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A MODEL of SELF-REFLEXIVITY and ITS RELATIONSHIP to DEPRESSION and SOCIAL ANXIETY SYMPTOMS a Thesis Submitte

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A MODEL of SELF-REFLEXIVITY and ITS RELATIONSHIP to DEPRESSION and SOCIAL ANXIETY SYMPTOMS a Thesis Submitte THE REFLEXIVE SELF: A MODEL OF SELF-REFLEXIVITY AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO DEPRESSION AND SOCIAL ANXIETY SYMPTOMS A thesis submitted to Kent State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts by Stephen David Mullet August, 2009 Thesis written by Stephen David Mullet B.A., Kent State University, 2006 M.A., Kent State University, 2009 Approved by _______________________________, Advisor Richard T. Serpe, Ph.D. _______________________________, Chair, Department of Sociology Richard T. Serpe, Ph.D. _______________________________, Dean, College of Arts and Sciences John R.D. Stalvey, Ph.D ii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES………………………………………………...vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS…………………………………………………………viii I. INTRODUCTION: STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM…………………….1 a. Psychological Dilemmas of Modernity………………………………….................................................1 i. Emile Durkheim and Anomie……………………………………..1 ii. Karl Marx and Alienation…………………………………………1 iii. Max Weber and the Iron Cage…………………………………….1 iv. Georg Simmel and Marginality……………………………………2 b. Mental Health as a Social Problem……………………………………......2 i. Current U.S. Spending on Mental Health Services…………...…...2 ii. Projected Scope of Problem: W.H.O. Statistics…………………...2 c. Agenda for the Current Project…………………………………………....3 i. Assess the Mental Health Benefits of Self-Reflexivity…………...3 ii. Typology of Self-Structure………………………………………..3 iii. Self-Reflexivity Rooted in Dual Nature of Humans……………....3 II. MAN AS HOMO DUPLEX…………………………………………………..5 a. Theoretical and Philosophical Tradition on Duality of Self…………...…5 iii i. Work of Emile Durkheim…………………………………………5 ii. Work of Friedrich Nietzsche………………………………………6 iii. Work of Sigmund Freud…………………………………………..6 iv. Work of G.H. Mead……………………………………………….7 b. Sociology’s Neglect of the Dark Side……………………………………..8 III. THE REFLEXIVE SELF: UNIFYING THE DIVIDED PERSONALITY…..9 a. Durkheim and the Notion of Balance…………………………………….................................................9 b. Borrowing from Psychoanalytic Thinkers: Freud and Jung………………………………………………………………………..9 c. Bringing it all Together: William James’ Varieties.....................................................................................................11 IV. OPERATIONALIZING THE HOMO DUPLEX…………………………...16 a. The Custom of Thinking in Dichotomies………………………………...............................................16 b. Case Example: Concept of Psychological Androgyny…………………..16 c. Rationale for Basing Study on Control Orientations…………………….17 V. LITERATURE ON CONTROL BELEIFS AND PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL- BEING……………………………………………………………………….19 a. Attribution Theory……………………………………………………….19 b. Rotter’s Concept of Locus of Control……………………………………20 c. American Culture’s Emphasis on Individualism and Internal Control…..20 iv i. Scientific Support for the Psychological Benefits of Perceived Personal Control………………………………………………….20 ii. Why External Control Beliefs May Be Beneficial………………………………………………………...20 iii. Self-Esteem and Internal and External Control Beliefs: Work of Matthew Hunt……………………………………………………22 VI. HYPOTHESES………………………………………………………………25 a. Constructing a Typology of Self-Reflexivity using the Notion of Homo Duplex……………………………………………………………………25 b. Statement of Hypotheses…………………………………………………26 VII. DATA AND METHODS…………………………………………………....30 a. Description of Sample……………………………………………………30 b. Measures………………………………………………………………....30 i. Independent Variables……………………………………………30 ii. Dependent Variables……………………………………………..32 iii. Control Variables………………………………………………...34 c. Analysis Strategy: Six Stages………………………………………...….36 VIII. RESULTS……………………………………………………………………39 a. Descriptive Statistics……………………………………………………..39 b. Bivariate Correlations between Variables in Study……………………...39 c. Effects of Internal and External Control on Depression and Social Anxiety…………………………………………………………………...42 v d. Reflexive Self Typology on Depression and Social Anxiety (Median Split)……………………………………………………………………...45 e. Reflexive Self Typology on Depression and Social Anxiety (Quartile Split)……………………………………………………………………...48 f. Interactions between Reflexive Self Typology and Socioeconomic Status……………………………………………………………………..52 IX. DISCUSSION………………………………………………………………..57 a. Summary……………………………………………………………...….57 b. Contributions……………………………………………………………..59 c. Limitations…………………………………………………………...…..61 d. Policy Recommendations………………………………………………...63 X. REFERENCES……………………….……………………………………...64 vi LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES FIGURE 1: Theoretical Constructs……………………………………………………....37 TABLE 1: Descriptive Statistics………………………………………………………....40 TABLE 2: Bivariate Correlations………………………………………………………..43 TABLE 3: Independent Effects Of Mastery and Powerful Others Beliefs on Depression………………………………………………………………………..44 TABLE 4: Independent Effects of Mastery and Powerful Others Beliefs on Social Anxiety…………………………………………………………………………..45 TABLE 5: Reflexive Self Typology on Depression (Median Split Criteria)…………………………………………………………………………..48 TABLE 6: Reflexive Self Typology on Social Anxiety (Median Split Criteria)………......................................................................................................49 TABLE 7: Frequencies: Quartile Split…………………………………………………..50 TABLE 8: Reflexive Self Typology on Depression (Quartile Split Criteria)…………………………………………………………………………..51 TABLE 9: Reflexive Self Typology on Social Anxiety (Quartile Split Criteria)……….53 TABLE 9: Interactions between Reflexive Self Typology and Socioeconomic Status Indicators………………………………………………………………………...55 vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost I would like to thank my thesis committee, without whom this study would not have been possible at its current level of quality: Richard Serpe, the chair, whose invaluable wisdom and experience provided me with direction and inspiration throughout the completion of this work; Andre Christie-Mizell, who in just a short time managed to significantly improve my skills in research methods and statistics; and Kristen Marcussen, who pressed me to focus my ideas and introduced me to the literature in the sociology of mental health and illness. More broadly, I would like to thank my colleagues in the sociology department with whom I have already shared many great times, both in and outside the classroom – I could hardly ask for a better intellectual community in which to develop my ideas. Finally, I would like to thank my parents, who have always encouraged me to develop my interests and passions and have supported me in my decision to further my education. viii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION: THE PROBLEM The situation of the modern man is a precarious one, and the founding fathers of sociology took it as their charge to elucidate this “problem of modernity.” Theorists such as Karl Marx, Max Weber, Georg Simmel and Emile Durkheim dealt with the changing circumstances of life as social structure changed from the static simplicity of primitive and agrarian societies to the dynamic complexity of modern industrial societies (Tucker 2002). One issue that each of the founding theorists dealt with pertains to the implications of modern social arrangements for psychological well-being. While each theorist addressed this problem in their own way, using different terminology and pointing to different causal mechanisms, they all agreed that the development of modern society as having undesirable consequences for the self. Emile Durkheim (1893 [1998]) through his concept of anomie highlighted the deleterious consequences that rapid social change can have on one’s sense of meaning and identity. Karl Marx focused on the capitalist economic system, emphasizing the sense of alienation that results from one’s inability to control the direction and product of his or her own labor (Tucker 2002:98-99). The modern tendency for rationality to infiltrate the various sectors of social life are highlighted in the work of Max Weber, who contended that this heightened state of rationality caused a general state disenchantment, in which life loses its sense of awe and wonder (Tucker 2002; Ritzer & Goodman 2004). 1 2 Georg Simmel (1903 [2004]) highlighted the significance of urbanization and its result of increasing the physical proximity of diverse socio-cultural groups, a situation conducive to fragmentation of the self (Simmel 1908 [2004]). While it has been more than a century since these theorists wrote, they are worthy of mention in that they may have foreseen the current epidemic of mental illness facing contemporary society. Based on the results of current estimates, it appears that the founders of sociology were correct in their grim prospectus of modern society and mental health. Estimates suggest that in any given year approximately 28-30 percent of adults in the U.S. will suffer from some form of mental illness (Mark et al. 2005). In 2001, the United States spent $104 billion dollars on substance use and mental health services, which made up 7.6 percent of the total expenditures on medical services (Mark et al. 2005). From the year 1991 and 2001 total spending on mental health services in the U.S. grew by 5.6 percent. The epidemic of mental illness facing the contemporary U.S. is unlikely to subside at any time in the near future. To illustrate the high cost of mental illness to society are estimates provided by the World Health Organization (Murray & Lopez, 1996). The W.H.O. estimated that in 1990, mental illnesses represented 5 of the 10 greatest sources of “disability” worldwide with “unipolar major depression” ranking first, alcohol use fourth,
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