Approaching the PIDE 'From Below': Petitions, Spontaneous Applications and Denunciation Letters to Salazar's Secret Police
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The Portuguese Colonial War: Why the Military Overthrew Its Government
The Portuguese Colonial War: Why the Military Overthrew its Government Samuel Gaspar Rodrigues Senior Honors History Thesis Professor Temma Kaplan April 20, 2012 Rodrigues 2 Table of Contents Introduction ..........................................................................................................................3 Before the War .....................................................................................................................9 The War .............................................................................................................................19 The April Captains .............................................................................................................33 Remembering the Past .......................................................................................................44 The Legacy of Colonial Portugal .......................................................................................53 Bibliography ......................................................................................................................60 Rodrigues 3 Introduction When the Portuguese people elected António Oliveira de Salazar to the office of Prime Minister in 1932, they believed they were electing the right man for the job. He appealed to the masses. He was a far-right conservative Christian, but he was less radical than the Portuguese Fascist Party of the time. His campaign speeches appeased the syndicalists as well as the wealthy landowners in Portugal. However, he never was -
Saved by the Civil War: African 'Loyalists' in the Portuguese Armed Forces and Angola's Transition to Independence
Saved by the civil war: African ‘loyalists’ in the Portuguese armed forces and Angola’s transition to independence Pedro Aires Oliveira Instituto de História Contemporânea, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 1069-061 Lisboa [email protected] Abstract: The article examines the trajectories of ‘loyal’ African troops in Angola before and after the demise of Portugal’s authoritarian regime in 1974. It starts by placing the ‘Africanization’ drive of the Portuguese counterinsurgency campaign in a historical perspective; it then explores the rocky transition from colonial rule to independence in the territory between April 1974 and November 1975, describing the course of action taken by the Portuguese authorities vis-à-vis their former collaborators in the security forces. A concluding section draws a comparison between the fate of Portugal’s loyalists in Angola and the one experienced by similar groups in other ex-Portuguese colonies. The choice of Angola has the advantage of allowing us to look into a complex scenario in which the competition amongst rival nationalist groups, and a number of external factors, helped to produce a more ambiguous outcome for some of the empire’s local collaborators than what might have been otherwise expected. Keywords: Angola; colonial troops; Loyalists; counter-insurgency; Decolonization The dissolution of Portugal’s overseas empire in 1975 happened after a protracted counterinsurgency war which took place in three of its African territories (Angola, Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique), a 13 year conflict (1961- 74) that put an enormous strain on the limited demographic and economic resources of what was then Western Europe’s poorest and most undeveloped 1 state. -
French Involvement and Solidarity in South West France with the Spanish Republic in the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939)
French Involvement and Solidarity in South West France with the Spanish Republic in the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) Oliver Astington, BA (Hons) Thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham for the degree of Master of the Arts in Modern Language Studies December 2010 1 Acknowledgements Although the research for this thesis has been based on individual research, I would like to thank all those who have in many ways funded, facilitated and enabled this research project to be successful. I am grateful for the kind support of the University of Nottingham School of Modern Languages and Cultures for part funding my research and providing me with excellent support from the staff at the Postgraduate office to the academics of the Departments of French and Francophone studies and Spanish, Portuguese and Latin American Studies. It has been a pleasure to have discussed and presented my research, as well as learnt from the experience of academics and peers alike within these departments. Special thanks must go to Dr Gareth Stockey who encouraged me throughout the project and allowed it to develop so successfully, having benefitted from two of his courses on the Spanish Civil War as an undergraduate from 2008-2009. I would also like to thank Professor Nick Hewitt for his advice on the Front Populaire in France and whose course on the Front Populaire and Culture from 2008-09 provided me with the foundations for many aspects of the French side of this study. I must also thank the staff at numerous departmental archives across the South West of France, whose time and advice was greatly valued in finding so many intriguing documents for my viewing. -
Of Welfare State
University of Utrecht Faculty of Humanities Master Program Politics and Society in Historical Perspective Carlos Miguel Jorge Martins (student number 5574714) Master Thesis: Welfare Growth in Times of Retrenchment – The Case of Portugal Welfare Growth in Times of Retrenchment – The Case of Portugal 2015 Contents Contents ............................................................................................................................................ 3 Abstract ............................................................................................................................................ 4 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 5 Chapter I - An Era of Welfare Retrenchment? ............................................................................... 13 Welfare State .............................................................................................................................. 13 Welfare Retrenchment ................................................................................................................ 14 A Trajectory of Retrenchment .................................................................................................... 16 What Can Explain Welfare Retrenchment? ................................................................................ 22 Neoliberalism ........................................................................................................................ -
Fundamental Rights at Europe's Southern Sea Borders
doi:10.2811/26971 TK-31-12-373-EN-C EUROPEAN UNION AGENCY FOR FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS DIGNITY FRA HELPING TO MAKE FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS A REALITY FOR EVERYONE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION Fundamental rights at Europe’s southern sea borders southern sea Europe’s at rights Fundamental Each year, hundreds of men, women and children board overcrowded and ill-equipped boats in an attempt to reach Europe, a phenomenon that started in the late 1980s after European countries tightened immigration policies and made it more difficult to enter such countries in a regular way. They may be fleeing violence and persecution or seeking improved opportunities for themselves and their families. Many do not survive the trip, never reaching their destination, as documented by media headlines and substantiated by several reports. Others are intercepted and turned back. Those who do make it may be detained until their legal status is clarified. This FRA report examines the conditions at Europe’s southern sea borders with respect to the most fundamental rights of a person, the right to life and the right not to be sent back to torture, persecution or inhuman treatment. It looks at sea border surveillance and disembarkation procedures, as well as general issues such as European Union (EU) policy, training and Frontex-coordinated operations, and examines practices across the EU Member States researched – Cyprus, Greece, Italy, Malta and Spain. By mapping the fundamental rights challenges at Europe’s southern sea borders and by identifying promising practices, this report is intended to offer advice to EU policy makers as well as practitioners at both the EU and Member State level. -
Lusophone Africa-Rule of Law Political
INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION OF JURISTS COMMISSION INTERNATIONALE DE JURISTES - COMISION INTERNACIONAL DE JUR.'STAS INTERNATIONALE JURISTEN-KOMMISSION 6, RUE DU MONT-DE-SION, GENEVA, SWITZERLAND - TELEPHONE 25 53 00 CABLE ADDRESS-. INTERJURISTS PORTUGUESE AFRICA AND THE RULE OF LAW A STUDY OP THE POLITICAL, ECONOMIC and SOCIAL SITUATION OF THE AFRICAN POPULATIONS IN THE PORTUGUESE TERRITORIES OP CONTINENTAL APRICA Ph.COMTE June 15f 1962 TABLE OP CONTENTS PRELIMINARY NOTE MAPS OP ANGOLA AND MOZAMBIQUE INTRODUCTION Chapter I. INTEGRATION*, THE THEORY AND ITS LIMITS Part I. The Political Unity of the Portuguese Nation §1. Political. Unity against the .Historical Background of Portuguese Colonial Policy §2. Political Unity under Current Positive Law I. The Principle of Political Unity II. Administrative Diversity * Part II. Assimilation of the Natives in Law :§1, Assimilation in the History of Portuguese Colonial Policy ; §2. The Status of the Natives Under the 1933 Constitution I, The Constitution of 1933 II* The Organic Law Relating to Portuguese Overseas Territories (Act'n°2066 of June.27, 1953) III. The Statute of Indigenous Persons of Portuguese Nationality in the Provinces of Portuguese Guinea, Angola.and Mozam bique (Legislative Decree n$S‘*666 of May 20, 1954) §3» Legislative Decree n°43.893 of September 6, 1961 Chapter II. THE POLITCAL ^ND ADMINISTRATIVE INSTITUTIONS Part I. The Political Rights of the Native Part II. The Administrative System §1. The Organs of Central•’ Pt^wer I. The Constitutional Organs of the Portuguese Republic II,- The Administration of the Overseas Provinces §2, The Organs .of Administration.in the .Overseas Provinces ; §3, The Administration of the African'Rural Areas Part III, The Judicial System I, The System Prior to September 6, 1961s Duality of Jurisdiction II. -
African Troops in the Portuguese Colonial Army, 1961-1974
J. P. BORGES COELHO, PORTUGUESE STUDIES REVIEW 10 (1) (2002): 129-50 African Troops in the Portuguese Colonial Army, 1961-1974: Angola, Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique1 João Paulo Borges Coelho Eduardo Mondlane University, Maputo, Mozambique Abstract: The colonial powers systematically included Africans in the wars waged to preserve their order. Portugal was not an exception in this respect. Since 1961, with the beginning of the liberation wars in her colonies, Portugal incorporated Africans in her war effort in Angola, Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique through a process enveloped in an ideological discourse based on “multi-racialism” and on the preservation of the empire. African engagement varied from marginal roles as servants and informers to more important ones as highly operational combat units. By the end of the Portuguese colonial war, in 1974, African participation had become crucial, representing about half of all operational colonial troops. This paper explores in a comparative framework the three cases of Angola, Guinea- Bissau and Mozambique, seeking the rationale behind the process and the shapes it took. The abrupt end of the colonial war, triggered by a military coup in Portugal, paved the way for the independence of the colonies, but left a legacy difficult to manage by the newly independent countries. Shedding some light on the destiny of the former African collaborators during this period, the paper suggests that they played a role in the post- independence civil conflicts in Angola and Mozambique. © 2002 Portuguese Studies Review. All rights reserved. (...) if it isn’t to be a poor character with little utility, the European soldier will cost us too much. -
The PIDE/DGS's Dealings with Rhodesia and South Africa
Article Journal of Contemporary History 2014, Vol. 49(2) 366–389 Parallel Diplomacy, ! The Author(s) 2014 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav Parallel War: The DOI: 10.1177/0022009413515536 PIDE/DGS’s Dealings jch.sagepub.com with Rhodesia and South Africa, 1961–74 Filipe Ribeiro de Meneses National University of Ireland, Maynooth, Ireland Robert McNamara University of Ulster, Ireland Abstract PIDE/DGS, Portugal’s secret police during the New State (1932–74), had an important role to play in the country’s colonial wars, which lasted from 1961 to 1974. Using documentation circulated at meetings held regularly with the police forces and intelli- gence services of UDI Rhodesia and South Africa, this article attempts to reveal the scale, and the limitations, of PIDE/DGS’s ambitions in that conflict. Keywords decolonization, PIDE, Portugal, Rhodesia, South Africa, war On 18 May 1974, The Economist published a scathing attack on the recently extin- guished Portuguese political police, the DGS (Direcc¸a˜ o Geral de Seguranc¸a, better known by its previous name, PIDE (Polı´cia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado)), whose headquarters, in the wake of the revolution of 25 April, was now in the hands of the military. The unnamed correspondent discounted lingering fears about the PIDE agents still at large: ‘I doubt whether those of its members who are still at liberty could constitute a threat to anyone but themselves’. The PIDE was portrayed as hopelessly old-fashioned. Officers were of poor quality; there were no computer- ized records; workshops and labs were out of date; the political indoctrination of the agents ‘would have pleased someone like Marshal Pe´tain 40 years ago’. -
Slander, Ideological Differences, Or Academic Debate? the “Verão Quente” of 2012 and the State of Portuguese Historiography
Slander, Ideological Differences, or Academic Debate? The “Verão Quente” of 2012 and the State of Portuguese Historiography Filipe Ribeiro de Meneses1 Over the course of the summer of 2012 the Portuguese historical profession suffered a major blow to its image and reputation. Due initially to the efforts of a single colleague, the gloves came off within the Portuguese academy, with old battles being fought anew, and with veterans and newcomers alike joining in what at times became an unseemly war of words. Week after week, in the pages of the daily newspaper Público, historians—some known to the general public, others less so—argued about the relative merits of one work in particular, the state of historical writing in Portugal in general, and the links between history, ideology, and the political commentary on current events that so many Portuguese academics, historians included, engage in. This should not have been a problem, and indeed some valid points were made along the way; but they were made in the context of a discussion initiated by slander, or something very close to slander, and which was shaped by political passions at a particularly difficult and sensitive time in recent Portuguese life, when the country is gripped by apprehension over the effects of prolonged austerity. As a result, the overall value of the incident as a whole was negligible, and it certainly did not amount to a badly needed debate over how differing visions of the past can coexist in present-day Portugal. This article attempts to chronicle the dispute, setting it into its wider context for the benefit of readers outside Portugal. -
Costa Raphael J 2014 Phd.Pdf (8.625Mo)
Making the ‘New Lourinhã, a European Lourinhã’: Democracy, Civic Engagement, and the Urban Development of Lourinhã, Portugal, since 1966 Raphael Costa A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN HISTORY YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, ONTARIO September 2014 © Raphael Costa, 2014 Abstract Since 1966, Lourinhã’s urban landscape has transformed as Portugal democratized. From a rural town with little infrastructure and few institutions in 1966, Lourinhã emerged by 2001 as an ostensibly modern European town. This work highlights key areas of economic and urban development and argues that Lourinhã’s political culture became more institutionalized leaving less room for, and withering expectation of, citizen participation in local development as Portugal transitioned from dictatorship to democracy. This dissertation examines Portugal’s transition from the Estado Novo dictatorship (1933-1974) to European social democracy by focusing on Lourinhã’s – a town of 22,000 people, north of Lisbon – urbanization since 1966. Lourinhã’s urbanization involved, and indeed required, a shift in its institutional and political culture. In the 1960s and 1970s people were expected to participate in development at a cultural, political and financial level, acting as substitutes for non-existent state mechanisms of development. However, by the late 1980s, the momentum had shifted as regional, national, and European institutions participated in developmental programs, marking a dramatic change in how citizens engaged with the state and the Portuguese nation. From this shift has emerged a debate about the nature of Portugal’s transition to democracy. With the Carnation Revolution of 1974 – the military coup that toppled the Estado Novo – at the center of analysis, academics and pundits ask whether that event represented “evolution or revolution” for Portugal. -
Two South Africans in the Portuguese Wars of Decolonization (1961-1975): It Could Have Been Better, It Could Have Been Worse
Two South Africans in the Portuguese Wars of Decolonization (1961-1975): it could have been better, it could have been worse. Bruno Cardoso Reis1 Abstract The two books reviewed in this article offer testimonies by two South Africans with direct experience of the Portuguese Wars of Decolonization. Al Venter is the only foreign war correspondent with direct experience in the field in all three theaters of operations of the Portuguese late colonial wars. Brigadier General van der Waals was the Vice-Consul and de facto military attaché in Luanda from 1970 to 1974. Both books show that South Africa was the foreign power most directly involved in these conflicts and with most vital interests at stake. It has, consequently, every reason to pay the closest possible attention to them. Both books also show that, despite the close cooperation in the field between South Africa and Portugal, especially after 1968, the mainstream South African view of these counter-insurgencies was often very critical of the Portuguese war effort. Keywords South Africa, Portugal, counter-insurgency, Angola, Mozambique Resumo Os dois livros analisados neste artigo oferecem testemunhos escritos por dois sul- africanos com experiência directa das guerras portuguesas de descolonização de 1961-1975. O texto de Al Venter representa o testemunho do único correspondente de guerra estrangeira com experiência directa no terreno dos três teatros de operações das guerras coloniais portuguesas. O outro é da autoria do general de brigada van der Waals, vice-cônsul e adido militar de facto da África do Sul em Luanda no período 1970-1974. Ambos os livros são reveladores do facto de que a África do Sul foi a potência estrangeira com a maior participação directa e mais interesses vitais em jogo nestes conflitos e tinha, consequentemente, todas as razões para lhes prestar a máxima atenção. -
Violence and Invisibility During Salazarism
VIOLENCE AND INVISIBILITY DURING SALAZARISM THE POLITICS OF VISIBILITY THROUGH THE FILMS 48 AND O ALAR DA REDE SOFIA LOPES BORGES MPHIL 2017 SUPERVISORS: DR. JULIA NG AND DR. ROS GRAY CENTRE FOR CULTURAL STUDIES GOLDSMITHS COLLEGE, UNIVERSITY OF LONDON SUPPORTED BY: FCT — PORTUGUESE FOUNDATION FOR SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY DECLARATION OF AUTHORSHIP 2 I, Sofia Lopes Borges, hereby declare that this thesis and the work presented in it is entirely my own. Where I have consulted the work of others, this is always clearly stated. Date: November 9, 2017 Signed: 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 3 I am grateful to Dr. Julia Ng, who walked me through this project particularly during the initial stages, and then to Dr. Ros Gray who also guided me to completion with insight. I am most indebted to my loVe, Stéphane Blumer for his patience and graciousness in assisting and encouraging me throughout the course of this research. 3 ABSTRACT 4 This inVestigation analyses the relations uniting the long endurance of the Salazarist dictatorship in Portugal and the political processes of its cryptic Violence. Departing from the differentiation between different types of Violence, this thesis shows that structural Violence was used intentionally by the regime within the limits of a spectrum of Visibility, in an effort to create its own normalisation. This research examines the mechanism and manifestation of both direct and structural Violence through a study of different filmic data. Film serVed as key propaganda medium for the regime, holding together the concealment of direct Violence and generating structural Violence. Undermining this authoritarian gesture, this enquiry further explores the deVice of Visibility, intrinsic to filmic material, which challenges the Portuguese regime's politics of self-censorship.