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Robert Morris (1734–1806)

t is the duty of every individual to act his part in whatever station his country may call him Ito in hours of difficulty, danger, and distress. —Robert Morris

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Introduction Known as the “Financier of the Revolution,” Robert Morris played a critical role in winning and securing American independence. As chairman of the Continental Congress’s Finance Committee between 1775 and 1778, Morris traded flour and tobacco to France in exchange for war supplies such as guns, powder, and blankets. Morris risked his own ships in bringing these supplies past the fearsome British Navy. He was also the architect of the financial system of the early republic. As superintendent of finance under the Articles of Confederation, Morris almost single-handedly saved the United States from financial catastrophe in the 1780s. His plan to fund the national debt and to deposit federal money in a private bank foreshadowed the financial system that Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton would implement in the 1790s. Though Morris risked much of his personal wealth in service to his country, he was criticized by some for profiting from public service. During his chairmanship of Congress’ Finance Committee, Morris’ company was paid by the American government a commission of two percent on each shipment of supplies the company brought into the country. This compensation was in lieu of the salary that most public officials received. Nevertheless, Morris’s enemies seized upon the appearance of impropriety and charged him with malfeasance. But investigations of Morris’s conduct failed to turn up evidence of wrongdoing. Some of the accusations against him were motivated by jealousy, as Morris became perhaps the richest man in America in the 1780s. Morris signed all three of the nation’s principal documents: the Declaration of Independence, the Articles of Confederation, and the Constitution. He was indeed a leading supporter of the Constitution, believing it imperative that the national government be empowered to deal with the country’s financial problems. Despite his genius for money, however, Morris fell on hard times in the 1790s. The man who was largely responsible for the nation’s emerging prosperity ironically spent his final years in poverty.

Relevant Thematic Essay for Robert Morris • Commerce Founders and the Constitution: In Their Own Words—Volume 1 14 116-125 Founders Morris 7/17/04 10:42 AM Page 117

In His Own Words: Robert Morris

ON STATES’ RESPONSIBILITIES

Overview In this lesson, students will learn about Robert Morris. They should first read as background homework Standards Handout A—Robert Morris (1734–1806) and answer the CCE (9–12): IIA1, IIC1, IIIA1, IIIA2 Reading Comprehension Questions. After discussing the NCHS (5–12): Era III, Standards 3A, 3B answers to these questions in class, the teacher should NCSS: Strands 2, 5, 6, and 10 have the students answer the Critical Thinking Questions Materials as a class. Next, the teacher should introduce the students Student Handouts to the primary source activity, Handout C—In His Own • Handout A—Robert Morris Words: Robert Morris on States’ Responsibilities, in (1734–1806) which Morris tries to persuade the governors of the states • Handout B—Vocabulary and to fulfill their quotas of money and supplies. As a preface, Context Questions there is Handout B—Vocabulary and Context Questions, • Handout C—In His Own Words: which will help the students understand the document. Robert Morris on States’ There are Follow-Up Homework Options that ask Responsibilities the students to compare the Articles of Confederation to Additional Teacher Resource the United States Constitution or to revise one part of • Answer Key the Articles as Morris would have liked it to read. Recommended Time Extensions provides opportunity for thought as One 45-minute class period. students are asked to compose a letter of supplication Additional time as needed for using techniques employed by Morris in his Circular to homework. the Governors of the States.

Objectives Students will: • appreciate Morris’ role as a leader of the American opposition to British tyranny • explain Morris’ role in stabilizing the finances of the United States • analyze the reasons for Morris’s support of the Constitution • understand how Morris accumulated and then lost his wealth

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LESSON PLAN

I. Background Homework Ask students to read Handout A—Robert Morris (1734–1806) and answer the Reading Comprehension Questions.

II. Warm-Up [10 minutes] A. Review answers to homework questions. B. Conduct a whole-class discussion to answer the Critical Thinking Questions. C. Ask a student to summarize the historical significance of Robert Morris. Robert Morris was a successful Philadelphia merchant. In the 1760s and 1770s, he became a leader of American resistance to British rule. During the Revolution, he held the post of chairman of the Continental Congress’s Finance Committee. After the Articles of Confederation were adopted, he became superintendent of finance, the highest-ranking office under the Articles. Morris had broad powers, which he used to stabilize the nation’s financial system. Morris made money from public service. Some people at the time criticized Morris for profiting at the expense of the country, but a congressional committee found him innocent of any wrongdoing. Morris was a proponent of a strong central government and supported the Constitution, which he signed as a delegate to the Philadelphia Convention of 1787. Morris became a United States senator in the first federal Congress. In the 1790s, he had financial trouble and was put into debtor’s prison. The man who had once been called “the richest man in America” died in poverty in 1806 at the age of seventy-three.

III. Context [5 minutes] Explain to the students that the national Congress created by the Articles of Confederation (which went into effect in 1781) had few powers and could not force the individual states to comply with its requests. As superintendent of finance, Robert Morris was forced to rely on his persuasive powers in order to get the states to fulfill quotas of money and supplies that Congress asked them to contribute to the national government.

IV. In His Own Words [20 minutes] A. Distribute Handout B—Vocabulary and Context Questions. B. Distribute Handout C—In His Own Words: Robert Morris on States’ Responsibilities. Be sure that the students understand the vocabulary and the “who, what, where, and when” of the document. C. Have the students read the document aloud, taking turns every sentence or so. After each sentence, have a volunteer paraphrase Morris’s words.

V. Wrap-Up Discussion [10 minutes] Ask the students to consider the tone of Morris’ letter. What is Morris’ attitude toward the governors? Have students underline/circle words and phrases that reflect this tone. What does this letter reveal about the relationship between the central government and the states under the Articles of Confederation? See Answer Key.

VI. Follow-Up Homework Options A. Students could compare the powers given to Congress by Article IX of the Articles of Confederation to the powers given to Congress by Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution. Founders and the Constitution: In Their Own Words—Volume 1 14 116-125 Founders Morris 8/27/07 4:59 PM Page 119

LESSON PLAN

B. Students could assume the identity of Robert Morris and revise Article IX of the Articles of Confederation as he would have liked it to read. The Articles of Confederation can be found at: The Constitution can be found at:

VII. Extensions Suggestions: Students could compose a letter of supplication to someone over whom they have no authority. They can use the techniques of persuasion employed by Morris. Possibilities for the letter include the following: A. a letter to a parent asking permission to go on an overnight trip with friends B. a cover letter for a job application C. a letter inviting a speaker to address a student group D. a letter pleading with a school official to reduce a punishment for an infraction committed by the student E. a letter to be published in a student newspaper asking students to contribute to a charitable fund

Resources Print Catanzariti, John, and James E. Ferguson (ed). The Papers of Robert Morris, 1781–1784. 9 vols. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1973–1999. Cook, Frank Gaylord. “Robert Morris.” The Atlantic Monthly 66, (November 1890): 607–618. Oberholtzer, Ellis P. Robert Morris: Patriot and Financier. New York: Burt Franklin, 1969. Sumner, William Graham. Robert Morris, The Financier and the Finances of the American Revolution. 2 vols. Reprint. Frederick, MD: Beard, 2000. Ver Steeg, Clarence L. Robert Morris: Revolutionary Financier. New York: Octagon Books, 1972.

Internet “Robert Morris.” U.S. Army Center of Military History. . “Robert Morris, Circular to the Governors of the States.” The University of Chicago Press. . “Robert Morris to the President of Congress.”The University of Chicago Press. .

CD-ROM Robert Morris, 1734–1806, Revolutionary. Created by Robert Morris VIII. Self-published, © 2003.

Selected Works by Robert Morris • Circular to the Governors of the States (1781)

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Handout A

ROBERT MORRIS (1734–1806)

For my part I considered this Subject [independence] early & fixed on principles the part I should take in the unhappy Contest. I sided with this Country because their claims are founded in Justice and I wish every Friend to the American Cause may act on the same principle. —Robert Morris, 1776

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The group of soldiers huddled around a small fire in front of their tent as darkness fell on the encampment of the Continental Army at Valley Forge, Pennsylvania. It was a cold December night in 1777, and the American army had been fighting the British for two years. The men were downhearted, having little food and thin, ragged uniforms. Some lacked boots or footwear of any kind. In addition, the prospects for the American cause seemed bleak after the military setbacks of the summer and fall. As the soldiers warmed themselves at the fire, one of them called his comrades’ attention to two men on horseback heading in their direction. As the riders drew closer, the men recognized one as their commander, General George Washington. The soldiers quickly snapped to attention and gave a salute as their tall, solemn leader passed. They did not recognize his companion. He was shorter than Washington, heavy-set, and lacked the aura of the great Virginian. He did not look like a leader of men. In fact, Robert Morris’s appearance gave little indication of the crucial role he was to play during the next few years in keeping this army alive—a role second in importance only to the man with whom he rode that night.

Background Morris was born in Liverpool, England, in 1734. His father, a merchant, immigrated to Maryland and soon brought his son across the Atlantic to join him. Morris was sent to Philadelphia for an education, but his father was dissatisfied with his progress. He asked his son why he had learned so little from his tutor.“Sir,”the young Morris replied,“I have learned all that he can teach me.” When Morris was sixteen years old, his father was accidentally shot and killed. The boy then became an apprentice at the shipping and banking firm of Willing and Company. In 1757, at the age of twenty-three, Morris became a partner in the renamed firm of Willing, Morris, and Company. Morris became a leading citizen in Philadelphia. He founded the London Coffee House, which was a predecessor of the Philadelphia Stock Exchange. The Coffee House was a center of trade and political discussion. His company traded in a variety of products, including tobacco, flour, rum, molasses, and wheat. Morris’s company also transported European indentured servants to America and, for a brief time, African slaves.

Resistance to British Rule Morris took a leading role in opposing British policies in the 1760s. He believed that the new taxes imposed by Parliament during this decade violated the colonists’ rights as English citizens. In 1765, Morris served on a local committee formed to oppose the

Stamp Act. The next year, in response to the Townshend duties, he led local merchants © The Bill of Rights Institute in a campaign to close the port of Philadelphia to imported goods from England. One result of this action was the end of the slave trade in Philadelphia.

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Handout A

After the bloodshed at Lexington and Concord in 1775, Morris again assumed a prominent role in the resistance to British oppression. He served on Pennsylvania’s Committee of Correspondence as well as its Council of Safety, and he was appointed warden of the port of Philadelphia. Morris also was elected a member of the Pennsylvania legislature and was chosen to represent the colony at the Continental Congress. In Congress, Morris served on the Marine Committee. He took charge of building a sixteen-ship American navy, selling some of his own ships to Congress. Morris was also a member of the Secret Committee for the Procurement of Munitions. In this role, he obtained from Europe weapons and ammunition for American forces.

Independence Until 1776, Morris hoped that America and Great Britain could reach a settlement and avoid war. Morris even initially voted against independence in the Continental Congress, but he changed his mind and signed the Declaration of Independence. Morris also signed the Articles of Confederation on behalf of Pennsylvania in 1778. In that same year Morris became chairman of Congress’s Finance Committee. In this position, he persuaded reluctant states to contribute funds to the continental system and the army, and he obtained loans from wealthy businessmen. Morris also obtained war supplies, such as guns, powder, and blankets, from Europe, risking his own ships in bringing these supplies past the powerful British navy. The Continental Army would likely have disintegrated if not for Morris’s efforts. Morris’ company was paid by the American government a commission of two percent on each shipment of supplies the company brought into the country. But Morris did not receive a salary for his work as chairman of the Finance Committee. Some people at the time criticized Morris for profiting at the expense of the country. There were even whispers that Morris had taken more money than he was entitled to. Congress appointed a committee to look into these charges. The committee found Morris innocent of any wrongdoing, concluding that he had “acted with fidelity and integrity and an honorable zeal for the happiness of his country.”John Adams, who was a member of the Continental Congress at the time, also defended Morris, saying that the Pennsylvanian was “an excellent Member of our Body.”

Superintendent of Finance Morris left Congress in 1778. He served again in the Pennsylvania legislature until 1781. In that year, the Articles of Confederation went into effect. Morris accepted an appointment as superintendent of finance in the new government. This was the highest- ranking office under the Articles. Morris had broad powers, which he used to stabilize the nation’s financial system. He cut spending, streamlined accounting procedures, and cajoled the states into meeting their quotas of money and supplies. Morris risked his own money and credit to help keep the government afloat, putting up more than one million dollars of his own fortune to finance the decisive Battle of Yorktown that assured America’s victory in the war. Morris believed it was essential that the United States be placed on firm financial footing. He knew that the government must honor its debts. To this end, he urged Congress to adopt an impost, a tax on imports that would serve to provide the

© The Bill of Rights Institute government with funds. But the impost amendment failed to win the approval of all thirteen states as required by the Articles of Confederation.

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Handout A

Morris next decided to try to pay the country’s debts by enticing the wealthy to invest in United States bonds. He promised investors a six percent return on their money, which was guaranteed by the government. To further this plan, Morris established the Bank of North America, which opened its doors in 1782. The bank handled the nation’s money as well as Morris’s own financial affairs. This unusual arrangement generated renewed criticism from his enemies. Some again leveled the charge of corruption. When in 1783 the states again failed to approve an impost, Morris’s frustration boiled over. “At the moment,” he complained, “I fill the most powerful position of the new government and I am trying to get rid of it.”

The Constitutional Convention Morris resigned his position as superintendent of finance in 1783. Returning home, he was once more elected to the Pennsylvania legislature. Though he participated in state politics, he also remained concerned about national affairs. His disputes with the states had convinced him of the need for a stronger national government. Morris therefore supported the movement to revise the Articles of Confederation. He attended the Annapolis Convention of 1786 and the following year was elected to the Constitutional Convention. No orator or student of political theory, Morris rarely spoke at the convention.“The science of law is entirely out of my line,” he commented. But Morris made no secret of his strong nationalist sentiments. He was pleased with the final document produced by the convention and eagerly affixed his name to the Constitution. Morris declined George Washington’s offer to be the first secretary of the treasury. Instead, he accepted his state’s offer of a senate seat in the first Congress of the United States.

Later Years During his years as a senator, Morris got himself into financial trouble. He speculated in Western land, buying vast tracts of land cheaply in the hope of selling them later at a high price. This gamble and several other new business ventures failed. During the 1790s, Morris also invested an enormous amount of money into the construction of an extravagant mansion in Philadelphia. In 1797 he was bankrupt, and the following year he was arrested for failure to pay his debts. Morris was put into debtor’s prison. He was released in 1801 because of a new federal bankruptcy law. But by then his health had deteriorated, and he was unable to revive his businesses. The man who had once been called “the richest man in America” died in poverty in 1806 at the age of seventy-three. © The Bill of Rights Institute

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Handout A

Reading Comprehension Questions 1. What three important American documents did Morris sign? 2. What led Morris to favor a strong central government? 3. How did Morris end up in poverty at the end of his life?

Critical Thinking Questions 4. The introduction to this essay suggests that Morris’s role in the establishment of the United States may have been second in importance only to that of George Washington. How can this statement be supported? 5. Do you think it is proper for government officials to profit from public service as Morris did? Rights Institute © The Bill of

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Handout B

VOCABULARY AND CONTEXT QUESTIONS

Excerpts from Circular to the Governors of the States

1. Vocabulary: Use context clues to determine the meaning or significance of each of these words and write their definitions: a. pernicious b. prevalent c. listless d. languor e. strenuous f. consequence g. magistrate h. extracted i. entreat j. assessing k. levying

2. Context: Answer the following questions. a. When was this document written? b. Where was this document written? c. Who wrote this document? d. What type of document is this? e. What was the purpose of this document? f. Who was the audience for this document? © The Bill of Rights Institute

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Handout C

IN HIS OWN WORDS: ROBERT MORRIS ON STATES’ RESPONSIBILITIES

Excerpts from Circular to the Governors of the States

Directions: Robert Morris wrote this letter from Philadelphia, soon after assuming the office of superintendent of finance under the Articles of Confederation. Underline/circle words and phrases that reveal Morris’ attitude toward the governors.

Note: Capitalization, spelling, and punctuation have been modernized.

July 25, 1781

It gives me very great pain to learn that there is a pernicious idea prevalent among some of the States that their accounts are not to be adjusted with the Continent; such an idea cannot fail to spread a listless languor over all our operations. To suppose this expensive war can be carried on without joint and strenuous efforts is beneath the wisdom of those who are called to the high offices of legislation....I shall never permit a doubt that the States will do what is right; neither will I ever believe that any one of them can expect to derive any advantage from doing what is wrong. It is by being just to individuals, to each other, to the Union, to all; by generous grants of solid revenue, and by adopting energetic measures to collect that revenue . . . that these States must expect to establish their independence and rise into power, consequence, and grandeur....

I enclose you an account of the specific supplies demanded of your State as extracted from the Journals of Congress....I am further to entreat Sir that I may be favored with copies of the several acts passed in your State since the 18th March 1780 for the collection of taxes and furnishing supplies or other aids to the United States....I must also pray to be informed of so much of the internal police of your state as relates to the laying, assessing, levying and collecting of taxes. I beg leave to assure your Excellency that I am not prompted by an idle curiosity or by any wish to discover what prudence would dictate to conceal. It is necessary I should be informed of these things and I take the plain, open, candid method of acquiring information....

I entreat your Excellency to undertake one more task which perhaps is far from being the least difficult. It is Sir that you write very fully as to the amount of the several paper currencies now circulating in your State....

I know that I give you a great deal of trouble but I also know it will be pleasing to you because the time and the labour will be expended in the service of your country.

Source: “Robert Morris, Circular to the Governors of the States.” The University of Chicago Press. . © The Bill of Rights Institute

Robert Morris 5017- 05 2 onesCmec 7/17/04 Commerce Founders 021

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© The Bill of Rights Institute 05 017-021 Founders Commerce 7/17/04 9:51 AM Page 19

the relationship between republican governments in the knowledge that they would be able to reap and commercial activity to the fore. By ending the the benefits of their labor. old British trading system, the Revolution also Although the new Constitution laid the ushered in a debate about the commercial relations groundwork for an extended commercial republic, between the United States and the rest of the world. it did not end the debates among the Founders The newly independent United States faced over the legitimacy of commerce. In the 1790s, the severe economic difficulties in the 1780s. The Federalists argued for a government-led program states found themselves with limited access to the of commercial expansion, involving investments in lucrative British markets. They also owed money to infrastructure as well as the creation of a national those who had financed the war. But the Continental banking system. However, the Democratic- Congress lacked the legal power to compel the state Republican Party under Thomas Jefferson was governments to agree on a common commercial much more divided on the merits of commercial policy. It also lacked the republicanism. One strand authority to requisition the of Jeffersonian thought was taxes necessary to pay off the Although the new Constitution laid the skeptical of extensive Revolutionary War debt groundwork for an extended commercial commercial activity, from the state governments. republic, it did not end the debates preferring instead a society Robert Morris, who served among the Founders over the of independent yeoman as Congress’ superintendent farmers whose landed status of finance from 1781–1783, legitimacy of commerce. would give them a secure was reduced to pleading material base for republican with the state governors to send money to the citizenship. In making this argument, the national government. Jeffersonians echoed the republican thinkers of The war had also left the individual states with antiquity who valued landed property over large debts to repay. In order to pay these debts off, commercial property because it alone enabled the many states raised taxes and issued paper money virtuous citizen to act in the public interest. This that rapidly depreciated. In addition, many of the aspect of Jeffersonian thought was also skeptical of states began to interfere with the free movements manufacturing and wage labor, fearing that a of goods within the United States. populace engaged in such pursuits would not be able The drafting of the new Constitution in to obtain the independence required of republican Philadelphia in 1787 set out to address the economic citizens. Finally, Jeffersonians were very concerned problems of the 1780s by creating a national about the modern institutions of banking and government that would have the authority to impose public and private debt, fearing that they would taxes, regulate foreign trade, and, most importantly, enable powerful men to undermine republican create a common commercial policy between the government by setting up an aristocracy of money. various state governments. In the Federalist Papers, However, Jeffersonian thought also had a James Madison and Alexander Hamilton, the most strong laissez-faire element, one that became prominent defenders of the new Constitution, increasingly important as the eighteenth century argued forcefully that the federal government came to a close. Although still preferring needed these expanded powers in order to create a commercial agriculture over manufacturing, large free trading area within the continental Jeffersonians were ardently in favor of free labor, United States. They, along with their coauthor free trade, and free markets. On this view, John Jay, also argued for a vigorous commercial commerce was a liberating, even equalizing force, policy to open up markets for foreign trade. allowing the common people to benefit from the In making these arguments, the framers were fruits of their own labor. In addition, this heavily influenced by the Enlightenment defense of Jeffersonian policy of laissez-faire was very commerce discussed above. The Framers further skeptical of the Federalist plans for extensive state- argued that republican government, by allowing directed commerce, preferring instead to let both political and economic freedom, would foster individuals make their own economic decisions. virtuous behavior in its citizens. Freed from the This element of the Jeffersonian attitude toward burden of supporting monarchs and aristocrats, commerce expressed the powerful desire of the

© The Bill of Rights Institute ordinary people in a republic would have the American populace for material improvement, a incentive to be industrious and productive, secure desire which had deep roots in the colonial past.

Commerce 5017- 05 2 onesCmec 7/17/04 Commerce Founders 021 oeie eedda nepeso fthe sometimes defendedasanexpression of andonethatwas commercial activity, of form slavery profitable asitbecameanincreasingly of free theinstitution menandfree laborclashedwith of thisvision expanded west, liberty” “empire of asJefferson’s However, one’s labor. of the fruits andto enjoy to property own included theright Most agreed thatrepublicanAmericans liberty commercial activity. of debates aboutthepropriety McCoy, Drew R. Drew McCoy, andPractice “Commerce intheNew Principle In andCharacter.” The Thinking Revolutionary: Ralph. Lerner, Stephen. Innes, Christine. Heyrman, plb,Joyce. Appleby, Suggestions Reading for Further esn John R. Nelson, Jefferson’s electionin1800didnotendthese Republic. 1995. Norton &Co., W. 1690–1750. 1984. University Press, atmr,M. on okn nvriyPes 1987. Johns Hopkins University Press, Md.: Baltimore, 1982. Co., taa ..:CrelUiest rs,1987. Cornell University Press, : N.Y. Ithaca, aiaimadaNwSca re:TeRpbia iino the1790s. Capitalism andaNew Order: The Republican Social Vision of Creating the Commonwealth: The Economic Culture of Puritan New Puritan England. Creating theCommonwealth: The EconomicCulture of iet n rpry oiia cnm n oiyaigi h e ain 1789–1812. Political andProperty: Liberty Economy andPolicymaking intheNew Nation, The ElusiveRepublic: Political Economy inJeffersonian America. e ok .W otn&C. 1984. Norton &Co., W. W. New York: Founders andtheConstitution: InTheirOwnWords—VolumeFounders 1 omreadClue h aiieCmuiiso Colonial Massachusetts, Commerce andCulture: Communities of The Maritime 9: 1A ae20 Page AM 51 States well into thenineteenth century. commercialquestions intheincreasingly United state of andthedesirability intervention intheeconomy remained pressing free trade, of theissue banks, therole of in arepublican society, manufacturing theplace of thequestionof labor, therelationship between slaverywith andfree Along commitment toAmerican private property. New York: W. W. Norton & Norton W. W. New York: nvriyo aiona Los Angeles California, University of New York: New York New York: New e ok W. New York: ri iuh Ph.D. Craig Yirush,

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© The Bill of Rights Institute laws thatboundthemthrough two institutions: thesubjects toallowing express their power by and limited arbitrary preserved liberty were anEnglishman’s “Birthright.”Property” and “Liberty of theserights theday, language of used In thewidely Violence andOppression.” “to befreed inPerson &Estate from Arbitrary For Penn, andproperty. subjectwas meantthatevery rights these English liberty, life, thoseof law: by common orprivileges had three rights central Englishmen all According to Penn, rights. of view thiscommon-law of summaries contemporary offered onethebest Pennsylvania, founder of the William Penn, the late seventeenth century, in In dissenters aguideforreligious written rights. influenced common by English law anditsideaof the seventeenth centuries wasdeeply andeighteenth the colonistsAmerican in of The politicaltheory of Englishmen The CommonLawandtheRights yearsin thecrucial before theRevolution. political ideasthatinfluenced colonial Americans firstto understandthe itisnecessary created, andthenewConstitution thatthey them possible, theFounders made who events, extraordinary In order to better understandthese political ideas. of grasp afirm with politicalskills practical men whocombined politicians, of generation new would beledby a thecolonies years, crucial In these republican state. federal a trans-continental, and lay thefoundationsfor wageabloody war, declare independence, Britain, of would they challenge thepoliticalcontrol five years, inthenext twenty- Yet, dependent uponLondon. remained they politicallyandeconomically America, North mostof defeat France andtake control of Britain andhadjusthelped century eighteenth inthe growth economic anddemographic hadexperienced significant they Although America. North outalongtheeastern seaboard of strung colonies group of asmall consistedAmerica of whatwasto become theUnited States of In 1760, nPn’ iw h nls ytmo government In system Penn’s of theEnglish view, Explaining theFounding 9: 7A Page AM 37 Introductory Essay: 1 consent to the Executive freeman every ashare“has inthe Penn argued, juries, on By serving power. limitingarbitrary means of common consent agreed oninthatgreat Council.” butsuch asare by England, bind thePeople of becauseitensured that was important “no newLaws consent through Parliament of that thegranting in theLegislative (orLaw making)Power.” Penn felt “the subjecthasashare by hischosen Representatives “Parliaments andJuries.”“By Penn thefirst,” argued, government—protecting asitdidthe “unparallel’d thissystem of and hiscontemporaries, According to Penn protecting these rights. end of consent asthemajormeansto the the concept of It alsoenshrined theirsubjects. of inherent rights according to laws known and by respecting the were kings held thatEnglish boundto rule it As aresult, Englishmen’s andprivileges. rights political power asfundamentally has impos’d or forfeiture.” such apenalty forwhich theLaw orsomeCrime, by hisConsent, but either which hecannotbedeprived of, Estate, hisPerson inhis andProperty as to Freedom of having afixed him, with Fundamental-Right born each man Subject’severy and Duty Allegiance, “the Law isboth themeasure andtheboundof Penn argued, “In England,” By contrast, pleasure.” himat orImprison orbanish, Execute him, hemay eitherpresently any Crime, suspected of onebeaccussed [ andif lists; how andasoften ashe when, seizes amans Estate, or imposethTaxes, any mansHead, Word takes off themeer[ Nations, andother “In France, Penn colorfully putit: rather As system by thatwasruled laws andnotby men. celebrated wasa seventeenth-century Englishmen In Penn’s view, juries were juries In Penn’s anequallyimportant view, h te seto theirgovernment that The otheraspectof hscmo a iwo politicsunderstood This common law of view Explaining theFounding ato h a,n assbigtid nor noCausesbeingtried, theLaw, of part ilo h rnei a,his thePrince isLaw, sic] Will of Englishmen. Priviledges vital were “the Liberty” English Pillars of two grand “These Penn, hisPeers of butuponthe Estate, [ any manadjudgedto loose ie memberor sic] Life, ,orbutsomuch as sic], rEul. For or Equals.” Fundamental limited ”of [sic]” Verdict by 1001- 01 0 onesIto7/17/04 Intro Founders 005 protecting rights. thesenatural governments of were forthesolepurpose formed that allmenby nature thatargued politicaltheory new understandingof Europeanimportant thinkers beganto construct a several Hugowriter Grotius intheearly1600s, theDutch with Beginning Founders. American the profoundly influentialonthepoliticalideas of onethatwasto prove European politicalthought, arevolutionThe seventeenth in witnessed century Natural Rights asfundamentallaw. legalrights English core thatenshrined rights contained billsof both thestate constitutions andfederal typically As aconsequence, limiting governmental power. forintheseventeenth asameansof fought century had thelegal guarantees thatEnglishmen many of wrote constitutions they thatincluded governments, thecolonists theirown when formed the Revolution, After theirconsent inthe1760sand1770s. without Parliament’s attempt to forthem taxorlegislate these ideascanbeseenintheirstrong oppositionto thepeople. of thefundamentalliberties violating rulers government of thatlimited thepossibility of consequent desire to create aconstitutional form power anda arbitrary This Founders astrong fear of instilledinthe history English rights. awareness of subjects’ of law andthesanctity of rule unwritten constitution the inEngland’shad enshrined believed thatit They history. as akey momentinEnglish 1688 RevolutionGlorious of inthe rights) subjects’ the representative of Parliament (which subsequent of triumph thedefeatof viewed century Colonial intheeighteenth Americans limited by law. shouldbe amonarch, even thatof all politicalpower, drew onthecommonEnglishmen law to arguethat many In response, rights. threatened theirsubjects’ hadrepeatedly kings a timewhentheStuart intheseventeenth England century, of thehistory of Thislegaleducationalsomadethemaware world. for elitesAnglo-American intheeighteenth-century thatwascommon through thelegaltraining rights than any otherPeople inthe World.” nation made theEnglish “more free andhappy andProperty”—had Liberty [sic]of Priviledge The seriousness with which thecolonists with took The seriousness English The Founders of imbibedthisview Founders andtheConstitution: InTheirOwnWords—VolumeFounders 1 a qa ihs andthat had equalrights, 9: 7A Page AM 37 the Stuarts andthe the Stuarts The politicaltheoryofthe American colonists intheseventeenth and eighteenth centuries was deeplyeighteenth centuries influenced by Englishcommon was seenas a n itsideaofrights. and law 2 elrto fIdpnec:“We holdthese Independence: of Declaration As hesoeloquentlyarguedinthe founding. thatthesepoliticalideashadonthe the impact to resist Britain. hadaright argue thatthey tocommon law theory andLockean rights natural invoked patriots American boththe consent, their and 1770sto forthem without legislate Parliament theBritish inthe1760s the claimsof When faced with theFounders. of political theory common to law shapethe rights the olderideaof government by consent combined powerfully with Its freedom emphasisonindividual and sermons. and newspapers, numerous politicalpamphlets, in appearing colonies century, intheeighteenth inthe American politicaltheory component of belonged to thepeopleandnotto theking. meant thatultimate politicalauthority theory political revolutionary This devising. their own popular sovereignty to create anew government of join together andexercise theircollective or could They then theirrights. itviolated if authority to resist its thepeoplehadaright government, because itwasthepeoplewhohadcreated the Locke arguedthat, further would bebetter secured. government inorder rights thattheirnatural nature gathered together andconsented to create a meninthisstate of As aresult, men. wherein allthepower is andjurisdiction equality, nature was “a state alsoof thestate of Locke, For any otherman.” of depending uponthewill or askingleave, without nature, thelaw of bounds of the within thinkfit, asthey possessions andpersons, their anddisposeof freedom to order theiractions, perfect astate of andthatis, men are in, naturally state what all we must consider, from itsoriginal, “and derive it Locke wrote, political power right,” “To understand IIandhisbrother James. Charles to resistance justifyarmed topolitical theory Locke wrote abookon inthe1670sand1680s, kings Deeply involved intheoppositionto theStuart world wasJohnEnglish-speaking Locke (1632–1704). Thomas Jefferson offersthe best example of becameacentral rights natural This ideaof inthe thistheory The leadingproponent of regulate disputes among judgeorumpire toimpartial that italsolacked an Locke contended freedom, perfect nature wasastate of pregovernmental state of more thananother.” noonehaving reciprocal, Although this Although

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© The Bill of Rights Institute new federal Constitutionnew federal in1787. the This methodwasto influence theauthorsof which wasnotchangeable legislation. by ordinary secure theminaconstitution by enshrining rights itmade thepeople’s natural In particular, practice. philosopherslike Locke to beputinto ideas of This innovationAmerican allowed the ratification. followed by aprocess of aconstitution, writing convention convened of solelyforthe purpose aspecial power to constitute governments: people themselves could exercise theirsovereign Massachusetts created amechanism by which the separate church andstate. andfully endfemalelegalinequality, franchise, wider arguefora invoke theseidealsto challenge slavery, downtrodden groups beganto aspreviously society become apparent inpostrevolutionary American would slowlythis insistence rights onequalnatural implicationsof radical The happiness andsafety.” andpursuingobtaining possessing property, and acquiring themeansof with life andliberty, theenjoyment of namely, or divest theirposterity; deprive by any compact, cannot, they society, enter whenthey into a state of which, of inherent rights, andhave certain equally free andindependent, “All menare by nature stated inthe document’s firstsection: (1776), Rights Virginia Bill of theinfluential authorof theprincipal Mason, As George rights. natural constitutions thatprotected establishingwritten and onthepeople, authority basing their practice, into this newpoliticaltheory All thestate governments put yearsthe crucial after 1776. politicalevents in course of Happiness.” shall seemmostlikely and to effecttheirSafety asto them organizing itspowers insuch form, and laying itsfoundationson such principles andto institute newGovernment, abolish it, thePeople to alter or of itistheRight these ends, Government becomes destructive of any Form of whenever That thegoverned, from theconsent of theirjustpowers deriving instituted amongMen, Governments are That to secure theserights, Happiness. andthepursuitof Liberty are Life, thatamongthese unalienableRights, certain with are thatthey endowed by theirCreator equal, menare all created that to beself-evident, truths n18,udrteifuneo John Adams, undertheinfluence of In 1780, alsoinfluenced the rights natural This ideaof 9: 7A Page AM 37 3 American colonies American component ofpoliticaltheoryinthe Natural becameacentral rights numerous politicalpamphlets, esaes andsermons. newspapers, appearing in ...,appearing Puritan Cotton Mather sarcastically remarked, As the all andhadnostate-supported church. which offered toleration religious to Rhode Island, Williams establishedthecolony of the Puritans, Forced to flee by coercion. not betheproduct of faithcouldchallenged themandarguedthattrue dissenters like Roger Williams prohibited, would be where unorthodox belief religious attempted to setupanintolerant commonwealth Puritans intheseventeenth hadoriginally century the Although colonies in English America. tolerationreligious resonated powerfully inthe things.” Judgment have thatthey of formed such Efficacyasto make Men change theinward thatnature canhave any Imprisonment, nothingof Estate, Torments, Confiscation of force. any thingby outward of be compell’d to thebelief thatitcannot theUnderstanding, is thenature of And such which nothingcanbeacceptable to God. in theinward perswasion[ andsaving Religion consists buttrue outward force; hisPower because consists onlyin Civil Magistrate, Soulscannotbelongto the care of As heputit:“The conscience thatnogovernment could infringe. of which hecontended thatthere right was anatural Concerningpublished in1689ALetter Toleration, Locke earlierwriters, Building onthework of ideas. thesenew played amajorrole inthedevelopment of the attempts to enforce beliefsinEurope religious itwasdangerous because required belief; voluntary faith It wasunjustbecausetrue dangerous. insisted thatsuch coercion wasbothunjustand they Rather, worship. to conform of to oneform governments shouldnotattempt to force individuals thinkers andEurope inbothEngland arguedthat afew Protestants thatfollowed theReformation, bloody warsbetween religious Catholicsand the As aresult of church andstate. of separation toleration andthe arguments forreligious European wastheemergence of politicaltheory A related development inseventeenth-century Separation ofChurchandState Religious Toleration andthe hs da bu h ihso conscience and of These ideasabouttherights Explaining theFounding philosopher John Locke peacecivil andprosperity. theresult would be belief, ceased to enforce religious governments argued thatif These thinkers further butto war. civil uniformity, had lednotto religious fteMn,without theMind, sic] of Once againtheEnglish in 1001- 01 0 onesIto7/17/04 Intro Founders 005 constitutional system basedonpopularconsent. to anew craft sought asthey century eighteenth modelforthe Foundersimportant inthelate constitution provided andthey an written of type These settlercovenants were anearly documents. alsowroteAmericans Founding theirown thatgoverned colonies,instructions theEnglish building. nation requisite experience forthedifficulttaskof political classinthe the coloniesAmerican with government to alsohelped create anindigenous self- Thislong-standingpractice of after 1776. independent republican governments intheyears which theFounders were ableto create viable in each colony thespeedwith alsoexplains inpart consent to alllaws thatbound them. exercised common to theirEnglish law right In thesecolonial assembliesthey Parliament. assemblies thatwere modeledontheEnglish had governed themselves to alargeextent inlocal (unlikeAmericas theFrench andSpanish colonies) colonies inthe theEnglish mostof century, Since theirfoundingintheearlyseventeenth colonial self-government. the longexperience of wasalsodeeplyinfluenced by century eighteenth theFounders inthelate The politicalthinkingof Colonial Self-Government Constitution.federal the to First Amendment well asmostfamouslyin the as the state constitutions, inmany of right as aformal itwasenshrined Revolution, After the century. eighteenth by thelate political theory American element of had become animportant the government shouldnotenforce belief religious theideathat As aresult, receptiveparticularly to them. proved becoming ever more pluralistic, religiously the colonies,American speaking Protestant world, toleration spreadreligious throughout theEnglish- thetime. the standard of freedom religious by degree of an extraordinary bothprovided and foundedinthe1680s, Pennsylvania, foundedinthe1630s, Maryland, addition, In but Roman Catholicsandreal Christians.” Rhode Island contained “everything intheworld In charters additionto androyal thevarious thesestrong localgovernments The existence of astheseargumentsfor In century, theeighteenth Founders andtheConstitution: InTheirOwnWords—VolumeFounders 1 9: 7A Page AM 37 yraigtecasc,the American By reading theclassics, lent oiia iin onethat politicalvision, alternate Founders were introducedtoan legitimated republicanism.legitimated 4 odo thewhole(the good of Citizens hadto beableto putthe their citizenry. in virtue civic degree of ahigh survival their very republics required for people governed themselves, arguedthatbecausethe they In particular, its fragility. were they intensely aware of government, of believed thatarepublicwriters wasthebestform ancient Though liberty. foundationsof moral republicanism wastheemphasisthatitputon republicanism. onethatlegitimized to analternate politicalvision, the FoundersAmerican were introduced classics, By reading the believed inmonarchy. strongly againstroyal rights power defended subjects’ from Aristotle to Cicero republican hadpraised Ancient politicalthinkers government by thepeople. or republicanism, it introduced themto theideaof First, ways. inseveral important thought ancientGreece andRome. of historians thegreat politicalthinkers and of writings were they heavily influenced by the century, education incolonial colleges intheeighteenth theFounders received aclassical many of Because intheseventeenthoriginated century. Not theintellectual influences all ontheFounders Classical Republicanism the Founders alsoencountered republican ideasin proposed Constitution federal inthe1780s. animated thecontentious debate over the largerepublics that about theweakness of itwasthisclassicalteaching In part, forthcoming. be virtue civic degree of would thenecessary argued, they relatively homogeneoussociety, Onlyinasmalland republics hadto besmall. that alsotaught ancientwriters citizenry, virtuous would ultimately belost. andliberty ambition, power and republic would fallprey to menof the failedto they do this, If privateown interests. h eodlgc fthisclassicalideaof The second legacyof political theFounders’ shaped Antiquity nadto oterraigo ancientauthors, In additionto theirreading of thisneedforanexceptionally As aresult of common law who jurists where even the England, eighteenth-century culture of heavily monarchical political grounds to dissentfrom the Founders asitgave them forthe was important This classical politicalthought political system. self-government asthebest ha ftheir res publica)aheadof

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© The Bill of Rights Institute the radical the radical Whigs arguedthatitwasbothcorrupt government possible, of seeing itasthebestform Instead of constitution. British eighteenth-century the of critique Founders animportant with rights. individual of the importance insistence andthemodern on citizenry virtuous one thatcombined theancientconcern a with republicanism to enter politicalthought, American of conduit type foramodern important thus becamean They popular sovereignty. and rights natural the newer Lockean ideasof Whigs combined classicalrepublican with thought theseradical fortheFounding, Crucially world. government inthe monarchy of wasthebestform believed thattheirconstitutionalEnglishmen Civil the English War atatimewhenmost keptThese writers alive therepublican legacyof calledthe eighteenth- writers English century “radical Whigs.” agroup of of the politicaltheory ukr,Michael. Zuckert, ostr Clinton. Rossiter, ed John Phillip. Reid, uz Donald. Lutz, Bernard. Bailyn, Suggestions Reading for Further These radical These radical Whigs alsoprovided the ok acutBae 1953. Harcourt Brace, York: 1994. 1995. Wisconsin Press, University of iet ud 1998. Fund, Liberty rs,1967. Press, 2: 8P Page PM 28 Colonial Origins of the American Constitution: A Documentary History. the American Constitution: A Documentary of Colonial Origins h dooia rgn fthe American Revolution. of Origins The Ideological edieo h eulc h rgn fteAeia rdto fPolitical Liberty. the American Tradition of of theRepublic: The Origins of Seedtime Natural Rights andtheNew Republicanism. h osiuinlHsoyo the American Revolution. of History The Constitutional 5 rneo,NJ:Princeton University Press, N.J.: Princeton, tde ftheFounders themselves. studies of followed by detailedbiographical political theory, theFounders’ of aspects important examination of we now to turn amore detailed the Founding, Having setthisbroad context for church andstate. of andtheseparation popularsovereignty, consent, republicanism in basedonequalrights, America Founders were ableto create anewkindof the theseintellectual onall traditions, Drawing Conclusion century. republicanismAmerican inthelate eighteenth influence onthedevelopment of was animportant classically inspired radical Whig constitutionalism This the executive from branch thelegislature. of constitution separation andaformal a written for called they order to reform it, In and tyrannical. abig,Ms. Harvard University Mass.: Cambridge, Explaining theFounding bigdEiin aio:The Madison: Abridged Edition. nvriyo aiona Los Angeles California, University of ninpls Ind.: Indianapolis, New ri iuh Ph.D. Craig Yirush, 19 180-186 Founders EM 7/17/04 11:03 AM Page 180

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Visual Assessment 1. Founders Posters—Have students create posters for either an individual Founder, a group of Founders, or an event. Ask them to include at least one quotation (different from classroom posters that accompany this volume) and one image. 2. Coat of Arms—Draw a coat of arms template and divide into 6 quadrants (see example). Photocopy and hand out to the class. Ask them to create a coat of arms for a particular Founder with a different criterion for each quadrant (e.g., occupation, key contribution, etc.). Include in the assignment an explanation sheet in which they describe why they chose certain colors, images, and symbols. 3. Individual Illustrated Timeline—Ask each student to create a visual timeline of at least ten key points in the life of a particular Founder. In class, put the students in groups and have them discuss the intersections and juxtapositions in each of their timelines. 4. Full Class Illustrated Timeline—Along a full classroom wall, tape poster paper in one long line. Draw in a middle line and years (i.e., 1760, 1770, 1780, etc.). Put students in pairs and assign each pair one Founder. Ask them to put together ten key points in the life of the Founder. Have each pair draw in the key points on the master timeline. 5. Political Cartoon—Provide students with examples of good political cartoons, contemporary or historical. A good resource for finding historical cartoons on the Web is . Ask them to create a political cartoon based on an event or idea in the Founding period.

Performance Assessments 1. Meeting of the Minds—Divide the class into five groups and assign a Founder to each group. Ask the group to discuss the Founder’s views on a variety of pre- determined topics. Then, have a representative from each group come to the front of the classroom and role-play as the Founder, dialoguing with Founders from other groups. The teacher will act as moderator, reading aloud topic questions (based on the pre-determined topics given to the groups) and encouraging discussion from the students in character. At the teacher’s discretion, questioning can be opened up to the class as a whole. For advanced students, do not provide a list of topics—ask them to know their character well enough to present him properly on all topics. 2. Create a Song or Rap—Individually or in groups, have students create a song or rap about a Founder based on a familiar song, incorporating at least five key events or ideas of the Founder in their project. Have students perform their song in class. (Optional: Ask the students to bring in a recording of the song for background music.)

Web/Technology Assessments 1. Founders PowerPoint Presentation—Divide students into groups. Have each group create a PowerPoint presentation about a Founder or event. Determine the number of slides, and assign a theme to each slide (e.g., basic biographic information, major contributions, political philosophy, quotations, repercussions of the event, participants in the event, etc.). Have them hand out copies of the slides and give the presentation to the class. You may also ask for a copy of the

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presentation to give you the opportunity to combine all the presentations into an end-of-semester review. 2. Evaluate Web sites—Have students search the Web for three sites related to a Founder or the Founding period (you may provide them with a “start list” from the resource list at the end of each lesson). Create a Web site evaluation sheet that includes such questions as: Are the facts on this site correct in comparison to other sites? What sources does this site draw on to produce its information? Who are the main contributors to this site? When was the site last updated? Ask students to grade the site according to the evaluation sheet and give it a grade for reliability, accuracy, etc. They should write a 2–3 sentence explanation for their grade. 3. Web Quest—Choose a Web site(s) on the Constitution, Founders, or Founding period. (See suggestions below.) Go to the Web site(s) and create a list of questions taken from various pages within the site. Provide students with the Web address and list of questions, and ask them to find answers to the questions on the site, documenting on which page they found their answer. Web site suggestions: • The Avalon Project • The Founders’ Constitution • Founding.com • National Archives Charters of Freedom • The Library of Congress American Memory Page • Our Documents • Teaching American History A good site to help you construct the Web Quest is:

Verbal Assessments 1. Contingency in History—In a one-to-two page essay, have students answer the question, “How would history have been different if [Founder] had not been born?” They should consider repercussions for later events in the political world. 2. Letters Between Founders—Ask students to each choose a “Correspondence Partner” and decide which two Founders they will be representing. Have them read the appropriate Founders essays and primary source activities. Over a period of time, the pair should then write at least three letters back and forth (with a copy being given to the teacher for review and feedback). Instruct them to be mindful of their Founders’ tone and writing style, life experience, and political views in constructing the letters. 3. Categorize the Founders—Create five categories for the Founders (e.g., slave- holders vs. non-slaveholders, northern vs. southern, opponents of the Constitution vs. proponents of the Constitution, etc.) and a list of Founders studied. Ask students to place each Founder in the appropriate category. For advanced students, ask them to create the five categories in addition to categorizing the Founders. 4. Obituaries and Gravestones—Have students write a short obituary or gravestone engraving that captures the major accomplishments of a Founder (e.g., Thomas Jefferson’s gravestone). Ask them to consider for what the Founder wished to be remembered. 5. “I Am” Poem—Instruct students to select a Founder and write a poem that refers to specific historical events in his life (number of lines at the teacher’s discretion).

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ADDITIONAL CLASSROOM ACTIVITIES

Each line of the poem must begin with “I” (i.e., “I am…,”“I wonder…,”“I see…,” etc.). Have them present their poem with an illustration of the Founder. 6. Founder’s Journal—Have students construct a journal of a Founder at a certain period in time. Ask them to pick out at least five important days. In the journal entry, make sure they include the major events of the day, the Founder’s feelings about the events, and any other pertinent facts (e.g., when writing a journal about the winter at Valley Forge, Washington may have included information about the troops’ morale, supplies, etc.). 7. Résumé for a Founder—Ask students to create a resume for a particular Founder. Make sure they include standard resume information (e.g., work experience, education, skills, accomplishments/honors, etc.). You can also have them research and bring in a writing sample (primary source) to accompany the resume. 8. Cast of Characters—Choose an event in the Founding Period (e.g., the signing of the Declaration of Independence, the debate about the Constitution in a state ratifying convention, etc.) and make a list of individuals related to the incident. Tell students that they are working for a major film studio in Hollywood that has decided to make a movie about this event. They have been hired to cast actors for each part. Have students fill in your list of individuals with actors/actresses (past or present) with an explanation of why that particular actor/actress was chosen for the role. (Ask the students to focus on personality traits, previous roles, etc.)

Review Activities 1. Founders Jeopardy—Create a Jeopardy board on an overhead sheet or handout (six columns and five rows). Label the column heads with categories and fill in all other squares with a dollar amount. Make a sheet that corresponds to the Jeopardy board with the answers that you will be revealing to the class. (Be sure to include Daily Doubles.) a. Possible categories may include: • Thomas Jefferson (or the name of any Founder) • Revolutionary Quirks (fun Founders facts) • Potpourri (miscellaneous) • Pen is Mightier (writings of the Founders) b. Example answers: • This Founder drafted and introduced the first formal proposal for a permanent union of the thirteen colonies. Question: Who is Benjamin Franklin? • This Founder was the only Roman Catholic to sign the Declaration of Independence. Question: Who is Charles Carroll? 2. Who Am I?—For homework, give each student a different Founder essay. Ask each student to compile a list of five-to-ten facts about his/her Founder. In class, ask individuals to come to the front of the classroom and read off the facts one at a time, prompting the rest of the class to guess the appropriate Founder. 3. Around the World—Develop a list of questions about the Founders and plot a “travel route” around the classroom in preparation for this game. Ask one student to volunteer to go first. The student will get up from his/her desk and “travel” along the route plotted to an adjacent student’s desk, standing next to it. Read a question aloud, and the first student of the two to answer correctly advances to the next stop on the travel route. Have the students keep track of how many places they advance. Whoever advances the furthest wins.

Founders and the Constitution: In Their Own Words—Volume 1 18 164-165 Found2 Glos 9/13/07 11:28 AM Page 164

AN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY GLOSSARY

Common Good: General conditions that are equally to everyone’s advantage. In a republic, held to be superior to the good of the individual, though its attainment ought never to violate the natural rights of any individual.

Democracy: From the Greek, demos, meaning “rule of the people.” Had a negative connotation among most Founders, who equated the term with mob rule. The Founders considered it to be a form of government into which poorly-governed republics degenerated.

English Rights: Considered by Americans to be part of their inheritance as Englishmen; included such rights as property, petition, and trials by jury. Believed to exist from time immemorial and recognized by various English charters as the Magna Carta, the Petition of Right of 1628, and the English Bill of Rights of 1689.

Equality: Believed to be the condition of all people, who possessed an equality of rights. In practical matters, restricted largely to land-owning white men during the Founding Era, but the principle worked to undermine ideas of deference among classes.

Faction: A small group that seeks to benefit its members at the expense of the common good. The Founders discouraged the formation of factions, which they equated with political parties.

Federalism: A political system in which power is divided between two levels of government, each supreme in its own sphere. Intended to avoid the concentration of power in the central government and to preserve the power of local government.

Government: Political power fundamentally limited by citizens’ rights and privileges. This limiting was accomplished by written charters or constitutions and bills of rights.

Happiness: The ultimate end of government. Attained by living in liberty and by practicing virtue.

Inalienable Rights: Rights that can never justly be taken away.

Independence: The condition of living in liberty without being subject to the unjust rule of another.

Liberty: To live in the enjoyment of one’s rights without dependence upon anyone else. Its enjoyment led to happiness.

Natural Rights: Rights individuals possess by virtue of their humanity. Were thought to be “inalienable.” Protected by written constitutions and bills of rights that restrained government.

Property: Referred not only to material possessions, but also to the ownership of one’s body and rights. Jealously guarded by Americans as the foundation of liberty during the

crisis with Britain. © The Bill of Rights Institute

Founders and the Constitution: In Their Own Words—Volume 2 18 164-165 Found2 Glos 9/13/07 11:28 AM Page 165

Reason: Human intellectual capacity and rationality. Believed by the Founders to be the defining characteristic of humans, and the means by which they could understand the world and improve their lives.

Religious Toleration: The indulgence shown to one religion while maintaining a privileged position for another. In pluralistic America, religious uniformity could not be enforced so religious toleration became the norm.

Representation: Believed to be central to republican government and the preservation of liberty. Citizens, entitled to vote, elect officials who are responsible to them, and who govern according to the law.

Republic: From the Latin, res publica, meaning “the public things.”A government system in which power resides in the people who elect representatives responsible to them and who govern according to the law. A form of government dedicated to promoting the common good. Based on the people, but distinct from a democracy.

Separation of Church and State: The doctrine that government should not enforce religious belief. Part of the concept of religious toleration and freedom of conscience.

Separation of Powers/Checks and Balances: A way to restrain the power of government by balancing the interests of one section of government against the competing interests of another section. A key component of the federal Constitution. A means of slowing down the operation of government, so it did not possess too much energy and thus endanger the rights of the people.

Slavery: Referred both to chattel slavery and political slavery. Politically, the fate that befell those who did not guard their rights against governments. Socially and economically, an institution that challenged the belief of the Founders in natural rights.

Taxes: Considered in English tradition to be the free gift of the people to the government. Americans refused to pay them without their consent, which meant actual representation in Parliament.

Tyranny: The condition in which liberty is lost and one is governed by the arbitrary will of another. Related to the idea of political slavery.

Virtue: The animating principle of a republic and the quality essential for a republic’s survival. From the Latin, vir, meaning “man.” Referred to the display of such “manly” traits as courage and self-sacrifice for the common good. © The Bill of Rights Institute

An Eighteenth-Century Glossary 18 162-179 Founders AK 7/20/04 7:20 AM Page 173

Answer Key

15. In order for liberty to be preserved, tinental Army would likely have disin- people must act with certain virtues tegrated if not for Morris’s efforts. and must keep in mind the basic 5. Answers will vary. principles of a free society. • No matches Handout B—Vocabulary and 16. People should be able to practice their Context Questions religion freely. It is everyone’s duty to 1. Vocabulary practice Christian virtues when dealing a. destructive with others. b. widespread • First Amendment c. lacking energy d. laziness/complacency Robert Morris e. exhausting f. importance Handout A—Robert Morris g. government official h. taken (1734–1806) i. beg 1. Morris signed the Declaration of j. determining Independence, the Articles of Confed- k. charging eration, and the Constitution. 2. Context: 2. Morris’s difficulties with the states a. The document was written in during his tenure as chairman of the 1781. Continental Congress’s Finance Com- b. The document was written in mittee and as superintendent of Philadelphia. finance under the Articles convinced c. Robert Morris is the author of him of the need for a stronger the document. national government. He often had to d. The document is a letter to the badger the states to fulfill their quotas governors of the states. of money and supplies. He was partic- e. The purpose of the document ularly disappointed that the impost was to urge the governors to amendment failed to win the approval fulfill their quotas of money of all thirteen states as required by the and supplies. Articles of Confederation. f. The audience was the 3. He speculated in Western land, buying governors of the states. vast tracts of land cheaply in the hope of selling them later at a high price. This Handout C—In His Own Words: gamble and several other new business ventures failed. During the 1790s, Robert Morris on States’ Morris also sunk an enormous amount Responsibilities of money into the construction of an Document Paraphrase extravagant mansion in Philadelphia. Paragraph One: 4. As chairman of the Continental Con- I am upset that many state officials think gress’s Finance Committee and as super- that their states don’t have to fulfill their intendent of finance under the Articles, obligations to the national Congress; this Morris worked hard to stabilize the idea makes everyone complacent. You nation’s financial system. He cut spend- wise governors should know that this war ing, streamlined accounting procedures, cannot be carried on without everyone’s and cajoled the states into meeting their cooperation. I know that the states will quotas of money and supplies. Morris do what is right. They know that they risked his own money and credit to help cannot gain by doing wrong. If the states keep the government afloat. The Con- Answer Key 18 162-179 Founders AK 7/20/04 7:20 AM Page 174

Answer Key

cooperate and give the money they owe Paragraph Two: to the Congress, then the United States • Morris uses several verbs of supplica- will become powerful and great. tion in this paragraph: “entreat,” “pray,” and “beg leave.” Paragraph Two: I am enclosing in this letter a list of what Paragraph Three: you owe Congress. I also need to know • Morris uses the verb “entreat”once again. the following information: all the laws Paragraph Four: passed in your state regarding how you • “I know that I give you a great deal of will collect the money and supplies you trouble but I also know it will be pleasing owe the Congress; how your state is going to you because the time and the labour to levy and collect taxes from your will be expended in the service of your citizens; when your legislature is going to country”: Morris suggests that by com- meet. I am not asking about these things plying with his requests, the governors because I am curious or nosy; I simply will be doing their patriotic duty. The need to know these things, and I wish to language is calculated to put the gov- ask you directly about them. ernors on the spot: Could it be possible, Paragraph Three: Morris implicitly asks, that they would I also need to know what types of money be unwilling to devote time and labor are used in your state. in the service of their country? Paragraph Four: I know this is a lot of trouble, but I think Charles Pinckney that you will answer my questions happily because this is for the good of your country. Handout A—Charles Pinckney (1757–1824) V. Wrap-Up Discussion 1. Pinckney was the first to use the term Tone of the Document Senate. He worked to prohibit religious Morris’ tone is one of supplication/ qualifications for public office. He also persuasion/flattery. He has no power to pushed for a “vigorous Executive,”but force the governors to comply with his with limitations. He feared if the execu- requests, so he must employ tactics of tive had too much power in the realms persuasion. The following words and of war and peace, then the system “would phrases indicate this tone. render the Executive a Monarchy, of the worst kind, to wit an elective one.” Paragraph One: Despite his fear of an overzealous ruler, • “is beneath the wisdom”: Morris he supported a single executive, with the suggests that noncooperation with his title President, instead of a governing requests would be unwise. body. These ideas were part of the • “I shall never permit a doubt that the plan of government he introduced at States will do what is right”: Morris Philadelphia. flatters the states and simultaneously 2. The following are Pinckney’s proposals puts them on the spot. that failed to pass: He supported an elitist • “that these States must expect to estab- government. He wanted high property lish their independence and rise into qualifications for federal offices and said power, consequence, and grandeur”: that “the Legislature, the Executive, and Morris suggests that the reward for the judges should be possessed of com- cooperation with his request will be petent property to make them inde- national power and glory. pendent and respectable.” He also

Founders and the Constitution: In Their Own Words—Volume 1