Responding to the Humanitarian Situation in Venezuela
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Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’S Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah
Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’s Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah 1 Table of Contents 3. Letter from Chair 4. Members of Committee 5. Committee Background A.Solving the Economic Crisis B.Solving the Presidential Crisis 2 Dear LYMUN delegates, Hi, my name is Peter Derrah and I am a senior at Lyons Township High School. I have done MUN for all my four years of high school, and I was a vice chair at the previous LYMUN conference. LYMUN is a well run conference and I hope that you all will have a good experience here. In this committee you all will be representing high level political figures in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, as you deal with an incomprehensible level of inflation and general economic collapse, as well as internal political disputes with opposition candidates, the National Assembly, and massive protests and general civil unrest. This should be a very interesting committee, as these ongoing issues are very serious, urgent, and have shaped geopolitics recently. I know a lot of these issues are extremely complex and so I suggest that you do enough research to have at least a basic understanding of them and solutions which could solve them. For this reason I highly suggest you read the background. It is important to remember the individual background for your figure (though this may be difficult for lower level politicians) as well as the political ideology of the ruling coalition and the power dynamics of Venezuela’s current government. I hope that you all will put in good effort into preparation, write position papers, actively speak and participate in moderated and unmoderated caucus, and come up with creative and informed solutions to these pressing issues. -
No Room for Debate the National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela
No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela July 2019 Composed of 60 eminent judges and lawyers from all regions of the world, the International Commission of Jurists promotes and protects human rights through the Rule of Law, by using its unique legal expertise to develop and strengthen national and international justice systems. Established in 1952 and active on the five continents, the ICJ aims to ensure the progressive development and effective implementation of international human rights and international humanitarian law; secure the realization of civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights; safeguard the separation of powers; and guarantee the independence of the judiciary and legal profession. ® No Room for Debate - The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela © Copyright International Commission of Jurists Published in July 2019 The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) permits free reproduction of extracts from any of its publications provided that due acknowledgment is given and a copy of the publication carrying the extract is sent to its headquarters at the following address: International Commission of Jurists P.O. Box 91 Rue des Bains 33 Geneva Switzerland No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela This report was written by Santiago Martínez Neira, consultant to the International Commission of Jurists. Carlos Ayala, Sam Zarifi and Ian Seiderman provided legal and policy review. This report was written in Spanish and translated to English by Leslie Carmichael. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ............................................................................................... -
Can Money Whiten? Exploring Race Practice in Colonial Venezuela and Its Implications for Contemporary Race Discourse
Michigan Journal of Race and Law Volume 3 1998 Can Money Whiten? Exploring Race Practice in Colonial Venezuela and Its Implications for Contemporary Race Discourse Estelle T. Lau State University of New York at Buffalo Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Law and Race Commons, Law and Society Commons, and the Legal History Commons Recommended Citation Estelle T. Lau, Can Money Whiten? Exploring Race Practice in Colonial Venezuela and Its Implications for Contemporary Race Discourse, 3 MICH. J. RACE & L. 417 (1998). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl/vol3/iss2/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of Race and Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CAN MONEY WHITEN? EXPLORING RACE PRACTICE IN COLONIAL VENEZUELA AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR CONTEMPORARY RACE DISCOURSE Estelle T. Lau* The Gracias al Sacar, a fascinating and seemingly inconceivable practice in eighteenth century colonial Venezuela, allowed certain individuals of mixed Black and White ancestry to purchase "Whiteness" from their King. The author exposes the irony of this system, developed in a society obsessed with "natural" ordering that labeled individuals according to their precise racial ancestry. While recognizing that the Gracias al Sacar provided opportunities for advancement and an avenue for material and social struggle, the author argues that it also justified the persistence of racial hierarchy. -
Artículos University of New Brunswick, Canada Política
REVISTA DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA / VOLUMEN 41 / N° 2 / 2021 / 425-447 VENEZUELA: AUTOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION AND SPLINTERED ECONOMIC LIBERALIZATION*1 Venezuela: consolidación autocrática y liberalización económica fragmentada ANTULIO ROSALES CienciaArtículos University of New Brunswick, Canada Política MARYHEN JIMÉNEZ University of Oxford, United Kingdom ABSTRACT In 2020, Venezuela has gone through a process of autocratic consolidation. This con- solidation has taken place amid substantial economic reforms that have allowed the government of Nicolás Maduro survive sustained international and domestic pressure. In this article, we analyze this process of autocratic consolidation. We ex- plain how, by focusing on the establishment of an “interim-government” in 2019, the Venezuelan opposition has been unable to coordinate an inclusive strategy to successfully bring about a democratic breakthrough and instead became further divided. We address the economic transformations witnessed in the country as policies of fragmented liberalization through opaque privatizations and an uneven multi-currency system, which have resulted from a deep recession, the collapse of the oil economy and sanctions. Finally, we discuss the implications of these poli- tical and economic processes for the social fabric of the country. We highlight that despite the government’s attempts at criminalizing autonomous activism, the re- lative strengths of civil society allowed the survival of minimal democratic spaces that have spurred dialogue and resistance. Keywords: autocracy, Nicolás Maduro, opposition, liberalization, Venezuela. RESUMEN En 2020, Venezuela pasó por un proceso de consolidación autocrática. Esta consolidación ha ocurrido en medio de reformas económicas sustanciales que han permitido al gobierno de Nicolás Maduro subsistir a la presión nacional e internacional. En este artículo analizamos el proceso de consolidación autocrática que se ha concretado en el último año. -
Guaido Was the ‘Commander in Chief&
Guaido Was the ‘Commander in Chief’ of the Failed Mercenary Operation Against Venezuela Documents show Guaido's role in the recent mercenary operation aimed at kidnapping President Nicolas Maduro, writes Patricio Zamorano. By Patricio Zamorano Region: Latin America & Caribbean, USA Global Research, May 18, 2020 Theme: Intelligence, Media Disinformation, Venezuelanalysis.com 13 May 2020 US NATO War Agenda New information divulged this week reveals thatJuan Guaidó was designated as “commander and chief” of the mercenary operation that completely unraveled on the shores of Venezuela. The 41 page contract that formed the basis of the already known eight page General Services Agreement was published by the Washington Post[1] this week. This more complete document confirms what the mercenary and head of SilverCorp, Inc., Jordan Goudreau, had already revealed to the media: the agreement was aimed at “planning and executing an operation to capture/detain/remove Nicolas Maduro (heretoafter “Primary Objective”) remove the current Regime and install the recognized Venezuelan President Juan Guaido.” The document provides complete information about the money that would be invested (212 million dollars), and the payments and commissions that SilverCorp would receive from Guaidó’s team, which includes Juan José Rendón, Sergio Vergaraand attorney Manuel Retureta. | 1 The document also explains the promised retainer of 1.5 million dollars that Goudreau has been complaining about publicly since the failed operation last Sunday, May 3. What has not been said: information about the operation was published two days before the attack There is an important detail that the world press has not analysed. OneAP article[2] which details the preparations for the attack was published Friday May 1, two days before the attempt to invade Venezuela was launched from Colombia. -
Suriname Republic of Suriname
Suriname Republic of Suriname Key Facts __________ OAS Membership Date: 1977 Head of State / Head of Government: President Desire Delano Bouterse Capital city: Paramaribo Population: 597,927 Language(s): Dutch (official), English (widely spoken), Sranang Tongo (native language), Caribbean Hindustani, Javanese Religions: Protestant 23.6%, Hindu 22.3%, Roman Catholic 21.6%, Muslim 13.8%, other Christian 3.2%, Winti 1.8%, Jehovah's Witness 1.2%, other 1.7%, none 7.5%, unspecified 3.2% Ethnic Groups: Hindustani 27.4%, "Maroon" 21.7%, Creole 15.7%, Javanese 13.7%, mixed 13.4%, other 7.6%, unspecified 0.6% Currency: Surinamese dollar (SRD) Gross domestic product (PPP): $8.688 billion (2017 est.) Legal System: civil law system influenced by the Dutch civil codes. The Commissie Nieuw Surinaamse Burgerlijk Wetboek completed drafting a new civil code in February 2009. Political system: Suriname is a presidential republic. The president and vice president are indirectly elected by the National Assembly, where they go on to serve five-year terms without any term limits. The president will serve the Chief of State and the Head of Government. The National Assembly that elects people to these offices consists of 51 members who are directly elected in multi-seat constituencies by party-list proportional representation vote. These members also serve five-year terms. The High Court of Justice of Suriname consists of four members, as well as one court president and vice president. Each of these members are to be appointed by the national president in consultation with the National Assembly, the State Advisory Council, and the Order of Private Attorneys. -
Judgment of 18 December 2020
18 DECEMBER 2020 JUDGMENT ARBITRAL AWARD OF 3 OCTOBER 1899 (GUYANA v. VENEZUELA) ___________ SENTENCE ARBITRALE DU 3 OCTOBRE 1899 (GUYANA c. VENEZUELA) 18 DÉCEMBRE 2020 ARRÊT TABLE OF CONTENTS Paragraphs CHRONOLOGY OF THE PROCEDURE 1-22 I. INTRODUCTION 23-28 II. HISTORICAL AND FACTUAL BACKGROUND 29-60 A. The Washington Treaty and the 1899 Award 31-34 B. Venezuela’s repudiation of the 1899 Award and the search for a settlement of the dispute 35-39 C. The signing of the 1966 Geneva Agreement 40-44 D. The implementation of the Geneva Agreement 45-60 1. The Mixed Commission (1966-1970) 45-47 2. The 1970 Protocol of Port of Spain and the moratorium put in place 48-53 3. From the good offices process (1990-2014 and 2017) to the seisin of the Court 54-60 III. INTERPRETATION OF THE GENEVA AGREEMENT 61-101 A. The “controversy” under the Geneva Agreement 64-66 B. Whether the Parties gave their consent to the judicial settlement of the controversy under Article IV, paragraph 2, of the Geneva Agreement 67-88 1. Whether the decision of the Secretary-General has a binding character 68-78 2. Whether the Parties consented to the choice by the Secretary-General of judicial settlement 79-88 C. Whether the consent given by the Parties to the judicial settlement of their controversy under Article IV, paragraph 2, of the Geneva Agreement is subject to any conditions 89-100 IV. JURISDICTION OF THE COURT 102-115 A. The conformity of the decision of the Secretary-General of 30 January 2018 with Article IV, paragraph 2, of the Geneva Agreement 103-109 B. -
Border Policy in Venezuela and Colombia
MASS VIOLENCE & ATROCITIES Border Policy in Venezuela and Colombia A Discussion Paper by Francisco Javier Sanchez C. Translated into English from the original Spanish version Context Colombia seeks to build a more open border policy. The Colombian Border Law of 1995 and the Andean Community standards promote Relations between Venezuela and Colombia deteriorated to a cross-border cooperation and planning, as well as the creation of breaking point after the Colombian Peace Agreement with the border integration zones. Due to the Venezuelan migration crisis, Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People’s Army (FARC-EP) in Colombia created a border management agency, implemented a 2016. Today, the Colombian government recognizes Juan Guaidó as border mobility card, and discussed a bill to provide economic the legitimate interim president of Venezuela and considers Nicolás and social facilities to Cúcuta. A limited National Impact Plan was Maduro a usurper and his government a de facto regime. In refer- introduced, aimed at stimulating the economy and strengthening ence to Guaidó, there are limited diplomatic relations between his societies in the border areas and addressing their regular needs, representatives and Colombia, while there are no relations between which have increased because of Venezuelan migration. the Maduro government and Colombia following years of distrust. At the decision of Venezuela, formal crossing points along the Recommendations Colombian border have been officially closed since August 19, 2015, Given this context, the following proposals are presented: however there are unofficial openings during limited hours, though the consistency fluctuates. Since February 22, 2019, the crossing National Governments points at the border with the Venezuelan state of Táchira have been – Both governments should establish regular channels of com- closed to vehicular traffic, with pedestrian traffic allowed at the munication and cooperation, without delays. -
Alba and Free Trade in the Americas
CUBA AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF ALTERNATIVE GLOBAL TRADE SYSTEMS: ALBA AND FREE TRADE IN THE AMERICAS LARRY CATÁ BACKER* & AUGUSTO MOLINA** ABSTRACT The ALBA (Alternativa Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América) (Bolivarian Alternative for The People of Our America), the command economy alternative to the free trade model of globalization, is one of the greatest and least understood contributions of Cuba to the current conversation about globalization and economic harmonization. Originally conceived as a means for forging a unified front against the United States by Cuba and Venezuela, the organization now includes Nicaragua, Honduras, Dominica, and Bolivia. ALBA is grounded in the notion that globalization cannot be left to the private sector but must be overseen by the state in order to maximize the welfare of its citizens. The purpose of this Article is to carefully examine ALBA as both a system of free trade and as a nexus point for legal and political resistance to economic globalization and legal internationalism sponsored by developed states. The Article starts with an examination of ALBA’s ideology and institutionalization. It then examines ALBA as both a trade organization and as a political vehicle for confronting the power of developed states in the trade context within which it operates. ALBA remains * W. Richard and Mary Eshelman Faculty Scholar and Professor of Law, Dickinson Law School; Affiliate Professor, School of International Affairs, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania; and Director, Coalition for Peace & Ethics, Washington, D.C. The author may be contacted at [email protected]. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Conference, The Measure of a Revolution: Cuba 1959-2009, held May 7–9, 2009 at Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada. -
Venezuela and Chile: Two Opposite Paths of Democratic Consolidation and Economic Development
Florida International University FIU Digital Commons Western Hemisphere Security Analysis Center College of Arts, Sciences & Education 3-2011 Venezuela and Chile: Two Opposite Paths of Democratic Consolidation and Economic Development. Patricio Navia New York University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/whemsac Recommended Citation Navia, Patricio, "Venezuela and Chile: Two Opposite Paths of Democratic Consolidation and Economic Development." (2011). Western Hemisphere Security Analysis Center. 23. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/whemsac/23 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts, Sciences & Education at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Western Hemisphere Security Analysis Center by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Venezuela and Chile: Two Opposite Paths of Democratic Consolidation and Economic Development Patricio Navia New York University March 2011 Venezuela and Chile: Two Opposite Paths of Democratic Consolidation and Economic Development Patricio Navia New York University March 2011 The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the US Government, Department of Defense, US Southern Command or Florida International University. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY In the past 20 years, Chile and Venezuela have followed divergent paths of democratic and economic development. When the Cold War ended, Venezuela was one of the few Latin American countries where democracy had survived the authoritarian wave of the 1960s and 1970s. Heralded in the late 1980s as the most stable democracy and one of the most developed and globalized economies in the region, Venezuela has since experienced deterioration of democratic institutions, political polarization, economic stagnation, and instability. -
Venezuela: Background and U.S
Venezuela: Background and U.S. Policy (name redacted) Specialist in Latin American Affairs June 14, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44841 Venezuela: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Venezuela is in an acute political, economic, and social crisis. Following the March 2013 death of populist President Hugo Chávez, acting President Nicolás Maduro of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) narrowly defeated Henrique Capriles of the opposition Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD) to be elected to a six-year term in April 2013. President Maduro now has less than 20% public approval, and fissures have emerged within the PSUV about the means that he has used to maintain power, including an aborted attempt to have the Supreme Court dissolve the MUD-dominated legislature. Since March 2017, large-scale protests have called for President Maduro to release political prisoners, respect the separation of powers, and establish an electoral calendar. Instead, Maduro has scheduled July 30, 2017, elections to select delegates to a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution (the opposition is boycotting). Security forces have repressed protesters, with some 70 dead and thousands injured and jailed. Venezuela also faces crippling economic and social challenges. An economic crisis, triggered by mismanagement and low oil prices, is worsening. In 2016, the economy contracted by 18% and inflation averaged 254% according to the International Monetary Fund. Shortages of food and medicine have caused a humanitarian crisis. The Maduro government is struggling to raise the cash needed to make its debt payments and pay for imports. Some economists maintain that Venezuela is at risk of default in 2017. -
U.S. Imposes Comprehensive Sanctions Against Venezuela's Government, Second Round of Chemical Weapons-Related Sanctions Agains
U.S. Imposes Comprehensive Sanctions Against Venezuela’s Government, Second Round of Chemical Weapons-Related Sanctions Against Russia August 8, 2019 International Trade Controls On August 5, 2019, President Trump issued Executive Order 13884 imposing comprehensive sanctions against the Government of Venezuela. Specifically, the Executive Order blocks all property and interests in property of the Government of Venezuela that are in or that come into the United States or the possession or control of a U.S. person. As a result, U.S. persons are prohibited from engaging in virtually any transactions or dealings with the Government of Venezuela without authorization from the Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (“OFAC”). The “Government of Venezuela” is defined broadly to include any entity owned or controlled, directly or indirectly, by the government. The Executive Order also authorizes the imposition of secondary sanctions for dealings by non-U.S. persons with certain persons whose property is blocked pursuant to the Executive Order. According to the Trump Administration, the sanctions are designed to limit the Maduro regime’s sources of revenue and preserve the country’s assets for the Venezuelan people. Relatedly, OFAC has issued new or revised general licenses (“GLs”) authorizing U.S. persons to engage in certain activities that otherwise would be prohibited by the new Executive Order because they involve the Government of Venezuela, including entities owned or controlled by the Government of Venezuela, such as Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. (“PdVSA”), PDV Holding, Inc., CITGO Holding, Inc., and Nynas AB, among others. For example, OFAC authorized transactions involving the Venezuelan National Assembly, Interim President of Venezuela Juan Gerardo Guaidó Marques, and any person Guaidó has appointed to act on behalf of his government.