Secession in North Carolina—A Lesson Plan
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Governors' Papers
Governors’ Papers Henry T. Clark Page One GOVERNOR HENRY T. CLARK, n.d., 1861-1862 Arrangement: By record series, then chronological Reprocessed by: James Mark Valsame Date: May 26, 2005 Henry Toole Clark (February 7, 1808-April 14, 1874), lawyer, politician, and governor of North Carolina, was born on his father's plantation on Walnut Creek near Tarboro. His father, James West Clark, son of Christopher and Hannah Turner Clark, was a Princeton graduate (1796). He represented Bertie County in the North Carolina House of Commons in 1802-3 and in 1810-11 represented Edgecombe in the house, while his brother-in-law. Henry Irwin Toole, Jr., was state senator from the same county. From 1812 to 1815, James W. Clark represented Edgecombe in the state senate; then he served a single term in Congress (1815-17). He later served as chief clerk in the Navy Department (1829-31) under Secretary of the Navy John Branch, a close friend. James dark's wife, Arabella Toole Clark, was a daughter of Henry Irwin and Elizabeth Haywood Toole, prominent Edgecombe citizens. Henry T. Clark began his education at George Phillips's school in Tarboro and later entered a school in Louisburg. In 1822 he enrolled in The University of North Carolina, being graduated with the class of 1826. He studied law under a relative, William Henry Haywood, Jr., who later (1843-46) served in the U.S. Senate. Although his father joined the Whig party after Branch's resignation from President Andrew Jackson's cabinet, young Henry, influenced by his Haywood cousins, temporarily remained a Democrat. -
Old World Gardens in the New World, Tryon Palace
Old lorld hardens In The ikm Tryon Palace New Bern, North Carolina a\r 1 "1 /^^*h\ y Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from LYRASIS members and Sloan Foundation http://www.archive.org/details/oldworldgardensiOOcarr Have your mind at peace With a heart that will not harden, From worry and sorrow find release In a Tryon Palace garden. Hid World Hardens In The ikw World I Tryon Palace Colonial and First State Capitol of North Carolina Restored by Gifts of the Late Mrs. James Edwin Latham Published by The Tryon Palace Commission Thousands of Bright Tulips are Featured in Springtime in the Maude Moore Latham Memorial Garden CONTENTS Page Foreword 7 Old World Gardens in the New World 9 Maude Moore Latham Memorial Garden 15 Kellenberger Garden 19 Green Garden 22 Hawks Allee 23 Pleached Allee 27 South Grounds 29 Kitchen Garden - 31 West Wing Areas . 35 Work Garden 37 North Areas of Palace Grounds 37 Auditorium Plants 39 Street Plantings 39 Stevenson House Garden 41 Jones House Garden 43 Stanly House Garden 45 Plantings on the Palace Grounds 47 High Praise for the Tryon Palace Gardens 58 Garden Committee of the Tryon Palace Commission— 1968 ... 60 Tryon Palace Commission Members— 1968 61 Open Days and Hours for Tryon Palace Restoration Buildings . 62 Acknowledgments 64 Coat of Arms of King George III on Tryon Palace Front Pediment FOREWORD This is the first book on the gardens at Tryon Palace to be pub- lished. It came into being as a result of requests from many and varied sources seeking information about our gardens. -
Unionism, Racism, and Federal Military Occupation in North Carolina, 1862-1865
Removing the Mask of Nationality: Unionism, Racism, and Federal Military Occupation in North Carolina, 1862-1865 By JuDKiN BROWNING As DAWN CAST ITS SHIMMERING LIGHT OVER THE SLEEPY LITTLE PORT OF Beaufort, North Carolina, on the soggy morning of March 26, 1862, local residents awoke to find their world had changed overnight. They had drifted off to sleep the night before as residents of a quiet Confederate municipality but awakened to find themselves inhabitants of the newest Federal outpost in North America. An expedition under the command of General Ambrose E. Bumside had captured Roanoke Island in February and New Bern on March 14, before advancing on Beaufort and Fort Macon, which guarded Beaufort's harbor. During the wet, foggy night of March 25, two companies from the Fourth Rhode Island regiment shoved off from Morehead City, quietly rowed past Fort Macon, landed at Beaufort's wharf, and marched into this county seat of Carteret County on the southern tip of the Outer Banks, marking the beginning of a Union occupation that would last the rest of the war.' ' John G. Parke to Ambrose Burnside, March 26, 1862, The War ofthe Rebellion: A Com- pilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (70 vols. in 128; Washington, D.C, 1880-1901), Ser. I, Vol. IX, 278-80; hereinafter cited as Official Records; Undated entry [before April 23, 1862], James Rumley Diary, Levi Woodbury Pigott Collection (North Carolina State Archives, North Carolina Office of Archives and History, Raleigh; here- inafter cited as NCSA). The identification of the diarist as James Rumley, not Levi Pigott, was made in August 2000 and is not reflected in all finding aids. -
Good Old Days? Discovery Tour
e Good Old Days? Discovery Tour Resource Manual A compendium of classroom activities and resource materials to help you prepare for your Discovery Tour Who Was Here in 1860? On the eve of the American Civil War, North Carolina was a rural state with a total population of 992,622. Most citizens had been born in North Carolina and farmed for a living. Less than 1 percent of the state’s population in 1860 was foreign born, and about 70 percent of white families owned no slaves. Nevertheless, African Americans composed approximately one-third of the total population, and the majority were slaves. Few urban commercial centers existed, and Wilmington, the largest town, had fewer than 10,000 citizens. Yeoman Famers The majority of North Carolinians in 1860 were white subsistence farmers who worked small farms, 50 to 100 acres, and owned fewer than 20 slaves. They were more concerned with rainfall, crops, and seasonal changes for planting and harvesting than with national politics. They produced most of what they consumed and relied on the sale of surplus crops for money to buy what they could not grow or make by hand on their farms. These men would constitute the bulk of North Carolina’s army in the coming war. Planters Individuals who owned 20 or more slaves were considered planters. Most North Carolina planters lived in the Coastal Plain and Piedmont regions of the state, where conditions favored large-scale farming. Although they made up a minority, these individuals exercised political influence far greater than their actual number when compared to families with few or no slaves. -
FLOOD, CHRISTINE ROWSE, Ph.D. the Arbiters of Compromise: Sectionalism, Unionism, and Secessionism in Maryland and North Carolina
FLOOD, CHRISTINE ROWSE, Ph.D. The Arbiters of Compromise: Sectionalism, Unionism, and Secessionism in Maryland and North Carolina. (2015) Directed by Dr. Mark Elliott, 268 pp. The upper south was a region that was in the literal and figurative middle during the secession crisis of 1860-1861. In the late antebellum period, the upper south had diverse populations, burgeoning economic growth and still-vibrant two-party politics, even after the collapse of the Whig party. As the north and the cotton states descended into more radicalized political positions, the upper south maintained a strong sectional identity that positioned the region as the only sane and rational part of the deteriorating nation. Upper south sectional identity was rooted in general distaste for extremism of any sort, a political culture that could allow negotiation on the question of slavery in the territories, a willingness to give the Lincoln administration a chance, and the belief that the upper south states would provide the political and social leadership to forestall secession and war. Though seemingly dissimilar at first glance, Maryland and North Carolina were two states which approached the matter of union of disunion with similar caution, and were the home of strong examples of upper south sectional identity. Through a study of both the unionist and secessionist leadership in each state, this dissertation reveals the development of the upper south sectional identity and the significant attempts at compromise that were being present in Maryland and North Carolina during the secession winter. These two states provide two excellent case studies of upper south sectional identity, as each state had populations and political leadership that was not tied to perpetual and unrestricted slavery, as well as leadership drawn from the slaveholding and non-slaveholding population. -
Legislating the Danville Connection, 1847-1862: Railroads and Regionalism Versus Nationalism in the Confederate States of America
Virginia Commonwealth University VCU Scholars Compass Theses and Dissertations Graduate School 2014 Legislating the Danville Connection, 1847-1862: Railroads and Regionalism versus Nationalism in the Confederate States of America Philip Stanley Virginia Commonwealth University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd Part of the United States History Commons © The Author Downloaded from https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/3510 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at VCU Scholars Compass. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of VCU Scholars Compass. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Philip W. Stanley 2014 All Rights Reserved Legislating the Danville Connection, 1847-1862: Railroads and Regionalism versus Nationalism in the Confederate States of America A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Virginia Commonwealth University. by Philip William Stanley Bachelor of Arts, Virginia Commonwealth University, 2011 Director: Dr. Kathryn Meier Associate Professor, Virginia Commonwealth University Department of History Virginia Commonwealth University Richmond, Virginia August 2014 ii Acknowledgments No major work is completed without the help of others. I would like to thank the following people for their assistance, support, and friendship during the past year while I completed this project. To David L. Bright, creator of csa-railroads.com, for responding to my emails in a timely fashion, for his suggestions, and his help tracking down the elusive Fifteenth Annual Report of the Richmond and Danville Railroad Company. To Sally S. Dickinson at the Watkinson Library at Trinity College in Hartford, Connecticut, for her assistance and willingness to scan all one hundred pages of the Fifteenth Annual Report. -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Party Formation in the United States a Dissertation Submitted in Partial Satisfaction of Th
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Party Formation in the United States Adissertationsubmittedinpartialsatisfactionofthe requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Darin Dion DeWitt 2013 c Copyright by Darin Dion DeWitt 2013 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Party Formation in the United States by Darin Dion DeWitt Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2013 Professor Thomas Schwartz, Chair This dissertation is about how political parties formed in the world’s first mass democracy, the United States. I trace the process of party formation from the bottom up. First, I ask: How do individuals become engaged in politics and develop political affiliations? In most states, throughout the antebellum era, the county was the primary unit of political admin- istration and electoral representation. Owing to their small size, contiguity, and economic homogeneity, I expect that each county’s active citizens will form a county-wide governing coalition that organizes and dominates local politics. Second, I ask: Which political actor had incentives to lure county organizations into one coalition? I argue that the institutional rules for electing United States Senators – indirect election by state legislature – induced prospective United States Senators to construct a majority coalition in the state legislature. Drawing on nineteenth century newspapers, I construct a new dataset from the minutes of political meetings in three states between 1820 and 1860. I find that United States Senators created state parties out of homogeneous counties. They encouraged cooperation among county-wide governing coalitions by canvassing annual county political meetings, drafting ii and revising a multi-issue policy platform that had the potential to unite a majority of the state’s county governing coalitions, encouraging individual counties to create county- wide committees of correspondence and vigilance, and, finally, organizing a permanent state central committee and regular state-wide conventions. -
Under the Direction of Dr
ABSTRACT KING, STEFANIE ALYSON. Consent and Coercion in the Central Piedmont of North Carolina during the Civil War Era. (Under the direction of Dr. Susanna Lee). In recent years the study of Civil War loyalty has gained considerable scholarly attention. Most of these studies demonstrate that many in the North and South struggled to balance conflicting loyalties between nation, state, family, religion, and self-interest throughout the war. This thesis finds that while all of these factors contributed to dissent, an underlying element that created dissent and disloyalty during the Civil War era was the belief that the government was violating the principles of proper republican rule. This study focuses on white North Carolinians living in a small region in the piedmont of North Carolina that was known as a hotbed of Unionist sentiment during the Civil War. The study uses newspapers, correspondence, political speeches, and testimony from the Southern Claims Commission to analyze how these white North Carolinians rationalized their positions. White North Carolinians from the secession crisis, through the Civil War, and into Reconstruction consistently criticized the both the Union and the Confederate governments for abusing their power. They concentrated their criticism on the ideas of consent and coercion by claiming that the government was not relying on the consent of the governed and was also using coercive policies against its own residents. White North Carolinians in the piedmont resisted the perceived imposition of illegitimate government power by advocating a truly republican form of government. The rationale that the government was failing to represent the will and the good of the people was central to shaping disloyalty during the Civil War era. -
ABSTRACT Title of Dissertation: CONFEDERATE FEDERALISM
ABSTRACT Title of Dissertation: CONFEDERATE FEDERALISM: A VIEW FROM THE GOVERNORS Michael Albert Powell, Doctor of Philosophy, 2004 Dissertation directed by: Professor Herman J. Belz Department of History Examination of Confederate fed eralism to date generally has emphasized one of two interpretations: that the Confederacy either “died of state rights” or that the Confederacy, because of the war -time demands, created a government at least as centralized as the Union, if not more so. Th is dissertation argues that the reality was much more complex. Confederate federalism consisted of three phases. The first, or the cooperative, phase was represented by a high degree of cooperation between the states and central government and lasted fro m the formation of the Confederacy until the spring of 1862. The governors freely provided troops, arms, and equipment to both the Confederacy and each other with minimal conflict over constitutional lines of authority. The second phase, from the spring of 1862 to the fall of 1864, was marked by conflict between the states and the Davis administration, with the differences resolved through negotiated compromises. While conscription was a war -time necessity, compromises were negotiated between the governors and the Davis administration over exemptions, use of state courts in deciding the constitutionality of conscription, and changes in the law itself. Impressment and the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus were recognized by the governors as legitima te constitutional powers of the central government, but limitations were negotiated with respect to their enforcement. Lastly, fiscal policies were deemed by the governors to fall within the sphere of the Confederacy’s constitutional authority and therefo re beyond the scope of gubernatorial authority. -
037 Date 1978,__/.L...79L
Forrr, 'IO·SOO 01\H; ~Jo 10?4 -0018 10-Jt-84 only received date entered instructions in How to Complete National all sections historic Franklinville Historic District ~------------ ... --------·· ---~ and or common street & number city, town Franklinville of -~---------~- ------~--~----·--------~----~----~----------------------------------~----------- stateNorth Carolina code 037 code Status Present Use __}L district ___ public ---* occupied __ agriculture ___ museum _ building(s) ___ private -'1f- unoccupied ~commercial ~-park ___ structure ~both ____ work in progress __ educational _x__ private residence site Public Accessible ___ entertainment ___ religious ____ object ____ in process . _x_ yes: restricted __ government __ scientific ___ being considered --·-· yes: unrestricted ___ industrial __ transportation __ other: name See continuation sheet. ------------------------- street & number state courthouse, registry of deeds, etc. Randolph County Register of Deeds __________ street & number Randolph County Courthouse title Randolph County Inventory -X-. no date 1978,__/.L....79L...__ ___ federal _ state _X_ county _ local ~e p~-~~rr.!~!-~-~-rv_~y__!:_ec~!~ _____Rando.l.p.h __ County ,, city, town state sheet Owners' names and addresses Item number 1 1 Walter Roberts 15 Ruby Shortridge Roberts Realty Franklinville, N. C. 27248 Asheboro, N. C. 27203 16 Harvey Ray 2 Walter Clark Central Drywall and Ceiling 71 N. Union St. Rt. 6, Box 410 Concord, N. C. Asheboro, N. C. 27203 3 William Lee 17 James D. and Louise Morton Saxapahaw, N. C. Franklinville, N. C. 27248 4 Walter Clark 18 Randolph Mills 71 N. Union Street c/o Bradford R. Leggett Concord, N. C. P 0 Drawer 15026 Winston-Salem, N. C. 27103 5 Randolph Mills c/o Bradford R. -
Slr WALTER RALEGH and the NEW WORLD John W
-· . l\!.C. DQG~ l~~ENTS • FEB !J !996 . '-'• v Tr, ..: L IBAARY Rr .. LEIGH Historical Publications Section Division of Archives and History Department of Cultural Resources 109 East J ones Street Raleigh, North Carolina 27601-2807 Telephone (919) 733-7442 Fax (919) 733-1439 The cover sho,vs the officers of Company G (the "Washington Volunteers•), 1st Regiment, N.C. State Troops: Captain Louis Charles Latham (center), First Lieutena nt Nehemiah .J . Whitehurst (right), a nd Second Lieutenant Julian A. Latha1n (left). The photograph is from State Troops and Volunteers : A Photographic Record of North Carolina's Civil \Va1· Soldiers, described on page 2 of this catalog. Image courtesy of Mrs. Carolyn Brinkley (niece of Louis and Julian Latham) a nd the Historical Society of Washington County, Inc. 22,000 copies of this catalog ,vere printed at a cost of $7,438.00, or $.34 each. CONTENTS New Civil War Titles----------------------------- 2 North Carolina Troops, 1861-1865: A Roster ----·-·--•---------------------- -............ ----·---·---------3 Coastal North Carolina------------------------ 4 North Carolina Historical Review ----------------- --- 6 Carolina Comments -------------------------------------- 6 Old Favorites --------------------------------------7 North Carolina's African American Heritage ---- 8 County History Series ---------------------------- 9 Life and Culture in North Carolina ----------------11 North Carolina at War -----------------------13 Publications of General Interest--------------------15 Modern Governors Papers -
Abstract Porter, Jr., Douglas Robert
ABSTRACT PORTER, JR., DOUGLAS ROBERT. “Defying the Destructives”: Confederate Disaffection and Disloyalty in North Carolina’s Northwestern Foothills, 1861-1865. (Under the direction of Susanna Lee.) This thesis considers Confederate disaffection and disloyalty in North Carolina’s northwestern foothills; particularly Forsyth, Stokes, Surry, Yadkin, and Wilkes Counties. In so doing, this thesis adds to a growing collection of social histories and community studies that question Southern loyalties during the Civil War, and suggest that social, religious, and political factors, as well as war weariness contributed to anti-Confederate thought and behavior. Prewar Unionism and overwhelming opposition to secession before mid-April 1861 prevented the foothill counties from wholly devoting themselves to the Confederacy. Consequently, uncommitted foothill citizens rejected the Confederacy once faced with the Richmond government’s unpopular wartime measures. Relentless hardships on the homefront additionally deepened regional dissatisfaction. In reaction, the foothills’ disaffected population viewed the Confederate national government and North Carolina’s original secessionists who encouraged the war as their primary enemies. In response, the region’s anti-Confederates disloyally rebelled against the Richmond government, North Carolina’s pro-war politicians, and the Southern war effort from April 1862 until the end of the war. DEFYING THE “DESTRUCTIVES”: CONFEDERATE DISAFFECTION AND DISLOYALTY IN NORTH CAROLINA’S NORTHWESTERN FOOTHILLS, 1861-1865