Cyberdépendance » Au Canada Et Au Québec

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Cyberdépendance » Au Canada Et Au Québec La construction sociale de la « cyberdépendance » au Canada et au Québec Thèse Sandra Juneau Doctorat en service social Philosophiae doctor (Ph.D.) Québec, Canada © Sandra Juneau, 2017 La construction sociale de la « cyberdépendance » au Canada et au Québec Thèse Sandra Juneau Sous la direction de : Joane Martel, directrice de recherche Résumé Depuis plus de vingt ans, nombre d’acteurs sociaux revendiquent l’existence de la « cyberdépendance » comme nouvelle forme potentielle de « dépendance ». Or, l’idée de lier Internet et dépendance divise les différents experts au sein de différentes sphères d’influence (psychiatrie, médecine, psychologie, etc.), et ce, partout dans le monde. De telles divisions ont cours également au Canada et au Québec. L’enjeu est suffisamment important pour que les acteurs sociaux québécois et canadiens se mobilisent afin de définir, de formuler et d’imposer leurs revendications. Privilégiant une lentille constructiviste, nous avons cherché à documenter l’émergence de la « cyberdépendance » au Canada et au Québec en examinant, plus particulièrement, les rôles joués par différents acteurs sociaux dont les luttes visent à mobiliser l’attention publique dans différentes arènes publiques pour obtenir la reconnaissance officielle de leur version du « problème ». Une analyse qualitative de documents écrits, audios ou audiovisuels anglophones et francophones (2838 pages et 312 minutes d’audio et d’audiovidéo) a permis de documenter des confrontations discursives se déroulant simultanément et s’entrecroisant inévitablement dans les arènes publiques scientifique, psychosociale et médiatique. Deux grandes écoles de pensée ressortent de ces analyses. La première comprend les contre-discours minoritaires d’acteurs refusant de reconnaitre la « cyberdépendance » comme étant une psychopathologie. À travers leurs revendications, les acteurs sociaux expliquent que l’utilisation d’Internet n’est pas un problème en soi, mais qu’elle est devenue une nouvelle tentative créée de toutes pièces par certains acteurs afin de stigmatiser et médicaliser des activités du quotidien et s’approprier un nouveau champ d’intervention. Parmi les militants du contre-discours, d’autres pensent que l’utilisation d’Internet même n’est pas en cause. Le problème proviendrait plutôt de certaines activités ou applications spécifiques qui ont un potentiel de dépendance et qui ont un effet sur les comportements des internautes. Tous ces contre-discours, qui ont émergé dans les différentes sphères publiques, iii demeurent marginaux et minoritaires dans les analyses documentaires. La seconde école de pensée comprend les discours majoritaires qui prônent une reconnaissance pleine et entière de la « cyberdépendance » comme étant un problème réel. Parmi eux, certains acteurs sociaux proclament non seulement l’existence de la « cyberdépendance », mais en fabriquent une vision essentiellement moraliste alors que d’autres en construisent une vision principalement biomédicale — d’ailleurs davantage dominante. D’autres, experts cette fois-ci, s’interrogent sur les motifs, les conditions et les modalités qui rendent l’expérience virtuelle problématique. Ils tentent de trouver à quel moment le comportement de l’utilisateur « normal » devient pathologique. De là, deux discours s’articulent autour de la biomédicalisation de la « cyberdépendance ». Un premier pan de la médecine véhicule, d’abord, un discours de la maladie physique basée sur des théories scientifiques telles que la neurobiologie ou la génétique moléculaire — la dépendance à Internet aurait alors des causes physiques. Un deuxième pan articule sa construction de la « cyberdépendance » autour de la maladie mentale. Le travail de documentation de la construction d’un discours a mis en exergue qu’à partir d’une simple présomption sans réel fondement, toute une construction discursive et professionnelle pouvait s’échafauder autour du concept de la « cyberdépendance ». Qui plus est, différents groupes d’acteurs sociaux continuent de débattre d’un problème qu’ils ont bâti de toutes pièces et pour lequel les chances de devenir dépendant semblent presque nulles aux yeux de plusieurs. Et pourtant, leur persévérance dans ce processus de construction sociale témoigne de la présence d’enjeux suffisamment cruciaux pour les inciter à poursuivre leur chasse aux « cyberdépendants ». Cette chasse permet, pour sa part — au terme d’argumentations, de répétitions, d’approbations par les pairs et de récupérations médiatiques — de se convaincre de l’existence objective de la « cyberdépendance », à un point tel que nous avons retracé des activités définitionnelles liées à la problématisation sociale de la « cyberdépendance », à sa structure identitaire, à ses causes et à ses conséquences et la création de stratégies d’intervention. Les joutes discursives entourant la construction sociale de la « cyberdépendance » se poursuivent et les défenseurs de iv cette nouvelle « pathologie » continuent de militer pour que la « cyberdépendance » soit reconnue comme entité universelle dans une prochaine version révisée du DSM (DSM-5.1). Nous concluons cette thèse en proposant quatre pistes de recherche pouvant documenter davantage la construction sociale de la « cyberdépendance ». v Abstract For more than twenty years, a number of social actors advocate for the acknowledgement of the existence of an “Internet Addiction Disorder” as a potential new type of “addiction”. Linking the Internet to addiction, however, creates a divide between experts from various influential fields (psychiatry, medicine, psychology, etc.) all over the world. Such divisions also take place in Canada and Quebec. The stakes are sufficiently high to entice Quebec and Canadian social actors to define, express and impose their own views of the situation. Adopting a social constructivist lens, we have sought to document the emergence of the “Internet Addiction Disorder” as a public problem in Canada and Quebec by scrutinizing, more specifically, the roles played by various social actors who seek to mobilize public attention in diverse public realms in order to obtain official acknowledgement of their own version of the “problem”. A qualitative analysis of English and French written, audio and audiovisual sources (2838 pages and 312 minutes of audio and audiovisual) brings to light a display of discursive clashes unfolding simultaneously, and inevitably intersecting in scientific, psychosocial and media domains. Two major schools of thought emerge from these analyses. The first comprises the minority counter-discourses of actors who refuse to acknowledge “internet addiction disorder” as a psychiatric disorder. They demonstrate through their argumentation that the use of the internet is not in itself problematic, that the psychiatric disorder is completely fabricated in an attempt, by some actors, to stigmatize and medicalize everyday activities in order to claim a new field of practice. Other actors advocate that internet usage in itself is not the problem, that, instead, the problem stems from certain activities or specific uses that have the potential to create an addiction, and exert their effects on internet user behaviour. These aforementioned counter- discourses that have surfaced in various public realms remain marginal within our document analysis. The majority school of thought encompasses actors who support a complete recognition of “internet addiction disorder” as a real problem. Among them, certain social actors speak of the existence of “internet addiction disorder” in vi moralistic terms, while others frame it primarily within a biomedical perspective. The latter position is becoming the most dominant. Others, experts specifically, seek to investigate the causes, predisposing conditions and modalities that make the virtual experience problematic. They attempt to draw the line where “normal” internet usage becomes pathological. From that point, two discourses address the biomedicalization of “internet addiction disorder”. The first is a discourse of physical illness based on scientific fields such as neurobiology or molecular genetics; internet addiction would stem, here, from physical causes. The tenants of a second discourse construct “internet addiction disorder” as a mental illness and promote its classification as one of either a distinct psychiatric disorder, an impulse control disorder or an obsessive compulsive disorder. Documenting the construction of a discourse highlights how, from an objectively unsubstantiated assumption, an entire discursive and professional construct can be built around the concept of "internet addiction disorder". Far from over, a debate continues between various groups around a social problem completely fabricated by themselves and for which the likelihood of becoming addicted seems almost impossible, according to some. Their perseverance in this social construction nevertheless reveals stakes high enough to justify persisting in their hunt for “internet addicts”. This hunt allows us, through debates, repetition, peer approval and media coverage, to become convinced of the objective existence of an "internet addiction disorder", to the point where we have been in a position to trace definitional attempts related to the social problematization of "internet addiction disorder", to its identity structure, to its causes and consequences, as well as to the creation of intervention strategies. The discourses surrounding the social concept of “internet addiction disorder” persist, with believers in this new “disorder”
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