Same time giving them Strick charg to keep a Good command over their different Companys, And report Such Persons as the[y] found any ways dis- -0bidient to thier orders. This being don the New Officers went their way very much Pleased to See that their late Rebellious beheavour was forgiven and taken into favour by the man they a few days ago thought had a right and authority enough to Hang them. They now Seem as gay and Pretend to be as good Subjects as those that had all there lifetime been fighting against the Enemys of their Soverign George the third.

18th9

This day the Carpenters was employed as usual in Preparing timber for Barracks to officers and all the men off duty in Geting firewood and Sinking a well in the Fort. These workes find employment enough for all hands and besids this the men mount Guard with one night in bed which is as little as Soldiers can have in Garrison-

18th9

All this day the People was employed as Yesterday. But at 11 oClock at night an Indian of this Place that was of Mr. Bobians Party arrived with one Lungon, a Frenchman that came from the Ilinois with lette[rs] from

11269 9-10 January 1779

Colonel Clark to Captain Helm in which he Says that there [is] 400 Indians and Some whitemen Near the Cohaus the Uper Village of the Ilinois came from Michilimackinacg8by the River Ilinois, and that Severals of the inhabitants were making their escape to the Spanish Side to avoid the ravages of the Savages. But that he had Published an order forbiding any of the inhabitants to quitt their habitations on the aproach of the Enemy on Pain of hauving their Huses [houses] burnt to ashes and their Effects confiscated. He likwise informed him that he had Sent a Batteau with 150 Packs of Beaver and Navigated with 25 men to the falls of the Ohio Some time ago, and that 2 Perogues with Flour and Tafia was on their way to this Place. It appears by this letter that they had heard nothing of our Arrival at St. Vincent. This man was 12 day from the Ilinois and was taken by Mr. Bobian & his Party on his way here. The Plains are all under water which ocationd his being so many days on his way from thence-

1779

Nothing happened this day or nothing don farther that the Ordinary workes and fatigues in the fort and about it-

98. A garrison at the juncture of Lake Huron and Lake Michigan, commanded by Maj. Arent S. DePeyster. Pat- rick Sinclair was lieutenant governor for this area.

11279 +BOVBSZAll this day

the1lth UI

All this day the men were employd in the usual workes-

UI

Nothing this day mor than usual till 4 in the afternoo[n] when 2 Perogues arrived from the Ilinois Loaded with fflour and Rum, the Property of one Jean Course, an inhabitant of this Place. With those Perogues came Lieut. Scheffelin who left this 24th Ultime with 7 men of Lamoths Company, 15 Indians and 4 French Volunteers. On his Arrival he gives the following Account of his Proceedings at the Ohio and Awabash: that on the Night of the 31st decr. at 9 miles from the mouth of the Awabash he encamped alittle below Jean Course and his 2 Perogues, that he had ordered his Corpl. to Plant a Sentry and by [be] very watchful1 as he was expecting more Perogues or Boats from the Ilinois and was in the mean time distrustful of Jean Course and his people, not with standing thier Protestations of Loyalty, that about 9 oClock he found himself a dry and desired his Servant to bring him Some water and immediately

UI 12 January 1779 drinking a draft he was Seazd with a Dimness and fell down on his bed and fell into a very Sound Sleep. At 3 in the morning aweaked and calld to the Sentry but not being answered he then Call'd the Corpl. No Answer being made him he imediately ran out to know what was the reason of their not answering, when to his Surpriz he could find non of their Arms in the Place they were in befor he went to Sleep. On this Ran to the River to wher the Boat was and now much more Surprizd than befor Seing that the Boat was gon and all his Party. He then Asked Jean Course and his people if they had heard his men going away or if they knew any thing of their intention befor they did go. Jean Course and men Said they did not and that if they knew any thing of the matter beforhand they would have Prevented them. Jean Course told him you have lost only Seven men, there is Seven more [of] my men. Command them, You'll find that they will Stand by you and So Shall I myself, opose you who will. We will fight as long as we can for you and inbehalf of our King-

1129 12-15 January 1779

From the 12th to the 15th nothing happened worth mentioning, as thier was nothing don but the usual workes about the Fort, and fetching firewood from the oposite Side. But at 5 in the afternoon Mr. Elliott and his Party of Indians Consisting of 20 Arrived from the Ohio falls. He says that they had discover'd a large Canoe above the Fort at the falls and that he immediately formd or rather dressed up an Ambuscad to take the People that had left the Canoe. But notwith standing they Stayd a whole day in their Ambush no Body appeared, which gave the Indians Room to Say and Perhaps with reason that they had been discovered by the Enemy. And therfore was Unanimous in making a retreat. Mr. Elliott in Vain remonstrated against Such a Shameful1 Proceding and beged they would only Stay Until1 they would See Some of the Enemy a Crossing the River. Supose Said he that 20 of them Should attempt to Cross. We can have two fires upon them before

7791130 15-19 January 1779 they can land, and it will then be time enough for us to run away when we find that we are Not able to fight them. But going back without attempting to do Something we Shall be Laughed at. All the Answer they made was that they had Several young men that was not used to war and they were afraid to lose any of them- Besids should they be obligd to retrate their was Severalls of them Could not run So as to Escape the Enemy who they knew ran will [well].

19th17 79

From the 15 to this day nothing worth mentioning. The fire wood and the Carpenters worke was the attention of every Person- At 10 this morning Lieut. DeVernett Showed me a letter he had wrote to the Lieut. Governor, Signifying his intention of going back to Detroit and giving som[el hints of this Service being Very disagreeable to him and his not being will or Civilly used on ma[n]y Ocations Since he left his Garrison t[o belcome a Volunteir on this Expedition.

17131 20 January 1779

20th

This day Lieut. DuVernett was told by the Lieut. Governor that he was Very Sorry that things was not more agreeable to him then he Saw they were, on which Duvernett Said that Major Hay was the Chief cause of that and that he was sure that every officer and Soldier on the Expedition hated and Dispeised him. The Governor confessd that Major Hay had not a method of gaining Peoples Good will and he was Very Sorry for it- At this moment Lieut. Scheffelin entered and told the Governor that he had heard that he the Governor had taken one half of his Pay from him, and that he had reason to think that Major Hay was the cause of that deduction. But Says he if you do not choose to give me my two Dollars Per day as I usually had, you may keep the whole and Discharge me from the Service- The Governor

2132 0th 20-22 January 1779

Said whoever informed him of any Part of his Pay being taken from him was bad authorr. [authority] and knew nothing of the matter and gave him imediately a draft for his Dollar as Secretary, which Pecifyed this truly Loyal1 2 Dollar aday Lieut.- Mr. Mathew Elliot as had leave to go home by Way of the Shawanow towns which the Governor Granted him. He and Lieut. DuVernett goes together- 121th779 Nothing hapened worth mentioning- 2122dth779 This day Young Bolon Arrived from the Ilinois, this is the Bolon that left this place 28th decr. with Mr. Bobian and party. He Says that Egushewa Joined them at the Ilinois with his Party, and Seing that non of the Ribels was Venturing out of the Village from Some days, Egueshewa, Calamuti and a Brother and Nephew of Isidore Shaneyywas resolved to do Somthing befor they came away. Left from behind Caskaskylo0 and went towards Fort ChartersIo1w[here] Seing some People a worke in the

99. In his journal Hamilton mentions Pierre Chesne as nac, one of the four stations of the British lieutenant belonging to a party that seems to be identical to that governors. It was captured by Clark 4 July 1778. mentioned by MacLeod here; the exact relationship be- 101. Fort Chartres, in Illinois on the Mississippi, tween Pierre and Isidore is never specified, however. founded by the French in 1720. The site is now part of 100. Presumably Kaskaskia, on the east bank of the Mis- a state park. sissippi, and like Detroit, Vincennes, and Michilimacki- 133 22 January 17 79

Fields they [illegzble] do[wn whlen Egush[ewa Said to] his [this line is badly damaged] Companions that he would go and See who they were, that Perhaps some of the Enemy was amongest them. The Frenchmen told him to Stay Still as his going to them would Alarm then and Consequintly they would Alarme the Enemy. His egerness to take a prison[er] made him follow the dictates of his own mind and discovered himself to them, on which they made all the haste they cou'd to the Fort and aquainted the Rebels that they had discover'd some Strange Indians on the Road. That very night they Sent mesengers to aqu- aint Colonel Clark who was at that time at Fort Charters, and on receiving the mesange he took horse immediately and Set off for Caskasky- Had it not been for Egushewas imp- atians [impatience] it is Very Probable they would have taken Col. Clark Preson[er] as he intended to have co[me] that road next morning alon Perha[ps].

7 79 #JCMJPHSBQIZThe

Thesingle most important wort Alden, John R. Pioneer America. New York, 1966. relative to the editing of the MacLeod journal Alvord, Clarence W. The Illinois Country: 1673-1818. The was John D. Barnhart's Henry Hamilton and Centennial History of Illinois, vol.1. Springfield, 111.. 1920. George Rogers Clark in the American Revolution, . The Mississippi Valley in British Politics: A Study of with the UnpublishedJournal of Lieut. Gov. Henry the Trade, Land Speculation, and Experiments in Imper- Hamilton. Besides being the best work on alism Culminating in the American Revolution. Cleve- land, O., 1917. Hamilton, Barnhart's research into place . "Mississippi Valley Problems and the American names, Indian names, etc., proved to be Revolution." Minnesota History Bulletin 4 (192 1-22). invaluable. By comparing the MacLeod jour- , and Carter, Clarence E., eds., The Critical Period: 1763-1 765, Illinois State Historical Library Collec- nal with the Hamilton journal on a day by day tions 10, British Series, vol. 1. Springfield, Ill., 1915. basis a thorough understanding of the British Bakeless, John. Background to Glory: The Lifp of George expedition is possible. Rogers Clark. Philadelphia and New York, 1957. Barnhart, John D., ed. Henry Hamilton and George Rogers Next to Barnhart the greatest under- Clark in the American Revolution with the Unpublished standing of the general situation can be Journal of Lieut. Gou. Henry Hamilton. Crawfords- gained from Clarence Alvord's The Mississippi ville.--~. Ind.. . 1951. Billington, Ray A. America's Frontier Heritage. New York, Valley in British Politics, Clarence Carter's 1966. "The Significance of the Military Office in , and Hedges. James Blaine. Westward Expamion: A America, 1763- 1775," Nelson Russell's The History of the American Frontier, 1492-1896. New York, 1960. British Regime in Michigan, 1760-1 796, and Bodley, Temple. George Rogers Clark: His LiJe and Public Jack Sosin's two works, Whitehall and the Service. Boston and New York, 1926. Wilderness and The Revolutionary Frontier. . Our First Great West In Revolutionary War, Dzplo- macy, and Politics. Louisville, Ky., 1938. They are all important but probably Alvord Brebner, John Bartlet. The Explurers of North America; and Sosin are the best. 1492-1806, London and New York, 1933. 135 Bibliography Carter, Clarence E. Great Britain and the Illinois Country: Lindley, Harlow, ed. Indiana as Seen by Early Travellers. 1763-1 774. Washington, D.C., 1910. Indianapolis, Ind., 1916. . "The Significance of the Military Office in Amer- Mason, Philip P. Detroit, Fort Lernoult, and the American ica, 1763- 1775."AmericanHistmicalReview 28 (1923). Revolution. Detroit, 1964. Caruso, John Anthony. The Appalachian Frontier: Amr- Office of the State Comptroller. New York in the Revolu- ica's First Surge Westward. Indianapolis, Ind., 1959. tion as Colony and Stale. Albany, N.Y., 1904. Clark, George Rogers. George Rogers Clark Papers: 1771 - O'Callaghan, E.B., ed. Documenis Relative to the Cohial 1781. Illinois State Historical Library Collections 8, History ofthe State of New York. Albany, N.Y., 1857. Virginia Series, vol. 3, edited by James Alton James. Palmer, Frederick. Clark of the Ohio: A Lzye of George Springfield, Ill., 1912. Rogers Clark. New York, 1929. Curtis, Edward E. The Organization of the British Army in Quaife, Milo M. The Capture of Old Vincennes. Indi- the American Revolution. St. Clair Shores, Mich., 1972. anapolis, Ind., 1927. Derleth, August. Vincennes: Portal to the West. Englewood . "Detroit and George Rogers Clark." Indiana Cliffs, N.J., 1968. History Bulletin 5, extra issue no. 2 (1928). English, William Hayden. The Conquest of the Country Richards, Frederick B. "The Black Watch at Ticonder- Northwest ofthe River Ohio, 1778-1 783,and the Life of oga." Proceedings of the New York State Historical As- George Rogers Clark. Indianapolis, Ind., 1896. sociation 10 (191 1). Farmer, Silas. The History of Detroit and Michigan; or the Russell, Nelson V. The British Regrme in Michigan: Metropolis Illustrated. Detroit, 1884. 1760-1 796. Northfield, Minn., 1939. Flexner, James. Mohawk Baronet: Sir WilliamJohnson of Sosin, Jack M. "The French Settlements in British Pol- New York. New York, 1959. icy for the North American Interior, 1760- 1774." Fortescue, J.W. A History oftheBtitishArmy. London, 1899. Canadian Historical Reuiew 39 (1958). Higginbotham, Don. The War of American Independence: . The Revolutionary Frontier: 1763-1 783. New Military Attitudes, Politics, and Practice 1763-1 789. York, 1967. New York, 1971. . Whitehall and the Wilderness: The Middlewest in James, James Alton. The Life of George Rogers Clark. Chi- British Colonial Policy, 1760-1 775. Lincoln, Neb., cago, 1928. 1961. Johnson, Ida Amanda. The Michigan FuvTrade. Lansing, Thwaites, Reuben Gold, ed. "The British Regime in 1919. Wisconsin." Wisconsin State Historical Society Johnson, William. The Papers of Sir William Johnson. Collections 18 (1908). Edited by James Sullivan, Alexander C. Flick, Al- , and Kellog, Louise Phelps, eds. The Revolution mon W. Lauber, and Milton W. Hamilton. Albany, on the Upper Ohio: 1775-1 777. Madison, Wis., 1908. N.Y., 1921-65. Trudel, Marcel. Atlas de la Nouvelle-France. Laval, Keltie, John S., ed. A History ofthe Scottish Highlands, High- France, 1968. land Clans, and Highland Regrmnts. Edinburgh and Van Every, Dale. A Company of Heroes: The American London, 1879. Frontier 1775-1783. New York, 1962. Leach, Douglas Edward. The Northern Colonial Frontier: . Wallace, W. Stewart, ed. Documents Relating to the North 136 1607-1763. New York, 1966. West Company. Toronto, 1934. Index of Names

Whenever possible, all names are Baron of the Mohawk, xviii. See also Calamuti, 133 indexed under their standard mob Johnson, Sir William Camain Couvert, 72 fonns. Variant spellings appear in Beaubien, Charles (Baubin, Bobean, Camp au Pied Froide, 7 1 parentheses following the main entry; Bobian), 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 13, 16, 19, Campbell, Daniel, xviii, xxx ve y unusuul spellings are also 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 31, 36, 51, 52, Cardinal, Millet (Cardinale, Miate), cross-referenced. 53, 59, 60, 63, 64, 65, 107, 118, 18 126, 127, 133 Carleton, Lieut. Gov. Guy Abbott, Lieut. Gov. Edward, 11, Belfry, Mr., 74, 100 (Charlton), xxxiii, xxxiv 109, 125, 126 Bermuda, xiv Caskasky. See Kaskaskia Abercrombie, Gen. Sir James, xvi, Black Ribbon, 3 Celoron. Jean Baptiste (Celoron, xvii Black Watch. See Forty-second Seloron, Siloron), xi, 11, 17, 18, Adams, Mr., xxvii Regiment 24. 47 Adhemar, St. Martin (Adhimer, Bogard, 24, 25, 29, 62, 67, 68 Chabert, Lieut. Francois Joncaire Adhmar), 60, 61, 69, 70, 120 Bolon, Captain (Bollon, Bolo), 18, (Shabear, Shabert), 67, 116 Agushewai. See Egushewa 109, 118, 133 Chapman, Sergeant, 78 Albany, New York, xvi, xix, xxx Boseron, Captain (Bossoron), 11 1, Chapoton, Jean Baptiste (Chapeton, America, 119 120 Chapton), 88, 89, 93 Amherst, Jeffrey, xviii Bowen, Daniel (Bowan), 14, 16, 19 Cherokee Indians (Gerokie), 1 17 Ansley, Amos (Ainslie), 15, 19, 20, Brabant, xvi, xxxiv Cherokee River (Gerokee, Gerokie), 25, 26, 29, 40, 49, 62, 67 Braddock, Gen. Edward, xvii 117, 118 Arbere Mallachi, 81 Brant, Joseph, xxi, xxii, xxiii Chesne, Capt. Isadore (Shane), 95, Au Port, Au Post. See Vincennes Broom, Samuel, xxviii 133 Auglaize River (Grand Glace, Grand Brouillett, Lieut. Michel (Bruite), Chevalier, Louis (Shevallie, Glaze), 20, 23, 26, 27 108 Shevallier, Shevally), 39, 56, 58 Awabash, Awabashe. See Wabash Brown, Capt. John, xxvi Chicago, Illinois (Shicago, Shicagoe, River Burgois, Sergeant, 122 Shucago), 29, 39, 58 Chickasaw Indians (Chikisos), 117 Banyar, Goldsbrow, xxx Cahokia, Illinois, ix, x, xi, xiv Chippewa Indians (Chipiwas, 137 Index Chippaweys, Chippiwas), 73, 95, de Kender, de Kendr, de Fort Niagara, New York, xx, xxiii, 102 Kenders, de Kent, de Kinder, De xxiv, xxvi, xxvii Clark, Col. George Rogers, ix, x, xi, Quandre, Der Kinder), Fontiney, Fort Ontario (Oswegatchy), New xiii, xiv, xv, xxxiii, 18, 101, 110, 16, 110; Fransois, 14, 16; York, xviii, xx, xxi, xxii, xxiii. 127, 134 unidentified, 15, 17, 18, 23, 24, xxxi, xxxii Claus, Daniel, xix, xx, xxx 25, 26, 27, 36, 40, 45, 49, 61, 62, Fort Patrick Henry, Indiana, xii, Coghnawage, xxx 63, 68, 70, 73, 105, 106, 108 xiii, 110 Cohaus, 127 Detroit, Michigan, ix, x, xi, xiii, xv, Fort Pitt, Pennsylvania, xx Cottrel, Mr. (Contrell, CotreU, xviii, v, xxii, xxxii, xxxiii, xxxiv, Fort SackviUe, Indiana, xiii, xiv, Cottrell), 22, 23, 25, 52, 54, 55, xxxv, 3, 5, 7, 8, 15, 21, 32, 33, 34, xxxiii 58, 92 35, 38, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50, 62, 66, Fort Saint Joseph, Michigan, xi Course, Jean, 128, 129 67, 74, 82, 88, 90, 92, 93, 99, 119, Fort Ticonderoga (Fort CariUon), Cowisa, Mr., 105 121, 122, 131 New York, xvi Creek Indians, 117 , xi Fort Wayne, Indiana, xii Crogha?, George, xviii, xix, xx, xxiii Dominica, xiv Forty-second Highland Regiment, Crooked Legs, 92 Dubois, Mr., 63, 81 xvi, xvii, xviii, xx Cumberland, Duke of, xx Du Vernet, Lieut. Henry Foucher, Mr. (Fouchie, Fouschis, Curott, xxv (Davernett, Devernett, Divernet, Foushic), 47, 63, 106 Cut Island, 86 Duvernett), xxxiii, 66, 69, 70, 71, Franklin, Governor, xxviii Cutt Nose, 58 72, 73, 75, 78, 81, 103, 109. 112, Cutt Point, 109 131, 132, 133 Gaffie, Mr., 46, 48, 49, 51,52, 54, 61, 62, 65, 68, 69, 70, 74, 104 Dagenet, Ambroise (Dequanic), 17 Edgar, William, xxxii Gage, Thomas, xvii, xxv, xxvi, xxxi Dartmouth, Earl of, x Eel River (River Angu), 40 Gage's Light Infantry. See Eightieth Davernett. See Du Vernet, Lieut. Egushewa (Agushewai, Egushewai), Regiment Henry 91, 105, 116, 117, 133, 134 Gamelin, Lieut. Medard (Gamblin, Dawson, Mr., 92 Eightieth Regiment, xvii, xviii, xxiv, Gamlin), 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, De Blainville, Pierre Joseph xxv 106, 109 Cileron, xi Elair, Alexander, 7, 15, 16 George 111, king of England, 125, De Kender, De Kendr, De Kinder. Elliott, Matthew (Elliot), 80, 96, 117, 126 See De Quindre 130, 133 Gerokee, Gerokie River. See Dejean, Monsieur, xxii Cherokee River Delaware Indians (Dalewar), 117 FarreU, Daddy, xxiv Gerokie Indians. See Cherokee Dennison, Mr. (Deneson), 62, 67 Fonteny, Mr., 46 Indians De Peyster, Major, xxxiii Fort Boon, Kentucky, 16 Gibault, Father Pierre (Gibau), 125 De Quandre. See De Quindre Fort Charters, Illinois, 133, 134 Godfroy, Daniel-Maurice, 43 Dequanic. See Dagenet, Ambroise Fort Erie, Ontario, xxxiii Gorlick Island. See Isle of Garlic 138 De Quindre (de Kaint, de Kander, Fort of Owia. See Ouiatenon Gouin (Gowan, Gowen, Gowin): Charles, 3, 11, 13; Nicholas, 11, Johnson, John, xix Little River (Petite Rivire), 64, 66, Index 13, 31, 36, 53; unidentified, 7, 8, Johnson, Lieut. Guy, xviii, xx, xxiii, 67, 68, 69, 72, 73 9, 18, 24, 38, 45, 46, 50, 52, 54, xxv, xxix Little Wabash River, 75 55, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 68, 69, 71 Johnson, Sir William, xv, xviii, xix, Little Vermillion River, 96 Grand Glace, Grand Glaze. See xx, xxi, xxii, xxiii, xxiv, xxv, xxvi, Lorrain, Nicholas (Lorain, Loran, Auglaize River xxvii, xxx, xxxi, xxxii Loren, Lorime, Lorin, Lovan), 3, Grand Sou, 28 7, 8, 10, 13, 14, 16, 18, 19, 20, 28, Great Rapits, 15 29, 30, 37, 40, 45, 48, 52, 62 Kaskaskia (Caskasky), Illinois, ix, x, Gregory, John, xxxiv Loudon, Lord, xvi xii, xiii, xiv, 133, 134 Louisbourg, Nova Scotia, xvi Kecabuse. See Kickapoo Indians Haldimand, Gen. Frederick, xvi, Louisville, Kentucky, x Kentucky, ix xxxi, xxxii, xxxiii Lovan, Mr. See Lorrain, Nicholas Kickapoo Indians (Kecabuse, Halifax, Nova Scotia, xvi Lungon, Mr., 126 Kicabuse, Kikapuse), 81, 90, 91, Hamilton, Gov. Henry, x, xi, xii, 92, 95, 118 xiii, xiv, xxxii, xxxiv, 4, 37, 48, 98, McBeth, Surgeon (McBeath), 66 Kissingua, 104, 105, 118 112 MacDougal, Mr., xxix Harbor View, Ohio, xi McDmm, Mr., 14 Hay, Maj. Jehu, xxxiii, 8, 67,68,69, La Fontain, Mr. (La Frontain), 22, MacGregor, Gregor, xxxii 70, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 84, 85, 23, 52, 54, 55, 58 McGregor, Mr., 68 86, 88, 89, 98, 99, 104, 110, 111, La Gran, Major. See Le Gras, Major McKee, Capt. Alexander, xxxiii, 14, 113, 119, 122, 124, 132 Lake Champlain, xvi 60, 84, 96 Hazle, Edward (Hazell), 1 18 Lake Erie, xi Mackivers, Mr., xxvii Helm, Capt. Leonard (Helem), xii, La Mothe, Capt. William (La Moth, MacLeod, Mrs., xix, xxiii, xxiv, xxv, 100, 101, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, Lamoth, Lamothe), xxxiii, 76, 78, xxix, xxx, xxxiv, 5, 20, 47, 66 113, 124, 125, 126, 127 84,92, 103, 108, 109, 112, 117, MacLeod, John, xxxii Henry the Gun Smith, 109, 110 128 MacLeod, Capt. Normand, xi, xv, Holland, xvi, xxxiv Langlois Creek (River Angie, River xvi, xvii, xviii, xix, xx, xxi, xxii, Huron Indians, 95 Angis, River Langloy), 29, 63, 75, xxiii, xxiv, xxv, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, 80 xxix, xxx, xxxi, xxxii, xxuiii, Illinois (Ilinois), x, xiii, xiv, xv, xx, Lasselle, Nicholas (Lacell), 80 xxxiv, 13, 19, 24, 25, 26, 29, 44, 18, 87, 88, 89, 97, 100, 101, 109, Lature, Mr., 117 47, 48, 53, 60, 61, 65, 69, 70 110, 114, 117, 118, 126, 127, 128, Le Gras, Major (la Gran), 101, 1 10, Macnamara, Mr. (Mucnamara), 47, 133 111 12 1 Illinois River, xi Lemoult, Captain, xxxiii Macomb, Alexander, xxxii Island Beman (Bima), 16, 18 L'krable penchke (Lerabpancher, MacTavish, Simon, xxxii Island Giete, 6 Lesabpancher), 79 Maghee, Maghie, Magie. See McKee, Isle of Garlic (Gorlick Island), 86 Little Owabashe. See Little Wabash Capt. Alexander Isle of Skye, Scotland, xvi River Magluskie, Patrick, 14 139 Index Maisonville, Cap. Fran~ois Murrebro, Murrobro. See Pontiac (Pondiic), xxii (Masonvill, Masonville), 31, 40, Montbrun, Mr. Post St. Vincine. See Vincennes, 43, 44, 67, 70, 71, 75, 78, 80, 84, Indiana 103, 109, 111, 112, 120, 121 New Orleans, Louisiana, 101 Potawatami Indians (Pottawatami), New York, xvi, xx, xxvii, xxxii, Manijnoc, 58 80, 81, 95 Mary Delarme Creek (Marie de xxxiii Prarie Point, 27 New York City, xix, xx, xxii, xxiii, Larme), 28 Presque Isle (Presquille, Prisquill), Mathe ws, Captain, xxxiii xxvii, xxx 10, 11, 13 Methusaagi (Mitisagie), 90 Ohio River, x, xi, xiii, 117, 127, 128, Prevost, Augustine, xix Miami Indians, xi, 3, 11, 73, 81, 86, 130 95, 107 Onondagas, xxii Quebec, ix, x, xiv Miami Landing (Miamie), 47, 48, Opied Roches. See Petit Rocher 50, 53, 59, 61 Opost. See Vincennes, Indiana Miami River, xi Oswegatchy. See Fort Ontario Rapanehia, le. See Rappahannock Miami Town (Miame, Miamie), 3, 5, Ottawa Indians, 73, 84 River 7, 8, 9, 11, 16, 19, 22, 23, 25, 26, Otter Creek (Otter River), 3, 5 Rapid de Calumet, 81 28, 29, 30, 37, 63, 64, 78, 86, 92, Ouiatenon, 11, 18, 39, 40, 41, 44, Rapid of Petie Roche. See Rivikre de 121 47, 63, 87, 88, 90, 91, 93,99, 100, Petit Rocher Michilimackinac, Michigan, x, xi, 101, 108 Rapit de Beuf, 30 xiii, xx, xxiii, 127 Owabachie, Owabash. See Wabash Rappahannock River (le Mississinewa River (Massionnisie), River Rapanehia), 78 80 Oweat, Oweatan, Oweaton, Owia, River Angie, Angis. See Langlois Mississippi River (Misisipee, Owiat. See Ouiatenon Creek Misisipi, Misisipie), ix, x, xiii, 8, River Angu. See Eel River 33, 37 Pacane (Packan, Pashan), 40, 41, 43, River Langloy. See Langlois Creek Mitisagie. See Methusaagi 44, 47, 66, 108 River Massionnisie. See Mississinewa Moguagors. See Monguagon Parkinson, Sergeant, 78 River Mohawk River, xxx Pei Pla, 20 Rivikre de Petit Rocher (Opied Monguagon, Michigan, 14 Pennsylvania, ix Roches, Petie Roche, Petit Roches, Monongahela River, xvii Petite Rivire. See Little River Petite Roche), 75, 76, 77, 86 Montbrun, Mr. (Murrebro, Petty, J., 19, 20 Rivington, James, xxx Murrobro), 124, 125 Point Carrial, 30 Roberts, Benjamin, xxiii, xxv, xxix, Montreal, Quebec, x, xxxiv Point or River of Rocks. See Rock xxx Montrea (Montry), 24, 25, 29, 62 River Rocher de Baut (Rush de Baut), 61 Moran, Mr. (Morran), 63, 64 Point 0 Shain. See Pointe au Cher~e Rock River, 3 Morris, Colonel, xxix Point Raisin (Raision), 5 Rogers, James, 17 Morten, 55 Pointe au Chene (Point 0 Shain), 5, Rogers, John, xiv 140 Mucnamara. See Macnamara, Mr. 6 Rush de Baut. See Rocher de Baut St. Cosme, Lieut. Pierre (St. Come, Shane, Isadore. See Chesne, Capt. Vincennes, Indiana (Auport, Little Sancombs), 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72 Isadore Aupost, Opost, Post St. Vincine, Saint Joseph, Michigan, 29, 39, 40, Shawanoe Road, 64 St. Vincenns, St. Vincens, St. 56 Shawnee Indians (Shawanoees, Vincent, St. Vinces, St. Vinaens, St. Marie, Bourbon (St. Mame), 22, Shawanoes, Shawanous), 17, 59, St. Vindns), ix, x, xu, xiii, xiv, xv, 23, 47, 52, 58, 63,64 95, 117 xviii, 7, 18, 23, 29, 41, 87, 88, 89, St. Martin, Adhemar. See Adhemar, Sheffelin. See Schieffelin, Lieut. 97, 99, 100, 104, 106, 107, 108, St. Martin Jacob 109, 127 St. Vincens, St. Vincent, St. Vinces, Shevallie, Shevallier, Shevally. See Virginia, ix, xi, xiv, 18 St. Vinaens.See Vincennes,Indiana Chevalier, Louis Wabash Indians, xi Salomonie River, 80 Shicago, Shicagoe, Shucago. See Wabash River, ix, xii, xiv, xv, xvii, Sancombs. See St. Cosme, Lieut. Chicago, Illinois Shuffelin. See Schieffelin, Lieut. 29, 32, 33, 34, 38, 72, 76, 80, 102, Pierre 128 Sandusky, Ohio, 6 Jacob Walters, William, xviii Sindair, Patrick, x Schieffelin, Lieut. Jacob (Scheffelen, Watts, Mr., xxvii Son of the Tobacco, 40, 41 Schemen, Schefflin, Schuffelen, Weatono. See Ouiatenon Stuart, John, xiii Schuffilen, Sheffelin, Shuffelin, West Indies, xiv Shufflin), xxxiii, 9, 13, 49, 61, 65, Wia, Wiatono. See Ouiatenon Tennessee, ix 66, 70, 71, 72, 74, 78, 103, 111, Wiggins, Mr. (Wigans, Wiggans, Tennessee River, xii, xiii 115, 116, 117, 118, 128, 132 Wiggens), 46, 50, 52, 54, 58, 92 Teyawharunti, xxii Schenectady, New York, xix, xxiii, Wild Beast, 38 XXX Thompson, Mr., 92 Williams, Isaac, 6, 7, 8 Toledo, Ohio, xii Sears, Isaac, xxviii Williams, William, 100 Seloron. See CCleron, Jean Baptiste Woolfs Rapit, 14 Seneca Indians, xxiii Van Eps, John, xxiii Shabear, Shabert. See Chabert, Vermillion River, 94 Yellow Vermillion. See Little Lieut. Fran~oisJoncaire Village Angie, 84 Vermillion River

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