Understanding US Sanctions on Venezuela

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Understanding US Sanctions on Venezuela ����������� ������� ����������������������������� �������������� ������������������������������� ������������������������� ��������������������� ���������� ���������������� Judith Alison Lee is a partner, Christopher T. Timura is of counsel and Scott Toussaint is an associate at Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher LLP. Ms Lee can be contacted on +1 (202) 887 3591 or by email: [email protected]. Mr Timura can be contacted on +1 (202) 887 3690 or by email: [email protected]. ���������������� ���������������������� Mr Toussaint can be contacted on +1 (650) 849 ������������������� ������������������������������������������������� �������������������������������������������������� 5320 or by email: [email protected]. SPOTLIGHT April 2019 Understanding US sanctions on Venezuela BY JUDITH ALISON LEE, CHRISTOPHER TIMURA AND SCOTT TOUSSAINT he US sent shockwaves through example, the US has, at various points, In an effort to constrain the Maduro the international oil, gas and designated senior Venezuelan government regime’s access to capital, in August financial markets on 28 January officials, including president Maduro, as 2017 the Trump administration began 2019, when it sanctioned well as the country’s vice president, first targeting certain financial instruments TVenezuela’s state-owned oil company lady, defence minister and members of issued or sold by the government of Petroleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PdVSA). the Supreme Court of Justice. As a result, Venezuela. The ‘government of Venezuela’ This action, which represents the most US persons are generally prohibited is broadly defined to include not only stringent sanctions imposed on Venezuela from engaging in transactions with these its political subdivisions, agencies and to date, is especially noteworthy because it individuals and any assets owned or instrumentalities, but also the Central Bank targets not just the most significant actor controlled by these individuals that come of Venezuela, PdVSA and any entity that is in Venezuela’s oil-dependent economy, but within US jurisdiction are frozen. at least 50 percent owned or controlled by also an entity whose commercial operations From a policy standpoint, US sanctions these targeted entities. Absent authorisation are deeply intertwined with the US and targeting Venezuela have typically been from the US Department of the Treasury’s international petroleum markets. It is, designed to accomplish three main goals: Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), therefore, imperative that compliance- (i) cutting off sources of financing for US persons are generally prohibited from: minded financial institutions involved with, the Venezuelan state; (ii) preventing (i) engaging in transactions involving new or based in, Venezuela understand both president Maduro’s inner circle from debt owed by the government of Venezuela the current scope of US sanctions and, enriching themselves at the expense of the with payment terms greater than 30 or 90 given the fluid situation on the ground in Venezuelan people; and (iii) sanctioning days, depending on the debtor; (ii) new Caracas, where US sanctions policy is likely those deemed responsible for actions or equity of the government of Venezuela; headed next. policies which undermine democratic (iii) bonds issued by the government of Prior to designating PdVSA, the US had processes or institutions and significant acts Venezuela; (iv) dividend payments or other generally taken an incremental approach of violence or other conduct that harm or distributions of profits to the government to imposing sanctions on the regime of violate human rights. of Venezuela from any entity owned or Venezuelan president Nicolás Maduro. For controlled, directly or indirectly, by the www.financierworldwide.com FINANCIER WORLDWIDE APRIL 2019 REPRINT REPRINT Global Trade government of Venezuela; and (v) the involving PdVSA remain permissible and The designation of PdVSA is also not purchase of securities from the government which activities could potentially give rise the end of the story. US sanctions on of Venezuela. to US sanctions exposure. In that respect, a Venezuela have continued to evolve in early Shortly following president Maduro’s May few key points are worth keeping in mind. 2019, albeit through a series of narrow, 2018 re-election, in a contest that critics By virtue of being added to the SDN List, incremental steps. For example, on three have described as a ‘sham’ and ‘neither all of PdVSA’s property and interests in separate occasions the US has designated free nor fair’, the US built on the existing property that are subject to US jurisdiction Venezuelan officials for their support measures by prohibiting US persons from are frozen and US persons are, except as of president Maduro and their role in engaging in certain transactions involving otherwise authorised by OFAC, generally blocking shipments of humanitarian aid. debt owed to the government of Venezuela, prohibited from engaging in transactions Among the individuals designated are the as well as certain transactions involving the with PdVSA and its majority-owned current president of PdVSA, the governors equity of Venezuelan state-owned entities. subsidiaries. of four Venezuelan states and various The logic behind those additional measures Additionally, as a general matter, US members of the intelligence and security was to prevent the Maduro regime from sanctions on Venezuela only apply to services. Given the steadily expanding using accounts receivable financing to US persons. However, non-US persons number of SDNs in the country, investors support its continued operations, and dealing with Venezuela risk US sanctions would be well advised to regularly screen also to prevent the regime from selling off exposure under four particular sets of all potential Venezuelan counterparties valuable state-owned assets in ‘fire sales’, circumstances. First, with respect to any against applicable sanctions lists and to which would deprive the Venezuelan activities they undertake that have a US exercise particular caution when dealing people of assets that will be vital to nexus. For these purposes, a US nexus with individuals closely affiliated with the rebuilding the country’s economy. might exist, for example, where a non- Venezuelan state. Other measures imposed by the US during US person is physically present in the What lies ahead? US vice president 2018 include a warning against transacting US, purchases goods or services from a Mike Pence strongly indicated in a 25 in Venezuela’s new cyber currency – known US counterparty or clears a US-dollar February speech before representatives as the petro – as well as new sanctions denominated transaction through a US of more than a dozen Latin American targeting Venezuela’s gold sector and financial institution. Second, by providing countries that additional waves of US corruption in Venezuelan government material support, financial, technical or sanctions are likely to follow for so long projects and programmes. otherwise, to a sanctioned person or entity, as president Maduro remains in power. It is against that backdrop of narrowly such as PdVSA. This is a high bar, typically While the US has already deployed one of tailored, gradually expanding sanctions that requiring some sort of intentional effort to its most powerful economic tools by adding the US, in January 2019, went significantly assist a sanctioned entity in conduct that PdVSA to the SDN List, other options further and designated PdVSA, a major, OFAC sanctions are intended to curtail, remain available, including designating multi-billion dollar company, to the for example acts of public corruption or ever larger numbers of senior Venezuelan Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked anti-democratic behaviour. Third, non- officials and conceivably designating the Persons (SDN) List, which is administered US persons can ‘cause’ a US financial entirety of the government of Venezuela. by OFAC. The announcement came just institution to violate its own sanctions In any case, investors considering doing days after the Trump administration compliance obligations by processing funds business in Venezuela should be mindful declared president Maduro’s recent re- that originated from a sanctioned person that a steadily growing number of actors election illegitimate and recognised Juan through the US financial system. While the inside the country may become subject to Guaidó, the head of Venezuela’s National sanctions-related risks of doing business in US sanctions over the weeks and months Assembly, as the country’s interim leader. Venezuela are generally relatively low for ahead. Given the company’s scale and its deep non-US persons, these sources of liability ties to the US economy, the designation of are worth at least keeping in mind for a PdVSA set US and international investors non-US investor considering engaging with scrambling to understand what activities PdVSA or one of its subsidiaries. This article first appeared in the April 2019 issue of Financier Worldwide magazine. Permission to use this reprint has been granted by the publisher. © 2019 Financier Worldwide Limited. www.financierworldwide.com FINANCIER WORLDWIDE APRIL 2019 REPRINT.
Recommended publications
  • No Room for Debate the National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela
    No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela July 2019 Composed of 60 eminent judges and lawyers from all regions of the world, the International Commission of Jurists promotes and protects human rights through the Rule of Law, by using its unique legal expertise to develop and strengthen national and international justice systems. Established in 1952 and active on the five continents, the ICJ aims to ensure the progressive development and effective implementation of international human rights and international humanitarian law; secure the realization of civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights; safeguard the separation of powers; and guarantee the independence of the judiciary and legal profession. ® No Room for Debate - The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela © Copyright International Commission of Jurists Published in July 2019 The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) permits free reproduction of extracts from any of its publications provided that due acknowledgment is given and a copy of the publication carrying the extract is sent to its headquarters at the following address: International Commission of Jurists P.O. Box 91 Rue des Bains 33 Geneva Switzerland No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela This report was written by Santiago Martínez Neira, consultant to the International Commission of Jurists. Carlos Ayala, Sam Zarifi and Ian Seiderman provided legal and policy review. This report was written in Spanish and translated to English by Leslie Carmichael. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ...............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Alba and Free Trade in the Americas
    CUBA AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF ALTERNATIVE GLOBAL TRADE SYSTEMS: ALBA AND FREE TRADE IN THE AMERICAS LARRY CATÁ BACKER* & AUGUSTO MOLINA** ABSTRACT The ALBA (Alternativa Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América) (Bolivarian Alternative for The People of Our America), the command economy alternative to the free trade model of globalization, is one of the greatest and least understood contributions of Cuba to the current conversation about globalization and economic harmonization. Originally conceived as a means for forging a unified front against the United States by Cuba and Venezuela, the organization now includes Nicaragua, Honduras, Dominica, and Bolivia. ALBA is grounded in the notion that globalization cannot be left to the private sector but must be overseen by the state in order to maximize the welfare of its citizens. The purpose of this Article is to carefully examine ALBA as both a system of free trade and as a nexus point for legal and political resistance to economic globalization and legal internationalism sponsored by developed states. The Article starts with an examination of ALBA’s ideology and institutionalization. It then examines ALBA as both a trade organization and as a political vehicle for confronting the power of developed states in the trade context within which it operates. ALBA remains * W. Richard and Mary Eshelman Faculty Scholar and Professor of Law, Dickinson Law School; Affiliate Professor, School of International Affairs, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania; and Director, Coalition for Peace & Ethics, Washington, D.C. The author may be contacted at [email protected]. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Conference, The Measure of a Revolution: Cuba 1959-2009, held May 7–9, 2009 at Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada.
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela: Background and U.S
    Venezuela: Background and U.S. Policy (name redacted) Specialist in Latin American Affairs June 14, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44841 Venezuela: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Venezuela is in an acute political, economic, and social crisis. Following the March 2013 death of populist President Hugo Chávez, acting President Nicolás Maduro of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) narrowly defeated Henrique Capriles of the opposition Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD) to be elected to a six-year term in April 2013. President Maduro now has less than 20% public approval, and fissures have emerged within the PSUV about the means that he has used to maintain power, including an aborted attempt to have the Supreme Court dissolve the MUD-dominated legislature. Since March 2017, large-scale protests have called for President Maduro to release political prisoners, respect the separation of powers, and establish an electoral calendar. Instead, Maduro has scheduled July 30, 2017, elections to select delegates to a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution (the opposition is boycotting). Security forces have repressed protesters, with some 70 dead and thousands injured and jailed. Venezuela also faces crippling economic and social challenges. An economic crisis, triggered by mismanagement and low oil prices, is worsening. In 2016, the economy contracted by 18% and inflation averaged 254% according to the International Monetary Fund. Shortages of food and medicine have caused a humanitarian crisis. The Maduro government is struggling to raise the cash needed to make its debt payments and pay for imports. Some economists maintain that Venezuela is at risk of default in 2017.
    [Show full text]
  • U.S. Imposes Comprehensive Sanctions Against Venezuela's Government, Second Round of Chemical Weapons-Related Sanctions Agains
    U.S. Imposes Comprehensive Sanctions Against Venezuela’s Government, Second Round of Chemical Weapons-Related Sanctions Against Russia August 8, 2019 International Trade Controls On August 5, 2019, President Trump issued Executive Order 13884 imposing comprehensive sanctions against the Government of Venezuela. Specifically, the Executive Order blocks all property and interests in property of the Government of Venezuela that are in or that come into the United States or the possession or control of a U.S. person. As a result, U.S. persons are prohibited from engaging in virtually any transactions or dealings with the Government of Venezuela without authorization from the Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (“OFAC”). The “Government of Venezuela” is defined broadly to include any entity owned or controlled, directly or indirectly, by the government. The Executive Order also authorizes the imposition of secondary sanctions for dealings by non-U.S. persons with certain persons whose property is blocked pursuant to the Executive Order. According to the Trump Administration, the sanctions are designed to limit the Maduro regime’s sources of revenue and preserve the country’s assets for the Venezuelan people. Relatedly, OFAC has issued new or revised general licenses (“GLs”) authorizing U.S. persons to engage in certain activities that otherwise would be prohibited by the new Executive Order because they involve the Government of Venezuela, including entities owned or controlled by the Government of Venezuela, such as Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. (“PdVSA”), PDV Holding, Inc., CITGO Holding, Inc., and Nynas AB, among others. For example, OFAC authorized transactions involving the Venezuelan National Assembly, Interim President of Venezuela Juan Gerardo Guaidó Marques, and any person Guaidó has appointed to act on behalf of his government.
    [Show full text]
  • Us Sanctions Target Venezuela's Pdvsa
    BRIEFING US SANCTIONS TARGET VENEZUELA’S PDVSA OCTOBER 2017 ● THE US HAS IMPOSED NEW SANCTIONS ON THE GOVERNMENT OF VENEZUELA AND STATE- OWNED COMPANIES, INCLUDING PDVSA ● THE SANCTIONS LIMITS PDVSA'S ABILITY TO ISSUE NEW DEBT IN US DOLLARS AND ENGAGE IN CERTAIN FINANCIAL TRANSACTIONS WITH US PERSONS ● THERE REMAINS SUBSTANTIAL UNCERTAINTY IN THE APPLICATION OF THE SANCTIONS On August 24, 2017, US President Donald Trump issued Executive Order 13808 (the “Executive Order”), which imposes sanctions on the Government of Venezuela and all Venezuelan state-owned companies, including oil company Petroleos de Venezuela, S.A. (“PdVSA”). The sanctions are broadly designed to make it more difficult for the Government of Venezuela to raise funds internationally. Although the sanctions are limited in scope, parties wishing to deal directly or indirectly with the Government of Venezuela or PdVSA should exercise caution, as there are many nuances and uncertainties in the application of the sanctions. Sanctions framework US sanctions are traditionally “blocking sanctions,” requiring “US persons” to block transactions with prohibited individuals and entities, and seize any property belonging to such individuals and entities. For this purpose, US persons are individual US citizens or permanent residents, entities organized in the US and any other persons in the US. The sanctions imposed by the Executive Order are far more limited, and prohibit only certain types of transactions with prohibited persons. In this respect, the Venezuela sanctions are similar to the “sectoral sanctions” imposed under the Russia-Ukraine sanctions program. New sanctions The Executive Order imposes the following new sanctions: 2 Watson Farley & Williams Prohibitions on debt and equity.
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela's Tragic Meltdown Hearing
    VENEZUELA’S TRAGIC MELTDOWN HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION MARCH 28, 2017 Serial No. 115–13 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/ or http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/ U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 24–831PDF WASHINGTON : 2017 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Publishing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate 0ct 09 2002 12:45 May 02, 2017 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 F:\WORK\_WH\032817\24831 SHIRL COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS EDWARD R. ROYCE, California, Chairman CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida BRAD SHERMAN, California DANA ROHRABACHER, California GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York STEVE CHABOT, Ohio ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey JOE WILSON, South Carolina GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia MICHAEL T. MCCAUL, Texas THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida TED POE, Texas KAREN BASS, California DARRELL E. ISSA, California WILLIAM R. KEATING, Massachusetts TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania DAVID N. CICILLINE, Rhode Island JEFF DUNCAN, South Carolina AMI BERA, California MO BROOKS, Alabama LOIS FRANKEL, Florida PAUL COOK, California TULSI GABBARD, Hawaii SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas RON DESANTIS, Florida ROBIN L. KELLY, Illinois MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina BRENDAN F. BOYLE, Pennsylvania TED S. YOHO, Florida DINA TITUS, Nevada ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois NORMA J.
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016
    Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016 Mark P. Sullivan Specialist in Latin American Affairs January 23, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R43239 Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016 Summary Although historically the United States had close relations with Venezuela, a major oil supplier, friction in bilateral relations increased under the leftist, populist government of President Hugo Chávez (1999-2013), who died in 2013 after battling cancer. After Chávez’s death, Venezuela held presidential elections in which acting President Nicolás Maduro narrowly defeated Henrique Capriles of the opposition Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD), with the opposition alleging significant irregularities. In 2014, the Maduro government violently suppressed protests and imprisoned a major opposition figure, Leopoldo López, along with others. In December 2015, the MUD initially won a two-thirds supermajority in National Assembly elections, a major defeat for the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV). The Maduro government subsequently thwarted the legislature’s power by preventing three MUD representatives from taking office (denying the opposition a supermajority) and using the Supreme Court to block bills approved by the legislature. For much of 2016, opposition efforts were focused on recalling President Maduro through a national referendum, but the government slowed down the referendum process and suspended it indefinitely in October. After an appeal by Pope Francis, the government and most of the opposition (with the exception of Leopoldo López’s Popular Will party) agreed to talks mediated by the Vatican along with the former presidents of the Dominican Republic, Spain, and Panama and the head of the Union of South American Nations.
    [Show full text]
  • Final Declaration of the Thirteenth
    FINAL DECLARATION OF THE THIRTEENTH SUMMIT OF THE BOLIVARIAN ALLIANCE FOR THE PEOPLES OF OUR AMERICA – PEOPLES’ TRADE AGREEMENT (ALBA-TCP) AND THE COMMEMORATION FOR ITS TENTH ANNIVERSARY We, the Heads of State and Government of the member countries of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America – Peoples’ Trade Agreement (ALBA-TCP) are meeting in Havana on December 14, 2014 to commemorate the Tenth Anniversary of the Alliance, the genuinely Latin American and Caribbean integration body sustained on principles of solidarity, social justice, cooperation and economic complementarity, product of the political will and profound integrationist spirit of Commanders Fidel Castro Ruz and Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías. Likewise we are celebrating the twentieth anniversary of the first meeting in Havana of these great leaders of our peoples, faithful exponents and defenders of the legacy of the Liberators of Latin America and the Caribbean. We express our steadfast commitment with the consolidation and growth of ALBA-TCP and the struggle for the second and definitive independence of Latin America and the Caribbean, in concert with the ideals of our national heroes, within a complex regional context characterized by an offensive inflicted by globalized transnational capitalism and US imperialism that would like to destabilize and overthrow progressive governments democratically elected by their peoples. Convinced that ALBA-TCP today constitutes an unassailable bulwark in the defense of sovereignty of the peoples of the region and the nations of The South, we agree to: 1 1. Ratify the principles of solidarity, genuine cooperation and complementarity among our countries, in rational use and for the wellbeing of our peoples, of their natural resources – including their energy potential – in the integral and intensive formation of human capital required by our national development and attending to the necessities and aspirations of our men and women, proclaimed in the Joint Declaration, signed by Commanders Fidel Castro and Hugo Chávez, and in other documents.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian-Venezuelan Relations at a Crossroads Vladimir Rouvinski*
    Latin American Program | Kennan Institute | February 2019 President Nicolás Maduro of Venezuela receives a book in Russian about Hugo Chávez from President Vladimir Putin of Russia. Photo by www.kremlin.ru / Creative Commons 4.0 Russian-Venezuelan Relations at a Crossroads Vladimir Rouvinski* Russia’s foreign policy is part of a complex tapestry intended to bolster its current president, Vladimir Putin. Moscow’s relations with Venezuela are a prime example of this strategy. Russian engagement with the Bolivarian Republic demonstrates Vladimir Putin’s global ambitions to recruit geographically distant nations as partners in constructing a new multipolar, anti-U.S. world order. The Russian government has learned to bolster domestic support for Putin at home by taking advantage of situations unfolding in the Russian “far abroad” as elements of a political spectacle portraying Russia’s return as a global power. Russia’s relationship with Venezuela is also a story of missed business opportunities, multi-million dollar risky investments, dubious personal enrichment, and vast corruption. It also features denials, by a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, of massive human rights violations in Venezuela in the name of “21st Century Socialism.” Three key aspects of interaction between Moscow and Caracas are essential to understand the Russia’s policy toward the region and Venezuela in particular. First is Russia’s “return” to Latin America toward the end of the 1990s and subsequent events LATIN AMERICAN PROGRAM LATIN AMERICAN PROGRAM leading to the present challenges. Second is the role of political priorities rather than business interests that comprise the true guiding principles of the Russian involvement in the key sectors of the Venezuelan economy such as oil and gas.
    [Show full text]
  • US Expands Venezuela Sanctions: Three Key Questions Answered
    Latham & Watkins Export Controls, Economic Sanctions & Customs August 12, 2019 | Number 2536 Practice US Expands Venezuela Sanctions: Three Key Questions Answered New restrictions prohibit dealings between US persons and the Government of Venezuela. On August 5, 2019, President Trump issued Executive Order (E.O.) 13884, entitled “Blocking the Property of the Government of Venezuela.” The E.O. blocks all property and interests in property of the Government of Venezuela that come into the possession or control of United States persons and prohibits US persons from dealing in any such property. While previous sanctions targeted certain elements of the Government of Venezuela, including President Maduro, the Central Bank of Venezuela, and the state-owned oil company Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PdVSA), the new sanctions extend prohibitions to the entire government and all state-owned or -controlled entities. Contrary to some initial press accounts, this action is not a complete embargo of Venezuela, and dealings with parties unaffiliated with the Government of Venezuela (and who are not otherwise the target of sanctions) are generally not restricted. Moreover, simultaneous with the issuance of E.O. 13884, the US Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) released 13 new general licenses and amended 12 existing general licenses, authorizing certain limited categories of dealings with the Government of Venezuela. This Client Alert addresses three key questions regarding these developments. 1. Is Venezuela now subject to a total embargo? No. Contrary to some early public reporting, E.O. 13884 does not impose an “embargo” on Venezuela similar to the embargoes the United States maintains against certain other countries and territories (i.e., Cuba, Iran, North Korea, Syria, and the Crimea region of Ukraine).
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela in the Caribbean: Expanding Its Sphere of Influence by Sir Ronald Sanders
    Venezuela in the Caribbean: Expanding its sphere of influence By Sir Ronald Sanders Former Caribbean Ambassador and business executive Abstract: In the wake of deteriorating relations between the government of Hugo Chavez in Venezuela and the administration of George W Bush in the United States, Venezuela has sought to expand its influence into Commonwealth Caribbean countries by offering a loan scheme for oil payments. CARICOM countries account for almost half the votes in the Organisation of American states and the Latin American and Caribbean Group in UN bodies. President Chavez has called on the Caribbean to join a “sea of resistance” against US imperialism as part of his programme of 21 st Century socialism and rejection of the US initiative for a Free Trade Area of the Americas. The US had written to CARICOM countries warning them against a relationship with Chavez and accusing him of threatening democracy. This article analyses the traditional relationship between CARICOM and the US on the one hand and the new relationship with Venezuela on the other, and argues that the CARICOM countries, small though they are, will act in their own interests. Key words: Caribbean, Venezuela, US, Petro Caribe Introduction Prior to 2005, Venezuela had little influence on the 15 member States of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), 1 even though for years it maintained diplomatic missions in virtually every one of them. Only three CARICOM countries have resident diplomatic missions in Venezuela. These are: Guyana, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. There was insubstantial trade between Venezuela and CARICOM States, poor transportation links, virtually no tourism, and inconsequential investment.
    [Show full text]
  • Spanish-Speaking Newspaper Coverage of the 2019 Venezuelan Presidential Crisis Protests" (2020)
    Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Honors Theses Lee Honors College 6-26-2020 International News from Differing National Perspectives: Spanish- speaking Newspaper Coverage of the 2019 Venezuelan Presidential Crisis Protests Lauren LaLonde Western Michigan University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/honors_theses Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, and the Other Spanish and Portuguese Language and Literature Commons Recommended Citation LaLonde, Lauren, "International News from Differing National Perspectives: Spanish-speaking Newspaper Coverage of the 2019 Venezuelan Presidential Crisis Protests" (2020). Honors Theses. 3290. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/honors_theses/3290 This Honors Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Lee Honors College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. International News from Differing National Perspectives: Spanish-speaking Newspaper Coverage of the 2019 Venezuelan Presidential Crisis Protests Lauren LaLonde Thesis Chair: Dr. Kristina Wirtz Thesis Committee Members: Dr. Pablo Pastrana-Pérez, Professor Sue Ellen Christian, Dr. Ángela Pérez-Villa Undergraduate Honors Thesis defended on June 26, 2020 to fulfill graduation requirements of the Lee Honors College of Western Michigan University 2 Table of Contents ABSTRACT ..................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]